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V

DICTIONARY

OF

GREEK AND ROMAN
BIOGRAPHY AND MYTHOLOGY.

VOL. 1.

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2008 with funding from

IVIicrosoft Corporation

http://www.archive,org/details/dictionaryofgre01smituoft

»«^

D I 0 T I 0 N A K Y

OF

GKEEK AND ROMAN
BIOGEAPHY AND MYTHOLOGY

EDITED BY

WILLIAM SMITH, LLD.

EDITOR OF THE " DICllONARY OF GREKK AND ItOJIAK AXIIQUITIES.'

ILLUSTRATED BY NQMEROUS ENGRAVINGS ON WOOD.

IN THKEE VOLUMES.
VOL. I.

BOSTON:
LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY

1870.

Y-»*

LIST OF WRITEES.

A. A. Alexander Allen, Ph. D.

C. T. A. Charles Thomas Arnold, M. A.

One of the Masters in Rugby School.

J. E.B. John Ernest Bode, M. A.

Student of Christ Church, Oxford.

Ch. A. B. Christian A. Brandis,

Professor in the University of Bonn.

E. H. B. Edward Herbert Bunburt, M. A.

Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.

A J. C. Albany James Christie, M. A.

Late Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford.

A. H. C. Arthur Hugh Clough, M. A.

Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford.

G.E.L. C. George Edward Lynch Cotton, M. A.

Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge ; one of the Masters in
Rugby School.

S. D. Samuel Davidson, LL.D.

W. F. D. William Fishburn Donkin, M. A.

Savilian Professor of Astronomy in the University of Oxford.
W. B. D. WhwLiam Bodham Donne.
T. D. Thomas Dyer.

E. E. Edward Elder, M. A.

Head Master of Durham School.

J. T. G. John Thomas Graves, M.A., F.R.S.

"W". A. G. Willlam Alexander Greenhill, M. D.
Trinity College, Oxford.

A. G. Algernon Grenfell, M.A.

One of the Masters in Rugby SchooL

Vi LIST OF WRITERS.

INITIALS. NA5IES.

W. M. G. William Maxwell Gunn,

One of the Masters in the High School, Edinburgh.

W. I. William Ihne, Ph. D.

Of the University of Bonn.

B. J. Benjamin Jowett, M. A.

Fellow and Tutor of Baliol College, Oxford.

H. G. L. Henry George Liddell, M. A.

Head Master of Westminster School.

G. L. George Long, M.A.

Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.

J. M. M. John Morell Mackenzie, M. A.

C. P. M. Charles Peter ISIason, B. A.

Fellow of University College, London.

J. C. M. Joseph Calrow Means.

H. H. M. HENKf Hart IVIilman, M. A.

Prebendary of St. Peter's, Westminster.

A. de M. Augustus de Morgan.

Professor of Mathematics in University College, London.
W.P. WiLLiAJi Plate, LL.D.

C. E. P. Constantine Estlin Prichard, B. A.

Fellow of Baliol College, Oxford.
W. R. William Ramsay, M.A.

Professor of Humanity in the University of Glasgow.

L. S. Leonhard Schmitz, Ph.D., F.R.S.E.

Rector of the High School of Edinburgh.
P. S. Philip Smith, B. A.

Of University College, London.
A. P. S. Arthur Penryhn Stanley, M. A.

Fellow and Tutor of University College, Oxford.
A. S. Adolph Stahr,

Professor in the Gymnasium of Oldenburg.
L. U. LuDWiG Urlichs,

Professor in the University of Bonn.
R. W. Robert Whiston, M. A.

Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.

The Articles which have no initials attached to them are written by the Editor.

PEEFACE.

The present work has been conducted on the same principles, and is designed
mainly for the use of the same persons, as the " Dictionary of Greek and Roman
Antiquities." It has been long felt by most persons engaged in the study of
Antiquity, that something better is required than we yet possess in the English
language for illustrating the Biography, Literature, and Mythology, of the
Greek and Roman writers, and for enabling a diligent student to read them in
the most profitable manner. The writings of modern continental philologists, as
well as the works of some of our own scholars, have cleared up many of the
difficulties connected with these subjects, and enabled us to attain to more correct
knowledge and more comprehensive views than were formerly possessed. The
articles in this Dictionary have been founded on a careful examination of the
original sources ; the best modern authorities have been diligently consulted;
and no labour has been spared in order to bring up the subject to the present
state of philological learning upon the continent as well as at home.

A work, like the present, embracing the whole circle of ancient history and
literature for upwards of two thousand years, would be the labour of at least
one man's life, and could not in any case be written satisfactorily by a single
individual, as no one man possesses the requisite knowledge of all the sub-
jects of which it treats. The lives, for instance, of the ancient mathema-
ticians, jurists, and physicians, require in the person who writes them a
competent knowledge of mathematics, law, and medicine ; and the same remark
applies, to a greater or less extent, to the history of philosophy, the arts, and
numerous other subjects. The Editor of the present work has been fortunate in
obtaining the assistance of scholars, who had made certain departments of anti-
quity their particular study, and he desires to take this opportunity of returning
his best thanks to them for their valuable aid, by which he has been able to pro-
duce a work which could not have been accomplished by any single person.
The initials of each writer's name are given at the end of the articles he has
written, and a list of the nam.es of the contributors is prefixed to the work.

The biographical articles in this work include the names of all persons of
any importance which occur in the Greek and Roman writers, from the earliest
times down to the extinction of the Western Empire in the year 476 of our era,
and to the extinction of the Eastern Empire by the capture of Constantinople by
the Turks in the year 145. '3. ' The lives of historical personages occurring in the
history of the Byzantine empire are treated with compai-ative brevity, but accom-

Vlll PREFACE.

panied by sufficient references to ancient writers to enable the reader to obtain
further information if he wishes. It has not been thought advisable to omit the
lives of such persons altogether, as has usually been done in classical dictiona-
ries ; partly because there is no other period sboit of the one chosen at which a
stop can conveniently be made ; and still more because the civil history of the
Byzantine empire is more or less connected with the history of literature and
science, and, down to the capture of Constantinople by the Turks, there was an
interrupted series of Greek writers, the omission of whose lives and of an
account of their works would be a serious deficiency in any work which aspired to
give a complete view of Greek literature.

The relative length of the articles containing the lives of historical persons
cannot be fixed, in a work like the present, simply by the importance of a man's
life. It would be impossible to give within any reasonable compass a full and
elaborate account of the lives of the great actors in Greek and Roman history ;
nor is it necessary : for the lives of such persons are conspicuous parts of history
and, as such, are given at length in historical works. On the contrary, a Dic-
tionary of Greek and Roman Biography is peculiarly useful for the lives of
those persons who do not occupy so prominent a position in history, since a know-
ledge of their actions and character is oftentimes of great importance to a proper
understanding of the ancient writers, and information respecting such persons
cannot be obtained in any other quarter. Accordingly, such articles have had a
space assigned to them in the work which might have been deemed dispropor-
tionate if it were not for this consideration. Woodcuts of ancient coins are
given, wherever they could be referred to any individual or family. The draw-
ings have been made from originals in the British Museum, except in a few
cases, where the authority for the drawing is stated in the article.

More space, relatively, has been given to the Greek and Roman Writers than
to any other articles, partly because we have no complete history of Greek and
Roman Literature in the English language, and partly because the writings of
modern German scholars contain on this subject more than on any other a store
of valuable matter which has not yet found its way into English books, and has,
hitherto, only partially and in a few instances, exercised any influence on our
course of classical instruction. In these articles a full account of the Works, as
well as of the Lives, of the Writers is given, and, likewise, a list of the best
editions of the works, together with references to the principal modern works
upon each subject.

The lives of all Christian Writers, though usually omitted in similar publi-
cations, have likewise been inserted in the present Work, since they constitute an
important part of the history of Greek and Roman literature, and an account of
their biography and writings can be attained at present only by consulting a con-
siderable number of voluminous works. These articles are written rather from a
literary than a theological point of view ; and accordingly the discussion of strictly

PKEFACE. IX

theoloijical topics, such as the subjects might easily have given rise to, has been
carefully avoided.

Care has been taken to separate the mythological articles from those of an his-
torical nature, as a reference to any part of the book will shew. As it is necessary
to discriminate between the Greek and Italian Mythology, an account of the Greek
divinities is given under their Greek names, and of the Italian divinities under their
Latin names, a practice which is universally adopted by the continental writers,
which has received the sanction of some of our own scholars, and is moreover of
such importance in guarding against endless confusions and mistakes as to require
no apology for its introduction into this work. In the treatment of the articles them-
selves, the mystical school of interpreters has been avoided, and those principles
followed which have been developed by Voss, Buttmann, Welcker, K. O. Miiller,
Lobeck, and others. Less Space, relatively, has been given to these articles than to
any other portion of the work, as it has not been considered necessary to repeat all
the fanciful speculations which abound in the later Greek writers and in modern
books upon this subject.

The lives of Painters, Sculptors, and Architects, have been treated at considerable
length, and an account is given of all their works still extant, or of which there is
any record in ancient writers. These articles, it is hoped, will be useful to the artist
as well as to the scholar.

Some difficulty has been experienced respecting the admission or rejection of cer-
tain names, but the following is the general principle which has been adopted. The
names of all persons are inserted, who are mentioned in more than one passage of an
ancient writer : but where a name occurs in only a single passage, and nothing more
is known of the person than that passage contains, that name is in general omitted.
On the other hand, the names of such persons are inserted when they are intimately
connected with some great historical event, or there are other persons of the same
name with whom they might be confounded.

"When there are several persons of the same name, the articles have been arranged
either in chronological or some alphabetical order. The latter plan has been usually
adopted, where there are many persons of one name, as in the case of Alexandeb,
Antiochus, and others, in which cases a chronological arrangement would stand in
the way of ready reference to any particular individual whom the reader might be
in search of. In the case of Koman names, the chronological order has, for obvious
reasons, been always adopted, and they have been given under the cognomens, and
not under the gentile names. There is, however, a separate article devoted to each
gens, in which is inserted a list of all the cognomens of that gens.

In a work written by several persons it is almost impossible to obtain exact uni-
formity of reference to the ancient Writers, but this has been done as far as was
possible. Wherever an author is referred to by page, the particular edition used
by the writer is generally stated ; but of the writers enumerated below, the following

VOL. I. „

X PEEFACE.

edltious are always intended where no others are indicated : Plato, ed. H. Stephanus,
1578 ; Athenaeus, ed. Casaubon, Paris, 1597 ; the Moralia of Plutarch, ed. Francof.
1620; Strabo, ed. Casaubon, Paris, 1620; Demosthenes, ed. Reiske, Lips. 1770; the
other Attic Orators, ed. H. Stephanus, Paris, 1575 ; the Latin Grammarians, ed.
H. Putschius, Hanov. 1605; Hippocrates, ed. Kiihn, Lips. 1825-7; Erotianus, ed.
Franz, Lips. 1780; Dioscorides, ed. Sprengel, Lips. 1829-30; Aretaeus, ed. Kiihn,
Lips. 1828; Rufus Ephesius, ed. Clinch, Lond. 1726; Soranus, ed. Dietz, Regim.
Pruss. 1838; Galen, ed. Kiihn, Lips. 1821-33; Oribasius, Aetius, Alexander Tral-
lianus, Paulus Aegineta, Celsus, ed. H. Stephanus, among the Medicae Artis Prin-
cipes, Paris, 1567 ; Caelius Aui*elianus, ed. Amman, Amstel. 4to. 1709.

Ji^ames of Places and Nations are not included in the Work, as they will form the
subject of the forthcoming " Dictionary of Greek and iJoman Geography."

WILLIAM SMITH.

London, October, 1844.

LIST OF COINS ENGRAVED IN THE FIRST VOLUME.

In the following list AV indicates that the coin is of gold, M of silver, JE of copper, 1^ first bronze
Roman, ^Jil second bronze Roman, 3.^ third bronze Roman. The weight of all gold and silver coins
is given, with the exception of the aurei and denarii, which are for the most part of nearly the same
weight respectively. When a coin has been reduced or enlarged in the drawing, the diameter of the
original coin is given in the last column, the numbers in which refer to the subjoined scale : those
which have no numbers affixed to them are of the same size in the drawing as the originals.

I I

Aerailianus

Agrippa

Agrippina I

Agrippina II

Ahala

Ahenobarbus

Albinus

Do

Do. .

Do. (Emperor.) . .

Alexander Balas,king of
Syria

Alexander I., king of
Epeirus

Alexander II., king of
Epeirus

Alexander I., king of
Macedonia

Alexander II., king of
Macedonia

Alexander III. (the
Great), king of Mace-
donia

Alexander (Roman em-
peror)

Alexander Zebina, king
of Syria

Allectus

Amastris

Amyntas, king of Mace-
donia

Amyntas, king of Galatia

Annius

Antigonus, king of Asia

Antigonus Gonatas . .

Antinous

Antiochus, king of Com-
magene

Antiochus Hierax . . .

Antiochus I., king of
Syria

Antiochus II

Antiochus III

Antiochus IV

Antiochus V

Antiochus VI I

LE
•2JE
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
IM

M

AV

M

M

M

2M

JR
AV
M

M
JE
M
JR
JR

^ o

2214

2404
442i

254
143^
160 J

264
61

JR 265
JR 253

263
249
239
250 i

262i 8i

199

200

210
212
216

?'
217
253
257
263
278
284

285

?i
286
287
350
354

?'
355

i»
356
360
367

»
405
412
41
420
431
435
438
443
455

456 2
4571 2
45 8J 1

Antiochus VII. . . .
Antiochus VIII. . . .

Antiochus IX

Antiochus X

Antiochus XI

Antiochus XII. . . .
Antiochus XIII. . .

Antonia

Antoninus Pius , . .
M. Antonius . . . . .

C. Antonius

L. Antonius

Julia Aquilia Severa .

Arcadius

Archelaus

Aretas

Ariarathes IV

Ariarathes V

Ariarathes VI

Ariarathes VII. . . .
Ariobarzanes I. . . .
Ariobarzanes III. . .

Arrius

Arsaces III

Arsaces V

Arsaces VI

Arsaces VII

Arsaces XIV

Arsaces XXVIII. . .

Arsinoe

Do

Atilius

Attains

Audoleon

Auguiinus

Augustus

Avitus

Aurelianus

Aurelius

Balbinus

Balbus, Acilius . . .
Balbus, Antonius . .
Balbus, Atius ....
Balbus, Cornelius . .
Balbus, Naevius . . .
Balbus, Thorius . . .

JR
JR
JR
JR
JR
JE
JE
JR
IJE
JR
JR
JR
]JE
AV
JR
JE
JR
JR
JR
JR
JR
JR
JR
JR
JR
JR
JR
JR
JR
AV
AV
JR
AV
JR
JR
Ai
AV
AV
IJE
JR
JR
JR
M
JE
JR
JR

251^1 8^

245
242
2504

185

55

61

664

63

63

6O4

60§

514

60
241

60
143
1844
425*

190

Xll

LIST OF COINS.

i

i

Coin.

•3

u

i

X

'1

5

Coin.

•a

s

1-1

i

482
492

2

2
2
2
1
1
2
1
2

2

1
1
2

2
2
2

T

1

2

1
2

1
2

1
1
2

??
2

1

"

2
1
1
2
1
2
2
1
1

»
2

1

2
»>

Berenice

Do

Blasio

M
M
M
JE
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M

M
M
M
M
M
M
JR
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
JE
M
JR
JR
JR

2m.

'2JE
JR
JR
JR
JR
AV
JR
]JE
JR
JR
JR

M

JE
JE

JR

JR
M

107
326

199

51
504

9

9

1
1

805
807
810
819
828
831
837

846
848
849
850
852
858
863
868

870
871
882
891
892
895
946
949
955
956
965

»j
967

»
968

996
1004
1014
1033
1037

1061
1062
1063
1064
1071
1086
1087
1092

2
2
1

2

1
2
1

2
2
2
1
1
1
1
2
2

2
2
1

1
1
2
2
1
1
2

2

1

2

1

2
2

1
2

1
2
1
1
2
I
2
2
«

Cloelius

Cluvius

Codes

JR
2JE
JR
AV
AV

119

261

262
260

148
263§

505
506

Britannicus

Brocchus

Brutus .....••

Commodus

512

Constantinus, the tyrant
Constantinus I. (the

Great)

Constantinus II

Constantius I

Constantius II

Constantius III

Coponius

Cordus

AV

AV
JR
JR
JR
ZJE
JR
JR
JR
JR
M
IR
AV
JR
IR
JR
AV
JR
2JE
\JE

^JE

IR

JE

IR

IR

JE
JR
JR
IR
IR

IR
JR
JR
JR
JR
IR
2JE
IR
IR
IR
IR

516

J3m;a

Do

518

Bursio ......

539
555

556
557

Caesar, Sex. Julius . .
Caesar, C. Julius . . .

Do

C. and L. Caesar . . .

Caesius

Caldus

561

Comificius

Cosconius

Cotta

563

f;6«>

Calidius

Caligula

Capito, Fonteius ....

Do

Capito, Marius

Capitolinus, Petillius .

Carausius

Carinus

60'">

Do.

Cotj's

603
604

Crassipes

Crassus

610
613

Crispina

Crispus . .

617

Carisius

Do.

Carvilius

Critonius

Decentius

Decius

Deiotarus

Delmatius

Demetrius I., king of

Macedonia

Demetrius II., king of

Macedonia

Demetrius I., king of

Syria

Demetrius II., king of

Syria

Demetrius III., king of

Svria

618

Casca .

621
650

Cassander

Cato

9

Do

663

Celsus

Do

665

Censorinus

Do

9

"

Do

82

"

Do

"

Do

67''

Diadumenianus ....

675

Cestius

748

Cilo or Chilo

Diocletianus

Dionysius, of Heracleia
Dionysius II., of Syra-
cuse

757

760

Clara, Didia

Claudius

Claudius (emperor). 1st

775

777

Domitia

Domitianiis

Domitilla

Domna Julia

Dossenus

Drusus

Drusus, Nero Claudius
Durmius

Do

Do.

800
802

Do. 2nd coin .

Claudius II

Cleopatra, wife of An-

tiochus

Cleopatra, queen of

Egypt

Cleopatra, wife of Juba

A DICTIONARY

OF

GREEK AND ROMAN BIOGRAPHY

AND

MYTHOLOGY.

ABARIS.

ABAEUS {*A§a7os), a surname of Apollo de-
rived from the towTi of Abae in Phocis, where the
god had a rich temple. (Hesych. s. v. "ASai ; Herod,
viii. 33 ; Paus. x. 35. § 1, &c.) [L. S.]

ABAMMON MAGISTER. [Porphyrius.]

ABANTI'ADES {'A€avTidd-ns) signifies in
general a descendant of Abas, but is used especi-
ally to designate Perseus, the great-grandson of
Abas (Ov. Met. iv. 673, v. 138, 236), and
Acrisius, a son of Abas. (Qv. Met. iv. 607.) A
female descendant of Abas, as Danae and Atalante,
was called Abantias. [L. S.]

ABA'NTIAS. [Abantiades.]

ABA'NTIDAS {'A€avridas), the son of Paseas,
became tyrant of Sicyon after murdering Cleinias,
the father of Aratus, b. c. 264. Aratus, who was
then only seven years old, narrowly escaped death.
Abantidas was fond of literature, and was accus-
tomed to attend the philosophical discussions of
Deinias and Aristotle, the dialectician, in the agora
pf Sicyon : on one of these occasions he was mur-
dered by his enemies. He was succeeded in the
tjTanny by his father, who was put to death by
Nicocles. (Plut. Arat. 2. 3 ; Paus. ii. 8. § 2.) '

ABARBA'REA ('A§ap€aper]), a Naiild, who
bore two sons, Aesepus and Pedasus, to Bucolion,
the eldest but illegitimate son of the Trojan King
Laomedon. (Hom. II. vi. 22, &c.) Other writers
do not mention this nymph, but Hesychius (s. v.)
mentions 'A€ap§ap4ai or 'A€ap€a\cuai as the name
of a class of nymphs. [L. S.]

A'BARIS ("Agapis), son of Seuthes, was a
Hyperborean priest of Apollo (Herod, iv. 36), and
came from the country about the Caucasus (Ov.
Met. V. 86) to Greece, while his own country was
visited by a plague. He was endowed with the
gift of prophecy, and by this as well as by his
Scythian dress and simplicity and honesty he
created great sensation in Greece, and was held in
high esteem. (Strab. vii. p, 301.) He travelled about
in Greece, carrying with him an arrow as the
symbol of Apollo, and gave oracles. Toland, in
his History of the Druids, considers him to have
been a Druid of the Hebrides, because the arrow
formed a part of the costume of a Druid. His
history, which is entirely mythical, is related in
various ways, and worked up with extraordinary

ABAS.

particulars : he is said to have taken no earthly
food (Herod, iv. 36), and to have ridden on his
arrow, the gift of Apollo, through the air. (Lobeck,
Aglaophamus^ p. 314.) He cured diseases by in-
cantations (Plat. Charmid. p. 158, B.), delivered the
world from a plague (Suidas, s. v. "Adopts), and
built at Sparta a temple of K6pri a-coTeipa. (Paus»
iii. 13. § 2.) Suidas and Eudocia ascribe to him
several works, such as incantations, Scythian
oracles, a poem on the marriage of the river
Hebrus, expiatory formulas, the arrival of Apollo
among the Hyperboreans, and a prose work on the
origin of the gods. But such works, if they were
really current in ancient times, were no more
genuine than his reputed correspondence with
Phalaris the tyrant. The time of his appearance
in Greece is stated differently, some fixing it in
01. 3, others in 01. 21, and others again make
him a contemporary of Croesus. (Bentley, On the
Epist. of Phalaris, p. 34.) Lobeck places it about
the year B. c. 570, i. e. about 01. 52. Respecting
the perplexing traditions about Abaris see Klopfer,
Mytliologisches Worterbuch, L p. 2 ; Zapf, Disputa-
tio historica de Abaride^ Lips. 1707; Larcher, on
Herod, vol. iii. p. 446. [L. S.]

ABAS ("Agas). 1. A son of Metaneira, was
changed by Demeter into a lizard, because he
mocked the goddess when she had come on her
wanderings into the house of her mother, and
drank eagerly to quench her thirst. (Nicander,
Theriaca ; Natal Com. v. 14; Ov. Met. v.
450.) Other traditions relate the same story
of a boy, Ascalabus, and call his mother Misme.
(Antonin. Lib. 23.)

2. The twelfth King of Argos. He was the
son of Lynceus and Hypermnestra, and grand-
son of Danaus. He married Ocaleia, who bore
him twin sons, Acrisius and Proetus. (ApoUod.
ii. 2. § 1 ; Hygin. i^aft. 170.) When he informed
his father of the death of Danaus, he was re-
warded with the shield of his grandfather,
which was sacred to Hera. He is described as
a successful conqueror and as the founder of
the town of Abae in Phocis (Paus. x. 35. § 1),
and of the Pelasgic Argos in Thessaly. (Strab.
ix. p. 431.) The fame of his warlike spirit was
so great, that even after his death, when people

2 ABELLIO.

revolted, whom he had subdued, they were put
to flight by the simple act of showing them his
shield. (Virg. Jen. iii. 286 ; Serv. ad loc.) It was
from this Abas that the kings of Argos were called
by the patronymic Abantiads. [Abantiades.]

[L.S.]

ABAS ("Agaj). 1. A Greek sophidt ard
rhetorician about whose life nothing is known.
Suidas (s. v. "ASas: compare Eudocia, p. 51)
ascribes to him IcTTopiKo. dTro^ivr\iiara and a worlc
on rhetoric {rexvt] 'pr]TopiKr\). What Photius
(^'-^jd. 190. p. 150, b. ed. IBekker) quotes from him,
belongs probably to the former work. (Compare
Walz, liicetor. Graec. vii. 1. p. 203.)

2. A writer of a work called Troica, from which
Servius (ad Aen. ix. 264) has preserved a frag-
ment. [L. S.]

ABASCANTUS {'ASdaKavTos), a physician of
Lugdunum (Lyons), who probably lived in the
second century after Christ. He is several times
mentioned by Galen {De Compos, Medicam. secund.
Locos, ix, 4. vol. xiii. p. 278), who has also preserved
an antidote invented by him against the bite of
serpents. {De Anlid. ii. 12. vol. xiv. p. 177.) The
name is to be met with in numerous Latin in-
scriptions in Gruter's collection, five of which refer
to a freednian of Augustas, who is supposed by
Ku\m {Addiiam. ad Ek'iich. Medic. Vet. a J. A.
Fabricio in " Bibl. Gr."" EuM).) to be the same
person that is mentioned by Galen. This however
is quite uncertain, as also whether TVapaKKrinos
'ASdaKavdos in Galen {De Compos. Medicam.
sec'ind. Locos, vii. 3. vol. xiii. p. 71) refers to the
subject of this article. [ W. A. G.]

ABDOLO'NIMUS or ABDALO'NIMUS, a
gardener, but of royal descent, was made king of
Sidon by Alexander the Great. (Curt. iv. 1 ; Just,
xi. 10.) He is called Ballonymus by Diodorus.
(xvii. 40.)

ABDE'RUS ("AgoT/pos), a son of Hennes, or
according to others of Throniius the Locrian. (Apol-
lod. ii. 5. § 8; Strab. vii. p. 331.) He was a favourite
of Heracles, and was torn to pieces by the mai^s
of Diomedes, which Heracles had given him to
pursue the Bistones. Heracles is said to have
built the town of Abdera to honour him. Accord-
ing to Hyginus, (/•«/>. 30,)-Abderus Avas a servant
of Diomedes, tne king of the Thracian Bistones,
and was killed by Heracles together with his
master and his four men-devouiing horses. (Com-
pare Philostrat. Heroic. 3. § 1 ; 19. § 2.) [L. S.]

ABDIAS ('AgSias), the pretended author of an
Apocryphal book, entitled The Hidory of tke Apo-
stolical contest. This work claims to have been written
in Hebrew, to have been translated into Greek" by
Eutropius, and thence into Latin by Julius Afri-
canus. It was however originally written in Latin,
about A. D. 910. It is printed in Fabricius,
Codex Apocn/j'kus Novi Test. p. 402. 8vo. Hamb.
1703. Abdias was called too the first Bishop of
Babylon [A.J. C]

ABE'LLIO, is the name of a divinity found in
inscriptions which were discovered at Comminges
in France. (Grater, Lnscr. p. 37, 4 ; J. Scaliger,
Lectiones A usotiianae, i. 9.) Buttmann {Mi/thologus,
i. p. 167, &c.) considers Abellio to be the simie
name as Apollo, who in Crete and elsewhere was
called 'AgeAjos, and by the Itahans and some Do-
rians Apello (Fest. s. V. Apellinem ; Eustath. ad
II. ii. 99), and that the deity is the same as the
Gallic Apollo mentioned by Caesar (Bell. Gall. vi.

ABISARE3.

17), and also the same as Belis or Belenus men-
tioned by TertuUian {Apoloijet. 23) and Herodian
(viii. 3; comp. Capitol. Alaximin. 22). As the
root of the word he recognises the Spartan BeAa,
ue. the sun (Hesjch. .<?. r.), which appears in the
Syriac and Chaldaic Belus or Baal. \h. S.]

ABE'RCIUS, ST, ('Age'pKios), the supposed
successor of St. Paplas in the see of Hierapolis,
flourished A. d. 150. There are ascribed to him,
1. An Epistle to tlie Emperor Marcus Aurelius., of
which Baronius speaks as extant, but he does
not produce it ; and, 2. A Book of Disciplvie
(jSi'gAos SiSaa-KaKias) addressed to his Clergy ; this
too is lost. See Jllustr. Eccles. Orient. Script.
Vctae, a P. HaUoix. Duac. 1636. [A. J. C]

A'BGARUS, A'CBARUS, or AU'GARUS
("Agyapos, "AK^apoy, Ai;7apos), a name common
to many rulers of Edessa, the capital of the district
of Osrhoene in Mesopotamia. It seems to have
been a title and not a proper name. (Procop.
Bell. Pers. ii. 12.) For the history of these kings
see Biiyer, " Historia Osrhoena et Edessena ex
numrais illustrata," Petrop. 1734. Of these the
most important are :

1. The ally of the Romans under Pompey, who
treacherously drew Crassus into an unfavorable
position before his defeat. He is called Augarus
by Dion Cassius (xl. 20), Acbarus the phylarch
of the Arabians in the Parthian history .'xscribcd
to Appian (p. 34. Schw.), and Ariamnes by Plu-
tarch. (Crass. 2\.)

2. The contemporary of Christ. See the follow-
ing article.

3. The chiefi who resisted Meherdates, whom
Chiudius wished to place on the Parthian throne :
he is cjiUed a king of the Arabians by Tacitus
(Ann. xii. 12. 14), but was probably an Osrhoenian.

4. The contemporary of Trajan, who sent pre-
sents to that emperor when he invaded the east,
and subswjucntly waited upon him and became his
ally. (Dion Cass. Ixviii. 18. 21.)

5. The contemporary of Caracalla, who acted
craelly towards his nation, and was deposed by
Caracalla. (Dion Cass. Ixxvii. 12.)

A'BGARUS, Toparch of Edessa, supposed by
Eusebius to have been the author of a letter
written to our Saviour, which he found in a church
at Edessa and translated from the Syriac. The
letter is believed to be spurious. It is given by
EuBebius. (Hist. Eccl. i. 13.) [A.J. C]

A'BIA (*Agt'a), the nurse of Hyllus, a son of
Heracles. She built a temple of Heracles at Ira
in Messenia, for which the Heraclid Cresphontes
afterwards honoured her in various other ways,
and also by changing the name of the town of Ira
into Abia. (Paus. iv. 30. § 1.) [L. S.]

ABELOX, ABELUX or ABILYX ('AgrAu|),
a noble Spaniard, originally a friend of Carthage,
betrayed the Spanish hostages at Saguntum, who
were in the power of the Carthaginians, to the
Roman generals, the two Scipios, after deceiving
Bostar, the Carthaginian commander. (Liv. xxii.
22 ; Polyb. iii. 98, &c.)

ABI'SARES or ABI'SSARES ('Aeiadpvs),
called Embisaras CEixSlaapos) by Diodorus (xvii.
90), an Indian king beyond the river Hydaspes,
whose territory lay in the mountains, sent embas-
sies to Alexander the Great both before and after
the conquest of Porus, although inclined to espouse
the side of the latter. Alexander not only allowed
him to retain his kingdom, but increased it, and

ABUOCOMAS.

on liis death appointed his son as his successor.
(Arrian, JmiL v. 8. 20. 29 ; Curt. viii. 12. 13. 14.
ix. 1. X. 1.)

ABI'STA^IENES was appointed governor of
Tappadocia by Alexander the Great. (Curt. iii. 4.)
He is called Sabictas by Arrian. {Jtiafj. ii. 4.)
Cironovius conjectures that instead of Abisiamene
Cayypadociae pmepoi:iio, we ought to read Abkta
mQijnao, Cappadociae^ ^c.

ADITIA'NUS {"ASn^Lav6^\ the author of a
Greek treatise I)e Urinis inserted in the second
volume of Ideler's Physici et JShdici Oraeci Mi-
nores, Berol. 8vo. 1842, with the title Uepl Ovpccu
llpayfj.aT(ia 'ApiaTt] rov '^ocpufdrov irapa /xeu
*lvSois "AAAtj 'EjUTTt/j Toy Sim rJTOi "AAA'*? vlov rov
^tva, Trapa Sk 'IraAots 'ASiTtiavov. He is the same
person as the celebrated Arabic physician Avicenna,
whose real name was Aim ''Ali Ibn Sind, a. h.
;570 or 375—428 (a. d. 980 or 985—1037), and
from whose great work Ketah al-Kdnun Ji H- TcU),
Liber Cammui Medicinae^ this treatise is probably
translated. [W. A. G.]

ABLA'BIUS ('AgAc£§ioy). 1. A physician on
whose death there is an epigram by Theosebia in
the Greek Anthology (vii. 559), in which he is
considered as inferior only to Hippocrates and
Galen. With respect to his date, it is only
known that he must have lived after Galen,
that is, sv)me time later than the second century
after Christ. [W. A. G.]

2. The illustrious {'lXKoxi(npios\ the author of an
epigram in the Greek Anthology (ix. 762) " on
the quoit of Asclepiades." Nothing more is known
of him, unless he be the same person as Ablabius,
the Novatian bishop of Nicaea, who was a disciple
of the rhetorician Troilus, and himself eminent
in the same profession, and who lived under II o-
iiorius and Theodosius II., at the end of the fourth
and the beginning of the fifth centuries after Christ.
(Socrates, Hist Ecc. vii. 12.) [P. S.]

ABLA'VIUS. 1. Prefect of the city, the mi-
nister and favourite of Constantine the Great, was
murdered after the deatli of the latter. (Zosiraus,
ii. 40.) He was consul a. d, 331. There is an
epigram extant attributed to him, in which the
reigns of Nero and Constantine are compared.
(Anth.Lat. n. 261, ed. Meyer.)

2. A Roman historian, whose age is unkno\vn,
wrote a liistory of the Goths, which is some-
times quoted by Jornandes as his autlioritv.
{De Reb. Getic. iv. 14. 23.)

ABRADA'TAS ('AgpaSaros), a king of Susa
and an ally of the Assyrians against Cyrus. His
wife Pantheia was taken on the conquest of the
Assyrian camp, while he was absent on a mission
to the Bactrians. In consequence of the honora-
ble treatment which his wife received from Cyrus,
he joined the latter with his forces. He fell in
battle, while fighting against the Egyptians. In-
consolable at her loss, Pantheia put an end to her
own life, and her example was followed by her
three eunuchs. Cyrus had a high mound raised in
their honour : on a pillar on the top were inscribed
the names of Abradatas and Pantheia in the Syriac
characters ; and three columns below bore the in-
scription CKTjTrTouxWi in honour of the eunuchs.
(Xen. Cyr. v. 1. § 3, vi. 1. § 31, &c. 4. § 2, ice. vii.
3. § 2, &c.; Lucian. I mag. 20.)

ABRETTE'NUS ('AgpeTTrj^os), a surname of
Zeus in Mysia. (Strab. xii. p. 574.) [L. S.]

ABRO'COMAS (*A(?po/co//as), one of tlie satraps

ABSYRTUS. ^

of Artaxerxes Mnemon, was sent witli an anny of
300,000 men to oppose Cyrus on his march into
upper Asia. On the arrival of Cyrus at Tarsus,
Abrocomas was said to be on the Euphrates ; and at
Issus four hundred heavy-armed Greeks, who had
deserted Abrocomas, joined Cyrus. Abrocomas did
not defend the Syrian passes, as was expected, but
marched to join the king. He burnt some boats to
prevent Cyrus from crossing the Euphrates, but did
not arrive in time for the battle of Cunaxa. (Xen.
Anab. i. 3. § 20, 4. § 3, 5, 18, 7. § 12; Harpocrat.
and Suidus, s. v.)

ABRO'COMES ('AepoKo/jL-ns) and his brother
Ilyperanthes {"TTrepdverjs), the sons of Darius by
Phi-atagune, the daughter of Artanes, were slain at
Thermopylae while lighting over the body of Leo-
nidas. (Herod, vii. 224.)

ABRON or HABRON {"A§puu ov^ASpuv). 1
Son of the Attic orator Lycurgus. (Plut. Vit dec.
Orat. p. 843.)

2. '1 he son of Callias, of the deme of Bate in
Attica, wrote on the festivals and sacrifices of the
Greeks. (Steph. Byz. s. v. BottJ.) He also wrote a
work irepl irapwyv/xwv, which is frequently referred
to by Stephanus Byz. {s.v. 'A'YcidT],"Apyos,&.c.)ai\d
other writers.

3. A grammarian, a Phrygian or Rhodian, a pupil
of Tryplion. and originaUy a slave, taught at Rome
under the first Caesars. (Suidas, s. v. "A€pwv.)

4. A rich person at Argos, from whom the pro-
verb "ASpoivos ^ios, which was applied to extrava-
gant persons, is said to have been derived. (Sui-
das, s. V.)

ABRO'NIUS SILO, a Latin Poet, who lived
in the latter part of the Augustan age, was a pupil
of Porcius Latro. His son was also a poet, but
degraded himself by writing plays for pantomimes.
(Senec. Suas. ii. p. 21. Bip.)

ABRO'NYCHUS {'A^pduvxos), the son of
Lysicles, an Athenian, was stationed at Thermopy-
lae with a vessel to communicate between Leonidaa
and the fleet at Artomisiiun. He was subse-
quently sent as ambassador to Sparta with The-
mistocles and Aristeides respecting the fortifications
of Athens after the Persian wai-. (Herod, viii. 21 ;
Thuc. i. 91.)

ABRO'TA ('A^pwTTj), the daughter of On-
chestus, the Boeotian, and the wife of Nisus, king
of Megaris. On her death Nisus commanded aU
the Megarian women to wear a gannent of the
same kind as Abrota had worn, which was called
aphabroma {d(pd§puij.a), and was still in use in the
time of Plutarch. {Quuest. Oraec. p.295,a.)

ABRO'TONUM {'Agp6rouop), a Thracian
harlot, who according to some accounts was the
mother of Themistocles. There is an epigram pre-
served recording this fact. (Plut. 7'ke7u. 1; Athen.
xiii. p. 576, c; Aelian, V. H. xii. 43.) Plutarch
also refers to her in his 'Epwrt/cos (p. 753, d.); and
Lucian speaks of a hai'Iot of the same name (Z)ia4
JMereir. 1).

ABRU'POLIS, an ally of the Romans, who
attacked the dominions of Perseus, and laid them
waste as fiU' as Amphipolis, but was afterwards
driven out of his kingdom by Perseus. (Liv.
xlii. 13. 30. 41.)

ABSEUS. [GiGANTES.]

ABSIMARUS. [Tiberius Absimarus.]
ABSYRTUS (fr APSYRTUS {' A^i>vpTos), a
son of Aeetes, king of Colchis, and brother of
Medeia. His mother is stated differently: Hvgl-

b'2

4 ACACALLIS.

nivs {Fah. 13) calls her Ipsia, ApoUodorus (i. 9.
§23) Idyia, Apollonius (iii. 241) Asterodeia, and
others Hecate, Neaera, or Eurylyte. (Schol. ad
Apollon. I. c.) When Medeia fled with Jason,
she took her brother Absyrtus with her, and when
she was nearly overtaken by her father, she mur-
dered her brother, cut his body in pieces and
strewed them on the road, that her father might
thus be detained by gathering the limbs of his
child. Tomi, the place where this horror was
committed, was believed to have derived its name
from je/jLvo}, " cut." (ApoUod. i. 9. §24 ; Ov. Trist.
iii. 9 ; compare ApoUon. iv. 338, &c. 460, &c.)
According to another tradition Absyrtus was not
taken by Medeia, but was sent out by his father
in pursuit of her. He overtook her in Corcyra,
where she had been kindly received by king
Alcinous, who refused to surrender her to Absj'rtus.
When he overtook her a second time in the island
of Minerva, he was slain by Jason. ( H ygin. jpa6.
'23. ) A tradition followed by Pacuvius (Cic. de nat.
deor. .in. 19), Justin (xlii. 3), and Diodorus (iv.
45), called the son of Aeetes, who was murdered
by Medeia, Aegialeus. [L. S.]

ABULl'TES ('A)8ou\tT?7s), the satrap of Susi-
ana, surrendered Susa to Alexander, when the
latter approached the city. The satrapy was re-
stored to him by Alexander, but he and his son
Oxyathres were afterwards executed by Alexander
for the crimes they had committed in the govern-
ment of the satrapy. (Curt. v. 2 ; Arrian, Anah.
iii. 16. vii. 4; Diod. xvii. 65.)

ABU'KIA GENS, plebeian. On the coins of
this gens we find the cognomen Gem., which is
perhaps an abbreviation of Geniinus. The coins
have no heads of persons on them.

1. C. Aburius was one of the ambassadors sent
to Masinissa and the Carthaginians, B. c. 171.
(Liv. xlii. 35.)

2. M. Aburius, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 187,
opposed M. Fulvius the proconsul in his petition
for a triumph, but withdrew his opposition chiefly
through the influence of his colleague Ti. Gracchus.
(Liv. xxxix. 4. 5.) He was praetor peregrinus,
B. c. 176. (Liv. xli. 18. 19.)

ABURNUS VALENS. [Valens.]
ABYDE'NUS (A^uSrjj/os), a Greek historian,
who wrote a history of Assyria {^A.<r(rvpiaK6.).
The time at which he lived is uncertain, but we
know that he made use of the works of Megas-
thenes and Berosus ; and Cyrillus {adv. Julian, pp.
8, 9) states, that he wrote in the Ionic dialect.
Several fragments of his work are preserved by
Eusebius, Cyrillus and Syncellus: it was particu-
larly valuable for chronolog}'. An important frag-
ment, which clears up some difficulties in Assyrian
history, has been discovered in the Armenian
translation of the Chronicon of Eusebius. The
fragments of his history have been published by
Scaliger, " De Emendatione Temporum," and
Richter, " Berosi Chaldaeorum Historiae," &c.,
Lips. 1825.

ACACALLIS ('AKaKoAAis). daughter of Minos,
by whom, according to a Cretan tradition, Hermes
begot Cydon ; while according to a tradition of the
Tegeatans, Cydon was a son of Tegeates, and im-
migrated to Crete from Tegea. (Pans. viii. 53. §2.)
Apollo begot by her a son Miletus, whom, for fear
of her father, Acacallis exposed in a forest, where
wolves watched and suckled the child, until he
was found by shepherds who brought him up.

ACACIUS.

(Antonin, Lib. 30.) Other sons of her and
Apollo are Amphithemis and Garamas. (Apollon.
iv. 1490, &c.) ApoUodorus (iii. 1. § 2) calls this
daughter of Minos Acalle ('AkoAAtj), but does not
mention Miletus as her son. Acacallis was in
Crete a common name for a narcissus. (Athen,
XV. p. 681 ; Hesych. s. v.) [L. S.j

ACA'CIUS ('A/co/ctos), a rhetorician, of Caesarea
in Palestine, lived under the emperor Julian, and
was a friend of Libanius. (Suidas, s. v. 'A/ct^Ktos,
AiSapios'. Eunapius, Acacii Vii.) Many of the
letters of Libanus are addressed to him. [B. J,]

2. A Syrian by birth, lived in a monastery
near Antioch, and, for his active defence of the
Church against Arianism, was made Bishop of
Berrhoea, A. D. 378, by St. Eusebius of Samosata.
While a priest, he (with Paul, another priest) wrote
to St. Epiphanius a letter, in consequence of which
the latter composed his Panarium (a. d. 374-6).
This letter is prefixed to the work. In a. d. 377-
8, he was sent to Rome to confute ApoUinaris be-
fore Pope St. Damasus. He was present at the
Oecumenical Council of Constantinople A. D. 381,
and on the death of St. Meletius took part in
Flavian's ordination to the See of Antioch, by
whom he was afterwards sent to the Pope in order
to heal the schism between the churches of the West
and Antioch. Afterwjirds, he took part in the
persecution agtiinst St. Chrysostom (Socrates,
Hid. Ecd. vi. 18), and again compromised
himself by oidaining as successor to Flavian,
Porphyrins, a man unworthy of the episcopate.
He defended the heretic Nestorius against St.
Cyril, though not himself present at the Coun-
cil of Ephesus. At a great age, he laboured to re-
concile St. Cyril and the Eastern Bishops at a
Synod held at Berrhoea, a. d. 432. He died a. d.
437, at the age of 116 years. Three of his letters
remain in the original Greek, one to St. Cyril,
(extant in the Collection of Councils by Mansi,
vol. iv. p. 1056,) and two to Alexander, Bishop
of Hierapolis. {Ibid, pp.819, 830, c.41. 65. §129,
143.)

3. The One-eyed (d Moi'd</)0aXjuos), the pupil
and successor in the See of Caesarea of Eusebius
A. D. 340, whose life he wrote. (Socrates, Hist.
Ecd. ii. 4.) He was able, learned, and imscru-
pulous. At first a Semi-Ariau like his master,
he founded afterwards the Homoean party and
was condemned by the Semi-Arians at Seleucia,
A. D. 359. (Socrates, Hist. Ecd. ii. 39. 40;
Sozomen, Hist. Ecd. iv. 22. 23.) He subse-
quently became the associate of Aetius [AiixiusJ,
the author of the Anomoeon, then deserted him
at the command of Constantius, and, under the
Catholic Jovian, subscribed the Homoousion or
Creed of Nicaea. He died a. d. 366. He wrote
seventeen Books on Ecdesiasies and six of MisceL-
lanies. (St. Jerome, Vir. III. 98.) St. Epipha-
nius has preserved a fragment of his work against
Marcellus (c. Haer. 72), and nothing else of his
is extant, though Sozomen speaks of many valu-
able works written by him. {Hist. Ecd. iii. 2.)

4. Bishop of Constantinople, succeeded Gen-
nadius a. d. 471, after being at the head of
the Orphan Asylum of that city. He distinguish-
ed himself by defending the Council of Chalcedon
against the emperor Basiliscus, who favoured the
Monophysite heresy. Through his exertions Zeno,
from whom Basiliscus had usurped the empire, was
restored (a. d. 477), but the Monophysites mean-

ACAMAS.

while had gained so much strength that it was
deemed advisable to issue a formula, conciliatory
from its indefiniteness, called the Henoticon, a. d.
482. Acacius was led into other concessions,
wliich drew upon him, on the accusation of John
Talaia, against whom he supported the claims of
Peter Mongus to the See of Alexandria, the
anathema of Pope Felix II. a. d. 484. Peter
Mongus had gained Acacius's support by profess-
ing assent to the canons of Chalcedon, though at
heart a Monophysite. Acacius refused to give up
Peter Mongus, but retained his see till his death,
A. D. 488. There remain two letters of his, one
to Pope Simplicius, in Latin (see ConcUiorum Nova
Colledio a Mansi^ vol. vii. p. 982), the otlier to
Peter FuUo, Archbishop of Antioch, in the original
Greek. {Ibid. p. 1121.)

5. Reader at (a. d. 390), then the Bishop of
Melitene (a. d. 431). He wrote a. d. 431,
against Nestorius. His zeal led him to use
expressions, apparently" savouring of the contrary
heresy, which, for a time, prejudiced the em-
peror Theodosius 11. against St. Cyril. He was
piesent at the Oecumenical Council of Ephesus
A. D. 431, and constantly maintained its authority.
There remain of his productions a Homily (in
Greek) delivered at the Council, (see Condliorum
Nova Collectio a Mansi, vol. v. p. 1 81,) and a letter
written after it to St. Cyril, which we have in a
Latin translation. {Ibid. pp. 860, 998.) [A. J. C]

ACACE'SIL^S ('A/caK77(rtos), a surname of
Hermes (Callim. Ilpn. in Dia?i. 143), for which
Homer (//. xvi. IS'o ; Od. xxiv. 10) uses the
form dKaK-rtra (ditaKi^T'ns). Some writers derive it
from the Arcadian town of Acacesium, in which
he was believed to have been brought up by king
Acacus ; others from ko/cos, and assign to it the
meaning : the god who cannot be hurt, or who does
not hurt. The same attribute is also given to
Prometheus (Hes. T/ieog. 614), whence it may be
inferred that its meaning is that of benefactor or
deliverer from evil. (Compare Spanh. ad Callim.
I. c; Spitzner, ad II. xvi. 185.) [L. S.]

ACACE'TES. [AcACEsius]

A'CACUS ("A^fOKos), a son of Lycaon and king
of Acacesium in Arcadia, of which he was believed
to be the founder. (Pans. viii. 3. § 1 ; Steph. Byz.
s. V. ^AKaKT^ffiop.) f L. S.]

ACADE'MUS ('AKaSTj/ios), an Attic hero, who,
when Castor and Polydeuces invaded Attica to
liberate their sister Helen, betrayed to them that
she was kept concealed at Aphidnae. For this
reason the Tyndarids always showed him much
gratitude, and whenever the Lacedaemonians in-
vaded Attica, they always spared the land belong-
ing to Academus which lay on the Cephissus, six
stadia from Athens. (Plut. TJies. 32 ; Diog. Laert.
iii. 1. § 9.) This piece of land was subsequently
adorned with plane and olive plantations (Plut.
Cim. 13), and was called Academia from its
original owner. [L. S.]

ACALLE. [AcACALLis.]

A'CAMAS {'AKdnas). 1. A son of Theseus
and Phaedra, and brother of Demophoon. (Diod.
iv. 62.) Previous to the expedition of the Greeks
against Troy, he and Diomedcs were sent to de-
mand the surrender of Helen (this message Homer
ascribes to Menelaus and Odysseus, //. xi. 139,
&c.), but during his stay at Troy he won the
affection of Laodice, daughter of Priam (Parthen.
Nic. Erot. 1 6), and begot by her a son, Munitus,

ACASTUS. 6

who was brought up by Aethra, the grandmother of
Acamas. (Schol. ad Lycnphr. 499, &c.) Virgil
{Aen. ii. 262) mentions him among the Greeks
concealed in the wooden horse at the taking of
Troy. On his return home he was detained in
Thrace by his love for Phyllis ; but after leaving
Thrace and arriving in the island of Cyprus, he
was killed by a fall from his horse upon his own
sword. (Schol. ad Lycophr. I. c.) The promontory
of Acamas in Cyprus, the town of Acamentium in
Phrygia, and the Attic tribe Acamantis, derived
their names from him. (Steph. Byz. s. v. ^AKUfidv-
Tiov ; Paus. i. 5. § 2.) He was painted in the
Lesche at Delphi by Polygnotus, and there was also
a statue of him at Delphi. (Paus. x. 26. § 1, x.
10. § 1.)

2. A son of Antenor and Theano, was one
of the bravest Trojans. (Horn, II. ii. 823, xii.
100.) He avenged the death of his brother, who
had been killed by Ajax, by slaying Promachus
the Boeotian. {II. xiv. 476.) He himself was
slain by Meriones. {II. xvi. 342.)

3. A son of Eussorus, was one of the leaders
of the Thracians in the Trojan war (Hom. II. iL
844, V. 462), and was slain by the Telamonian
Ajax. {II. vi. 8.) [L. S.]

ACANTHUS ("A/fai/eos), the Lacedaemonian,
was victor in the tiavKos and the hoKi-X'^s in the
01}Tnpic games in 01. 15, (b. c. 720,) and accord-
ing to some accounts was the first who ran naked
in these games. (Paus. v. 8. § 3 ; Dionys. vii. 72 ;
African, apud Euseb. p. 143.) Other accounts
ascribe this to Orsippus the Megarian. [Orsip-
pus.] Thucydides says that the Lacedaemonians
were the first who contended naked in gymnastic
games, (i. 6.)

ACARNAN ('AKapj/ai/), one of the Epigones,
was a son of Alcmaeon and Calirrhoe, and brother
of Amphoterus. Their father was murdered by
Phegeus, when they were yet very young, and
Calirrhoe prayed to Zeus to make her sons grow
quickly, that they might be able to avenge the
death of their father. The prayer was granted,
and Acaman with his brother slew Phegeus, his
wife, and his two sons. The inhabitants of
Psophis, where the sons had been slain, pursued
the murderers as far as Tegea, where however they
were received and rescued. At the request of
Achelous they carried the necklace and peplus of
Harmonia to Delphi, and from thence they went
to Epirus, where Acarnan founded the state called
after him Acamania. (Apollod. iii. 7. § 5 — 7 ; Ov.
Met. ix. 413, &c.; Thucyd. ii. 102; Strab. x.
p. 462.) [L.S.]

ACASTUS ("A/catrros), a son of Pelias, king of
lolcus, and of Anaxibia, or as others call her, Plii-
lomache. He was one of the Argonauts (Apollod.
i. 9. § 10; Apollon.Rhod.i. 224, &c.), and also took
part in the Calydonian hunt. (0 v. Met. viii. 305, &c.)
After the return of the Argonauts his sisters were
seduced by Medeia to cut their father in pieces
and boil them ; and Acastus, when he heard this,
buried his father, drove lason and Medeia, and
according to Pausanias (vii. 11) his sisters also,
from lolcus, and instituted funeral games in honour
of his father. (Hygin. Fab. 24 and 273 ; Apollod.
i. 9. § 27, &c.; Paus. iii. 18. § 9, vi. 20. § 9, v. 17.
§ 4 ; Ov. Met. xi. 409, kc.) During these games it
happened tLat Astj'damia, the wife of Acastus,
who is also called Hippolyte, fell in love with
Peleus, whom Acastus had purified from the mur-

6

ACCA LAURENTIA.

der of Eurytion. When Peleus refused to listen
to her addresses, she accused him to her husband
of having attempted to dishonour her. (Apollod.
iii. 13. § 2, &c, ; Find. Nem. iv. 90, &c.) Acastus,
however, did not take immediate revenge for the
alleged crime, but after he and Peleus had been
chasing on mount Pelion, and the latter had fallen
asleep, Acastus took his sword from hun, and left
him alone and exposed, so that Peleus was nearly
destroyed by the Centaurs. But he was saved by
Cheiron or Hermes, returned to Acastus, and killed
him together with his wife. (Apollod. I. c; Schol.
ad JpoUon. Mod. i. 224.) The death of Acastus
is not mentioned by Apollodorus, but according to
him Peleus in conjunction with lason and the
Dioscuri merely confiuer and destroy lolcus.

(Apollod. iii. 13. § 7.)

[L.S.]

ACBARUS. [Abgarus.]

ACCA LAURE'NTIA or LARE'NTIA, a

mythical woman who occurs in the stories in early
Roman history. Macrobius {Sat. i. 10), Avith
whom Plutarch (Quaest. Bom. 35 ; Romul. 5)
agrees in the main points, relates the following
tradition about her. In the reign of Ancus ^Martins
a servant {acditmis) of the temple of Hercules in-
vited during the holidays the god to a game of
dice, promising that if he should lose the game, he
would treat the god with a repast and a beautiful
woman. When the god had conquered the servant,
the latter shut up Acca Laurentia, then the most
beautiful and most notorious woman, together with
a well stored table in the temple of Hercules, who,
when she left the sanctuary, advised her to try to
gain the affection of the first wealthy man she
should meet. She succeeded in making Carutius,
nn Etruscan, or as Plutarch calls him, Tarrutius,
love and marry her. After his death she inherited
his large property, which, when she herself died,
she left to the Roman people. Ancus, in gratitude
for this, allowed her to be buried in the Velabrum,
and instituted an annual festival, the Larentalia,
at which sacrifices were offered to the Lares.
(Comp. Varr. Ling. Lat. v. p. iJo, ed. Bip.) Ac-
cording to others (]\Iacer, ajnid Macroh. I.e.; Ov.
Fast. iii. bo, &c. ; Plin. //. A", xviii. 2), Acca
Laurentia was the wife of the shepherd Faustulus
and the nurse of Romulus and Remus after they
had been taken from the she-wolf. Plutarch in-
deed states, that this Laurentia was altogether a j
different being from the one occurring in the reign
of Ancus ; but other writers, such as Macer, relate
their stories as belonging to the same being.
(Comp. Gell. vi. 7. ) According to Massurius Sabinus
in Gellius (/, c.) she was the mother of twelve
Bons, and when one of them died, Romulus stept
into his place, and adopted in conjunction with
the remaining eleven the name of fratres arvales.
(Comp. Plin. I. c.) According to other accounts
again she was not the wife of Faustulus, but a
prostitute w^ho from her mode of life was called
lupa by the shepherds, and who left the property
she gained in that w^ay to the Roman people.
(Valer. Ant. ap.Gdl. I. c; Livy, i. 4.) ^v hat-
ever may be tliought of the contnidictory state- I
ments respecting Acca Laurentia, thus much seems
clear, that she was of Etruscan origin, and con-
nected with the worship of the Lares, from which
her name Larentia itself seems to be derived.
This appears further from the number of her sons, j
which answers to that of the twelve country Lares, '
and from tlie circumstance that the day sacred to

ACERBAS.

her was followed by one sacred to the Lares.
(Macrob. Sat. I. c; compare Miiller, Etrusher, ii.
p. 103, &c. ; Hartung, Die Religion der Romer, ii.
p. 144, &c.) [L. S.]

L. A'CCIUS or A'TTIUS, an eariy Ro-
man tragic poet and the son of a freedman, was
bom according to Jerome B. c. 170, and was fift}'
years younger than Pacuvius. He lived to a great
age ; Cicero, when a young man, frequently con-
versed with him. (Brut. 28.) His tragedies were
chiefly imitated from the Greeks, especially from
Aeschylus, but he also wrote some on Roman sub-
jects {Praetextata) ; one of which, entitled Bratus,
was probably in honour of his patron D. Brutus.
(Cic. de Leg. ii. 2 1 , pro A rch. 11.) We possess only
fragments of his tragedies, of which the most im-
portant have been preserved by Cicero, but suffi-
cient remains to justify the terms of admiration in
which he is spoken of by the ancient writers.
He is particularly praised for the strength and
vigour of his language and the sublimity of his
thoughts. (Cic. pro FUnc. 24, pro Sest. SG., &c. ;
Hor. Ep. ii. 1. 56 ; Quintil. x. 1. § 97 ; Gell. xiii.
2.) Besides these tragedies, he also wrote An-
nides in verse, containing the history of Rome, like
those of Ennius ; and three prose works, "■ Libri
Didascalion," which seems to have been a history
of poetry, " Libri Pragraaticon" and " Parerga":
of the two latter no fi-agments are preserved. The
fragments of his tragedies have been collected by
Stephanus in " Frag. vet. Poet. Lat." Paris,
1564; Maittaire, '• Opera et Frag. vet. Poet.
Lat." Lond. 1713; and Bothe, "Poet. Scenici
Latin.," vol. v. Lips. 1834: and the fnigments of
the Didascalia by Madvig, " De L. Attii Didas-
caliis Comment." Hafniae, 1831.

T. A'CCIUS, a native of Pisaurura in Umbria
and a Roman knight, was the accuser of A. Cluen-
tius, whom Cicero defended B. c. 66. He was a
pupil of Hermagoras, and is praised by Cicero for
accuracy and fluency. {Brut. 23, pro Cluent. 23,
31, 57.)

ACCO, a chief of the Senones in Gaul, who in-
duced his countrymen to revolt against Caesar, a. c.
53. On the conclusion of the war Acco was put to
death by Caesar. {BM. GaU. vi. 4, 44.)

ACCOLEIA GENS is known to us only by-
coins and inscriptions. On a denarius we have the
name P. Accoleius Lariscolus, and in two inscrip-
tions a P. Accoleius Euhemenis, and a L. Accoleiu.s
Abascantus.

ACE'RATUS ('AK/jpoTos 7pa/i/tiaTi/cos),a Greek
grammarian, and the author of an epigram on
Hector hi the Greek Anthology, (vii. 138.) No-
thing is known of his life. ' [P. S.]

ACERBAS, a Tyrian priest of Hercules, who
married Eiissa, the daughter of king Mutgo, and
sister of PA^gmalion. He was possessed of consi-
derable w^ealth, which, knowing the avarice of
Pygmalion, Avho had succeeded his father, he con-
cealed in the earth. But Pygmalion, who heard
of these hidden treasures, had Acerbas murdered,
in hopes that through his sister he might obtain
possession of them. But the prudence of Elissji
saved the treasures, and she emigrated from Phoe-
nicia. (Justin, xviii. 4.) In this account Acerbas
is the same person as Sichaeus, and Eiissa the same
as Dido in Virgil. {Aen. i. 343, 348, &c.) The
names in Justin are undoubtedly more correct than
in Virgil ; for Servius {ad Ae>'/. i. 343) remark-s
that Virgil here, as in otlier cases, clian'red a fo-

ACESTES.

reign name into one more convenient to him, and
t!»at the real name of Sichaeus was Sicharbas,
which seems to be identical with Acerbas. [Dido ;

PVGMAI.ION.I [L. S,]

ACERRO'NIA, a friend of Agrippina, the
mother of Nero, was drowned in b. c. 39, when an
unsuccessful attempt was made at the same time to
drown Agrippina. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 4 ; Dion Cass.
Ixi. 13.)

CN. ACERRO'NIUS PROCULUS, consul
A. D. 37, the year in which Tiberius died (Tac.
Ann. vi. 45 ; Suet. TiO. 73), was perhaps a de-
scendant of the Cn. Acerronius, whom Cicero
mentions in his oration for Tullius, b. c. 71, as a
tnV ojitiin us. (16, &c. )

ACERSE'COMES (*A/cep<re/c(^^rjs), a surname
of Apollo expressive of his beautiful hair which
was never cut or shorn. (Hom. JL xx. 39 ; Find.
Pifth. iii. 26.) [L. S.]

ACESANDER (*AK^(ra>'5po$) wrote a history
of Cyrene. (Schol. ad ApolL'w. 1561, 1750 ; ad
Find. Fyth. iv. ijiit. 57.) Plutarch {Symp. v. 2.
§ 8) speaks of a work of his respecting Libya {inpl
AiSvrjs), which may probably be the same work as
the history of Cyrene. The time at which he lived
is unknown.

A'CESxVS ('A/feo-as), a native of Salamis in
Cyprus, famed for his skill in weaving cloth with
variegated patterns [polymitarius). He and his son
Helicon, who distinguished himself in the same
art are mentioned by Athenaeus. (ii. p. 48, b.)
Zenobius speaks of both artists, but says that
Acesas (or, as he calls him Aceseus, *A/ceo-eus) was
a native of Patara, and Helicon of Carystus, He
tells us also that they were the first who made a
peplus for Athena Polias. AVhen they lived, we
are not informed ; but it must have been before
the time of Euripides and Plato, who mention this
peplus. (Eur. Hec. 468; Plat. Euthyphr. § 6.) A
specimen of the workmanship of these two artists
was preserved in the temple at Delphi, bearing an
inscription to the effect, that Pallas had imparted
marvellous skill to their hands. [C. P. M.]

ACE'SIAS ('AKto-ms), an ancient Greek physi-
cian, whose age and country are both unknown.
It is ascertained however that he lived at least
four hundred years before Christ, as the proverb
*AK6(rtas laaaro^ Acesias cured him, is quoted on
the authority of Aristophanes. This saying (by
which only Acesias is known to us,) was used
when any person's disease became worse instead of
better under medical treatment, and is mentioned
by Suidas (s. v. 'A/cecrtas), Zenobius [Proverb.
Cent. i. § 52), Diogenianus {Proverb, ii. 3), Mi-
chael Apostolius {Proverb, ii. 23), and Plutarch
{Proverb, quilms Aleaandr. usi sunt, § 98). See
also Proverb, e Coil. liodl. § 82, in Gaisford's
Paroemioyraphi Graeci, 8vo. Oxon. 1836. It is
possible that an author bearing this name, and
mentioned by Athenaeus (xii. p. 516, c.) as having
wntten a treatise on the Art of Cooking {o^apTv-
TiKo), may be one and the same person, but of this
we have no certain information. (J. J. Baier,
Adag. Medic. Cent. 4to. Lips. 1718.) [W. A. G.]

ACF/SIUS ('AK6(rjo$), a surname of Apollo,
under which he was worshipped in Elis, where he
had a splendid temple in the agora. This sur-
name, which has the same meaning as dKiaruip
and dAe|tKaKos, characterised the god as the
averter of evil. (Pans. vi. 24. § 5.) [L. S.]

ACESTES ('AKeVrTjs), a son of the Sicilian

ACESTORIDES. 7

river-god Crimisus and of a Trojan woman of the
name of Egesta or Segesta (Virg. Aen. i. 195, 550,.
V. 36, 711, &c.), who according to Servius was
sent by her fatlier Hippotes or Ipsostratus to Sicily,
that she might not be devoured by the monsters,
which infested the territory of Troy, and which
had been sent into the land, because the Trojans
had refused to reward Poseidon and Apollo for
having built the walls of their city. When Egesta
arrived in Sicily, the river-god Crimisus in the
form of a bear or a dog begot by her a son Acestes,
who was afterwards regarded as the hero who had
founded the town of Segesta. (Comp. Schol. ad
Lycojihr. 951, 963.) The tradition of Acestes in
Dionysius (i. 52), who calls him Aegestus {ktyes-
To$), is different, for according to him the grand-
father of Aegestus quarrelled with Laomedon, who
slew him and gave his daughters to some mer-
chants to convey them to a distant land. A noble
Trojan however embarked with them, and married
one of them in Sicily, where she subsequently gave
birth to a son, Aegestus. During the war against
Troy Aegestus obtained permission from Priam to
return and take part in the contest, and afterwards
returned to Sicily, where Aeneas on his arrival
was hospitably received by him and Elymus, and
built for them the towns of Aegesta and Elyme.
The account of Dionysius seems to be nothing but
a rationalistic interpretation of the genuine legend.
As to tlie inconsistencies in VirgiPs account of
Acestes, see Hevne, Excurs. 1, on Aen. v. [L. S.]

ACESTODO'RUS ( 'A^eo-To'S^pos ), a Greek
historical writer, who is cited by Plutarch {Them.
13), and whose work contained, as it appears, an
account of the battle of Salamis among other things.
The time at which he lived is unknown. Ste-
phanus (s. v. M€')a\7j Tr6\is) speaks of an Acesto-
dorus of Megidopolis, who wrote a work on cities
(Trepl TToAecji/), but whether this is the same as the
above-mentioned writer is not clear.

ACESTOR {'AKtcTTcop). A surname of Apollo
which characterises him as the god of the healing
art, or in genei-al as the averter of evil, like a/ceerzos.
(Eurip. Androm. 901.) [L. S.]

ACESTOR (jAKearoop), surnamed Sacas (2o-
Ktts), on account of his foreign origin, was a tmgic
poet at Athens, and a contemporary of Aristo-
phanes. He seems to have been either of Thracian
or Mysian origin. (Aristoph. Aves, 31 ; Schol.
ad loc. ; Vespae, 1216; Schol. ad loc. ; Phot, and
Suid. s. V. 2a/cas : Welcker, Die Griech. Trayod.
p. 1032.) [R. W.]

ACESTOR ('A/f^oTTw^), a sculptor mentioned
by Pausanias (vi. 17. § 2) as having executed a
statue of Alexibius, a native of Heraea in Arcadia,
who had gained a victory in the pentathlon at the
Olympic games. He was bom at Cnossus, or at
any rate exercised his profession there for some
time. (Pans. x. 15. § 4.) He had a son named
Amphion, who was also a sculptor, and had
studied under Ptolichus of Corcyra (Paus. vi. 3.
§ 2) ; so that Acestor must have been a contempo-
rary of the latter, who flourished about 01. 82.
(b. c. 452.) [C. P. M.]

ACESTO'RIDES ('A>f€<rropi57js), a Corinthian,
was made supreme commander by the Syracusans
in B. c. 317, and banished Agathocles firom the city.
(Diod. xix. 5.)

ACESTO'RIDES wrote four books of mythical
stories relating to every city {ruv Kard ir6X.iv
fivOiKwv). In these he gave many real historical

8

ACHAEUS.

accounts, as well as those which were merely
mythical, but he entitled them fivBiKci to avoid
calumny and to indicate the pleasant nature of the
work. It was compiled from Conon, ApoUodorus,
Protagoras and others. (Phot. Bibl. cod. 189 ;
Tzetz. Chil. vii. 144.)

ACH AEA ('Axat'o), a surname of Demeter by
which she was worshipped at Athens by the Ge-
phyraeans who had emigrated thither from Boeotia.
(Herod, v. 61 ; Plut. Is. et Osir. p. 378, d.)

2. A surname of Minerva worshipped at Lu-
ceria in Apulia where the donaria and the arms of
Diomedes were preserved in her temple. ( Aristot.
Mirah. Narrat.Ul.) [L. S.]

ACHAEUS ('Axc«os), according to nearly all
traditions a son of Xuthus and Creusa, and conse-
quently a brother of Ion and grandson of Hellen.
The Achaeans regarded him as the author of their
race, and derived from him their own name as well
as that of Achaia, which was formerly called
Aegialus. "When his uncle Aeolus in Thessal}-,
whence he himself had come to Peloponnesus, died,
he went thither and made himself master of
Phthiotis, which now also received from him the
name of Achaia. (Pans. vii. 1. § 2 ; Strab. viii.
p. 383 ; Apollod. i. 7. § 3.) Servius {ad A en. i. 242)
alone calls Achaeus a son of Jupiter and Pithia,
which is probably miswritten for Phthia. [L. S.]

ACHAEUS ('Axttio's), son of Andromachus,
whose sister Laodice married Seleucus Callinicus,
the father of Antiochus the Great. Achaeus
himself married Laodice, the daughter of Mithri-
dates, king of Pontus. (Polyb. iv. 51. § 4, viii.
22. § 1 1.) He accompanied Seleucus Ceraunus, the
son of Callinicus, in his expedition across mount
Taurus against Attalus, and after the assassination
of Seleucus revenged his death ; and though he
might easil}'- have assumed the royal power, he re-
mained faithful to the family of Seleucus. Anti-
ochus the Great, the successor of Seleucus, ap-
pointed him to the command of all Asia on this
side of mount Taurus, B, c. 223. Achaeus re-
covered for the Syrian empire all the districts
which Attalus had gained ; but having been falsely
accused by Hermeias, the minister of Antiochus,
of intending to revolt, he did so in self-defence,
assumed the title cf king, and ruled over the whole
of Asia on this side of the Taurus. As long as
Antiochus was engaged in the war with Ptolemy,
he could not march against Achaeus ; but after a
peace had been concluded with Ptolemy, he crossed
the Taurus, united his forces with Attalus, de-
prived Achaeus in one campaign of all his do-
minions and took Sardis with the exception of
the citadel. Achaeus after sustaining a siege of
two years in the citadel at last fell into the hands
of Antiochus B. c. 214, through the treachery of
Bolis, who had been employed by Sosibius, the
minister of Ptolemy, to deliver him from his
danger, but betrayed him to Antiochus, who
ordered him to be put to death immediately. (Polyb.
iv. 2. § 6, iv. 48, v. 40. § 7, 42, 57, vii. 15—18,
viii. 17—23.)

ACHAEUS ('AxaiJs) of Eretria in Euboea, a
tragic poet, was born b. c. 484, the year in which
Aeschylus gained his first victory, and four years
before the birth of Euripides. In b. c. 477, he
contended with Sophocles and Euripides, and
though he subsequently brought out many dramas,
according to some as many as thirty or forty, he
nevertheless only gained the prize once. The

ACHELOUS.

fragments of Achaeus contain much strange mj^tho-
logy, and his expressions were often forced and
obscure. (Athen. x. p. 451, c.) Still in the satyrical
drama he must have possessed considerable merit,
for in this department some ancient critics thought
him inferior only to Aeschylus. (Diog. Laer. ii.
133.) The titles of seven of his satyrical dramas
and of ten of his tragedies are still known. The
extant fragments of his pieces have been collected,
and edited by Urlichs, Bonn, 1834. (Suidas, s. v.)
This Achaeus should not be confounded with a
later tragic writer of the same name, who was a
native of Sjnracuse. According to Suidas and
Phavorinus he wrote ten, according to Eudocia
fourteen tragedies. (Urlichs, Ibid.) [R. W.]

ACHAE'MENES {'Axaifxivns). 1. The an-
cestor of the Persian kings, who founded the
family of the Achaemenidae ('Axat/ie»'i5ai), which
was the noblest family of the Pasargadae, the
noblest of the Persian tribes. Achaemenes is said
to have been brought up by an eagle. According
to a genealogy given by Xerxes, the following waa
the order of the descent : Achaemenes, Teispes,
Cambyses, Cyrus, Teispes, Ariaramnes, Arsames,
Ilystaspes, Darius, Xerxes. (Herod, i. 125, vii. 11;
Aelian, Hist. Aniin. xii. 21.) The original seat of
this family was Achaemenia in Persis. (Steph. s.v.
'AxaifJ-evia.) The Roman poets use the adjective
Ackaemcnius in the sense of Persian. (Hon Carm.
iii. 1. 44, xiii. 8 ; Ov. Ar. Am. L 226, Met. iv.
212.)

2. The son of Darius I. was appointed by his
brother Xerxes governor of Egypt, b. c. 484. Ho
commanded the Egyptian fleet in the expedition of
Xerxes against Greece, and strongly opposed tho
prudent advice of Demaratus. When Egypt revolted
under Inarus the Libyan in b. c. 460, Achaemenes
was sent to subdue it, but was defeated and killed
in battle by Inarus. (Herod, iii. 12, vii. 7, 97,
236 ; Diod. xi. 74.)

ACHAEME'NIDES or ACHEME'NIDES, a
son of Adamastus of Ithaca, and a companion of
Ulysses who left him behind in Sicily, when he
fled from the Cyclops. Here he was found by
Aeneas who took him with him. (Virg. Aen. iii.
613, &c. ; Ov. Ew Pont. ii. 2. 25.) [L. S.J

ACHA'ICUS,a surname of L.MuMMius.
ACHA'ICUS ('Axai'Ko's), a philosopher, who
wrote a work on Ethics. His time is unknown.
(Diog. Laert. vi. Qd ; Theodor. Grace, affect, cur.
viii. p. 919, ed. Schulze ; Clem. Alex. iStrom. iv.
p. 496, d.)

ACHELO'IS. 1. A surname of the Sirens,
the daughters of Achelous and a muse. (Ov.
Met. V. 552, xiv. 87 ; Apollod. i. 7. § 10.)

2. A general name for water-nymphs, as in
Columella (x. 263), where the companions of the
Pegasids are called Acheloides. [L. S.]

ACHELO'US ('AxeAa'Os), the god of the river
Achelous which was the greatest, and according to
tradition, the most ancient among the rivers of
Greece. He with 3000 brother-rivers is described
as a son of Oceanus and Thetys (Hes. Theog. 340),
or of Oceanus and Gaea, or lastly of Helios and
Gaea. (Natal. Com. vii. 2.) The origin of the
river Achelous is thus described by Servius {ad
Vinj. Georg. i. 9; Ae7u viii, 300): When Ache-
lous on one occasion had lost his daughters, the
Sirens, and in his grief invoked his mother Gaea,
she received him to her bosom, and on the spot
where she received him, she caused the river bear-

ACHERON.

ing his name to gush forth. Other accounts ahout
the origin of the river and its name are given by
Stephanus of Byzantium, Strabo (x. p. 450), and
Plut-'irch. (De Plum. 22.) Achelous the god was
a competitor with Heracles in the suit for
DeYaneira, and fought with him for the bride.
Achelous was conquered in the contest, but as he
possessed the power of assuming various forms, he
metamorphosed himself first into a serpent and
then into a bull. But in this form too lie was con-
quered by Heracles, and deprived of one of his
horns, which however he recovered by giving up
the horn of Amalthea. (Ov. il/c^ix.8,&c.; Apollod.
i. 8, § I, ii. 7. § 5.) Sophocles {Trachhi. 9, &c.)
makes Deianeira relate these occurrences in a some-
what different manner. According to Ovid {Md.
ix. 87), the Naiads changed the horn which
Heracles took from Achelous into the horn of
plenty. When Theseus returned home from the
Calydonian chase he was invited and hospitably
received by Achelous, who related to him in what
manner he had created the islands called Echinades.
(Ov. Alct. viii. 547, &c.) The numerous wives
and descendants cf Achelous are spoken of in
separate articles. Strabo (x. p. 458) proposes a
very ingenious interpretation of the legends about
Achelous, all of which according to him arose from
the nature of the river itself. It resembled a bull's
voice in the noise of the water ; its windings and
its reaches gave rise to the story about his forming
himself into a serpent and about his horns ; the
formation of islands at the mouth of the river re-
quires no explanation. His conquest by Heracles
lastly refers to the embankments by which Heracles
confined the river to its bed and thus gained large
tracts of land for cultivation, which are expressed
by the horn of plenty. (Compare Voss, Mytliolog.
Briefe^ Ixxii.) Others derive the legends about
Achelous from Egypt, and describe him as a second
Nilus. But however this may be, he was from
the earliest times considered to be a great divinity
throughout Greece (Hom. //. xxi. 194), and was
invoked in prayers, sacrifices, on taking oaths, &c.
(Ephoms ap. Macrob. v. 18), and the Dodonean
Zeus usually added to each oracle he gave, the
command to offer sacrifices to Achelous. (Ephorus,
/. c.) This wide extent of the worship of Achelous
also accounts for his being regarded as the repre-
sentative of sweet water in general, that is, as the
source of all nourishment. (Virg. Gcorg. i. 9, with
the note of Voss.) The contest of Achelous with
Heracles was represented on the throne of Amyclae
(Pans. iii. 18. § 9), and in the treasur)'' of the
Megarians at Olympia there was a statue of him
made by Dontas of cedar- wood and gold. (Pans,
vi. 19. § 9.) On several coins of Acarnania the
god is represented as a bull with the head of an
old man. (Comp. Philostr. Ima<j. n. 4.) [L. S.]
ACHEMK'NIDES. [Achaemenides.]
ACHERON ('Axe'/jwi'). In ancient geography
there occur several rivers of this name, all of which
were, at least at one time, believed to be connected
with the lower world. The river first looked upon
in this light was the Acheron in Thesprotia, in
Epirus, a country which appeared to the earliest
Greeks as the end of the world in the west, and
the locality of the river led them to the belief that
it was the entrance into the lower world. When
subsequently Epirus and the countries beyond the
sea became better known, the Acheron or the en- j
trance to the lower world was transferred to other |

ACHILLES. 9

more distant parts, and at last the Acheron was
placed in the lower world itself. Thus we find in
the Homeric poems {Od. x. 513 ; comp. Paus. i. 17.
§ 5) the Acheron described as a river of Hades, into
which the Pyriphlegeton and Cocytus arc said to
flow. Virgil {Aen. vi. 297, witix the note of Ser-
vius) describes it as the principal river of Tartarus,
from which the Styx and Cocytus sprang. Ac-
cording to later traditions, Acheron had been a sou
of Helios and Gaea or Demeter, and was changed
into the rirer bearing his name in the lower world,
because he had refreshed the Titans with drink
during their contest with Zeus. They further
state that Ascalaphus was a son of Acheron and
Orphne or Gorgyra. (Natal. Com. iii. 1.) In late
writers the name Acheron is used in a general
sense to designate the whole of the lower world.
(Virg. Aen. vii. 312 ; Cic. post redit. in Senai. 10 ;
C. Nepos, Dion, 10.) The Etruscans too were
acquainted with the worship of Acheron (Acheruns)
from very early times, as we must infer from their
Acheruntici libri, which among various other things
treated on the deification of the souls, and on the
sacrifices (Achentntia sacra) by Avhich this was to
be effected. (Mliller, Etruskcr, ii. 27, &c.) The
description of the Acheron and the lower world in
general in Plato's Phaedo (p. 112) is very pecu-
liar, and not very easy to understand. [L. S.]

ACHERU'SIA ('Axepovtria KI/jlvt], or 'Axepov-
ais), a name given by the ancients to several lakes
or swamps, which, like the various rivers of the
name of Acheron, were at some time believed to
be connected zvith the lower world, until at last the
Afherusia came to be considered to be in the lower
world itself. The lake to which this belief seems to
have been first attached was the Acherusia in Thes-
protia, through which the river Acheron flowed.
(Thuc. i. 46 ; Strab. vii. p. 324.) Other lakes or
swamps of the same name, and believed to be in con-
nexion with the lower world, were near Hennione
in Argolis (Paus. ii. 35. § 7), near Heraclea in Bi-
thynia (Xen. Anah. vi. 2. § 2; Diod. xiv. 31), be-
tween Cumae and cape Misenura in Campania
(Plin. H. N. iii. 5; Strab. v. p. 243), and lastly
in Egypt, near Memphis. (Diod. i. 96.) [L. S.']
ACHILLAS ('AxtAAas), one of the guardians
of the Egyptian king Ptolemy Dionysus, and
commander of the troops, when Pompey fled
to Egypt, B. c. 48. He is called by Caesar a man
of extraordinary daring, and it was he and L.
Septimius who killed Pompej'. (Caes. B. C. iii.
104 ; Liv. Epit 104 ; Dion Cass. xlii. 4.) He
subsequently joined the eunuch Pothinus in re-
sisting Caesar, and having had the command of the
whole army entrusted to him by Pothinus, he
marched against Alexandria with 20,000 foot and
2000 horse. Caesar, who was at Alexandria, had
not sufficient forces to oppose him, and sent am-
bassadors to treat with him, but these Achillas
murdered to remove all hopes of reconciliation.
He then marched into Alexandria and obtained
possession of the greatest part of the city. Mean-
while, however, Arsinoe, the younger sister of
Ptolemy, escaped from Caesar and joined Achillas ;
but dissensions breaking out between them, she
had Achillas put to death by Gan^-mede? a eunuch,
B. c. 47, to whom she then entrusted the command
of the forces. (Caes. />'. C. iii. \0H—]l2;B.A/eT.
4 ; Dion Cass. xlii. o6 — 40 ; Lucan. x. 519 —
523.)

ACHILLES ('AxiAXey's). In the legends about

10

ACHILLES.

Achilles, as aljout all the heroes of the Trojan war,
tlie Homeric traditions should be carefully kept
apart from the vanous additions and embellish-
ments with which the gaps of the ancient story
have been filled up by later poets and mythogra-
phers, not indeed by fabrications of their own, but
by adopting those supplementary details, by which
oral tradition in the course of centuries had va-
riously altered and developed the original kernel
of the story, or those accounts which were peculiar
only to certain localities.

Homeric story. Achilles Avas the son of Peleus,
king of the Mynnidones in Phthiotis, in Thessalv,
and of the Nereid Thetis. (Horn. 11. xx. 206, &c.)
From his father's name he is often called riTjAe/STjs,
riTjAr^taSTjs, or UriKiUov (Hom. //. xviii. 316; i.
1 ; i. 197 ; Virg. Ae7i. ii, 263), and from that of
his grandfather Aeacus, he derived his name Aea-
cides (Ata/ct57jy, //. ii. 860 ; Virg. Aen. i. ^9).
He was educated from his tender childhood by
Phoenix, who taught him eloquence and the arts
of war, and accompanied him to the Trojan war,
and to whom the hero always shewed great at-
tachment, (ix. 485, &c.; 438, &c.) In the heal-
ing art he was instructed b)'' Cheiron, the centaur,
(xi. 832.) His mother Thetis foretold him that
his fate was either to gain glorj"" and die early, or
to live a long but inglorious life. (ix. 410, &c.)
The hero chose the latter, and took part in the
Trojan war, from which he knew that he was not
to return. In fifty ships, or according to later
traditions, in sixty (Hygin. Fab. 97), he led his
hosts of Myrmidones, Hellenes, and Achaeans
against Troy. (ii. 681, &c., xvi. 168.) Here the
swift-footed Achilles was the great bulwark of the
Greeks, and the worthy favourite of Athena and
Hera. (i. 195, 208.) Previous to his dispute with
Agamemnon, he ravaged the country around Troy,
and destroyed twelve towns on the coast and ele-
ven in the interior of the country, (ix. 328, &c.)
When Agamemnon was obliged to give up Chry-
seis to her father, he threatened to take away
Briseis from Achilles, who surrendered her on the
persuasion of Athena, but at the same time refused
to take any further part in the war, and shut him-
self up in his tent. Zeus, on the entreaty of The-
tis, promised that victory should be on the side of
the Trojans, until the Achaeans should have ho-
noured her son. (i, 26, to the end.) The affairs of
the Greeks declined in consequence, and they were
at last pressed so hard, that Agamemnon advised
them to take to flight, (ix, 17, &c.) But other
chiefs opposed this counsel, and an embassy was
sent to Achilles, oflering him rich presents and the
restoration of Briseis (ix. 119, &c.) ; but in vain.
At last, however, he was persuaded by Patroclus,
liis dearest friend, to allow him to make use of his
men, his horses, and his armour, (xvi. 49, &c.)
Patroclus was slain, and when this news reached
Achilles, he was seized with unspeakable grief.
Thetis consoled him, and promised new arms,
which were to be made by Hephaestus, and Iris
appeared to rouse him from his lamentations, and
exhorted him to rescue the body of Patroclus.
(xviii. 166, &c.) Achilles now rose, and his
thundering voice alone put the Trojans to flight.
When his new armour was brought to him,
he reconciled himself to Agamemnon, and hur-
ried to the field of battle, disdaining to take
any drink or food xmtil the death of his friend
should be avenged, (xix. 155, &c.) He wound-

ACHILLES.

ed and slew numbers of Trojans (xx. xxi.), and
at length met Hector, whom he chased thrice
around the walls of the city. He then slew him,
tied his body to his chariot, and dragged hnu
to the ships of the Greeks, (xxii.) After this, he
burnt the body of Patroclus, together with twelve
j-oung captive Trojans, who were sacrificed to ap-
pease the spirit of his friend ; and subsequently
gave up the body of Hector to Priam, who came
in person to beg for it. (xxiii. xxiv.) Achilles
himself fell in the battle at the Scaean gate, before
Troy was taken. His death itself does not occur
in the Iliad, but it is alluded to in a few passages,
(xxii. 358, &c., xxi. 278, &c.) It is expressly
mentioned in the Odyssey (xxiv. 36, &c.), where
it is said that his fiiU — his conqueror is not men-
tioned— was lamented by gods and men, that his
remains together with those of Patroclus were bu-
ried in a golden um which Dionysus had given as
a present to Thetis, and were deposited in a place
on the coast of the Hellespont, where a mound
was raised over them. Achilles is the principal
hero of the Iliad, and the poet dwells upon the
delineation of his character with love and admira-
tion, feelings in which his readers cannot but sym-
pathise with him. Achilles is the handsomest
and bravest of all the Greeks ; he is aftectionate
towards his mother and his friends, formidable in
battles, which are his delight ; open-hearted and
without fear, and at the same time susceptible to
the gentle and quiet joys of home. His greatest
passion is ambition, and when his sense of honour is
hurt, he is unrelenting in his revenge and anger, but
withal submits obediently to the will of the gods.
L<der traditions. These chiefly consist in ac-
counts which fill up the history of his youth and
death. His mother wishing to make her son im-
mortal, is said to have concealed him by night in
fire, in order to destroy the mortal parts he had
inherited from his father, and by day she anointed
him with ambrosia. But Peleus one night disco-
vered his child in the fire, and cried out in terror.
Thetis left her son and fled, and Peleus entrusted
him to Cheiron, who educated and instructed him
in the arts of riding, hunting, and playing the
phorminx, and also changed his original name,
Ligyron, i. e. the "whining," into Achilles. (Pind.
Nem. iii. 51, &c.; Orph. Aryan. 395 ; Apollon.
Rhod. iv. 813 ; Stat. AcML i. 269, &c. ; ApoUod.
iii. 13. § 6, (SlC.) Cheiron fed his pupil with the
hearts of lions and the marrow of bears. Accord-
ing to other accounts, Thetis endeavoured to make
Achilles immortal by dipping him in the river
Stj'x, and succeeded with the exception of the an-
kles, by which she held him (Fulgent. Mhilwl. iii.
7 ; Stat. Achill. i. 269), while others again state
that she put him in boiling water to test his im-
mortality, and that he was found immortal except
at the ankles. From his sixth year he fought with
lions and bears, and caught stags without dogs or
nets. The muse Calliope gave him the power of
singing to cheer his friends at banquets. (Philostr.
Her. xix. 2.) When he had reached the age of
nine, Calchas declared that Troy could not be
taken Avithout his aid, and Thetis knowing that
this war would be fatal to him, disguised him as a
maiden, and introduced him among the daughters
of Lycomedes of Scyros, where he was called by
the name of Pyn-ha on account of his golden locks.
But his real character did not remain concealed
long, for one of his companions, Deidameia, became

ACHILLES.

mother of a son, Pyrrhus or Neoptoleinus, by him.
The Greeks at, last discovered his place of conceal-
meiit, and an embassy was sent to Lycomedes,
who, though he denied the presence of Achilles,
yet allowed the messer.gers to search his palace.
Odysseus discovered the young hero by a strata-
gem, and Achilles immediately promised his assist-
ance to the Greeks. (Apollod. /. c; Ilygin. Fab.
9G ; Stat. Achit. ii. 200.) A different account of
his stiiy in Scyros is given by Plutarch {T/tes. do)
and Philostratus. (fler. xix. 3.)

Respecting his conduct towards Iphigeneia at
Aulis, see Agamemnon, Iphigeneia.

During the war against Troy, Achilles slew
Penthesileia, an Amazon, but was deeply moved
when he discovered her beauty ; and when Ther-
Bitos ridiculed him for his tenderness of heart,
Achilles killed the scoffer by a blow with the fist.
(Q. Smvm. i. 669, &c. ; Pans. v. 11. §2; comp.
Soph. PhilocL 445 ; Lycoph. Cas. 999 ; Tzetzes,
Posthoin. 199.) He also fouglit with Memnon and
Troilus. (Q. Smym. ii. 480, &c.; Hygin. Fab. 112;
Virg. Aen. i. 474, &c.) The accounts of his death
differ very much, though all agree in stating that
he did not fall by human hands, or at least not
without the interference of the god Apollo. Ac-
cording to some traditions, he was killed by Apollo
himself (Soph, Philoct 334 ; Q. Smym. iii. 62 ;
Hor. Carm. iv. 6. 3, &c.), as he had been fore-
told. (Hom. //. xxi. 270.) According to Hyginus
{Fah. 107), Apollo assumed the appearance of
Paris in killing him, while others say that Apollo
merely directed the weapon of Paris against Achil-
les, and thus caused his death, as had been sug-
gested by the dying Hector. (Virg. Aen. vi. 57;
Ov. Met. xii. 60"l, &c. ; Hom. II. xxii. 358, &c.)
Dictys Cretensis (iii. 29) relates his death thus :
Achilles loved Polyxena, a daughter of Priam, and
tempted by the promise that he should receive her
as his wife, if he would join the Trojans, he went
without anns into the temple of Apollo at Thym-
Vira, and was assassinated there by Paris. (Comp.
Philostr. Her. xix. 11 ; Hygin. Fab. 107 and 110 ;
Dares Phryg. 34; Q. Smyrn. iii. 50 ; Tzetz. ad
Lycophr. 307.) His body was rescued by Odys-
seus and Ajax the Telamonian ; his armour was
promised by Thetis to the bravest among the
Greeks, which gave rise to a contest between the
two heroes who had rescued his body. [Ajax.]

After his death, Achilles became one of the
judges in the lower world, and dwelled in the is-
lands of the blessed, where he was united with
Medeia or Iphigeneia. The fabulous island of Leuce
in the Euxine was especially sacred to him, and
was called Achillea, because, according to some re-
ports, it contained his body. (Mela, ii. 7; Schol.
ud Find. Ncm. iv. 49; Pans. iii. 19. § 11.) Achilles
was worshipped as one of the national heroes of
Greece. The Thessalians, at the command of the
oracle of Dodona, offered annual sacrifices to him
in Troas. (Philostr. Her. xix. 14.) In the ancient
gymnasium at Olympia there was a cenotaph, at
which certain solemnities were performed before
the Olympic games commenced. (Pans. vi. 23.
§ 2.) Sanctuaries of Achilles existed on the
road from Arcadia to Sparta (Paus. iii. 20. § 8), on
cape Sigoum in Troas (Strab. xi. p. 494), and other
places. The events of his life were frequently re-
presented in ancient works of art. (Buttiger, Va-
lefiqtnn'dlde, iii. p. 144, &c.; Museum Clement, i. 52,
V. 17 ; Villa Borg. i. 9 ; Mus. Nap. ii. 59.) [L. S.]

ACHILLES TATIU3. 11

ACHILLES ('Ax'AAeus), a son of Lyson of
Athens, who was believed to have first introduced
in his native city the mode of sending persons
into exile by ostracism. (Ptolem. Heph. vi. p. 333.)
Several other and more credible accounts, how-
ever, ascribe this institution with more probability
to other persons. [L. S.]

ACHILLES TATIUS ('AxtXAeOs Tdnus), or
as Suidas and Eudocia call him Achilles Statius,
an Alexandrine rhetorician, who was formerly be-
lieved to have lived in the second or third centur}-
of our aera. But as it is a well-known fiict,
which is also acknowledged by Photius, that he
imitated Heliodorus of Emesa, he must have lived
after tliis writer, and therefore belongs either to
the latter half of the fifth or the beginning of the
sixth century of our aera. Suidas states that lie
was originally a Pagan, and that subsequently be
was converted to Christianity. The truth of this
assertion, as far as Achilles Tatius, the author of
the romance, is concerned, is not supported by the
work of Achilles, which bears no marks of Chris-
tian thoughts, while it would not be difficult t»
prove from it that he was a heathen. This
romance is a history of the adventures of
two lovers, Cleitophon and Leucippe, It bears the
title Td Karat, AeuK'nnnjv Kal KKeiTocpaivTa, and
consists of eight books. Notwithstanding all its
defects, it is one of the best love-stories of the
Greeks, Cleitophon is represented in it relating to
a friend the whole course of the events from be-
ginning to end, a plan which renders the story
rather tedious, and makes the narrator appear
affected and insipid. Achilles, like his predecessor
Heliodorus, disdained having recourse to what is
marvellous and improbable in itself, but the accu-
mulation of adventures and of physical as well as
moral difficulties, which the lovers have to over-
come, before they are happily united, is too great
and renders the story improbable, though their ar-
rangement and succession are skilfully managed by
the author. Numerous parts of the work however
are written without taste and judgment, and do
not appear connected with the story by any inter-
nal necessity. Besides these, the work has a
great many digressions, which, although interest-
ing in themselves and containing curious infor-
mation, interrupt and impede the progress of the
narrative. The work is full of imitations of other
writers from the time of Plato to that of Achilles
himself, and while he thus trusts to his books and
his learning, he appears ignorant of human nature
and the affairs of real life. The laws of decency
and morality are not always paid due regard to, a
defect which is even noticed by Photius, The
style of the work, on which the author seems to
have bestowed his principal care, is thoroughly
rhetorical: there is a perpetual striving after ele-
gance and beauty, after images, puns, and anti-
theses. These things, however, were just what
the age of Achilles required, and that his novel
was much read, is attested by the number of
MSS, still extant,

A part of it was first printed in a Latin trans-
lation by Annibal della Croce (Crucejus), Ley-
den, 1 544 ; a complete translation appeared at
Basel in 1554. The first edition of the Greek
original appeared at Heidelberg, 1601, 8vo., print-
ed together with similar works of Longus and
Parthenius. An edition, with a voluminous though
rather cai'eless commentary, was published by Sal-

12

ACIIMET.

masius, Leyden, 1640, 8vo, The best and most re-
cent edition is by Fr. Jacobs, Leipzig, 1821, in
2 vols. Bvo. The first volume contains the prole-
gomena, the text and the Latin translation by
Crucejus, and the second the coramentarj-. There
is an English translation of the work, by A. H.
(Anthony Hodges), Oxford, 1638, 8vo.

Suidas ascribes to this same Achilles Tatius, a
work on the sphere (irepl a-cpaipas), a fragment of
which professing to be an introduction to the
Phaenomena of Aratus {Eia-ayooyri els rd 'Apdrov
(paiv6iJ.€va) is still extant. But as this work is
referred to by Finnicus {Mathes. iv. 10), who
lived earlier than the time we have assigned to
Achilles, the author of the work on the Sphere
must have lived before the time of the writer of
the romance. The work itself is of no particular
value. It is printed in Petavius, Uranologia,
Paris, 1630, and Amsterdam, 1703, fol. Suidas
also mentions a work of Achilles Tatius on Ety-
mology, and another entitled Miscellaneous His-
tories ; as both are lost, it is impossible to deter-
mine which Achilles was their author. [L. S.]

ACHILLEUS assumed the title of emperor
xmdev Diocletian and reigned over Egypt for some
time. He was at length taken by Diocletian after
a siege of eight months in Alexandria, and put
to death, A. d. 296. (Eutrop. ix. 14, lo ; Aurel.
Vict, de Cues. 39.)

ACHI'LLIDES, a patronymic, fonned from
Achilles, and given to his son Pyrrhus. (Ov.
Heroid. viii. 3.) [L. S.]

ACHI'ROE ('Axip^v), or according to ApoUo-
dorus (ii. 1. § 4) Anchinoe, which is perhaps a mis-
take for Anchiroe, was a daughter of Nihis, and
the wife of Belus, by whom she became the mother
of Aegyptus and Danaus. According to the scho-
liast on Lycophron (583 and 1161), Ares begot
by her a son, Sithon, and according to Hegesippus
{ap. Steph. Byz. s. v. TlaKX-/ivT\)^ also two daugh-
ters, Pallenaea and Rhoetea, from whom two
to^vns derived their names. [L. S.]

ACHLYS ('AxAus), according to some ancient
cosmogonies, the eternal night, and the first
created being which existed even before Chaos.
According to Hesiod, she was the personification
of misery and sadness, and as such she was repre-
sented on the shield of Heracles {Scut. Here. 264,
&c.): pale, emaciated, and weeping, with chatter-
ing teeth, swollen knees, long nails on her fingers,
bloody cheeks, and her shoulders thickly covered
with dust. [L. S.]

ACHMET, son of Seirim ('Ax/ieT vlos :Zfipii(x\
the author of a work on the Interpretation of
Dreams, 'OveipoicpiTiKa, is probably the same per-
son as Abu Bekr Mohammed Ben Sirin, whose
work on the same subject is still extant in Arabic
in the Royal Library at Paris, {Catal. Cod. Ma-
nuscr, Bihlioth. Reg. Paris, vol. i. p. 230, cod.
Mccx.,) and who was born a. h. 33, (a. d. 653-4.)
and died A. H. 1 1 0. (a. d. 728-9.) (See Nicoll and
Pusey, Catal. Cod. Manvscr. Arab. BiUioth. Bodl.
p. 516.) This conjecture will seem the more pro-
bable when it is recollected that the two names
Ahmed or Achnet and Mohammed., however unlike
each other they may appear in English, consist in
Arabic of four letters each, and differ only in the
first. There must, however, be some difference
between Achmet's work, in the form in which we
have it, and that of Ibn Sirin, as the writer of the
farmer (or the translator) appears from internal evi-

ACIDINUS.

dence to have been certainly a Christian, (c. 2.
150, &c.) It exists only in Greek, or rather (if
the above conjecture as to its author be correct)
it has only been published in that language. It
consists of three hundred and four chapters, and
professes to be derived from what has been written
on the same subject by the Indians, Persians, and
Egyptians. It was translated out of Greek into
Latin about the year 1160, by Leo Tuscus, of
which work two specimens are to be found in
Casp. Barthii Adversaria, (xxxi. 14, ed. Francof.
1624, foil.) It was first published at Frankfort,
1577, 8vo., in a Latin translation, made by Leun-
clavius, from a very imperfect Greek manuscript,
with the title " Apomasaris Apotelesmata, sive
de Significatis et Eventis Insomniorum, ex Indo-
rum, Persarum, Aegyptiorumque Disciplina." The
word Apomasares is a corruption of the name of
the famous Albumasar, or Abu Ma'shar, and Leun-
clavius afterwards acknowledged his mistake in
attributing the work to him. It was published in
Greek and Latin by Rigaltius, and appended to
his edition of the Oneirocritica of Artemidonis,
Lutet. Paris. 1603, 4to., and some Greek various
readings are inserted by Jac. De Rhoer in his
Otium Dnventricnse., p. 338, &c. Daventr. 1762,
8vo. It has also been translated into Italian,
P'rench, and German. [W. A. G.]

ACHO'LIUS held the office of Magister Ad-
mhsionum in the reign of Valerian, (b. c. 253 —
260.) One of his works was entitled Acta, and
contained an account of the history of Aurelian.
It was in nine books at least. (Vopisc. Aurel. 12.)
He also wrote the life of Alexander Severus.
(Lamprid. Alex. Ser. 14. 48. 68.)

ACHOLOE. [Harpyiae.]

ACICHO'RIUS i^kKixcipios) Avas one of the
leaders of the Gauls, who invaded Thrace and
Macedonia in b. c. 280. He and Brennus com-
manded the division that marched into Paeonia.
In the following year, B. c. 279, he accompanied
Brennus in his invasion of Greece. (Paus. x. 19.
§ 4, 5, 22. § 5, 23. § 1, &c,) Some writers suppose
that Brennus and Acichorius are the same persons,
the former being only a title and the latter the
real name. (Schmidt, " De fontibus veterura auc-
torum in enarrandis expeditionibus a Gallis in
Alacedoniam susceptis," Berol. 1834.)

ACIDA'LIA, a surname of Venus (Virg. Aei}.
i. 720), which according to Servius was derived
from the well Acidalius near Orchomenos, in which
Venus used to bathe with the Graces ; others con-
nect the name with the Greek a/ciSes, i. e. cares or
troubles. [L. S.]

ACIDI'NUS, a familj'-name of the [Manila
gens. Cicero speaks of the Acidini as among the
first men of a former age. {De leg. agr. ii. 24.)

1. L. Manlius Acidinus, praetor urbanus in
B. c. 210, was sent by the senate into Sicily to
bring back the consul Valerius to Rome to hold
the elections. (Liv. xxvi. 23, xxvii. 4.) In B.C.
207 he was with the troops stationed at Narnia to
oppose Hasdrubal, and was the first to send to
Rome intelligence of the defeat of the latter. (Liv.
xxvii. 50.) In b. c. 206 he and L. Cornelius
Lentulus had the province of Spain entrusted to
thcra with proconsular power. In the following
year he conquered the Ausetani and Ilergetcs,
who had rebelled against the Romans in conse-
quence of the absence of Scipio. He did not re-
turn to Rome till b. c. 199, but was prevented by

ACIS.

the tribune P. Porcius Laeca from entering the
city in an ovation, which the senate had granted
him. (Liv. xxviii. 38, xxix. 1 — 3, 13, xxxii. 7.)
2. L. Manlius AciDiNus Fulvianus, origin-
ally belonged to the Fulvia gens, but was adopted
into the Manlia gens, probably by the above-men-
tioned Acidinus. (Veil. Pat. ii. 8.) He was
praetor B. c. 188, and had the province of Hispania
Citerior allotted to him, where he remained till
B. c. 186. In the latter year he defeated the
Celtiberi, and had it not been for the arrival of his
successor would have reduced the whole people to
subjection. He applied for a triumph in conse-
quence, but obtained only an ovation. (Liv.xxxviii.
35, xxxix. 21, 29.) In b. c. 183 he was one of
the ambassadors sent into Gallia Transalpina, and
was also appointed one of the triumvirs for found-
ing the Latin colony of Aquileia, which was how-
ever not founded till B. c. 181. (Liv. xxxix. 54,
55, xl. 34.) He was consul B. c. 179, (Liv. xl.
43,) with his own brother, Q. Fulvius Flaccus,
which is the only instance of two brothers hold-
ing the consulship at the same time. (Fast
Capitol.; Veil. Pat. ii. 8.) At the election of
Acidinus, M. Scipio declared him to be virum
bonum, egregiumque civem. (Cic. de Or. ii. 64.)

3. L. Manlius (Acidinus), who was quaestor
in B. c. 168 (Liv, xlv. 13), is probably one of the
two Maulii Acidini, who are mentioned two years
before as illustrious youths, and of whom one was
the son of M. Manlius, the other of L. Manlius.
(Liv. xlii. 49.) The latter is probably the same
as the quaestor, and the son of No. 2.

4. Acidinus, a young man who was going to
pursue his studies at Athens at the same time as
young Cicero, b. c. 45. (Cic. ad Ait. xii. 32.) He
is perhaps the same Acidinus who sent intelligence
to Cicero respecting the death of Marcellus. (Cic.
ad Fam. iv. l2.)

ACI'LIA GENS. The family-names of this
gens are Aviola, Balbus, and Glabrio, of which
the last two were undoubtedl}' plebeian, as mem-
bers of these families were frequently tribunes of
the plebs.

ACILIA'NUS, MINU'CIUS, a friend of Pliny
the younger, was born at Brixia (Brescia), and
was the son of Minucius Macrinus, who was en-
rolled by Vespasian among those of praetorian
rank. Acilianus was successively quaestor, tri-
bune, and praetor, and at his death left Pliny part
of his propertv. (Plin. Ep. i. 14, ii. 16.)

ACINDY'*NUS, GREGO'RIUS {Vp-ny6pm
'AkIuSwos), a Greek Monk, a. d. 1341, distin-
guished in the controversy with the Hesychast or
Quietist Monks of Mount Athos. He supported
and succeeded Barlaam in his opposition to their
notion that the light which appeared on the Mount
of the Transfiguration was uncreated. The em-
peror, John Cantacuzenus, took part (a. d. 1347)
with Palamas, the leader of the Quietists, and ob-
tained the condemnation of Atindynus by several
councils at Constantinople, at one especially in
A. D. 1351. Remains of Acindynus are, De
Esseiiiia et Operatione Dei adversus imperitiam
Gregoni Palamae, S^c. in " Varionim Pontificura
ad Petnim Gnapheum Eutychianum Epistol."p.77,
Gretser. 4to. Ingolst. 1616, and Carmen Jamhi-
cnin de Haercsibiis Palamae., " Graeciae Ortho-
doxae Scriptores," by Leo. Allatius, p. 755, vol. i.
4to. Rom. 1652. [A.J. C]

ACIS (''A/cis), according to Ovid {J^Iet. xiii.

ACONTIUS.

13

750, &c.) a son of Faunus and Symacthis. He
was beloved by the nymph Galatea, and Polyphe-
mus the Cyclop, jealous of him, crushed him under
a huge rock. His blood gushing forth from under
the rock was changed by the nymph into the
river Acis or Acinius at the foot of mount Aetna.
This story does not occur any where else, and is
perhaps no more than a happy fiction suggested by
the manner in which the little river springs forth
from under a rock. [L. S.]

ACME'NES ('Ak)U77»'6s), a surname of certain
nymphs worshipped at Elis, where a sacred enclo-
sure contained their altar, together with those of
other gods. (Pans. v. 15. § 4.) [L. S.]

ACMO'NIDES, one of the three Cyclopes (Ov.
Fast. iv. 288), is the same as Pyracmon in Virgil
{Aen. viii. 425), and as Arges in most other ac-
counts of the Cyclopes. [L. S.]

ACOETES ('AKOLTris), according to Ovid {Met.
iii. 582, &c.) the son of a poor fisherman in
Maeonia, who served as pilot in a ship. After
landing at the island of Naxos, some of the sailors
brought with them on board a beautiful sleeping
boy, Avhom they had found in the island and whom
they wished to take with them ; but Acoetes, who
recognised in the boy the god Bacchus, dissuaded
them from it, but in vain. When the ship had
reached the open sea, the boy awoke, and desired
to be carried back to Naxos. The sailors promised
to do so, but did not keep their word. Hereupon
the god showed himself to them in his own majesty :
vines began to twine round the vessel, tigers ap-
peared, and the sailors, seized with madness, jump-
ed into the sea and perished. Acoetes alone was
saved and conveyed back to Naxos, where he was
initiated in the Bacchic mysteries and became a
priest of the god. Hyginus (Fab. 134), whose
story on the whole agrees with that of Ovid, and
all the other writers who mention this adventure
of Bacchus, call the crew of the ship Tyrrhenian
pirates, and derive the name of the Tyrrhenian sea
from them. (Comp. Hom. Hymn, in Bucch : Apol-
lod. iii. 5. § 3 ; Seneca, Oed!'Aid.)

ACOMINATUS. [Nicetas.]

ACONTES or ACONTIUS ('Akoj/ttji or
'A/cdi/TJos), a son of Lycaon, from whom the town
of Acontium in Arcadia derived its name. (Apol-
lod. iii. 8. § 1 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'Kkovtiou.) [L. S.]

ACO'NTIUS ('A/cdi/Tios), a beautiful youth of
the island of Ceos. On one occasion he came to
Delos to celebrate the annual festival of Diana,
and fell in love with Cydippe, the daughter of a
noble Athenian. When he saw her sitting in the
temple attending to the sacrifice she was offering,
he threw before her an apple upon which he had
written the words " I swear by the sanctuary of
Diana to marry Acontius." The nurse took up
the apple and handed it to Cydippe, who read
aloud what was written upon it, and then threw
the apple away. But the goddess had heard her
vow, as Acontius had wished. After the festival
was over, lie went home, distracted by his love,
but he waited for the result of what had happened
and took no further steps. After some time, when
Cydippe 's father was about to give her in marriage
to another man, she was taken ill just before the
nuptial solemnities were to begin, and this accident
was repeated three times. Acontius, informed of
the occurrence, hastened to Athens, and the Del-
phic oracle, which was consulted by the maiden's
father, declared that Diana 'by the repeated illness

u

ACRATOPHORIJS.

monnt to punish Cydippe for ber perjury. The
maiden then explained the whole affair to her mo-
ther, and the father was at last induced to give his
daughter to Acontius. This story is related by
Ovid {Heroid. 20, 21 ; comp. Trist. iii. 10. 73)
and Aristaenetiis {Epist. x. 10), and is also alluded
to in several fragments of ancient poets, especially
of Callimachus, who wrote a poem with the title
Cydippe. The same story with some modifications
is related by Antoninus Liberalis {Metam. 1) of an
Athenian Hermocrates and CtesA'^Ua. (Comp. Cte-
SVLLA and Butimann, Mj/ihulotj. ii. p. 1 15.) [L.S.]

A'CORIS ("AKopis), king of i^gvpt, entered in-
to alliance with Evagoras, king of Cypnis, against
their common enemy Artaxerxes, king of Persia,
about B. c. 3U5, and assisted Evagoras with ships
and money. On the conclusion of the war with
Evagoras, b. c. 37(3, the Persians directed their
forces against Egypt. Acoris collected a large
anny to oppose tliem, and engaged many Greek
mercenaries, of whom he appointed Chabrias gene-
ral. Chabrias, however, was recalled by the Athe-
nians on the complaint of Pharnal^azus, who was
appointed by Artaxerxes to conduct the war.
When the Persian army entered Egypt, which
was not till B. c. '61 3, Acoris was already dead.
(Diod. XV. 2-4, 8, 9, 29, 41, 42 ; Thcopom. ajo.
Phot. cod. 176.) Syncellus (p. 76, a. p. 257, a.)
assigns thirteen years to his reign.

ACRAEA ('A/cpota). 1. A daughter of the
river-god Asterion near Mycenae, who together
with her sisters Euboea and Prosymna acted as
nurses to Hera. A hill Acraea opposite the temple
of Hera near IMvcenae derived its name from her.
(Paas. ii. 17. § 2 )

2. Acraea and Acraeus are also attributes given
to various goddesses and gods whose temples were
situated upon hills, such as Zeus, Hera, Aphrodite,
Pallas, Artemis, and others. (Paus. i. 1. § 3, ii. 24.
§ 1; Apollod. i. 9. §28; Vitruv. i. 7; Spanheim,
ad Callim. Hymn in Jov. 82.) [L. S.]

ACRAEPiiEUS ('AKf)at^>6us), a son of Apollo,
to whom the foundation of the Boeotian town of
Acraephia was ascribed. Apollo, who was wor-
shipped in that place, derived from it the surname
of Acraephius or Acraephiaeiis. (Steph. By?, s. v.
"AKpaicpia; Paus. ix. 23. § 3, 40. g 2.) [_L. S.]

ACRAGAS {'AKpdyas), a son of Zeus and the
Oceanid Asterope, to whom the foundation of
the town of Acragas (Agrigentum) in Sicily was
ascribed. (Steph. Byz. &. f. 'AKpa7ai'Tes.) [L. S.J

ACRACtAS, an engi-aver, or chaser in silver,
spoken of by Pliny, (xxxiii. 12. § 55.) It is not
known either when or where he was bom. Pliny
says that Acragas, Boethus and Mys were con-
sidered but little inferior to Mentor, an artist of
great note in the sa.ne profession ; and that works
of all three were in existence in' his day, preserved
in different temples in the island of Rhodes.
Those of Acragas, who was especially famed for
his representations of hunting scenes on cups,
were in the temple of Bacchus at Rhodes, and con-
sisted of cups Aviih figures of Bacchae and Centaurs
graved on them. If the language of Pliji\' justifies
us in inferring that the three artists whom he
classes together lived at the same time, that would
iix the age of Acragas in the latter part of the fifth
century b. c, as Mys was a contemporary of
Phidias. [C. P. M.J

ACRATO'PHORUS {'kKpaTo<p6pos), a sur-
name of Dionysus, by which he was designated as

ACRON.

the giver of unmixed wine, and worshipped at
Phigaleia in Arcadia. (Paus. viii. 39. § 4.) [L. S.J

ACRATO'POTES (*A(fpaT07roT77s), the drinker
of unmixed wine, was a hero worshipped in Mu-
nychia in Attica. (Polemo, ap. Alhen. ii. p, 39.)
According to Pausanias (i. 2. § 4), v/ho calls him
simply Acratus, he was one of the divine compa-
nions of Dionysus, who was worshipped in Attica.
Pausanias saw his image at Athens in the house
of Polytion, where it was fixed in the wall. [L. S.J

A'CRATUS, a freedman of Nero, who was sent
by Nero a. d. 64, into Asia and Achaia to plunder
the temples and take away the sUitues of the gods.
(Tac. Ann. xv. 45, xvi. 23 ; comp. Dion Chrys.
Rhod. p. 644, ed. Reiske.)

ACRION, a Locrian, was a Pythagorean philo-
sopher. (Cic. de Fin. v. 29.) He is mentioned by
Valerius ]\Iaximus (viii, 7, ext. 3, from this pas-
sage of Cicero) under the name of Arion, which is
a talse reading, instead of Acrion.

ACRISIONEIS, a patronymic of Danae, daugh-
ter of Acrisius. (Virg. Avn. vii. 410.) Homer
(//. xiv. 319) uses the fonn 'AKpiciciyr}. [L. S.J

ACRISIONIADES, a patronymic of Perseus,
grandson of Acrisius. (Ov. il/e/. v. 70.) [L. S.J

ACRI'SIUS ('A/fpiVios), a son of Abas, king ot
Argos and of Ocaleiiu He was grandson of Lyn-
ceus and great-grandsoji of Danaus. His twin-
brother was Proetus, with Avhom he is said to have
quarrelled even in the womb of his mother. When
Abas died and Acrisius had grown up, he expelled
Proetus from his inheritance ; but, supported by
his father-in-law lobates, the Lycian, Proetus re-
turned, and Acrisius was compelled to share hi.s
kingdom with his brother by giving up to kim
Tiryns, while he retained Argos for hinisclf. An
oracle had declared that Danae, the daughter of
Acrisius, would give birth to a son, who would
kill his grandfather. For this rea.son he kept
Danae shut up in a subterraneous apartment, m- in
a brazen tower. But here she became mother ot"
Perseus, notwithstanding the precautions of her
father, according to some accounts by her uncle
Proetus, and according to others by Zeus, who
visited her in the form of a shower of gold. Acri-
sius ordered mother and child to be exposed
on the wide sea in a chest ; but the chest floated
towards the island of Seriplius, where both were
rescued by Dictys, the brother of king Polydectes.
(Apollod. ii. 2. § 1, 4. § 1 ; Pau.s. ii. 16. § 2, 25. § 6,
iii. 13. § 6; Hygin. Fab. 63.) As to the manner in
which the oracle was subsequently fulfilled in the
case of Acrisius, see Pekseus. According to the
Scholiast on Euripides {Orcst. 1087), Acrisius
was the founder of the Delphic amphictyony.
Strabo (ix. p. 420) believes that this amphictyony
existed before the time of Acrisius, and that he
was only the first who regulated the affairs of the
mnphictyons, fixed the towns which were to tal^e
part in the council, gave to each its vote, and set-
tled the jurisdiction of the amphictyons. (Comp.
Libanius, Omi. vol. iii. 472, ed. Reiske.) [L. S.J

ACRON, a king of the Caenineiises, whom
Romulus himself slew in battle. He dedicated
the arms of Acron to Jupiter Feretrius as Spolui
Opima. {'See Did. of Ant. -p.iid'i.) Livy men-
tions the circumstance without giving the name of
the king. (Plut. Rom. 16; Serv. ad. Virg. Aen.\i.
860; Liv. i. 10.)

ACRON ("AKpoji/), an eminent physician of
Agrigentum, the son of Xenon. His exact date

ACROPOLITA.

is not known ; but, as he is mentioned as being
contemporary ^vith Empedocles, who died about
the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, he nuist
have lived in the fifth century before Christ. From
Sicily he went to Athens, and there opened a
philosophical school (eaocpiffrevev). It is said
that he was in that city during the great plague
(n. c. 430), and that large fires for the purpose of
purifying the air were kindled in the streets by
his direction, which proved of great service to
several of the sick. (Plut. l)e Is. et Osir. 80;
Oribas. S^nops. vi. 24, p. 97 ; Aetius, tetrab.
ii. serm. i. 94, p. •223; Paul Aegin. ii. 3.5,
p. 406.) It should however be bonie in mind
that there is no mention of this in Thucy-
dides (ii. 49, &c.), and, if it is true that Em-
pedocles or Simonides (who died B. c. 467) wrote
the epitaph on Acron, it may be doubted
whether he was in Athens at the time of the
plague. Upon his return to Agrigentura he was
.inxious to erect a family tomb, and applied to
the senate for a spot of ground for that purpose on
account of his eminence as a physician. Empe-
docles however resisted this application as being
contrary to the principle of equality, and proposed
to inscribe on his tomb the following sarcastic
epitaph [TcodaaTiKSv), which it is quite impossible
to translate so as to preserve the paronomasia of
the original :
'AKpov lr]Tp6u ''AKpuv 'AKpayavTluou irarpos aKpov

KpvTTTei Kprjjjii'ds uKpos irarpiSos a.KpoTa.Tqs.
The second line was sometimes read thus :
'AKpordTrjs Kopv<prf\s TVfji€os aKpos kot€X«.
Some persons attributed the whole epigram to
Simonides. (Suid. s. v. "AKpcou ; Eudoc. Violar.,
ap. Villoison, J need. Gr. i. 49 ; Diog. Laert.
viii. 65.) The sect of the Empirici, in order to
boast of a greater antiquity than the Dogmatici
(founded by Thessalus, the son, and Poly bus, the
son-in-law of Hippocrates, about B.C. 400), claimed
Acron as their founder (Pseudo-Gal. Introd. 4.
vol. xiv. p. 683), though they did not really exist
before the third century b. c. [Philinus ; Sera-
riox.] Pliny falls into this anachronism. (//. A''.
XXIX. 4.) None of Acron 's works are now extant,
though he wrote several in the Doric dialect on
Medical and Physical subjects, of which the titles
are preserved by Suidas and Eudocia. [W. A. G.]
ACRON, HELE'NIUS, aRoman grammarian,
probably of the fifth century a. d., but whose pre-
cise date is not knowni. He wrote notes on Ho-
race, and also, according to some critics, the scholia
which we have on Persius. The fragments which
remain of the work on Horace, though much muti-
lated, are valuable, as containing the remarks of
the older commentators, Q. Terentius Scaunis and
others. They were published first by A. Zarotti,
Milan, 1474, and again in 1486, and have often
been published since in different editions ; perhaps
the best is that by Geo. Fabricius, in his ed. of
Horace, Basel, 1555, Leipzig, 1571. A writer of
the same name, probably the same man, wrote a
commentary on Terence, which is lost, but vvhich
is referred to by the grammarian Charisius. [A. A.]
ACROPOLI'TA, GEORGIUS {T^dpyios
*AKpTro\'m)s), the son of the groat logotheta Con-
Biantiniis Acropolita the elder, belonged to a noble
Byzantine family which stood in relationship to
the imperial family of the Ducas. (Acropolita, 97.)
He was bom at Constantinople in 1220 (lb. 39),
but accomi^anied his father in his sixteenth year to

ACROPOLITA.

1."}

Nicaea, the residence of the Greek emperor .lolni
Vatatzcs Ducas. There he continued and finisheil
his studies under Theodorus Exapterigus and Ni-
cephorus Rlemmida. (76. 32.) The emperor em-
ployed him afterwards in diplomatic affairs, and
Acropolita shewed himself a very discreet and
skilful negociator. In 1255 he commanded the
Nicaean army in the war between Michael, des-
pot of Epirus, and the emperor Theodore II. the
son and successor of John, But he was made pri-
soner, and was only delivered in 1260 by the me-
diation of Michael Palaeologus. Previously to
this he had been appointed great logotheta, either
by John or by Theodore, whom he h<id instructed
in logic, ^Meanwhile, Michael Palaeologus was
proclaimed emperor of Nicaea in 1260, and in 1261
he expulsed the Latins from Constantinople, and
became emperor of the whole East ; and from this
moment Georgius Acropolita becomes known in
the history of the eastern empire as one of the
greatest diplomatists. After having discharged the
function of ambassador at the court of Constantine,
king of tlie Bulgarians, he retired for some years
from public affairs, and made the instruction of
youth his sole occupation. But he was soon em-
ployed in a very important negociation. Michael,
afraid of a new Latin invasion, proposed to pope
Clemens IV. to reunite the Greek and the Latin
Churches ; and negociations ensued which were car-
ried on during the reign of five popes, Clemens IV.
Gregory X. John XXI. Nicolaus III. and Martin
IV. and the happy result of which was almost en-
tirely owing to the skiU of Acropolita. As early as
1273 Acropolita was sent to pope Gregory X. and
in 1274, at the Council of Lyons, he confirmed by
an oath in the emperor's name that that confession
of faith which had been previously sent to Con-
stantinople by the pope had been adopted by the
Greeks. The reunion of the two churches was
afterwards broken off, but not through the fault of
Acropolita. In 1282 Acropolita was once more
sent to Bulgai-ia, and shortly after his retiini he
died, in the month of December of the same year,
in his 62nd year.

Acropolita is the author of several works : the
most important of which is a history of the Byzan-
tine empire, under the title XpoviKou oJs ev crvt^6\l/n
Tuu €v voTTepois, that is, from the taking of Con-
stantinople by the Latins in 1204, down to the
year 1261, when Michael Palaeologus delivered the
city from the foreign yoke. The MS, of this work
was found in the library of Georgius Cantacuzenus
at Constantinople, and afterwards brought to Eu-
rope. (Fabricius, BiU. Graec. vol, vii, p, 768.) Tlie
first edition of this work, with a Latin translation
and notes, was published by Theodorus Douza,
Lugd. Batav. 1614, 8vo,; but a more critical one by
Leo Allatius, who used a Vatican MS. and divided
the text into chapters. It has the title Vewpylov
rod ^AKpoTTohirou rov /xcydKov Xoyoderov -xpopiK^
(rvyypd<pr], Gcon/ii Acropoiiiue, viagni Logotheta^-,
nistoria, &c. Paris, 1651. fol. This edition is re-
printed in the "Corpus Byzantinorum Scriptorum,"
Venice, 1729, vol. xii. This chronicle contains
one of the most remarkable periods of Byzantine
historj', but it is so short that it seems to be cnly
an abridgment of another work of the same author,
which is lost. Acropolita perhaps composed it with
the viewof ginng it as a compendium to those young
men whose scientific education he superintended,
after his return from his first embassy to Bulgaria.

If)

ACTAEON.

The histor}' of Michael Palaeologus by Pachymeres
may be considered as a continuation of the work of
Acropolita. Besides this work, Acropolita wrote
several orations, which he delivered in his capacity
as great logotlieta, and as director of the negociations
with the pope ; but these orations have not been
published. Fabricius (vol. vii. p. 47 1 ) speaks of a
MS. which has the title Uepl twv otto Kricrem
Koffjxov Itwv ical TTfpl Twu Paa-iKevacivTwu fiexpi
d\K(riuis KoivcrravT ivoiTKoKews. Georgius, or Gre-
porius Cyprius, wlio has written a short encomium of
Acropolita, calls him the Plato and the Aristotle of
his time. This "encomium" is printed with a La-
tin translation at the head of the edition of Acro-
polita by Th. Douza : it contains useful information
concerning Acropolita, although it is full of adula-
tion. Further information is contained in Acropo-
lita's history, especially in the latter part of it, and
in Pachymeres, iv. 28, vi. 26, 34, seq. [W. P.]

ACROREITES {'AKpcopeirrjs), a surname of
Dionysus, under which he was worshipped at
Sicyon, and which is synonymous with Eriphius,
under which name lie was worshipped at Meta-
pontum in southern Italy. (Steph. Byz. *. v.
'AKpwpeia.) [L. S.]

ACRO'TATUS ('AKpoVaTos). 1. The son of
Cleomencs II. king of Sparta, incurred the displea-
sure of a large party at Sparta by opposing the de-
cree, which was to release from infamy all who had
fled from the battle, in which Antipater defeated
Agis, B.C. 331. He was thus glad to accept the
offer of the Agrigentines, when they sent to Sparta
for assistance in B. c. 314 against Agathocles of
Syracuse. He first sailed to Italy, and obtained
assistance from Tarentum ; but on his arrival at
Agrigentum he acted with such cruelty and tyranny
that the inhabitants rose against him, and com-
pelled him to leave the city. He returned to
Sparta, and died before the death of his father,
which was in B. c. 309. He left a son, Areus, who
succeeded Cleomenes. (Diod. xv. 70, 71 ; Paus. i.
13. § 3, iii. 6. § 1, 2 ; Plut. Agis, 3.)

2. The grandson of the preceding, and the son
of Areus I. king of Sparta. He had unlawful in-
tercourse with Chelidonis, the young wife of Cleo-
nymus, who was the uncle of his father Areus ;
and it was this, together with the disappointment
of not obtaining the throne, which led Cleonynius
to invite Pyrrhus to Sparta, b. c. 272. Areus was
then absent in Crete, and the safety of Sparta was
mainly owing to the valour of Acrotatus. He suc-
ceeded his father in b. c. 265, but was killed in
the same year in battle against Aristodemus, the
tyrant of Megalopolis. Pausanias, in speaking of
his death, calls him the son of Cleonymus. but he
has mistaken him for his grandtather, spoken of
above. (Plut. Pyrrh.26-2S;Ai/is,3; Paus. iii. 6. §3,
viii. 27. § 8, 30. § 3.) Areus and Acrotatus are ac-
cused by Phylarchus (op. AtJmi. iv. p. 142, b.) of
Jiaving corrupted the simplicity of Spartan man-
ners.

ACTAEA ('AffTaio), a daughter of Nereus and
Doris. (Horn. 11. xviii. 41 ; ApoUod. i. 2. § 7 ;
Hygin. Fah. p. 7, ed. Staveren.) [L. S.]

ACTAEON ('Aktoiwi/). ]. Son of Aristaeus
and Autonoe, a daughter of Cadmus. He was
trained in the art of hunting by the centaur Chei-
ron, and was afterwards torn to pieces by his own
.50 hounds on mount Cithaeron. The names of
these hounds are given by Ovid {Met. iii. 206, &c.)
and Hyginus. {Fab. 181 ; comp. Stat. Tlieb. ii. 203.)

ACT IS AXES.

The cause of this misfortune is differently stated :
according to some accounts it was because he had
seen Artemis while she was bathing in the vale cf
Gargaphia, on the discovery of which the god-
dess changed him into a stag, in which form he
was torn to pieces by his own dogs. (Ov. Met,
iii. 155, &c. ; Hygin. Fab. 181 ; Callim. h. in
Pallad. 1 10.) Others relate that he provoked the
anger of the goddess by his boasting that he ex-
celled her in hunting, or by his using for a feast
the game which was destined as a sacrifice to her.
(Eurip. Bacch. 320; Diod. iv. 81.) A third ao
count stated that he was killed by his dogs at the
command of Zeus, because he sued for the hand of
Semele. ( Acusilaus, ap. Apollod. iii. 4. § 4.) Pau-
sanias (ix. 2. § 3) saw near Orchomenos the rock on
which Actaeon used to rest when he was fatigued
by hunting, and from which he had seen Artemis
in the bath ; but he is of opinion that the whole
story arose from the circumstance that Actaeon
was destroyed by his dogs in a natural fit of mad-
ness. Palaephatus {s. v. Actaeon) gives an absurd
and trivial explanation of it. According to the
Orchomenian tradition the rock of Actaeon was
haunted by his spectre, and the oracle of Delphi
commanded the Orchomenians to bury the remains
of the hero, which they might happen to find, and
fix an iron image of him upon the rock. This
image still existed in the time of Pausanias (ix.
38. § 4), and the Orchomenians offered annual sa-
crifices to Actaeon in that place. The manner in
which Actaeon and his mother were painted by
Polygnotus in the Lesche of Delphi, is described
bv Pausanias. (x. 30. § 2 ; comp. Muller, Orchom.
p' 348, &c.)

2. A son of Melissus, and grandson of Abron,
who had fled from Argos to Corinth for fear of the
tyrant Pheidon. Archias, a Corinthian, enamour-
ed with the beauty of Actaeon, endeavoured to
earn,' him off; but in the struggle which ensued
between Melissus and Archias, Actaeon was killed.
Melissus brought his complaints forward at the
Isthmian games, and praying to the gods for re-
venge, he threw himself from a rock. Hereupon
Corinth was visited by a plague and drought,
and the oracle ordered the Corinthians to propi-
tiate Poseidon, and avenge the death of Actaeon.
Upon this hint Archias emigrated to Sicily, where
he founded the town of Syracuse. (Plut. Amat.
Narr. p. 772 ; comp. Paus. v. 7. § 2 ; Thucvd. vi.
3 ; Strab. viii. p. 380.) [L."'S.]

ACTAEUS ('AKToros). A son of Erisichthon,
and according to Pausanias (i. 2. § 5), the
earliest king of Attica. He had three daughters,
Agraulos, Herse, and Pandrosus, and was succeed-
ed by Cecrops, who married Agraulos. Accord-
ing to Apollodorus (iii. 14. 1.) on the other hand,
Cecrops was the first king of Attica. [L. S.]

ACTE, the concubine of Nero, was a freed-
wonian, and originally a slave purchased from
Asia Minor. Nero loved her fiir more than his
wife Octavia, and at one time thought of marrying
her; whence he pretended that she was descended
from king Attalus. She survived Nero. (Tac.
Ann. xiii. 12, 46, xiv. 2 ; Suet. Ner. 28, 50 j Dion
Cass. Ixi. 7.)

ACTIACUS, a surname of Apollo, derived
from Actium, one of the principal places of his
worship. (Ov. Alet. xiii. 715; Strab. x. p. 451;
compare Bumiann, ad Prapart. p. 434.) [L. S.l

ACTI'SANES ('Akti.7c£i'7js), a king of Ethiopia,

ACTUARIUS.

•who conquered Kgvpt and governed it with justice.
He founded the city of RhinocoUira on the con-
lines of Egypt and Syria, and was succeeded by
Mendes, an Egyptian, Diodorus says tliat Aeti-
sanes conquered Egypt in the reign o( Amasis, for
which we ought perhaps to read Ammosis. At all
events, Amasis, the contemporary of Cyrus, cannot
be meant. (Uiod. i. GO ; Strab. xvi. p. 759.)

ACTIUS. [Attius.]

ACTOR ("AKTwp). 1. A son of Deion and
Diomede, the daughter of Xuthus. He was thus
a brother of Asteropeia, Aenetus, Phylacus, and
Cephalus, and husband of Aegina, father of Me-
noetius, and grandfather of Patroclus. (ApoUod.
i. 9. § 4, 16, iii. 10. § 8 ; Find. 01. ix. 75 ; Horn.
//. xi. 785, xvi. 14.)

2. A son of Phorbas and Hyrmine, and husband
of Molione. He was thus a brother of Augeas,
and father of Eurytus and Cteatus. (ApoUod. ii.
7. §2; Pans. V. 1. § 8, viii. 14. § 6.)

3. A companion of Aeneas (Virg. Aen. ix. 500),
who is probably the same who in another passage
(xii. 94) is called an Auruncan, and of whose con-
quered lance Tumus made a boast. This story
seems to have given rise to the proverbial saying
*' Actoris spolium" (Juv. ii. 100), for any poor
spoil in general. [L. S.]

ACTO'RIDES or ACTO'RION ('A/cropi'STjs or
'A/cTopiwi'), are patronymic forms of Actor, and are
consequently given to descendants of an Actor,
such as Patroclus (Ov. Afet. xiii 373 ; Trist. i. 9.
29), Erithus (Ov. Met. v. 79 ; compare viii. 308,
371), Eurytus, and Cteatus. (Hom. //. ii. 621,
xiii. 185, xi. 750, xxiii. 638.) [L. S.]

M. ACTO'RIUS NASO, seems to have writ-
ten a life of Julius Caesar, or a history of his
times, which is quoted by Suetonius, {Jul. 9, 52.)
The time at which he lived is uncertain, but from
the way in which he is referred to by Suetonius,
he would almost seem to have been a contemporaiy
of Caesar.

ACTUA'RTUS {'AKTovdpios), the surname by
which an ancient Greek physician, whose real
name was Joannes, is commonly known. His
fatlicr's name was Zacharias ; he himself practised
at Constantinople, and, as it appears, with some
degree of credit, as he was honoured with the title
of Aduarius., a dignity frequently confeiTed at that
court upon physicians. {Did.ofAnt.^.Q\.\.,h.) Very
little is known of the events of his life, and
his date is rather uncertain, as some persons reckon
him to have lived in the eleventh century, and
others bring him down as low as the beginning of
the fourteenth. He probably lived towards the
end of the thirteenth century, as one of his works
is dedicated to his tutor, Joseph Raccndytes, who
lived in the reign of Andronicus II. Palaeologus,
A. D. 1281 — 1328. One of his school-fellows is
supposed to have been Apocauchus, whom he de-
scribes (though without naming him) as going
upon an embassy to the north. {De Meih. Med.
Praef. ini. ii. pp.139, 169.)

One of his works is entitled, Uepl 'Evepyfiw^u Koi
UaOav Tov "^vxiKov Uvfv/xaTos, Koi rrj^ kut auro
Aiahrjs — " De Actionibus et Affectibus Spiritus
Animalis, ejusque Nutritione." This is a psycho-
logical and physiological work in two books, in
which all his reasoning, says Freind, seems to be
founded upon the principles laid down by Aristo-
tle, Galen, and others, with relation to the same
subject. The style of this tract is by no means

ACTUARIUS.

n

impure, and has a great mixture of the old Attic
fn it, which is very rarely to be met with in the
later Greek writers. A tolerably full abstract of
it is given by Barchusen, Hist. Medic. Dial. 1 4. p.
338, &c. It was first published, Venet. 1547, 8vo.
in a Latin translation by Jul. Alexandrinus de
Neustain. The first edition of the original was
published. Par. 1557, 8vo. edited, without notes
or preface, by Jac. Goupyl. A second Greek edi-
tion appetired in 1774, 8vo. Lips., under the care
of J. F. Fischer. Ideler has also inserted it in the
first volume of his Phymei et Medici Graeci Mi-
Tiores, Berol. 8vo. 1841 ; and the first part of J. S.
Bernard! Reliquiae Medico-Criticae, ed. Gruner,
Jenae, 1795, 8vo. contains some Greek Scholia
on the work.

Another of his extant works is entitled, ©epa-
TreuTiK?) M4Godos, " De Methodo Medendi,'' in six
books, which have hitherto appeared complete only
in a Latin translation, though Dietz had, before his
death, collected materials for a Greek edition of
this and his other works. (See his preface to Galen
De Dissect. Muse.) In these books, says Freind,
though he chiefly follows Galen, and very often
Aetius and Paulus Aegineta without naming him,
yet he makes use of whatever he finds to his pur-
pose both in the old and modem writers, as well
barbarians as Greeks ; and indeed we find in him
several things that are not to be met with else-
where. The work was written extempore, and
designed for the use of Apocauchus during his
embassy to the north. (Praef. i. p. 139.) A Latin
translation of this work by Corn. H. Mathisius,
was fii-st published Venet. 1554, 4to. The first
four books appear sometimes to have been con-
sidered to form a complete work, of which the
first and second have been inserted by Ideler ru
the second volume of his Phys. et Med. Gr. Min.
Berol. 1842, under the title Uepi Aiayvciaecas
IlaSwj/, " De Morborum Dignotione," and from which
the Greek extracts in H. Stephens's Diclionarium
Medieum^ Par. 1564, 8vo. are probably taken.
The fifth and sixth books have also been taken for
a separate work, and were published by them-
selves, Par. 1539, 8vo. and Basil. 1540, 8vo. in
a Latin translation by J. Ruellius, with the title
"De Medicamentorura Compositione." An extract
from this work is inserted in Fernel's collection of
writers De Febribus, Venet. 1576, fol.

His other extant work is Uepl OvpSv., " De
Urinis,"in seven books. He has treated of this sub-
ject very fully and distinctly, and, though he goes
upon the plan which Theophilus Protospatharius had
marked out, yet he has added a great deal of origi-
nal matter. It is the most complete and systematic
work on the subject that remains from antiquity,
so much so that, till the chemical improvements of
the last hundred years, he had left hardly anything
new to be said by the moderns, many of whom,
says Freind, transcribed it almost word for word.
This work was first published in a Latin transla-
tion by Ambrose Leo, which appeared in 1519,
Venet. 4to., and has been several times reprinted ;
the Greek original has been published for the first
time in the second volume of Ideler's work quoted
above. Two Latin editions of his collected
works are said by Choulant (Handbuch der D'u-
cherkunde fur die Aeltcre Medicin, Leipzig, 1841),
to have been published in the same year, 1556^
one at Paris, and the other at Lyons, both in 8vo.
His three works are also inserted in the Medicua

18

ADA.

Artis Principes of H. Stephens, Par, 1567, fol.
(Freind's Hist, of Physic; Sprengel, Hist, de la
Med. ; Haller, BMioth. Medic. Pract. ; Barchusen,
Hist. Medic.) [W. A. G.]

ACU'LEO occurs as a surname of C. Furius
who was quaestor of L. Scipio, and was con-
demned of peculatus. (Liv. xxxviii. 55.) Acu-
leo, however, seems not to have been a regular fa-
mily-name of the Furia gens, but only a surname
given to this person, of which a similar example
occurs in the following article.

C. ACULEO, a Roman knight, who married
the sister of Helvia, the mother of Cicero. He
was surpassed by no one in his day in his know-
ledge of the Roman law, and possessed great
acutencss of mind, but was not distinguished for
other attiiinments. He was a friend of L. Licinius
Crassus, and was defended by him upon one oc-
casion. The son of Aculeo was C. Visellius Varro ;
whence it would appear that Aculeo was only a
surname given to the father from his acuteness, and
that his fuU name was C. Visellius Varro Aculeo.
(Cic. de Or. i. 43, ii. 1, 65 ; Brut. 76.)

ACU'MENUS ('AKovfifvos), a physician of
Athens, who lived in the fifth century before Christ,
and is mentioned' as the friend and companion
of Socrates. (Plat. Phaedr. init. ; Xen. Memor.
iii. 1.3. § 2.) He was the father of Eryxiniachus,
who was also a physician, and who is introduced
as one of the speakers in Plato's Symposium. (Plat.
Proiag. p. 315, c. ; Symp. p. 176, c.) He is also
mentioned in the collection of letters first published
by Leo Allatius, Paris, 1637, 4to. with the title
J'^pist. Socratis et Socraiiconwi, and again by Orel-
lius, Lips. 1815. 8vo. ep. 14. p. 31. [W. A. G.]

ACUSILA'US ('A/couo-iAoos), of Argos, one of
the earlier Greek logographers(i>?rf. of Ant. p. 575,
a.), who probably Uved in the latter half of the
sixth century b. c. He is called the son of Cabras
or Scabras, and is reckoned by some among the
Seven Wise Men. Suidas (s. v.) says, that he
wrote Genealogies from bronze tal lets, which his
father was said to have dug up in Lis own house.
Three books of his Genealogies are quoted, which
were for the most part only a translation of Hesiod
into prose. (Clem. Strom. \{. p. 629, a.) Like most
of the other logographers, he wrote in the Ionic
dialect. Plato is the earliest writer by whom he
is mentioned. (Syjnp. p. 178, b.) The works which
bore the name of Acusilalis in a later age, were
spurious, (s. V. 'EKaraios MtATiVios, 'lo-Topijcai,
2u77pa<fw.) The fragments of Acusilalis have
been published by Sturtz, Gerae, 1787 ; 2nd ed.
Lips. 1824; and in the " Museum Criticum," i.
p. 216, &c. Camb. 1826.

M. ACU'TIUS, tribune of the plebs b. c. 401,
was elected by the other tribunes (by co-optation)
in violation of the Trebonia lex. (Liv. v. 10;
Vict, of Aid. p. 566, a.)

ADA ("ASa), the daughter of Hecatomnus, king
of Caria, and sister of Mausolus, Artemisia,
Idrieus, and Pixodarus. She was married to her
brother Idrieus, who succeeded Artemisia in b. c.
351 and died B. c. 344. On the death of her
husband she succeeded to the throne of Caria, but
was expelled by her brother Pixodarus in B. c. 340 ;
and on the death of the latter in b. c. 335 his son-
in-law Orontobates received the satrapy of Caria
from the Persian king. When Alexander entered
Caria in b. c. 334, Ada, who was in possession of
the fortress of Alinda, surrendered this place to

ADEIMANTUS.

him and begged leave to adopt him as her son.
After tftking Halicarnassus, Alexander committed
the government of Caria to her. (Arrian, Anub.
i. 23 ; Diod. x\-i. 42, 74 ; Strab. xiv. pp. 656, 657 ;
Pint. Alex. 10.)

ADAEUS, or ADDAEUS ('ASaTos or 'ASSaZos),
a Greek epigrammatic poet, a native most pro-
bably of Macedonia. The epithet MuKeSSvos is
appended to his name before the third epigram
in the Vat. MS. {Antk. Gr. vi. 228); and the
subjects of the second, eighth, ninth, and tenth
epigi'ams agree with this accomit of his origin.
He lived in the time of Alexander the Great, to
whose death he alludes. (Antk. Gr. vii. 240.)
The fifth epigram {A?ith. Gr. vii. 305) is inscribed
'ASSaiov MiTvArjvaiov, and there was a Mitylenaean
of this name, who wrote two prose wroks Uepl
'Aya^/xaToiroiwu and Ilepl AiaOeaews. (Athen.
xiii. p. 606. A, xi. p. 471, f ) The time when he
lived cannot be fixed with certiiinty. Reiske,
though on insufficient grounds, believes these two
to be the same person. (AniL Grace, vi. 228,
258, vii. 51, 238, 240, 305, x. 20 ; Brunck, Anal.
ii. p. 224 ; Jacobs, xiii. p. 831.) [C. P. M.]

ADAMANTEIA. [Amaltheia.]

ADAMA'jSTIUS ('AScjuai'Tios), an ancient
physician, bearing the title oi latrosophisla {larpiKUp
\6ywu crof^itTTTfs, Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 13),
for the meaning of which see Diet, of Ant.
p. 507. Little is known of his personal history,
except that he was by birth a Jew, and that
he was one of those who fled from Alexandria,
at the time of the expulsion of the Jews from that
city by the Patriarch St. Cyril, a. d. 415. He went
tc Constantinople, was persuaded to embrace Chris-
tianity, apparently by Atticus the Patriarch of that
cit}', and then returned to Alexandria. (Socrates,
I. c.) He is the author of a Greek treatise on
physiognomy, ^vcno'yvwixoviKd.^ in two books, which
is still extant, and which is borrowed in a great
Tieasure (as he himself confesses, i. Prooem. p.
314, ed. Franz.) from Polemo's work on the same
subject. It is dedicated to Constfintius, who is
supposed by Fabricius {DHAioth. Graeca, vol. ii. p.
171, xiii. 34, ed. vet.) to be the person who mai'-
ried Placidia, the daughter of Theodosius the
Great, and who reigned for seven months in con-
junction with the Emperor Honorius. It was first
published in Greek at Paris, 1540, 8vo^ then in
Greek and Latin at Basle, 1544, 8vo,, and after-
wards in Greek, together with Aelian, Polemo and
some other writers, at Rome, 1545, 4to. ; the last
and best edition is that by J. G. Franzius, who h;is
inserted it in his collection of the Scriptores Physi-
ognomiae FeiereSy Gr. et Lat., Altenb. 1780, 8vo.
Another of his works, Uipl 'Avifiwu, De Ventis, is
quoted by the Scholiast to Hesiod, and an extract
from it is given by Aetius (tetrab. i. serm. 3, c.
163) ; it is said to be still in existence in manu-
script in the Royal Library at Paris. Several of
his medical prescriptions are preserved by Oriba-
sius and Aetius. [ W. A. G.]

ADEIMANTUS {'Adeifrnvros). 1. The son of
Ocytus, the Corinthian commander in the invasion
of Greece by Xerxes. Before the battle of Arte-
misiimi he threatened to sail away, but was bribed
by Themistocles to remain. He opposed Themis-
tocles with great insolence in the council which
the commanders held before the battle of Salamis.
According to the Athenians he took to fliyht at
the very commencement of the battle, but thia

ADMKTK.

was denied l)y the Corinthians and the other
(Ireeks. (Herod, viii. 5, 56, 61, 94 ; Plat. T'lem.
11.)

'2. The son of Leucolophides, an Athenian, was
one of the commanders with Alcibiades in the ex-
pedition agciinst Andros, B. c. 407. (Xen. Hell. i.
4. § 21 .) He was again appointed one of the Athe-
nian genenvls after the battle of Arginusae, b. c.
•106, and continued in office till the battle of Aegos-
potami, B. c. 405, where he was one of the com-
manders, and was taken prisoner. He was the
only one of the Athenian prisoners who was not
]nit to death, because he had opposed the decree
for cutting off the right hands of the Lacedaemo-
nians who might be taken in the battle. He was
accused by many of treachery in this battle, and
was afterwards impeached by Conon. (Xen. Hell. i.
7. § 1 , ii. 1 . § 30-3-2 ; Paus. iv. 1 7. § 2, x. 9. § 5 ; Dem.
ilefals. leg. p. 401.; Lys. c. Ale. pp. 143, 21.)
Aristophanes speaks of Adeimantus in the "Frogs"
(1513), which was acted in the year of the battle,
as one whose death was wished for ; and he also
calls him, apparently out of jest, the son of Louco-
lophus, that is, "White Crest." In the "Prota-
goras" of Plato, Adeimantus is also spoken of as
present on that occasion (p. 315, e.).

3. The brother of Plato, who is frequently men-
tioned by the latter. {Apol. Socr. p. 34, a., de
Rep. ii. p. 367, e. p. 548, d. e.)

ADGANDE'STRIUS, a chief of the Catti,
offered to kill Arminius if the Romans would send
him poison for the purpose ; but Tiberius declined
the offer. (Tac. Ann. ii. 88.)

ADHERBAL ('Arapgas). 1. A Carthaginian
commander in the first Punic war, who was placed
over Drepana, and completely defeated the Roman
consul P. Claudius in a sea-fight off Drepana, b. c.
219. (Polyb. i. 49—52; Diod Eel. xxiv.)

2. A Carthaginian commander under Mago in
the second Punic war, who was defeated in a sea-
ilght off Carteia, in Spain, by C. Laclius in b.c.
206. (Liv. xxviii. 30.)

3. The son of Micipsa, and grandson of Masi-
nissa, had the kingdom of Nuraidia left to him by
his father in conjunction with his brother Hiempsal
and Jugurtha, B. c. 118. After the murder of his
brother by Jugurtha, Adherbal fled to Rome and
was restored to his share of the kingdom by the
Romans in B.C. 117. But Adherbal was again
stripped of his dominions by Jugurtha and be-
sieged in Cirta, where he was treacherously killed
by Jugurtha in b. c. 112, although he had placed
himself under the protection of the Romans.
(Sail. Jvg. 5, 13, 14, 24, 25, 26; Liv. Ep. 63;
i>iod. E,rc. xxxiv. p. 605. ed. Wess.)

ADIA'TORIX ('AStaToptl), son of a tetrarch
in Galatia, belonged to Antony's party, and killed
all the Romans in Heracleia shortly before the
battle of Actium. After this battle he was led as
prisoner in the triumph of Augustus, and put to
death with his younger son. His elder son,
Dyteutus, was subsequently made priest of the
celebrated goddess in Comana. (Strab. xii. pp. 543,
558, 559 ; Cic. ad Fam. ii. 12.)

ADME'TE ('ASaitJttj). 1. A daugter of Oceanus
and Thetys (Hesiod. Tlieog. 349), whom Hyginus
iu the preface to his fables calls Admeto and a
daughter of Pontus and Thalassa.

2. A daughter of Eurystheus and Antimache or
Admete. Heracles was obliged by her father to
fetch for hor the girdle of Ares, which was worn

ADMETUS. 19

by Hippolyte, queen of the Amazons. (Apollod. ii.
5. § 9.) According to Tzetzes {ad Lycophr. 1327),
she accompanied Heracles on this expedition.
There was a tradition ( Athen. xv. p. 447), according
to which Admete was originally a priestess of Hera
at Argos, but fled with the image of the goddess
to Saraos. Pirates were engaged by the Argives
to fetch the image back, but the enterprise did not
succeed, for the ship when laden with the image
could not be made to move. The men then took
the image back to the coast of Samos and sailed
away. When the Samians found it, they tied it
to a tree, but Admete purified it and restored it to
the temple of Saraos. In commemoration of this
event the Samians celebrated an annual festival
called Tonea. This story seems to be an invention
of the Argives, by which they intended to prove
that the worship of Hera in their place was older
than in Samos. [L. S.]

ADME'TUS ("AS/iTTTOj), a son of Pheres, the
founder and king of Pherae in Thessaly, and of
Periclymene orClyraene. (Apollod. i. 8. § 2, 9. § 14.)
He took part in the Calydonian chase and the ex-
pedition of the Argonauts. (Apollod. i. 9. § 16 ; Hy-
gin. Fab. 14. 173.) When he had succeeded his
father as king of Pherae, he sued for the hand of
Alcestis, the daughter of Pelias, who promised her
to him on condition that he should come to her in
a chariot drawn by lions and boars. This task
Admetus performed by the assistance of Apollo,
who served him according to some accounts out of
attachment to hira (Schol. ad E/in'p. Alcest. 2 ;
Callim. h. in Apoll. 46, &c.), or according to others
because he was obliged to serve a mortal for one
year for having slain the Cyclops. (Apollod. iii. 1 0.
§ 4.) On the day of his marriage with Alcestis,
Admetus neglected to offer a sacrifice to Artemis,
and when in the evening he entered the bridal
chamber, he found there a number of snakes rolled
up in a lump. Apollo, however, reconciled
Artemis to him, and at the same time induced the
Moirae to grant to Admetus deliverance from
death, if at the hour of his death his father, mother,
or wife would die for him. Alcestis did so, but
Kora, or according to others Heracles, brought her
back to the upper world. (Apollod. i. 9. § 15 ; com-
pare Alcestis.) [L. S.]

ADME'TUS ("AV^Tos), king of the Molos-
sians in the time of Themistocles, who, when su-
preme at Athens, had opposed him, perhaps not
without insult, in some suit to the people. But when
flying from the officers who were ordered to seize
him as a party to the treason of Pausanias, and
driven from Corcyra to Epirus, he found himself
upon some emergency, with no hope of refuge but
the house of Admetus. Admetus was absent ; but
Phthia his queen welcomed the stranger, and bade
hira, as the raost solemn forra of supplication
among the Molossians, take her son, the young
prince, and sit with hira in his hands upon ti\e
hearth. Admetus on his return home assured him
of protection ; according to another account in
Plutarch, he himself, and not Pthia enjoined the
form as affording hira a pretext for refused : he, at
any rate, shut his ears to all that the Athenian
and Lacedaemonian commissioners, who soon after-
wards arrived, could say ; and sent Themistocles
siifely to Pydna on his way to the Persian court.
(Thucyd. i. 136, 137; Plut. Them. 24.) [A. H. C]
ADME'TUS ("ASm^tos), a Greek epigram-
matist, who lived in the early part of the second

c 2

20

ADONIS.

century after Christ. One line of his is preserved
bv Lucian. {Demonajc, 44 ; Brunck, Anal. iii. p.
21.) [C. P.M.]

ADO'NEUS (*ASwi/€us). 1. A surname of
Bacchus, signifies the Ruler. (Auson. Epigr. xxix.

2. Adoneus is sometimes used by Latin poets
for Adonis. (Plant. Menaech. i. 2. 35 ; CatuU.
xxix. 9.) [L. S.]

ADO'NIS ("ASwi'is), according to Apollodorus
(iii. 14. § 3) a son of Cinyras and Medanne, accord-
ing to Hesiod {ap. Apollod. iii. 14. § 4) a son of
Phoenix and Alphesiboea, and according to the
cyclic poet Panyasis {ap. Apollod. I. c.) a son of
Tlieias, king of Assyria, who begot him hx his
own daughter Smyrna. (Myrrha.) The ancient
story ran thus : Smyrna had neglected the wor-
ship of Aphrodite, and was punished by the god-
dess with an unnatural love for her father. With
the assistance of her nurse she contrived to share
her father's bed without being known to him.
When he discovered the crime he wished to kill
her ; but she fled, and on being nearly overtaken,
prayed to the gods to make her invisible. Thej-
were moved to pity and changed her into a tree
called (Tfjivpva. After the lapse of nine months
the tree burst, and Adonis was born. Aphrodite
was so much charmed with the beauty of the infant,
that she concealed it in a chest which she entrust-
ed to Persephone ; but when the latter discovered
the treasure she had in her keeping, she refused to
give it up. The case was brought before Zeus,
Avho decided the dispute by declaring that during
four months of every year Adonis should be left to
himself, during four months he should belong to
Persephone, and during the remaining four to
Aphrodite. Adonis however preferring to live
with Aphrodite, also spent with her the four
months over which he had controul. After-
wards Adonis died of a wound which he received
from a boar during the chase. Thus far the story
of Adonis was related by Panyasis. Later writers
furnish various alterations and additions to it.
According to Hj'ginus {Fab. 58, 164, 251, 271),
Smyrna was punished with the love for her father,
because her mother Cenchreis had provoked the
anger of Aphrodite by extolling the beauty of her
daughter above that of the goddess. Smyrna after
the discovery of her crime fled into a forest, where
she was changed into a tree from which Adonis
came forth, when her father split it with his
sword. The dispute between Aphrodite and Per-
sephone was according to some accounts settled by
Calliope, whom Zeus appointed as mediator be-
tween them. (Hygin. Poet. Astron. ii. 7.) Ovid
{Met X. 300, &c.) adds the following features:
Myrrha's love of her father was excited hy the
furies ; Lucina assisted her when she gave birth to
Adonis, and the Naiads anointed him with the
tears of his mother, i. e. with the fluid which
trickled from the tree. Adonis grew up a most
beautiful youth, and Venus loved him and shared
with him the pleasures of the chase, though she
alwaj's cautioned him against the wild beasts.
At last he wounded a boar which killed him in
its fury. According to some traditions Ares
(Mars), or, according to others, Apollo assumed
the fonn of a boar and thus killed Adonis. (Serv.
ad Virg. Ed. x. 18 ; Ptolem. Hephaest. i. p. 306,
ed. Gale.) A third story related that Dionysus
carried off Adonis. (Phanocles ap, Plut. Sympos.

ADRASTEIA.

iv, 5.) When Aphrodite was informed of Ber
beloved being wounded, she hastened to the spot
and sprinkled nectar into his blood, from which
immediately flowers sprang up. Various other
modifications of the story may be read in Hyginus
{Poet. Astron. ii. 7), Theocritus {Idyll, xv.),
Bion {Idyll, i.), and in the scholiast on Lyco-
phron. (839, &c.) From the double marriage of
Aphrodite with Ares and Adonis sprang Priapus.
(Schol. ad Apollo7i. Rhod. i. 9, 32.) Besides
him Golgos and Beroe are likewise called children
of Adonis and Aphrodite. (Schol. ad Tluiocrit. xv.
100; Nonni Dionys. xli. 155.) On his death
Adonis was obliged to descend into the lower
world, but he was allowed to spend six months
out of every year with his beloved Aphrodite in
the upper world. {Orph. hymn. 55. 10.)

The worship of Adonis, which in later times
was spread over nearly all the countries round the
^Mediterranean, was, as the story itself sufliciently
indicates, of Asiatic, or more especially of Phoeni-
cian origin. (Lucian, de dca Syr. c 6.) Thence it
was transferred to Assyria, Egypt, Greece, and
even to Italy, though of course with various mo-
difications. In the Homeric poems no trace of it
occurs, and the later Greek poets changed the
original symbolic account of Adonis into a poetical
story. In the Asiatic religions Aphrodite was the
fructifying principle of nature, and Adonis appears
to have reference to the death of nature in winter
and its revival in spring — hence he spends six
months in the lower and six in the upper world.
His death and his return to life were celebrated
in annual festivals ('AScoi'to) at Byblos, Alexandria
in Egypt, Athens, and other places. [L. S.j

ADRANUS ( ASpai'o's), a Sicilian divinity who
was worshipped in all the island, but especially at
Adranus, a town near Mount Aetna. (Plut. Timol.
12; Diodor. xiv. 37.) Hesychius {s. v. TlaXiKoi)
represents the god as the father of the Palici.
According to Aelian {Hist. Anivi. xi. 20), about
1000 sacred dogs were kept near his temple.
Some modern critics consider this divinity to be of
eastern origin, and connect the name Adranus
with the Persian Adar (fire), and regard him as
the same as the Phoenician Adramelech, and aa
a personification of the sun or of fire in general.
(Bochart, Geograph. Sacra, p. 530.) [L. S.]

ADRANTUS, ARDRANTUS or ADRAS-
TUS, a contemporaiy of Athenaeus, who wrote a
commentary in five books upon the work of Theo-
phrastus, entitled Trepl 'H66uv, to which he added a
sixth book upon the Nicomachian Ethics of Aris-
totle. (Athen. xv. p. 673, e. with Schweighauser's
note.)

ADRASTEIA {'ASpdareia). 1. A Cretan
nymph, daughter of Melisseus, to whom Rhea
entrusted the infant Zeus to be reared in the Dic-
taean grotto. In this oftice Adrasteia was assisted
by her sister Ida and the Curetes (Apollod. i. 1.
§ 6 ; Callimach. kynm. in Jov. 47), whom the
scholiast on Callimachus calls her brothere. Apol-
lonius Rhodius (iii. 132, &c.) relates that she gave
to the infant Zeus a beautiful globe {crcpaipa'j to
play with, and on some Cretan coins Zeus is
represented sitting upon a globe. (Spauh. ad
Callim. I. c.)

2. A surname of Nemesis, which is derived by
some writers from Adrastus, who is said to have
built the first sanctuary of Nemesis on the river
Asopus (Strab. xiii. p. 588), and by others from

ADR AST us.

the verb SiSpdffKeiv, according to which it would
signify the goddess whom none can esaipe. (Vale-
ken. Ml Jfcrod. iii. 40.) [L. S.]

ADRASTI'NE. [Adrastus.]

ADRASTUS CASpatTTos), a son of Talaus,
king of Argos, and of Lysimache. (Apollod. i. 9.
§ 13.) Pausanias (ii. G. § 3) calls his mother
Lysianassa, and Ilyginus {Fab. G9) Eurynome.
(Conip, Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 423.) During a
feud between the most powerful houses in Argos,
Talaus was slain by Amphiaraus, and Adrastus
being expelled from his dominions fled to Polybus,
then king of Sicyon. When Polybus died with-
out heirs, Adrastus succeeded him on the throne
of Sicyon, and during his reign he is said to have
instituted the Neraean games. (Horn. //. ii. 572 ;
Pind. Nem. ix. 30, &c. ; Herod, v. G7 ; Pans. ii.
6. § 3.) Afterwards, however, Adrastus became
reconciled to Amphiaraus, gave him his sister Eri-
phyle in marriage, and returned to his kingdom of
Argos. During tl;e time he reigned there it hap-
pened that Tydeus of Calydon and Polynices of
Thebes, both fugitives from their native countries,
met at Argos near the palace of Adrastus, and
came to words and from words to blows. On
hearing the noise, Adrastus hastened to them and
separated the combaUmts, in whom he immediately
recognised the two men that had been promised to
him by an oracle as the future husbands of two
of his daughters ; for one bore on his shield
the figure of a boar, and the other that of a
lion, and the oracle was, that one of his daughters
was to marry a boar and the other a lion, Adras-
tus therefore gave his daughter Doi'pyle to Tydeus,
and Argeia to Polynices, and at the same time
promised to lead each of these princes back to his
own country. Adrastus now prepared for war
.against Thebes, although Amphiaraus foretold that
all who should engage in it should perisli, with
the exTOption of Adrastus. (Apollod. iii. G. § 1,
&c. ; Hygin. Fab. Q% 70,)

Tims arose the celebrated war of the " Seven
ng-ainst Thebes," in which Adrastus was joined by
six other heroes, viz. Polynices, Tydeus, Amphia-
raus, Capaneiis, Hippomedon, and Parthenopaeus.
Instead of Tydeus and Polynices other legends
mention Eteoclos and Mecisteus. This war ended
jis unfortunately as Amphiaraus had predicted,
and Adrastus alone was saved by the swiftness of
his horse Areion, the gift of Heracles. (Horn. II.
xxiii. 34G, &c. ; Paus. viii. 25. § 5 ; Apollod. iii.
G.) Creon of Thebes refusing to allow the bodies
of the six heroes to be buried, Adrastus went to
Athens and implored the assistance of the Athe-
nians. Theseus was persuaded to undertake an
expedition .against Thebes ; he took the city and
delivered up the bodies of the fallen heroes to
their friends for burial. (Apollod. iii. 7. § 1 ;
Paus. ix. 9. § 1.)

'\\m years after this Adrastus persuaded the
seven sons of tho heroes, who had fallen in the
war .igainst Thebes, to make a new attack upon
that city, and Amphiarjius now declared that the
gods approved of the undertaking, and promised
success. (Paus. ix. 9. § 2; Apollod. iii. 7. § 2.)
This war is celebrated in ancient story as the w.ar
of the Epigoni ('E7ri7oj'oj). Thebes was taken and
razed to the ground, after the greater part of its
inhabitants had left tho city on the advice of
Tiresias. (Apollod. iii. 7. § 2—4 ; Herod, v. 61 ;
Strab. vii. p. 325.) The only Argive hero that

ADRIANUS. 21

fell in this war, was Aegialeus, the son of Adras-
tus. After having built a temple of Nemesis in
the neighbourhood of Thel>e8 [Adrasteia], he set
out on his return home. But weighed down by
old age and grief at the death of his son he died at
Megara .and was buried there. (Paus. i. 43. § 1.)
After his death he was worshipped in several pjirts
of Greece, as at Megara (Paus. /. c), at Sicyon
where his memory was celebrated in tragic cho-
ruses (Herod, v. 67), and in Attica. (Paus. i. 30.
§ 4.) The legends about Adrastus .ind the two
wars against Thebes have furnished most ample
materials for the epic as well as tragic poets of
Greece (Paus. ix. 9. § 3), and some works of art
relating to the stories about Adrastus are mentioned
in Pausanias. (iii. 18. § 7, x. 10. § 2.)

From Adrastus the female patronymic Adrastine
was formed. (Horn. //. v. 412.) [L. S.]

ADRASTUS ("ASpao-Tos), a son of the Phry-
gian king Gordius, who had unintentionally killed
his brother, and was in consequence expelled by
his father and deprived of everything. He took
refuge as a supplifint at the court of king Croesus,
who purified him and received him kindly. After
some time he was sent out as guardi.in of Atys,
the son of Croesus, who was to deliver the coun-
try from a wild boar which had made gre.at havoc
all around. Adr.astus had the misfortune to kill
prince Atys, while he was aiming at the wild
beast. Croesus pardoned the unfortunate man, as
he saw in this accident the will of the gods and
the fulfilment of a prophecy ; but Adrastus could
not endure to live longer and killed himself on the
tomb of Atys. (Herod, i. 35— 45.) [L. S.]

ADRASTUS (■'ASpatTTOs), of Aphrodisias, a
Peripatetic philosopher, who lived in the second
century after Christ, the author of a treatise on
the arrangement of Aristotle's writings and his
system of philosophy, quoted by Simplicius {Prae-
fat. in viii. lib. Phi/s.), and bj^ Achilles Tatius
(p 82). Some common tciries of his on the Timaeus
of Plato are also quoted by Porphyry (p. 270, in
Harmonica Piolemae.i), and a treatise on the Cate-
gories of Aristotle by Galen. None of these have
come down to us ; but a work on Harmonics, irepl
'ApfjLovtKMy, is preserved, in MS., in the Vatican
Library. [B. J.]

ADRIA'NUS. [Hadrianus.]

ADRIA'NUS ('A5piav6s), a Greek rhetoricijin
bom at Tyre in Phoenicia, who flourished under
the emperors M. Antoninus and Commodus. He
was the pupil of the celebrated Herodes Atticus,
and obtained the chair of philosophy at Athens
during the lifetime of his master. His advance-
ment does not seem to have impaired their mutual
regjird ; Herodes declared that the unfinished
speeches of his scholar were " the fragments of a
colossus," and Adrianus showed his gratitude by a
funeral oration which he pronounced over the ashes
of his m.aster. Among a people who rivalled one
another in their zejil to do him honour, Adrijinus
did not shew much of the discretion of a philoso-
pher. His first lecture commenced with the modest
encomium on himself irdXiv e/c ^oiv'iKTfi ypafifiaTa^
while in the magnificence of his dress and equipjige
he .aftected the style of the hierophant of philoso-
phy. A story may be seen in Philostratus of his
trial and .vcquittjil for the murder of a begging
sophist who had insulted him : Adri.anus had re-
torted by styling such insults S-ny/J-ara Kopewv^ but
his pupils were not content with weapons of

22

ABACI DES.

ridicule. The visit of M. Antoninus to Athens
made him acquainted with Adrianus, whom he
invited to Rome and honoured with his friendship :
the emperor even condescended to set the thesis of
a declamation for him. After the death of Anto-
ninus he became the private secretary of Commodus,
His death took place at Rome in the eightieth year
of his age, not later than A. d. 192, if it be true
that Commodus (who was assassinated at the end
of this year) sent him a letter on his death-bed,
which he is represented as kissing with devout
earnestness in his last moments. (Philostr. Vit.
Adrian. ; Suidas, s. v. 'Adpiav6s.) Of the works
attributed to him bj' Suidas three declamations
only are extimt. These have been edited b}' Leo
Allatius in the Eurcerpia Vana Graecorum So-
phistarum ac Rlietoricorum, Romae, 1641, and by
Walz in the first volume of the Rhetorcs Graeci^
1832. [B.J.]

ADRIA'NUS ('ASpmvos), a Greek poet, who
WTOte an epic poem on the history of Alexander
the Great, which was called 'AA6|aj/5pjay. Of this
poem the seventh book is mentioned (Steph. B^'z.
s. V. Soceia), but we possess only a fragment con-
sisting of one line. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'Aa-rpaia.)
Suidas (s, t'. 'AppiavSs) mentions among other
poems of Arrianus one called 'A\e^avSpids, and
there can be no doubt that this is the w'ork of
Adrianus, which he by mistake attributes to his
Arrianus. (Meineke, in the Abltandl. der Berlin.
Akculemie, 1832, p. 124.) [L. S.j

ADRIA'NUS ('ASptafos) flourished, according
to Archbishop Usher, a. d. 433. There is extant
of his, in Greek, Imgoge Sacrarum Literarum, re-
commended by Photius (No. 2) to beginners, edited
by Dav. Hoeschel, 4to. Aug. Vindol. 1602, and
timoxig i\\e Critici Sacri.io\. \jonA.. 1660. [A.J.C.]

ADU'SIUS ('ASouff-ios), according to the account
of Xenophon in the Cyropaedeia, was sent by
Cyrus with an army into Caria, to put an end to
the feuds which existed in the country. He after-
wards assisted Hystaspes in subduing Phrygia,
and was made satrap of Caria, as the inhabitants
had requested, (vii. 4. § 1, &c., viii. 6, § 7.)

AEA. [Gaea.]

AEA, a huntress who was metamorphosed by
the gods into the fabulous island bearing the same
name, in order to rescue her from the pursuit
of Phasis, the river -god. (Val. Flacc. i. 742, v.
426.) [L. S.]

AE'ACES (Ata^rjs). 1. The father of Svloson
and Polycrates. (Herod, iii. 39, 139, vi. 13.)

2. The son of Syloson, and the grandson of the
preceding, was tyrant of Samos, but was deprived
of his tyranny by Aristagoras, when the lonians
revolted from the Persians, b. c. 500. He then
fled to the Persians, and induced the Samians to
abandon the other lonians in the sea-fight between
the Persians and lonians. After this battle, in
which the latter were defeated, he was restored to
the tyranny of Samos by the Persians, B, c. 494.
(Herod, iv. 138, vi. 13, 14, 25.)

AEA'CIDES (Ata/ftSTjs), a patronj-mic from
Aeacus, and given to various of his descendants,
as Peleus (Ov. Met. xi. 227, &c., xii. 365; Hom.
Jl. xvi. 15), Telamon (Ov. Met. viii. 4 ; Apollon,
i. 1330), Phocus (Ov. Met. vii. 668, 798), the
sons of Aeacus ; Achilles, the grandson of Aeacus
(Horn. //. xi. 805; Virg. Aen. i. 99); and
Pyrrhus, the great-grandson of Aeacus. (Virg.
Aen. ill 296.) [L. S.]

AEACUS.

AEACIDES {AlaKiZ-qs), the son of Arj-mbas,
kuig of Epinis, succeeded to the throne on tlie
death of his cousin Alexander, who was slain in
Italy. (Liv. viii. 24.) Aeacides mamed Phthia,
the daughter of Menon of Pharsalus, by whom he
had the celebrated Pyrrhus and two daughters,
Deidameia and Troias. In B.C. 317 he assisted
Polysperchon in restoring Olympias and the young
Alexander, who was then only five years old, to
Macedonia. In the following year he marched to
the assistance of Olympias, who was hard pressed
by Cassander ; but the Epirots disliked the service,
rose against Aeacides, and drove him from the
kingdom. Pyrrhus, who was then only two
years old, was with difficulty saved from destrac-
tion by some foithful servants. But becoming tired
of the Macedonian rule, the Epirots recalled Aea-
cides in B. c. 313 ; Cassander immediately sent an
army against him under Philip, who conquered
him the same year in two battles, in the last of
which he w^as killed. (Paus. i. II ; Diod. xix. 11,
36, 74 ; Plut. Pyrrh. i. 2.)

AE'ACUS (Aifa/cos), a son of Zeus and Aegina,
a daughter of the river-god Asopus. He was born
in the island of Oenone or Oenopia, whither
Aegina had been carried by Zeus to secure her
from the anger of her parents, and whence this
island was afterwards called Aegina. (Apollod.
iii. 12. §6; Hygin. Fab. 52; Paus. ii. 29. §
2; comp. Nonn. Dionys. vi. 212; Ov. Alet. vi.
113, vii. 472, &c.) According to some ac-
counts Aeacus was a son of Zeus and Europii,
Some traditions related that at the time when
Aeacus was born, Aegina was not yet inhabited,
and that Zeus changed the ants {ixvpjx-qKes)
of the island into men (Myrmidones) over whom
Aeacus ruled, or that he made men grow up out
of the earth. (Hes. Fmgm. 67, ed. Gottling ; Apol-
lod. iii. 12. § 6; Paus. I. c.) Ovid {Met. vii. 520;
comp. Hygin. Fab. 52 ; Strab. viii. p. 375), on the
other hand, supposes that the island was not unin-
habited at the time of the birth of Aeacus, and states
that, in the reign of Aeacus, Hera, jealous of
Aegina, ravaged the island bearing the name of the
latter by sending a plague or a fearful dragon into
it, by which nearly all its inhabitants were carried
off, and that Zeus restored the population by
changing the ants into men. The.se legends, as
Miiller justly remarks {Aeginetica), are nothing
but a mythical account of the colonisation of
Aegina, which seems to have been originally in-
habited by Pela.sgians, and afterwards received
colonists from Phthiotis, the seat of the Myrmi-
dones, and from Phlius on the Asopus. Aeacus
while he reigned in Aegina was renowned in all
Greece for his justice and piety, and was fre-
quently called upon to settle disputes not only
among men, but even among the gods themselves.
(Pind. Isih. viii. 48, &c. ; Paus. i. 39. § 5.) He
was such a favourite with the latter, that, when
Greece was visited by a drought in consequence of
a murder which had been committed (Diod, iv,
60, 61; Apollod. iii. 12. § 6), the oracle of Delphi
declared that the calamity would not cease unless
Aeacus prayed to the gods that it might ; which
he accordingly did, and it ceased in consequence.
Aeacus himself shewed his gratitude by erecting a
temple to Zeus Panhellenius on mount Panhel-
lenion (Paus. ii. 30. § 4), and the Aeginetans
afterwards built a sanctuary in their island called
Aeaceum, which was a square place enclosed by

AEDESIA.

walls of white marble. Aeacus was believed in
later times to be buried under the aluir in this
ssicred enclosure. (Paus. ii. 29. § 6.) A legend pre-
served in Pindar {01. viii. 39, &c.) relates that
Apollo and Poseidon took Aeacus as their assistant
in building the walls of Troy. When the work
was completed, three dragons rushed against the
wall, and while the two of them which attacked
those parts of the wall built by the gods fell down
dead, the third forced its way into the city through
the part built by Aeacus. Hereupon Apollo pro-
phesied that Troy would fall through the hands of
the Aeacids. Aeacus was also believed by tlie
Aeginetans to have surrounded their island with
high cliffs to protect it against pirates. (Paus. ii. 29.
§ 5.) Several other incidents connected with the
story of Aeacus are mentioned by Ovid. ( l^let. vii.
50(i, &c., ix. 435, &c.) By Endei's Aeacus had
two sons, Telaraon and Peleus, and by Psamathe
a son, Phocus, whom he preferred to the two
others, who contrived to kill Phocus during a
contest, and then fled from their native island.
[Peleus ; Telamox.] After his death Aeacus
became one of the three judges in Hades (Ov.
Met. xiii. 2.5; Hor. Cann. ii. 13. 22), and accord-
ing to Plato (Gorg. p. 523 ; compare Apolog. p.
41 ; Isocrat. Emg. 5) especiallj^ for the shades of
Europeans. In works of art he was represented
bearing a sceptre and the keys of Hades. (ApoUod.
iii. 12. § 6 ; Pind. Isthm. viii. 47, &c.) Aeacus
had sanctuaries both at Athens and in Aegina
(Paus. ii. 29. § 6 ; Hesych. s. v.; Schol. ad Find.
Ke/n. xiii. 155), and the Aeginetans regarded
him as the tutelary deity of their island. (Pind.
Nem. viii. 22.) [L. S.]

AEAEA (Aj'ata). 1. A surname of Medeia,
derived from Aea, the country where her father
Aeetes ruled. (ApoUon. Rhod. iii. 1135.)

2. A surname of Circe, the sister of Aeetes.
(Horn. Od. ix. 32 ; Apollon. Rhod. iv. 559 ; Virg.
yien. iii. 386.) Her son Telegonus is likewise
mentioned with this surname. {Acaeus, Propert.
ii. 23. § 42.)

3. A surname of Calypso, who was believed to
have ijihabited a small island of the name of Aeaea
in the straits between Italy and Sicily. (Pomp.
Mela, ii. 7; Propert. iii. 10. 51.) [L. S.]

AEA'NTIDES (AlavriSvs). 1. The tyrant of
Lampsacus, to whom Hippias gave his daughter
Archedice in marriage. (Thuc. vi. 59.)

2. A tragic poet of Alexandria, mentioned as
one of the seven poets who formed the Tragic
Pleiad. He lived in the time of the second Ptolemy.
(Schol. ad Hephaest. p. 32, 93, ed. Paw.,

AEBU'TIA GENS, contained two fiunilies, the
names of which are Carus and Elva. The for-
mer was plebeian, th," latter patrician ; but the
gens was originally pa'.rician. Cornuen does not
stiem to have been a f.imily-name, but only a sur-
name given to Postumus Acjbutius Elva, who was
consul in B. c. 442. This gens was distinguished
in the early ages, but from the time of the above-
mentioned Aebutius Elva, no patrician member of
it held any curule office till the praetorship of M.
Aebutius Elva in B. c. 1 76.

It is doubtful to which of the family P. Aebutius
belonged, who disclosed to the consul the existence
of the Bacchanalia at Rome, and was rewarded by
the senate ia consequence, B. c. 186. (Li v. xxxix.
9, 11,1. Q.)

AEDE'SIA(AlSe(r/o),a female philosopher of the

AEDON.

2S

new Platonic school, lived in the fifth century after
Christ at Alexandria. She was a relation of Syria-
nus and the wife of Hermeias, and was equally
celebrated for her beaut}' and her virtues. After
the death of her husband, she devoted herself to
relieving the wants of the distressed and the edu-
cation of her children. She accompanied the latter
to Athens, where they went to study philosophy,
and was received with great distinction by all the
philosophers there, and especially by Proclus, to
whom she had been betrothed by Syrianus, when
she was quite young. She lived to a considerable
age, and her funeral oration was pronounced by
Damascius, who was then a young man, in hexa-
meter verses. The names of her sons were Am-
monias and Heliodorus. (Suidas, s. v. ; Damascius,
ap. Phot. cod. 242, p. 341, b. ed. Bekker.)

AEDE'SIUS (AtSco-tos), a Cappadocian, called
a Platonic or perhaps more correctly an Eclectic
philosopher, who lived in the fourth century, the
friend and most distinguished disciple of lamblichus.
After the death of his master the school of Syria
was dispersed, and Aedesius fearing the real or
fancied hostility of the Christian emperor Constan-
tine to philosoph}', took refuge in divination. An
oracle in hexameter verse represented a pastoral
life as his only retreat, but his disciples, perhaps
calming his fears by a metiiphorical interpretation,
compelled him to resume his instructions. He
settled at Pergamus. where he numbered among
his pupils the emperor Julian. After the ascession
of the latter to the imperial purple he invited
Aedesius to continue his instructions, but the de-
clining strength of the sage being unequal to the
tiisk, two of his most learned disciples, Chrysanthes
and Eusebius, were by his own desire appointed to
supply his place. (Ennn]). Vit. Aedes.) [B. J.]

AEDON ('A7j5co</). 1. A daughter of Panda-
reus of Ephesus. Accordhig to Homer (Od. xix.
517, &c.) she was the wife of Zethus, king of
Thebes, and the mother of Itylus. Envious of
Niobe, the wife of her brother Amphion, who had
six sons and six daughters, she formed the plan of
killing the eldest of Niobe's sons, but by mistake
slew her own son Itylus. Zeus relieved her grief
by changing lier into a nightingale, whose melan-
choly tunes are represented by the poet as Aedon's
lamentations about her child. (Compare Phere-
cydes, Fragm. p. 138, ed. Sturz ; Apollod. iii.
5. § 5.) According to a later tradition preserved
in Antoninus Liberalis (c. 11), Aedon was the
wife of Polytechnus, an artist of Colophon, and
boasted that she lived more happily with him than
Hera with Zeus. Hera to revenge herself ordered
Eris to induce Aedon to enter upon a contest with
her husband. Polytechnus was then making a
chair, and Aedon a piece of embroidery, and they
agreed that whoever should finish the work first
should receive from the other a female slave as the
prize. When Aedon had conquered her husband,
he went to her father, and pretending that his
wife wished to see her sister Chelidonis, he took
her with him. On his way home he ravished her,
dressed her in slave's attire, enjoined her to observe
the strictest silence, and gave her to his wife as
the promised prize. After some time Chelidonis,
believing herself unobserved, lamented her own
fate, but she was overheard by Aedon, and the
two sisters conspired against Polytechnus and
killed his son Itys, whom they placed before him .
in a dish. Aedon fled with Chelidonis to hei

24

AEGA.

father, who, when Polytechnus came in pursuit of
his wife, had him bound, Bmeared with honey,
and thus exposed him to the insects. Aedon now
took pity upon the sufferings of her husband, and
when her relations were on the point of killing her
for this weakness, Zeus changed Polytechnus into
a pelican, the brother of Aedon into a whoop, her
father into a sea-eagle, Chelidonis into a swallow,
and Aedon herself into a nightingale. This mythus
seems to have originated in mere etymologies, and
Is of the same class as that about Philomele and
Procne. [L. S.]

AEE'TES or AEE'TA (AtMrrjs), a son of
Helios and Perseis. ( Apollod. i. 9. § 1 ; Hes. Tlieog.
957.) According to others his mother's name was
Persa (Hygin. Fraef. p. 14, ed. Staveren), or
Antiope. (Schol. ad Find. 01. xiii. 52.) He was
a brother of Circe, Pasiphae, and Perses. (Hygin.
I. e. ; Apollod. I. c. ; Hom. Od. x. 136, &c. ; Cic.
de Nat. Deor. iii. 19.) He Avas married to Idyia,
a daughter of Oceanus, by whom he had two
daughters, Medeia and Chalciope, and one son,
Absyrtus (Hesiod. Tlieog. 960.; Apollod. i. 9, 23.).
He was king of Colchis at the time when Phrixus
brought thither the golden fleece. At one time he
was expelled from his kingdom by his brother
Perses, but was restored by his daughter Medeia.
(Apollod. i. 9. § 28.) Compare Absyrtus, Ar-
UONAUTAE, Jason, and Medeia. [L. S.]

AEE'TIS, AEE'TIAS, and AEETl'NE, are
patronyTiiic forms from Aeetes, and are used by
Roman poets to designate his daughter Medeia.
(Ov. Met. vii. 9, 296, Heroid. vi. 103 ; Val. Place,
viii. 233.) [L. S.]

AEGA (AI717), according to Hyginus {Foet.
Astr. ii. 13) a daughter of Olenus, who was a de-
scendant of Hephaestus. Aega and her sister
Helice nursed the infant Zeus in Crete, and the
former was afterwards changed by the god into
the constellation called Capella. According to
other traditions mentioned by Hyginus, Aega was
a daughter of Melisseus, king of Crete, and was
chosen to suckle the infant Zeus ; but as she was
found unable to do it, the service was performed
by the goat Amalthea. According to others, again,
Aega was a daughter of Helios and of such dazzling
brightness, that the Titans in their attack upon
Olympus became frightened and requested their
mother Gaea to conceal her in the earth. She was
accordingly confined in a cave in Crete, where she
became the nurse of Zeus. In the fight with the
Titans Zeus was commanded by an oracle to cover
himself with her skin (aegis). He obeyed the
command and raised Aega among the stars.
Similar, though somewhat different accounts, were
given by Euemerus and others. (Eratosth. Caiast.
13 ; Antonin. Lib. 36 ; Lactant. Listit. i. 22. § 19.)
It is clear that in some of these stories Aegia
is regarded as a nymph, and in others as a goat,
though the two ideas are not kept clearly distinct
from each other. Her name is either connected
with af^, which signifies a goat, or with aC^., a gale of
wind ; and this circumstance has led some critics to
consider the myth about her as made up of two
distinct ones, one being of an astronomical nature
and derived from the constellation Capella, the rise
of which brings storms and tempests ( Arat. FJiaen.
150), and the other referring to the goat which
was believed to have suckled the infant Zeus in
Crete. (Compare Buttmann in Ideler''s Ursprung
yml Bedeutung der Siermiameny p. 309 ; Bottiger,

AEGERIA.

AmaWtea, i. p. 16, &c. ; Creuzer, Sj/mbol. iv, p.
458 &c.) ^ [L. S.]

AEGAEON (Alyaicau), a son of Uranus by
Gaea. Aegaeon and his brothers Gyges and
Cottus are known under the name of the Uranids
(Hes. T/ieog. 502, &c.), and are described as huge
monsters with a hundred arms (iKaroyx^ip^i) and
fifty heads. (Apollod. i. 1. § 1 ; Hes. T/ieog. 149,
&c.) [Most writers mention the tliird Uranid
under the name of Briareus instead of Aegaeon,
which is explained in a pas.sage of Homer (//. i.
403, &c.), who says that men called him Aegaeon,
but the gods Briareus. On one occasion when the
Olympian gods were about to put Zeus in chains,
Thetis called in the assistance of Aegaeon, who
compelled the gods to desist from their intention, ^r
(Hom. //. i. 398, &c.) According to Hesiod X
(T/ieog. 154, &c. 617, &c.), Aegaeon and hisV
brothers were hated by Uranus from the time or
their birth, in consequence of which they wwe
concealed in the depth of the earth, where they
remained until the Titans began their war against
Zeus. On the advice of Gaea Zeus delivered the
Uranids from their prison, that they might assist
him. The hundred-armed giants conquered the
Titans by hurling at them three hundred rocks at
once, and secured the victory to Zeus, who thrust
the Titans into Tartarus and placed the Hecaton-
cheires at its gates, or, according to others, in the
depth of the ocean to guard them. (Hes. Tlieog.
617, &c. 815, &c.) According to a legend in
Pausanias (ii. 1. § 6, ii. 4. § 7), Briareus was chosen
as arbitrator in the dispute between Poseidon and
Helios, and adjudged the Isthmus to the former
and the Acrocorinthus to the latter. The Scholiast
on Apollonius Rhodius (i. 1165) represents Ae-
gaeon as a son of Gaea and Pontus and as living
as a marine god in the Aegean sea. Ovid (Met.
ii. 10) and Philostmtus ( Vit. Apollu?i. iv. 6) like-
wise regard him as a marine god, while Virgil
(Aen. X. 565) reckons him among the giants
who stormed Olympus, and Callimachus (IJipnn.
in Del. 141, &c.), regarding him in the same light,
places him under mount Aetna. The Scholiast on
Theocritus (Idyll, i. Qb) calls Briareus one of the
Cyclops. The opinion which regards Aegaeon and
his brothers as only personifications of the extra-
ordinary powers of nature, such as are manifested
in the violent commotions of the earth, as earth-
quakes, volcanic eruptions and the like, seems to
explain best the various accounts about them. [L. S.]

AEGAEUS (Alyaios), a surname of Posei-
don, derived from the town of Aegae in Euboea,
near which he had a magnificent temple upon a
hill. (Sti-ab. ix. p. 405 ; Virg. Aen. iii. 74, where
Servius erroneously derives the name from the
Aegean sea.) [L. S.]

AEGEIDES (A£7eiS7j$), a patronymic from
Aegeus, and especially used to designate Theseus.
(Hom. //. i. 265; Ov. Heroid. iv. 59, ii. 67 ;
compare Aegeus.) [L. S.]

AEGE'RIA or EGE'RIA, one of the Camenae
in Roman mythology, from whom, according to
the legends of early Roman story, Numa received
his instructions respecting the forms of worship
which he introduced. (Liv. i. 19; Val. Max. i. 2.
§ 1.) The grove in which the king had his in-
terviews with the goddess, and in which a well
gushed forth from a dark recess, was dedicated bv
him to the Camenae. (Liv. i. 21.) The Roman
legends, however, point out two distinct places

AEGEUS.

sacred to Aegeria, one near Aricia (Virg. Jen. vii.
761, &c.; Ovid, Fast. in. '20' 3, &c.; Strab. v.
p. 239 ; Plut. Num. 4; Lactant. i. 22. § 1), and
the other near the city of Rome at tlic Porta
Capcna, in the valley now called Caparella, where
the sacred shield had fallen from heaven, and
where Numa was likewise believed to have had
interviews with his beloved Caraena. (Plut. Num.
13; Juv. iii. 12.) Ovid {Met. xv. 431, &c. ;
compare Strab. /. c.) relates that, after the death
of Numa, Aegeria fled into the shady grove in the
vale of Aricia, and there disturbed by her lamen-
tations the worship of Diana which had been
brought thither from Tauris by Orestes, or, ac-
cording to others, by Ilippolytus. Virgil {Aen.
vii. 7 1)1) makes Hippolytus and Aegeria the
parents of Virbius, who was undoubtedly a native
Italian hero. This is one of the most remarkable
instances of the manner in which the worship of a
Greek divinity or hero was engrafted upon and
combined with a purely Italian worship. Aegeria
was regarded as a prophetic divinity, and also as
the giver of life, whence she was invoked by
pregnant women. (Festus, s. ■«. Egeriae; compare
Wagner, Commentuiio de Egeriae fonte et specu
eiusf/ue situ, JNIarburg, 1824 ; Hartung, Die Relig.
der Mmer, ii. p. 203, &c. and 213, &c.) [L. S.]

AEGESTUS. [AcESTES.]

AEGEUS (Alyfvs). 1. According to some
accounts a son of Pandion II, king of Athens, and
of Pylia, while others call him a son of Scyrius or
Phemius, and state that he was only an adopted
son of Pandion. (Pans, i, 5. § 3, &c. ; Schol. ad
Lt/cophr. 49 i ; Apollod. iii. 15. §5.) Pandion
had been expelled from his kingdom by the
Metionids, but Aegeus in conjunction with his
brothel s, Pallas, Nysus, and Lycus restored him,
and Aegeus being the eldest of the brothers suc-
ceeded Pandion. Aegeus first married Meta, a
daughter of Hoplos, and then Chalciope, the
daughter of Rhexenor, neither of whom bore him
any children. (Apollod. iii. 15. §6,&c.) He ascrib-
ed this misfortune to the anger of Aphrodite, and
in order to conciliate her introduced her worship
at Athens. (Pans. i. 14. § 6.) Afterwards he begot
Theseus by Aethra at Troezen. (Plut. Tlies. 3;
Apollod. iii. 15. § 7 ; Hygin. Fab. 37.) When
Theseus had grown up to manhood, and was in-
formed of his descent, he went to Athens and de-
feated the fifty sons of his uncle Pallas, who
claiming the kingly dignity of Athens, had made
war U[)on Aegeus and deposed him, and also
wished to exclude Theseus from the succession.
(Plut. Thus. 13.) Aegeus was restored, but died
soon after. His death is related in the following
manner : When Theseus went to Crete to deliver
Athens from the tribute it had to pay to Minos,
he promised his father that on his return he would
lioist white sails as a signal of his safety. On his
approach to the coast of Attica he forgot his
promise, and his father, who was watching on a
rock on the seacoast, on perceiving the black sail,
thought that his son had perished and threw him-
self into the sea, which according to some tradi-
tions received from this event the name of the
Aegaean sea. (Plut. T/ies. 22; Diod. iv. 61;
Pans. i. 22. § 5 ; Hygin. Faf>. 43; Serv. ad Aen. iii.
74.) Medeia, who was believed to have spent
some time at Athens on her return from Corinth
to Colchis, is s;iid to have become mother of a son,
Medus, by Aegeus. (Apollod. i. 9. § 28 ; Hygin.

AEGIDIUS. 25

Fob. 26.) Aegeus was one of the eponymic
heroes of Attica ; and one of the Attic tribes
(Aegcis) derived its name from him. (Paus. i. 5.
§2,) His grave, called the herouni of Aegeus, was
believed to be at Athens (Paus. i. 22. § 5), and
Pausanias mentions two statues of him, one at
Athens and the other at Delphi, the latter of which
had been made of the tithes of the booty taken
by the Athenians at Marathon. (Paus. i. 5. § 2,
X. 10.§1.)

2. The eponymic hero of the phyle called the
Aegeidae at Sparta, was a son of Oeolycus, and
grandson of Theras, the founder of the colony in
Thera. (Herod, iv. 149.) All the Aegeids were
believed to be Cadmeans, who formed a settlement
at Sparta previous to the Dorian conquest. There
is only this difference in the accounts, that, ac-
cording to some, Aegeus was the leader of the
Cadmcan colonists at Sparta, while, according to
Herodotus, they received their name of Aegeids
from the later Aegeus, the son of Oeolycus. (Pind.
Pyth. V. 101 ; Isth. vii. 18, &c., with the Schol.)
There was at Sparta a heroum of Aegeus. (Paus.
iii. 15. § 6 ; compare iv. 7. § 3.) [L. S.]

AEGI'ALE or AEGIALEIA {AlyidhT] or
At7jaAe(a), a daughter of Adrastus and Am-
phithea, or of Aegialeus the son of Adrastus,
whence she bears the surname of Adrastine. (Horn.
//. V. 412 ; Apollod. i. 8. § 6, 9. § 13.) She was
married to Diomedes, who, on his return from
Troy, found her living in adultery with Coraetos.
(Eustath, ad II. v. p. bOG.) The hero attributed
this misfortune to the anger of Aphrodite, whom
he had wounded in the war against Troy, but
when Aegiale went so far as to threaten his life,
he fled to Italy. (Schol. ad Lycophr. 610; Ov.
Met. xiv. 476, &c.) According to Dictys Cretensis
(vi. 2), Aegiale, like Clytemnestra, had been
seduced to her criminal conduct by a treacherous
report, that Diomedes was returning with a Trojan
woman who lived with him as his wife, and on his
arrival at Argos Aegiale expelled him. In Ovid
(/6is, 349) she is described as the type of a bad
wife. [L .S.]

AEGI'ALEUS {MyiaX^is). 1. A son of
Adrastus and Amphithea or Demoanassa. (Apollod.
i. 9. § 13 ; Hygin. Fab. 71.) He was the only
one among the Epigones that fell in the war
against Thebes. (Apollod. iii. 7. § 3; Pans. ix. 5. § 7;
compare Adrastus.) He was worshipped as a
hero at Pegae in Megaris, and it was believed
that his body had been conveyed thither from
Thebes and been buried there. (Paus. i. 44. § 7.)

2. A son of Inachus and the Oceanid ^Meliii,
from whom the part of Peloponnesus after-
wards called Achaia derived its name of Aegialeia.
(Apollod. ii. 1. $ 1.) According to a Sicyonian
tradition he was an autochthon, brother of Phoro-
neus and first king of Sicyon, to whom the
foundation of the town of Aegialeia was ascribed.
(Paus. ii. 5. § 5, vii. I. § 1.)

3. A son of Aeetes. [Absyrtus.] [L, S.]
AEGI'DIUS, a Roman commander in Gaul

under Majorianus. (a. d. 457 — 461.) After the
death of the latter, he maintained an independent
sovereignty in Gaul, and was elected by the Franks
as their king, after they had banished Childeric.
Four years afterwards, Childeric was restored ; but
Aegidius did not oppose his return, and he retained
his influence in Gaiil till his death. (Gregor. Tu-
ron. ii. 12.)

26

AEGINETA.

AEGipU CHOS or AEGI'OCHOS (AlyiSov-
Xos or Aiyioxos), a surname of Zeus, as the bearer
of the Aegis with which he strikes terror into the
impious and his enemies. (Horn. 11. i. 202, ii. 157,
375, &c. ; Find. hth. iv. 99 ; Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii.
13.) Others derive the surname from at^ and ox^J,
f-nd take it as an allusion to Zeus being fed by a
g' at. (Spanh. ad Calliin. hymn, in Jov. 49.) [L. S.]

AE'GIMUS, or AEGl'MIUS {Myiyios, or
At7j/iios), one of the most ancient of the Greek
physicians, who is said bv Galen {De Differ. Puis.
i. 2, iv. 2. 11. vol. viii" pp. 498, 716, 752) to
have been the first person who wrote a treatise on
the pulse. He was a native of Velia in Lucania,
and is supposed to have lived before the time of
Hippocrates, that is, in the fifth century before
Christ. His work was entitled Ilepl TlaKjxoiv, De
Palpitatio7iibus, (a name which alone sufficiently
indicates its antiquity,) and is not now in exist-
ence. Calhmachus {ap. Allien, xiv. p. 643, e.) men-
tions an author named Aegimius, who wrote a
work on the art of making cheesecakes {irXaKovv-
TOTTouKou avyypafxfia), and Pliny mentions a per-
son of the same name (H. N. vii. 49), who was
said to have lived two hundred years ; but whether
these are the same or different individuals is quite
uncertain [W. A. G.]

AEGl'MIUS {Alyifiios), the mythical ancestor
of the Doric race, who is described as their king
and lawgiver at the time when they were yet in-
habiting the northern parts of Thessaly. (Pind,
Pi/th. i. 124, V. 96.) When involved in a war
with the Lapithae, he called Heracles to his
assistance, and promised him the third p<irt of his
territory, if he delivered him of his enemies. The
Lapithae were conquered, but Heracles did not
take for himself the territory promised to him by
Aegimius, and left it in trust to the king who was
to preserve it for the sons of Heracles. (Apollod.
ii. 7. § 7; Diod. iv. 37.) Aegimius had two sons,
Dymas and Pamphylus, who migrated to Pelopon-
nesus and were regarded as the ancestors of two
branches of the Doric race (Dy manes and Pam-
phylians), while the third branch derived its name
from Hyllus (Hylleans), the son of Heracles, who
had been adopted by Aegimius. (Apollod. ii. 8,
§3; Schol. ad Pind. Pytk.i. 121.) Respecting
the connexion between Aegimius and Heracles,
see M>ilier, Dor. i. 35, &c.

There existed in antiquity an epic poem called
** Aegimius," of which a few fragments are still
extant, and which is sometimes ascribed to Hesiod
and sometimes to Cercops of Miletus. (Athen. xi.
p. 503; Steph. Byz. s.v. 'ASapris.) The main
subject of this poem appeal's to have been the war
of Aegimius and Heracles against the Lapithae.
(Groddeck, BibUoth. der alt. Lit. und Kuiid, ii. 84,
&c.; Miiller, Z)or. i. 33, &c.; Welcker, Der Epiache
Ci/clm, p. 266, &c. The fragments are collected
in Diintzer, Die Fragm. d. episch. Poes. der
Griech. his ziir Zcit Alexaiid. p. bQ, &c.) [L. S.]

AEGI'NA. [Abacus.]

AEGINAEA {Aiyivaia), a surname of Artemis,
under which she was worshipped at Sparta. (Paus.
iii. 14. § 3.) It means either the huntress of cha-
mois, or the wielder of the javelin (a£7ai/ea). [L. S.]

AEGINE'TA, a modeller (Jictor) mentioned
by Pliny. {H. N'. xxxv. 11. s. 40.) Scholars are
now pretty well agreed, that Winckelmann was
mistaken in supposing that the word Aeyinetae in
the passage of Piiuy denoted merely the country |

AEGISTHUS.

of some artist, whose real name, for some reason or
other, was not given. His brother Pasias, a
painter of some distinction, was a pupil of Erigo-
nus, who had been colour-grinder to the artist
Nealces. We learn from Plutarch {Arat. 13),
that Nealces was a friend of Aratus of Sicyon,
who was elected praetor of the Achaean leag le
B. c. 243. We shall not be far wrong therefore in
assuming, that Aegineta and his brother flourish-
ed about 01. CXL. B. c. 220. (K. 0. :Muller, Arch,
der Kimst. p. 151.) [C. P. M.]

AEGINETA PAULUS. [Paulus A^qi-

NETA.]

AEGI'OCHUS. [Aegiduchus.]

AE'GIPAN {Alyiirav), that is, Goat-Pan, was
according to some statements a being distinct from
Pan, while others regard him as identical with
Pan. His story appears to be altogether of late
origin. According to Hyginus {Fuh. 155) he was
the son of Zeus and a goat, or of Zeus and Aega,
the wife of Pan, and was transferred to the
stars. (H\'gin. Poet. Astr. ii. 13. §28.) Others
again make Aegipan the father of Pan, and stiite
that he as well as his son was represented as half
goat and half fish. (Eratosth. Catast. 27.) When
Zeus in his contest with the Titans was deprived
of the sinews of his hands and feet, Hermes and
Aegipan secretly restored them to him and fitted
them in their proper places. (Apollod. i. 6. § 3 ;
Hygin. Poet. Astr. I. c.) According to a Roman
tradition mentioned by Plutarch (^Parallel. 22),
Aegipan had sprung from the incestuous inter-
com-se of Valeria of Tusculum and her father
Valerius, and was considered only a diflferent name
for Silvanus. (Comp. Pan, and Voss, Mi/thol.
Briefe, i. p. 80, &c.) [L. S.J

AEGISTHUS {Aiyi(TQos\ a son of Thyestes,
who unwittingly begot him by his own daughter
Pelopia. Immediately after his birth he was ex-
posed by his mother, but was found and s;\ved by
shepherds and suckled by a goat, whence his name
Aegisthus (from ai^ ; Hygin. FoJj. 87, 88 ; Aelian,
V. H. xii. 42). Subsequently he was searched after
and found by Atreus, the brother of Thyestes, who
had him educated as his own child, so that every
body believed Aegisthus to be his son. In the night
in which Pelopia had shared tlie bed of her father,
she had taken from him his sword which she
afterwards gave to Aegisthus. This sword became
the means by which the incestuous intercourse be-
tween her and her father was discovered, where-
upon she put an end to her own life. Atreus in his
enmity towards his brother sent Aegisthus to kill
him ; but the sword which Aegisthus carried was
the cause of the recognition between Thyestes and
his son, and the latter returned and slew his uncle
Atreus, while he was offering a sacrifice on the
sea-coast. Aegisthus and his father now took
possession of tiieir lawful inheritance from which
they had been expelled by Atreus. (Hygin. I. c.
and 252.) Homer appears to know nothing of all
these tragic occurrences, and we learn from him
only that, after the death of Thyestes, Aegisthus
ruled as king at M^-cenae and took no part in the
Trojan expedition. {Od. iv. 518, &c.) While
Agaraemjion, the son of Atreus, was absent on
his expedition against Tro}', Aegisthus seduced
Clytemnesti-a, the wife of Agamemnon, and was so
wicked as to offer up thanks to the gods for the
success with which his criminal exertions were
crowned. (Horn. Od. iii. 263, &c.) lu order not

A EG us.

to be surprised by the return of Agrimemnon, he
Bent out spies, and when Agamemnon came,
Aogistlius invited him to a repast at which he had
him treacherously murdered. (Hom. Od. iv. 524,
&c.; Paus. ii. 16. § 5.) After this event Aegisthus
reigned seven years longer over Mycenae, until in
the eighth Orestes, the son of Agamemnon, re-
turned home and avenged the death of his faither
by putting the adulterer to death. (Hom. Od. i.
28, &c. ; compare Agamkmnon, Clytemnestra,
Orestes.) [L. S.]

AEGLE {M-yX-n). 1. The most beautiful of the
Naiads, daughter of Zeus and Neaera ( Virg. Eclog.
vi. 20), by whom Helios begot the Charites.
(Paus. ix. 35. § 1.)

2. A sister of Phaeton, and daughter of Helios
and Clymenc. (Hygin. Fab 154, 156.) In her
grief at the death of her brother she and her sisters
were changed into poplars.

3. One of the Hesperides. (Apollod. ii. 5. § 11;
Serv. ad Ae7i. iv. 484; comp. Hesperidks.)

4. A nymph, daughter of Panopeus, who was
beloved by Theseus, and for whom he forsook Ari-
adne. (Plut. Thes. 20; Athen. xiii. p. 557.) [L. S.]

AEGLE (AfyATj), one of the daughters of
Aesculapius (Plin. H. N. xxxv. 40. § 31) by
Lampetia, the daughter of the Sun, according to
Ilermippus {ap. Schol. in Aristoph. Plat. 701), or
])y Epione, according to Suidas. (s. v. 'airiovr].)
Slie is said to have derived her name Aegle,
*' Brightness," or '' Splendour," either from the
beauty of the human body when in good health,
or from the honour paid to the medical profession.
(.r. H. Meibom. Comment, in Hippocr. '"'• Jusjur.''''
Lugd. Bat. 1643, 4to. c. 6. § 7, p. 55.) [W. A.G.]

AEGLE'lS (Aj^Atj/s), a daughter of Hyacinthus
who had emigrated from Lacedaemon to Athens.
During the siege of Athens by Minos, in the reign
of Aegeus, she together with her sisters Antheis,
liytaea, and Orth.aea, were sacrificed on the tomb
fif Geraestus the Cyclop, for the purpose of avert-
ing a pestilence then raging at Athens. (Apollod.
iii. 15. § 8.) [L. S.]

AEGLES (AfyXTjs), a Samian athlete, who was
dumb, recovered his voice when he made an effort
on one occasion to express Ids indignation at an
attempt to impose upon him in a public contest.
(Gell. V. 9 ; Val. Max. i. 8, ext. 4.)

AEGLE'TES (Ai^A^xTjs), that is, the radiant
g)d, a surname of Apollo. (Apollon. Rhod. iv.
] 730 ; Apollod. i. 9. § 26 ; Hesych. s. v.) [L. S.J

AEGO'BOLUS {MyoS6\os\ the goat-killer, a
surname of Dionysus, at Potniae in Boeotia.
(Paus. ix. 8. § ].) [L. S.]

AEGO'CERUS {PdyoK^puis)., a surname of Pan,
descriptive of his figure with the horns of a goat,
but is more commonly the name given to one of the
Bigns of the Zodiac. (Lucan, ix. 536 ; Lucret. v.
(;14 ; C. Caes. Germ, in Aral. 213.) [L. S.]

AEGO'PHAGUS {Myo<pdyos\ the goat-eater,
a surname of Hera, under which she was worship-
ped by the Lacedaemonians. (Paus. iii. 15. § 7 ;
Hesvch. and Etvm. M. s. v.) [L. S.]

AEGUS and' ROSCILLUS, two chiefs of the
Allobroges, who had served Caesar with great
fidelity in the Gallic war, and were treated by
him with great distinction. They accompanied
him in his campaigns against Pompey, but having
been reproved b}' Caesar on account of depriving
the cavalry of its pay and appropriating the booty
to themselves, tliey deserted to Pompey in Greece.

A ELI A GENS.

27

(Caes. Bell. Civ. iiL 59, 60.) Aegus was after-
wards killed in an engagement between the cavalry
of Caesar and Pompey. (iii. 84.)

AEGYPTUS (Ar7U7rTos), a son of Belus and
Anchinoe or Achiroe, and twin-brother of Danaus.
(Apollod. ii. 1. § 4; Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 382,
1155.) Euripides represented Cepheus and Phi-
neus likewise as brothers of Aegyptus. Belus
assigned to Danaus the sovereignty of Libya, and
to Aegyptus he gave Arabia. The latter also sub-
dued the country of the Melampodes, which he
called Aegypt after his own name. Aegyptus by
his several wives had fifty sons, and it so hap-
pened that his brother Danaus had just as many
daughters. (Apollod. ii. 1. § 5 ; Hygin. Fah. 170.)
Danaus had reason to fe;ir the sons of his brother,
and fled with his daughters to Argos in Pelopon-
nesus. Thither he was followed by the sons of
Aegyptus, who demanded his daughters for tlieir
wives and promised faithful alliance. Danaus
complied with their request, and distributed his
daughters among them, but to each of them he
gave a dagger, with which they were to kill their
husbands in the bridal night. All the sons of
Aegyptus were thus murdered with the exception
of Lynceus, who was saved by Hyperranestra.
The Danaids buried the heads of their murdered
husbands in Lerna, and their bodies outside the
town, and were afterwards purified of their crime
by Athena and Hermes at the command of Zeus.
Pausanias (ii. 24. § 3), who saw the monument under
which the heads of the sons of Aegyptus were believ-
ed to be buried, says that it stood on the way to
Larissa, the citadel of Argos, and that their bodies
were buried at Lerna. In Hyginus (Foi. 168)
the story is somewhat diflferent. According to
him, Aegyptus formed the plan of murdering
Danaus and his daughters in order to gjiin posses-
sion of his dominions. When Danaus was in-
formed of this he fled with his daughters to Argos.
Aegyptus then sent out his sons in pursuit of the
fugitives, and enjoined them not to return unless
they had slain Danaus.' The sons of Aegyptus
laid siege to Argos, and when Danaus saw that
further resistance was useless, he put an end to the
hostilities by giving to each of the besiegers one of
his daughters. The murder of the sons of Aeg\'p-
tus then took place in the bridal night. There
was a tradition at Patrae in Achaia, according to
which Aegyptus himself came to Greece, and died
at Aroe with grief for the fate of his sons. The
temple of Serapis at Patrae contained a monument
ofAegj'ptus. (Paus. vii. 21. § 6.) [L. S.J

AEIMNESTUS ('AeifjLvwros), a Spartan, who
killed Mardonius in the battle of Plataea, B. c. 479,
and aftcrwai'ds fell himself in the Messenifin Wiu*.
(Herod, ix. 64.) The Spartan who killed Mar-
donius, Plutarch {Arist. 19) calls Arimnestus

{'ApifjLVT^CTTOs).

AE'LIA GENS, plebeian, of which the family-
names and surnames are Catus, Gallus, Gra-
cilis, Lamia, Ligur, Paetus, Staienus,*
Stilo, Tubero. Ou coins this gens is also
written Ailuy, but A Ilia seems to be a distinct
gens. The only fiunily-names and surnames of the
Aelia gens upon coins are Bala^ Lamia., Paetus^
and Scjit7ius. Of Bala nothing is known, ^'ja-
nus is the name of the favorite of Tiberius, who
was adopted by one of the Aelii. [Sejanus.]
The first member of this gens, who obtained the
consulship, was P. Aelius Paetus in b c, 337.

28

AELIANUS.

Under the empire the Aelian name became still
more celebrated. It was the name of the emperor
Hadrian, and consequently of the Antonines, whom
he adopted.

It is doubtful to which family P. Aelius be-
longed who was one of the first plebeian quaestors,
B. c. 409. (Liv. iv. 54.)

AELIA'NUS was together with Araandus the
leader of an insurrection of Gallic peasants, called
Bagaudae, in the reign of Diocletian. It was put
down by the Caesar Maximianus Herculius. (Eu-
trop. ix. 13 ; Aurel. Vict, de Caes, 3.9.)

AELIA'NUS, CASPE'EIUS, prefect of the
Praetorian guards under Dumitian and Nerva.
He excited an insvurection of the guards against
Nerva, in order to obtain the punishment of some
obnoxious persons, but was killed by Trajan with
his accomplices, (Dion Cass. Ixviii. 3, 5.)

AELIA'NUS, CLAU'DIUS (K\a.JSios AlXia-
v6s), was born according to Suidas [s. v. Pdhiavos)
at Praeneste in Itiily, and lived at Rome. He
calls himself a Roman ( V. IL xii. 25), as pos-
sessing the rights of Roman citizenship. He was
particidarly fond of the Greeks and of Greek lite-
rature and oratory. ( V. JI. ix. 32, xii. 25.)
He studied under Pausanias the rhetorician, and
imitated the eloquence of Nicostratus and the style
of Dion Chrysostom ; but especially admired
Herodes Atticus more than all. He taught rheto-
ric at Rome in the time of Hadrian, and hence was
called 0 (rocpia-T-^s. So complete was the command
he acquired over the Greek language that he could
speak as well as a native Athenian, and hence was
called 6 fj-eXiyXuTTos OT fJi.€\i(p9oYyos. (Philost. Vit.
Soph. ii. 31.) That rhetoric, however, was not his
forte may easily be believed from the style of his
works ; and he appears to have given up teaching
for writing, Suidas calls him 'Apxi^f>(vs (Pontifex).
He lived to above sixty years of age, and had no
children. He did not mjirry, because he would
not have any. There are two considerable works
of his remaining : one a collection of miscellaneous
Jiistory {UolklXt} 'la-ropla) in fourteen books, com-
monly called his " Varia Historia," and the other
a work on the peculiarities of animals {Uepl Zc^wv
iSiOTTjTos) in seventeen books, commonly called his
"De Animalium Natura." . The former work con-
tains short narrations and anecdotes, historical,
biographical, antiquarian, &c,, selected from various
authors, generally without their names being given,
and on a great variety of subjects. Its chief value
arises from its containing many passages from
works of older authors which are now lost. It is
to be regretted that in selecting from Thucydidcs,
Herodotus, and other writers, he has sometimes
given himself the trouble of altering their language.
But he tells us he liked to have his own way and
to follow his own taste, and so he would seem to
liave altered for the mere sake of putting some-
thing different. The latter work is of the same
kind, scrappy and gossiping. It is partly collected
from older writers, and partly the result of his own
observations both in Italy and abroad. According
to Philostratus (m Vit.) he was scarcely ever out
of Italy ; but he tells us himself that he travelled
as far as Aegypt ; and that he saw at Alexandria
an ox with five feet. (De Anim. xi. 40 ; comp. xi.
1 ] .) This book would appear to have become a
popular and standard work on zoology, since in the
fourteenth century Manuel Philes, a Byzantine
poet, founded upon it a poem on animals. At tlie

AELIANUS.

end of the work is a concluding chapter (MXoyos)^
where he states the general principles on which he
has composed his work : — that he has spent great
labour, care, and thought in writing it ; — that he
has preferred the pursuit of knowledge to the pur-
suit of wealth ; and that, for his part, he found
much moi-e pleasure in observing the habits of the
lion, the panther, and the fox, in listening to the
song of the nightingale, and in studying the mi-
grations of cranes, than in mere heaping up richea
and being numbered among the great : — that
throughout his Avork he has sought to adhere to
the truth. Nothing can be imagined more deficient
in arrangement than this work : he goes from one
subject to another without the least link of associ-
ation ; as (e, g,) from elephants (xi. 15) to dragons
(xi. 16), from the liver of mice (ii. 56) to the uses
of oxen (ii. 57). But this absence of arrangement,
treating things iroiKiXa iroiKiXws, he says, is in-
tentional ; he adopted this plan to give variet^'^ to
the work, and to avoid tedium to the reader. His
style, which he commends to the indulgence of
critics, though free from any great fault, has no
particular merit. The similarity of plan in the two
works, with other internal evidences, seems to
shew that they were both written by the same
Aelian, and not, as Voss and Valckenaer conjec-
ture, by two different persons.

In both works he seems desirous to inculcato
moral and religious principles (see V. II. vii. 44 ;
Dc Anim. vi. 2, vii. 10, 11, ix. 7, and Epilo</.) ;
and he wrote some treatises expressly on philoso-
phical and religious subjects, especially one on
Providence (Tleol Upovoias) in three books (Suidas,
s. V. ^ASaaavlaTuis), and one on the Divine Mani-
festitions (Ilepl Qdwv 'Ev^pyeioiv), directed against
the Epicureans, whom he alludes to elsewhere.
[De Anim. vii. 44.) There are also attributed to
Aelian twenty letters on husbandry and such-liko
matters ('AypotKi/cal 'ETritrToAai), which are by
feigned characters, are written in a rhetorical un-
real style, and are of no value. The first edition
of all his works was by Conrad Gesner, 1556, fob,
containing also the works of Heraclides, Polemo,
Adamantius and Melampus, The " Vai'ia Historia'"
was first edited by Camillus Peruscus, Rome,
1 545, 4to. ; the principal editions since are by
Perizonius, Leyden, 1701, 8vo,, by Gronoviu:;,
Leyden, 1731, 2 vols. 4to., and by Kiihn, Leip-
zig, 1780, 2 vols, 8vo. The De Animalium
Natura was edited by Gronovius, Lend, 1744,
2 vols. 4 to., and by J. G. Schneider, Leipzig,
1784, 2 vols. 8vo. The last edition is that by
Fr. Jacobs, Jena, 1832, 2 vols. 8vo. This contains
the valuable materials which Schneider had col-
lected and left for a new edition. The Letters
were puljlished apart from the other works by
Aldus Manutius in his " Collectio Epistoiarum
Graecarum," Venice, 1499, 4to.

The Varia Historia has been translated into
Latin by C. Gesner, and into English by A. Fle-
ming, Lond. 1576, and by Stanley, 1665; this
last has been reprinted more than once. The De
Animalium Natura has been translated into Latin
by Peter Gillius (a Frenchman) and by Conrad
Gesner. It does not appear to have been translated
into English.

There has also been attributed to Aelian a work
called KaT-nyopia roO rvi^ytSos, an attack on an
effeminate man, probably meant for Elagabalus.
(Suidas, s. v. "Appeu.) [A. A,]

AELIANUS.

AELIA'NUS, LU'CIUS, one of the thirty ty-
rants (a. d. 259-'2()8) under the Roman empire.
He assumed the purple in Gaul after the death of
Postumus, and was killed by his own soldiers, be-
cause he would not allow them to plunder Mogim-
tiucum. Trebellius PoUio and others call him
Lollianus ; Eckhel {Dodr. Num. vii. p. 448) thinks,
that his true name was Laelianus ; but there seems
most authority in favour of L. Aelianus. (Eutrop.
ix. 7 ; Trebell. Poll. Tiig. Tyr. 4 ; Aurel. Vict, de
Cues. 3.3, Epii. 32.)

AELIA'NUS ME'CCIUS ('Ai\iav6s Me'/c/cm),
fin ancient physician, who must have lived in the
second century after Christ, as he is mentioned by
Galen (De TIteriaca ad Pamphil. init. vol. xiv.
p. 299) as the oldest of his tutors. His father is
supposed to have also been a physician, as Aelianus
is said by Galen {De Dissect. Muscul. c. 1. p. 2.
ed. Dietz) to have made an epitome of his father's
anatomicjil writings. Galen speaks of that part of
his work which treated of the Dissection of the
^Muscles as being held in some repute in his time
{i/n<l.), and he always mentions his tutor with re-
spect. (Ibid. c. 7, 22, pp. 11,57.) During the
prevalence of an epidemic in Italy, Aelianus is
said by Galen (De Theriaca ad Pamphil. ibid.) to
liave used the Theriaca {Did. of Ant. art. The-
riaca) with great success, both as a means of cure
and also as a preservative against the disease. He
nuist have been a person of some celebritj', as this
same anecdote is mentioned by the Arabic Histo-
rian Abu '1-Faraj {Histor. Compend. Dynast, p.
77), with exactly the same circumstances except
that he makes the epidemic to have broken out at
Antioch instead of in Italy. None of his works
(as far as the writer is aware) are now extant.
[W. A. G.]

AELIA'NUS, PLAUTIUS, offered up the
prayer as pontifex, when the first stone of the
new Capitol was laid in a. d. 71. (Tac. Hist. iv.
53. ) We learn from an inscription (Gruter, p. 453;
Orelli, n. 750), that his full name was Ti. Plautius
8ilvanu8 Aelianus, that he held many important
military commands, and that he was twice consul.
His first consulship was in A. D. 47 ; the date of
his second is unkno^vn.

AELIA'NUS TA'CTICUSCAtAjavo's Ta/CT/Ko's)
was most probably a Greek, but not the same as
Claudius Aelianus. He lived in Rome and wrote
a work in fifty-three chapters on the Military Tac-
tics of the Greeks (riepl 2TpaT7]yiKwv Td^ewv
'E\\7]i/iKwv), which he dedicated to the emperor
Hadrian. Pie also gives a brief account of the
constitution of a Roman army at that time. The
work arose, he says {Dedic), from a conversation
he had with the emperor Nerva at Frontinus's
house at Forraiae. He promises a work on
Naval Tactics also ; but this, if it was writttm,
is lost. The first edition of the Tactics (a very
bad one) was published in 1532; the next, much
better, was by Franciscus Robortellus, Venice,
1552, 4to., which contains a new Latin version by
the editor, and is illustrated with many cuts. The
best edition is that printed by Elzevir at Leydon,
1613. It is usually found bound up with Leo's
Tactica [Leo].

It was translated into Latin first by Theodoras
of Thessalonica. This translation was published
at Rome, 1487, together with Vegotius, Frontinus,
and Modestiis. It is printed also in Robortellus's
edition, which therefore contains two Latin ver-

aemilia.

•29

sions. It has been translated into English by
Capt. John Bingham, Lond. 1616, fol, and by
Lord Dillon, 1814, 4to. [A. A.]

AE'LIUS ARISTI'DES. [Aristides.]
AK'LIUS ASCLEPI'ADES. [Asclepiades,]
AE'LIUS DIONY'SIUS. [Dionvsius.]
AE'LIUS DONA'TUS. [Donatus.]
AE'LIUS LAMPRI'DIUS. [Lampridius.]
AE'LIUS MARCIA'NUS. [Marcianu.s.]
AE'LIUS MAURUS. [Maurus.]
AE'LIUS PROMO'TUS {AXKios npoMcSros),
an ancient physician of Alexandria, of whose per-
sonal history no particulars are known, and whose
date is uncertain. He is supposed by Villoison
(Anccd. Graec. vol. ii. p. 179. note 1) to have
lived after the time of Pompey the Great, that is,
in the first century before Christ ; by others he is
considered to be much more ancient ; and by
Choulant {Handbwh der B'dcherkunde fur die
Aeltere Medicin, Ed. 2. Leipzig, 1840, 8vo.), on
the other hand, he is placed as late as the second
half of the first century after Christ. He is most
probably the same person who is quoted by Galen
{De Compos. Medicam. secund. Locos, iv. 7, vol.
xii. p. 730) simply by the name hi A e/ius. He
wrote several Greek medical works, which are still
to be found in manuscript in different libraries
in Europe, but of which none (as far as the writer
is aware) have ever been published, though Kiihn
intended his works to have been included in his
collection of Greek medical writers. Some extracts
from one of his works entitled Avua/xepSu, * Medi-
cinalium Formularum CoUectio, are inserted by C-
G. Kiihn in his Additam. ad Blench. Med. Vet. a
J.A.Fabri.do in '"'■Bill. Gr.^"" Exhib., and by Bona
in his Tradatus de Scorbuto, Verona, 1781, 4to.
Two other of his works are quoted or mentioned
by Hicron. Mercurialis in his Vaiiae Ledio?ies, iii.
4, and his work De Venenis et Morbis Venenosis,
i. 1 6, ii. 2 ; and also by Schneider in his Prefaces
to Nicander's T/ieriaca, p. xi., and Aleonpliarmacuy
p. xix. [W. A. G.J

AELLO. [Harpyiae.]
AELLOPUS ('AeAAoTTous), a surname of Iris,
the messenger of the gods, by which she is de-
scribed as swift-footed like a storm-wind. Homer
uses the form cteAAo'iros. (//. viii. 409.) [L. S.]
AELURUS. [TiMOTHEUs Aelukus.]
AEMI'LIA. 1. A vestal virgui, who, when
the sacred fire was extinguished on one occasion,
prayed to the goddess for her assistance, and mira-
culously rekindled it by throwing a piece of her
garment upon the extinct embers. (Dionys. ii.
G8; Vah Max. i. l.§7.)

2. The third daughter of L. Aemilius Paullus,
who fell in the battle of Cannae, was the wife of
Soipio Africanus I. and the mother of the celebrated
Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi. She was of
a mild disposition, and long survived her husband.
Her property, which was large, was inherited by
her grandson by adoption, Scipio Africanus II.,
who gave it to his own mother Papiria, who had
been divorced by his own fiither L. Aemilius.

* AvvafjLfpov is a word used by the later Greek
writers, and is explained by Du Cange {Gloss. Med.
d Infim. Graecit.) to mean vis, virtus. It is how-
ever frequently used in the sense given to it in the
text. See Leo, Consped. Medic, iv. 1, 11. ap*
Ermerin. Anecd. Med. Grace, pp. 153, 157.

'30

AEMILIANUS.

(Polyb. xxxii. 12 ; Diod. Exc. xxxi. ; Val. Max.
vi. 7. § 1; Pint Aem. 2; Liv. xxxviii, 57.)

3. The third daughter of L. Aemilius PauUus
Alacedonicus was a little girl when her father was
appointed consul a second time to conduct the war
agiiinst Perseus. Upon returning home after his
election he found her in tears, and upon inquiring
the reason she told him that Perseus had died,
which was the name of her dog ; whereupon he
exclaimed " I accept the omen," and regarded it
as a pledge of his success in the war. (Cic. de
Div. i. 46, ii. 40; Plut. Aem. 10.)

4. Aemilia Lepida. [Lepida.]

5. A vestal virgin, who was put to death B. c.
114 for having committed incest upon sevenil oc-
casions. She induced two of the other vestal
virgins, Marcia and Licinia, to commit the same
crime, but these two were acquitted by the ponti-
iiccs, when Aemilia was condemned, but were
subsequently condemned by the praetor L. Cassius.
(Plut. Qitaest. Rom. p. 284 ; Liv. EpiL 63 ;
Orosius, v. 15 ; Ascon. in Cic. Mil. p. 46, ed.
Orelh.)

AEMI'LIA GENS, originally written AIMI-
LIA, one of the most ancient patrician houses at
Rome. Its origin is referred to the time of Numa,
and it is said to have been descended from Ma-
mcrcus, who received the name of Aemilius on ac-
count of the persuasiveness of his language (5t'
alijivXiav Xoyov). Tiiis Mamercus is represented
by some as the son of Pythagoras, and by others
as the son of Numa, while a third account traces
his origin to Ascanius, who had two sons, Julius
and Aeraylos. (Plut. Acmil. 2, Num. «>, 21 ; Festus,
s. V. Aemil.) Amulius is also mentioned as one
of the ancestors of the Aemilii. (Sil. Ital. viii. 297.)
It seems pretty clear that the Aemilii were of
Sabine origin ; and Festus derives tlie name Ma-
mercus from the Oscan, Mamers in that langiiage
b(!ing the same as Mars. The Sabines spoke
Oscan. Since then th^ Aemilii- were supposed to
have come to Rome in the time of Numa, and
Numa was said to have been intimate with Pytha-
goras, we can see the origin of the legend which
makes the ancestor of the house the son of Pytha-
goras. The first member of the house who ob-
tained the consulship was L. Aemilius Mamercus,
in B. c. 484.

The family-names of this gens are : Bari^ula,
BucA, Lepidus, Mamercus or Mamercinus,
Papus, Pal'llus, Regillus, Scaurus. Of these
names Buca, Lepidus, Paullus, and Scaurus are the
oiilv ones that occur on coins.

AEMILIA'NUS. 1. The son of L. Aemilius
Paullus Macedonicus, was adopted by P. Cornelius
Scipio, the son of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus,
and was thus called P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus
Africanus. [Scipio.]

2. The governor of Pannonia and Moesia in the
reign of Gallus. He is also called Aemilius ; and
on coins we find as his praenomen both ^larcus
and Caius. On one coin he is called C. Julius
Aemilianus ; but there is some doubt about the
genuineness of the word Julius. (Eckhel, vii. p. 372.)
He was born in Mauritania about a. d. 206. He
defeated the barbarians who had invaded his pro-
vince, and chased them as far as the Danube, a. n.
253. He distributed among his soldiers the booty
he had gained, and was saluted emperor by them.
He then marched into Italy, but Gallus, who had
advanced to meet him, was slain at Interamna to-

AENEAS.

gether with his son Volusianus by his own soldiers.
Aemilianus was acknowledged by the senate, but
was slain after a reign of three or four months by his
soldiers near Spoletum, on the approach of Valerl-
anus. According to other accounts he died a
natural death. (Zosimus, i. 28, 29; Zonaras, xii.
21, 22 ; Eutrop. ix. 5 ; AureL Vict, de Cues. 31,
Epit. 31.)

3. One of the thirty tyrants (a. d. 259—268)
was compelled by the troops in Egypt to assume
the purple. He took the surname of Alexander or
Alcxandrinus. Gallienus sent Theodotus against
him, by whom he was taken and sent prisoner to
Gallienus. Aemilianus was strangled in prison.
(Trebell. Poll. Trip. Tyr. 22, Gcdlien. 4, 5.)

AEMILIA'NUS (who is also called Aemilius)
lived in the fifth century Jifter Christ, and is
known as a physician, confessor, and mai'tyr. In
the reign of the Vandal King Hunneric (a. d.
477-484), during the Arian persecution in Africji,
he was most cruelly put to death. The Romish
church celebrates his memory on the sixth of De-
cember, the Greek church on the seventh. (A/ar-
tyrol. Rom. ed. Baron. ; Victor Vitensis, De Per-
secut. Vamlal. v. 1, with Ruinart's notes, Paris.
8vo. 1694; Bzovius, Nomendutor Sundorum Pn>-
feasionc Meilicorum.) [W. A. G.]

AEMILIA'NUS (AluiXiavos), a native of the
town of Nicaea, and an epigrammatic poet. Nothing
further is known about him. Three of his epi-
grams have been preserved. (Anthol. Graec. vii.
623, ix. 218, 756.) [C. P. M.]

AEMI'LIUS ASPER. [Asper.]

AEMI'LIUS MACER. [Macer.]

AEMI'LIUS MAGNUS ARBO'RIUS. [Ar-
bor: us.]

AEMI'LIUS PACENSIS. [Pacensis.]

AEMI'LIUS PAPINIA'NUS. [Papini-
anus.]

AEMI'LIUS PARTHENIA'NUS. [Par-
thenianus.]

AEMI'LIUS PROBUS. [Nepos, Corne-
lius.]

AEMI'LIUS SURA. [Sura.J

AENE'ADES (AtreiaSes), a patronymic from
Aeneas, and applied as a surname to those who
were believed to be descended from him, such
as Ascanius, Augustus, and the Romans in
general. (Virg. Aen. ix. 653 ; Ov. Ex Pant i. 35 ;
Met. XV. 682, 695.) [L. S.]

AENE'AS (Alveias). Homeric Story. Aeneas
was the son of Anchises and Aphrodite, and bom
on mount Ida, On his father's side he was a
great-grandson of Tros, and thus nearly related to
the royal house of Troy, as Priam himself was a
grandson of Tros. (Hom. //. xx. 215, &c., ii.
820, V. 247, &c.; Hes. Tfi^og. 1007, &c.) He was
educated from his infancy at Dardanus, in the
house of Alcathous, the husband of his sister. {II,

AENEAS.

xili. 463. &.C.) At the beginning of the war of
the Greeks against Troy he did not take any part
in it, and the poet intimates that there existed an
ill feeling between him and Priam, who did not
pay sufficient honour to Aeneas. (11. xiii. 460, &c.,
XX. 181) This probably arose from a decree of
destiny, according to which Aeneas and his de-
scendants were to nile over Troy, since the house
of Priam had drawn upon itself the hatred of
Cronion. (II. xx. 307.) One day when Aeneas
was tending his flocks on mount Ida, he was
attacked by Achilles, who took his cattle and put
him to flight. But he was rescued by the gods.
This event, however, and the admonition of Apollo,
roused his spirit, and he led his Dardanians against
the Greeks. (//. xx.'89, &c., 190, &c., ii. 819, &c.)
Henceforth he and Hector are the great bulwarks
of the Trojans against the Greeks, and Aeneas ap-
pears beloved and honoured by gods and men. {11.
xi. 58, xvi. 619, V. 180, 467, vi. 77, &c.) He is
among the Trojans what Achilles is among the
Greeks. Both are sons of immortal mothers, both
are at feud with the kings, and both possess horses
of divine origin. (//. v. 265, &c.) Achilles him-
self, to whom Hector owns his inferiority, thinks
Aeneas a worthy competitor. (II. xx. 175.) The
place which Aeneas occupies among the Trojans is
well expressed in Philostratus (Her. 13), who says
that the Greeks called Hector the hand, and Aeneas
the soul of the Trojans. Respecting the brave and
noble manner in which he protects the body of his
friend Pandarus, see //. v. 299. On one occasion
he was engaged in a contest with Diomedes, who
hurled a mighty stone at him and broke his hip.
Aeneas fell to the ground, and Aphrodite hastened
to his assistance (//. v. 305), and Avhen she too
was wounded, Apollo carried him from the field of
battle to his temple, where he was cured by Leto
and Artemis. (II. v. 345, &c.) In the attack of
the Trojans upon the wall of the Greeks, Aeneas
commanded the fourth host of the Trojans. (//.
xii. 98.) He avenged the death of Alcathous by
slaying Oenomaus and Aphareus, and hastened to
the assistance of Hector, who was thrown on the
ground by Ajax. The last feat Homer mentions
is his fight with Achilles. On this as on all other
occasions, a god interposed and saved him, and this
time it was by Poseidon, who although in general
hostile towards the Trojans, yet rescued Aeneas,
that the decrees of destinj^ might be fulfilled, and
Aeneas and his offspring might one day rule over
Troy. (II. XX. 1 78, &c., 305, &c.) Thus far only
is the story of Aeneas to be gathered from the
Homeric poems, and far from alluding to Aeneas
having emigrated after the capture of Troy, and
having founded a new kingdom in a foreign land,
the poet distinctly intimates that he conceives
Aeneas and his descendants as reigning at Troy
after the extinction of the house of Priam. (Comp,
Strab. xiii. p. 608.)

Later Stories. According to the Homeric hymn
on Aphrodite (257, &c.), Aeneas was brought up
by the nymphs of mount Ida, and was not taken
to his father Anchises, until he had reached his
fifth year, and then he was, according to the wish
of the goddess, given out as the son of a nymph.
Xenophon (De Venat. 1. § 15) says, that he was
instructed by Cheiron, the usual teacher of the

AENEAS. 31

traditions as well as in the earlier ones. (Hygin.
Fab. 115 ; Philostr. I. c.) According lo some ac-
counts Aeneas was not present when Troy waa
taken, as he had been seat by Priam on an expe-
dition to Phi-j'gia, while according to others he
was requested by Aphrodite, just before the fall of
the city, to leave it, and accordingly went to mount
Ida, carrying his father on his shoulders. (Dion.
Hal. i. 48.) A third account makes him hold out
at Troy to the last, and when all hopes disappeared,
Aeneas with his Dardanians and the warriors of
Ophrynium withdrew to the citadel of Pergamus,
where the most costly treasures of the Trojans
were kept. Here he repelled the enemy and re-
ceived the fugitive Trojans, until he could hold out
no longer. He then sent the people ahead to
mount Ida, and followed them with liis warriors,
the images of the gods, his father, his wife, and
his children, hoping that he would be able to
maiutJiin himself on the heights of mount Ida. But
being threatened with an attack by the Greeks, he
entered into negotiations with them, in consequence
of which he surrendered his position and was
allowed to depart in safety with his friends and
treasures. (Dionys. i. 46, &c. ; Aelian, V. II.
iii. 22 ; Hygin. Fab. 254.) Others again related
that he was led by his hatred of Paris to betray
Ilion to the Greeks, and was allowed to depart
free and safe in conset-uence. (Dionys. I.e.) Livy
(i. 1) states, that Aeneas and Antenor were the
only Trojans against whom the Greeks did not
make use of their right of conquest, on account of
an ancient connexion of hospitality existing be-
tween them, or because Aeneas had always advised
his countrymen to restore Helen to Menelaus.
(Comp. Strab. I. c.)

TJie farther part of the story of Aeneas, after
leaving mount Ida with his friends and the images
of the gods, especially that of Pallas (Palladium,
Pans. ii. 23. § 5) presents as many variations as
that relating to the taking of Troy. All accounts,
however, agree in stating that he left the coasts of
Asia and crossed over into Europe. According to
some he went across the Hellespont to the penin-
sula of Pallene and died there ; according to others
he proceeded from Thrace to the Arcadian Orcho-
menos and settled there. (Strab. I. c; Paus. viii.
12. § 5 ; Dionys. Hal. i. 49.) By far the greater
number of later writers, however, anxious to put
him in connexion with the history of Latium and
to make him the ancestorial hero of the Romans,
state that he went to Italy, though some assert
that the Aeneas who came to Italy was not the
son of Anchises and Aphrodite, and others that
Jifter his arrival in Italy he returned to Troy,
leaving his son Ascanius behind him. (Lycophr.
1226, &c. ; Dionys. i. 53; Liv. i. 1.) A de-
scription of the wanderings of Aeneas before he
reached the coast of Latium, and of the various
towns and temples he was believed to have found-
ed during his wanderings, is given by Dion^'sius
(i. 50, 6ic.), whose account is on the whole the
same as that followed by Virgil in his Aeneid,
although the latter makes various embellishments
and additions, some of which, as his landing at
Carthage and meeting with Dido, are irreconcilable
with chronology. From Pallene (Thrace), where
\eneas stayed the winter after the taking of Troy,

heroes. According to the " Cypria," he even took j and founded the town of Aeneia on the Therraaic

part in carrying off Helen. His bravery in the
war against the Greeks is mentioned in the later

gulf (Liv. xl. 4), he sailed with his companions to
Delos, Cythera (where he founded a temple of

32

AENEAS.

Aphrodite), Boiae in Laconia (where he built Etis
nnd Aphrodisias, Paus. iii. 22. § 9), Zacynthns
(temple of Aphrodite), Leiicas, Actiam, Ambracia,
and to Dodona, where he met the Trojan
Helenus. From Epirus he sailed across the
Ionian sea to Italy, where he landed at the
lapygian promontory. Hence he crossed over to
Sicily, where he met the Trojans, Elymus and
Aegestus (Acestes), and built the towns of Elyme
and Aegesta. From Sicily he sailed back to Italy,
landed in the port of Palinurus, came to the
island of Leucasia, and at last to the coast of
Latium. Various signs pointed out this place as
the end of his wanderings, and he and his Trojans
accordingly settled in Latium. The place where
they had landed was called Troy. Latinus, king
of the Aborigines, when informed of the arrival oiF
the strangers, prepared for war, but afterwards
concluded an alliance with them, gave up to them
a part of his dominions, and with their assistance
conquered the Rutulians, with whom he was then
at war. Aeneas founded the town of Lavinium,
called after Lavinia, the daughter of Latinus,
whom he married. A new war then followed be-
tween Latinus and Turnus, in which both chiefs
fell, whereupon Aeneas became sole ruler of the
Aborigines and Trojans, and both nations united
into one. Soon after this, however, Aeneas fell in
a battle with the Rutulians, who were assisted bj'
Mezentius, king of the Etruscans. As his body
was not found after the battle, it was believed that
it had been airried up to heaven, or that he had
perished in the river Numicius. The Latins
erected a monument to him, with the inscription
To the futlier and native yml. {Jovi Indvjeti^
Liv. i. 2 ; Dionys. i. 64 ; Strab. v. p. 229, xiii.
p 595 ; Ov. Md. xiii. 623, &c., xiv. 75, &c., xv.
438, &c.; Conon, Narrat. 46; Plut. Rom. 3.)
Two other accounts somewhat different from those
mentioned above are preserved in Servius {ud Aen.
ix. 264, from the work of Abas on Troy), and in
Tzetzes {ad Lyoph: 1252). Dionysius places the
landing of Aeneas in Italy and the building of
Lavinium about the end of the second year after
the taking of Troy, and the death of Aeneas in the
seventh year. Virgil on the other hand represents
Aeneas landing in Italj- seven years after the fall
of Troy, and comprises all the events in Italy
from the Lmding to the death of Tumus within
the space of twenty days.

The story about the descent of the Romans
from the Trojans through Aeneas was generally
received and believed at Rome at an early period,
and probably arose from the fact, that the inhabit-
ants of Latium and all the places which Aeneas
was said to have founded, lay in countries inhabit-
ed by people who were all of the same stock —
Pelasgians : hence also the worship of the Idaean
Aphrodite in all places the foundation of which is
ascribed to Aeneas. Aeneas himself, therefore,
such as he appears in his wanderings and final
settlement in Latium, is nothing else but the per-
sonified idea of one common origin. In this
character he was worshipped in the various places
which traced their origin to him. (Liv. xl. 4.)
Aeneas was frequently represented in statues and
paintings by ancient artists. (Paus. ii. 21. § 2, v.
22. § 2 ; Plin. H. N. xxxv. 10. § 36.) On gems
and coins he is usually represented as carrying his
father on his shoulder, and leading his son Asca-
nius by the hand.

AENEAS.

Respecting the inconsistencies in the legends
about Aeneas and the mode of solving them, see
Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome., i. p. 179, &.c. Respect-
ing the colonies he is said to have founded,
Fiedler, De Erroribus Aeneae ad Plioenicum colonial
2)eriiTientilms,'\Vese\^ 1827. 4 to. About the wor-
ship and religious character of Aeneas, see Uschold,
Gcichichte des Trojaniac/ien Krieges, Stuttgard,
1836, p. 302, &c.; Hartung, Geschichte der Rcliy.
der R'6inei\ i. p. 83, &c. ; and above all R. H.
Klausen, Aeneas timldie Fenatc7iy especially book i.
p. 34, &c. [L S.]

AENE'AS (AiVefas) GAZAEUS, so called
from his birth-place, flourished A. d. 487. He
was at first a Platonist and a Sophist, being a
disciple of the philosoper Hierocles (as appears
from his T/ieopkradus, Galland. p. 629) and a
friend of Procopius (as we know from his Epistles).
His date thus ascertained is confinned by his
stating, that he had heard speak some of the Con-
fessors whose tongues Ilunneric had cut out, a. d.
484. {Ifnd. p. 663, c.) When a Christian, he
composed a dialogue. On the Immortality of tlic
Soul and tlie Resurrection of tlte Body., called TJuio-
phrastus from one of the interlocutors. This ap-
peared first in a Latin version by Ambrosius
Camaldulensis, 8vo., Ven. 1513, and 4to, Basil.
1516. The original Greek, with the Latin version
of Wolf, fol. Tigur. 1559 ; with the Latin version
and notes of C. Barthius, 4to. Lips. 1655 (see
Fabricius, de Veritat. Rclig. Christ. Syllalnis, p. 107,
Harab. 1725); also in Gallandi's Bibliutheca Pa-
trum, vol. X. p. 629, Ven. 1766 ; and with the
notes of Boissonade, 8vo. Par. 1836. In Ebert's
Dictionary is the following reference : Wernsdorf
J'r. de Aenea Gaz.., Numb. 1817, 4to. In the
Aldine CulLvlion of Epistles by Greek Authors there
are 25 by Aeneas, Gr. 4to., Ven. 1499. See Fa-
bricius, liiblioth. Graec. vol. i. pp. 676-690. Some
of the letters of Aeneas may be found in the Ency-
clopaedia Philologica of Joannes Patusa, Gr. 8vo.,
Ven. 1710, vol. i. [A. J. C]

AENE'AS SI'LVIUS, son of Silvius, and
grandson of Ascanius. He is the third in the list
of the mythical kings of Alba in Latium, and the
Silvii regarded him as the founder of their house.
(Liv. i. 3.) Dionysius (i. 71) ascribes to him a
reign of 31 years. (Comp. Virg. Aen. vi. 769.)
Ovid {Afet. xiv. 6 1 0, &c.) does not mentioji him
among the Alban kings. [L. S]

AENE'AS (AtVetas), sumamed TACTIC US
(o Ta/cTi/co's), a Greek writer, whose precise date is
not known. Xenophon {Hell. vii. 3, § 1) mentions
an Aeneas of Stymphalus, who about the time of
the battle of Mantineia (362, b. c.) distinguished
himself by his bravery and skill as general of the
Arcadians, Casaubon supposes this Aeneaa to be
the same, and the supposition is confirmed by a
passage {Comment. Poliorc. 27) where he speaks
familiarly of an Arcadian provincialism. But,
however this may be, the general character of this
work, the names he mentions, and the historical
notices which occur, wdth other internal evidence,
all point to about this period. He wrote a large
work on the whole art of war, ixrpaTriyiKd )3igA.ta,
or Trepl rwy aTpa'n)'yiKwv vrrofMurj/jLaTa (Polyb. x.
40; Suidas, s. v. AiVeias), consisting of several parts.
Of these only one is preserved, called raKTiKov re
Kal TioKiopKriTiKov inr6iJ.u7}fjLa irepl tov ttws xprf
iroAiopicovfxevop dvrexeii', commonly called Com-
mentarius Poliorceticus. The object of the book

AENESIDEMUS.

is to sliow how a siege should he resisted, the va-
rious kinds of instruments to he used, mannnivrt>s
to be practised, ways of sending letters without
being detected, and without even the bearers know-
ing about it (c. 31, a very curious one), &c. It
contains a good deal of information on many points
in archreology, and is especially valuable as con-
taining a large stock of words and technical terms
connected with warfare, denoting instruments, <S:c.,
which are not to be found in any other work.
From the same circumstance, many passages are
difficult.

I'he book was first discovered by Simler in the
Vaticitn libniry. It was edited first by Isaac
Casaubon with a Latin version and notes, and ap-
pended to his edition of Polybius. (Paris, 1G09.)
It was republished by Gronovius in his Polybius,
vol. iii. Amsterdam, lfi70, and by Eniesti, Leipzig,
1763. The last edition is that of J. C. Orelli,
Leipzig, 1818, with Casaubon's version and notes
and an original commentary, published as a supple-
ment to Sehweighaeuser's Polybius. Besides the
Vatican MS. there are three at Paris, on which
Casaubon founded his edition, and one in the Lau-
rentian libmry at Florence. This last is, according
to Orelli (Praef. p. 6), the oldest of all. The work
contains many very corrupt and mutilated passages.
An epitome of the whole book, not of the frag-
ment now remaining, was made by Cineas, a Thes-
salian, who was sent to Rome by Pyrrhus, 279,
B. c. (Aelian, Tad. 1.) This abridgment is re-
ferred to by Cicero {ad Fain. ix. 25). [A. A.J
AENE'lUS or AENE'SIUS {Kiv^ios or Alv-/,-
trtos), a surname of Zeus, under which he was
worshipped in the island of Cephalenia, where he
had a temple on mount Aenos. (Hes. ap. Sclwl.
ad ApoUon. Rhod. ii. 297.) [L. S.J

AENESIDE'MUS (Alvnaidv/xos), the son of
Patai'cus, and one of the body-guards of Hippo-
crates, tyrant of Gela, was the son of Theron, the
ruler of Agrigentum, in the time of the Persian war.
(Herod, vii. 154, 165.) [Thkron.]

AENESIDE'MUS (AlvwiSvfJios), a celebrated
sceptic, bom at Cnossus, in Crete, according to
Diogenes Laertius (ix. 116), but at Aegae, accord-
ing to Photius (Cod. 212), probably lived a little
later than Cicero. He was a pupil of Heracleides
and received from him the chair of philosophy,
which had been handed down for above three hun-
dred years from Pyrrhon, the founder of the sect.
For a full account of the sceptical system see
Pyrrhon. As Aenesidemus differed on many
points from the ordinary sceptic, it will be conve-
nient before proceeding to his particular opinions,
to give a short account of the system itself.

The sceptic began and ended in universal
doubt. He was equally removed from the aca-
demic who denied, as from the dogmatic philoso-
pher who affirmed ; indeed, he attempted to con-
found both in one, and refute them by the same
arguments. (Sext. Emp. i. 1.) Truth, he said,
was not to be desired for its own sake, but for the
sake of a certtiin repose of mind (drapa^ia) which
followed on it, an end which the sceptic best at-
tained in another way, by suspending his judg-
ment (eTrox^i), and allowing himself literally to
rest in doubt, (i. 4.) With this view he must
travel over the whole range of moral, metaphysi-
cal, and physical science. His method is the
comparison of opposites, and his sole aim to prove
that nothing can be proved, or what ho termed,

AENESIDEMUS. 33

the laoaOheia of things. In common life he may
act upon <pouv6fieva with the rest of men : nature,
law, and custom are allowed to have their infiu-
ence ; only when impelled to any vehement effort
we are to remember that, here too, there is much
to be said on both sides, and are not to lose our
peace of mind by grasping at a shadow.

The fimious Seica rpoTroi of the sceptics were a
number of heads of argument intended to over-
throw truth in whatever form it might appear.
[Pyrrhon.] The opposite appearances of the
moral and natural world (Sext. Emp. i. 1 4), the
fallibility of intellect and sense, and the illusions
produced upon them by intervals of time and space
and by every change of position, were the first
arguments by which they assjiiled the reality of
things. We cannot explain what man is, we can-
not explain what the senses are: still less do we
know the way in which they are acted upon by
the mind (ii. 4 — 7): beginning with ouSei' dpi^w,
we must end with ovScv /xaWov. We are not
certain whether material objects are anything but
ideas in the mind : at any rate the different qua-
lities which we perceive in them may be wholly
dependent on the percipient being ; or, supposing
them to contain quality as well as substance, it
may be one quality vai-ying with the perceptive
power of the different senses, (ii. 14.) Having
thus confounded the world without and the world
within, it was a natural transition for the sceptic
to confound physical and metaphysical arguments.
The reasonings of natural pliilosophy were over-
thrown by metaphysical subtleties, and metaphy-
sics made to look absurd by illustrations only ap-
plicable to material things. The acknowledged
imperfection of language was also pressed into the
service ; words, they said, were ever varying in
their signification, so that the ideas of which they
were the signs must be alike variable. The lead-
ing idea of the whole system was, that all truth
involved either a vicious circle or a petitio prin-
cipii, for, even in the simplest truths, something
must be assumed to make the reasoning applicable.
The truth of the senses was known to us from the
intellect, but the intellect operated through the
senses, so that our knowledge of the nature of
either depends upon the other. There was, how-
ever, a deeper side to this philosophy. Everj--
thing we know, confessedly, runs up into some-
thing we do not know : of the true nature of cause
and effect we are ignorant, and hence to the
favourite method, dird rod els direipov €/c/3aAAeti', or
arguing backward from cause to cause, the very
imperfection of human faculties prevents our
giving an answer. We must know what we
believe ; and how can we be sure of secondary
causes, if the first cause be wholly beyond us?
To judge, however, from the sketch of Sextos
Empiricus (Pyrrh. Hj-p.), it was not this side
of their system which the sceptics chiefly urged :
for the most part, it must be confessed, that they
contented themselves with dialectic subtleties,
which were at once too absurd for refutation, and
impossible to refute.

The causes of scepticism are more fully given
under the article Pyrrhon. One of the most re-
markable of its features was its connexion with tlie
later philosophy of the loniaix school. From tlie fail-
ure of their attempts to explain the phenomena of
the visible world, the Ionian philosophers were in-
sensibly led on to deny the order and hai-mony of

34

AENESIDEMUS.

creation: they saw nothing laut a perpetual and
ever-changing chaos, acted upon, or rather self-
acting, by an inherent power of motion, of which
the nature was only known by its effects. This
was the doctrine of Heracleitus, that "the world
was a fire ever kindling and going out, which made
all things and was all things." It was this link of
connexion between the sceptical and Ionian schools
which Aenesidemus attempted to restore. The
doctrine of Heracleitus, although it spoke of a sub-
tle fire, really meant nothing more than a principle
of change ; and although it might seem absurd to
a strict sceptic like Sextus Empiricus to affirm even
a principle of change, it involved no real inconsis-
tency with the sceptical system. We are left to
conjecture as to the way in which Aenesidemus
arrived at his conclusions : the following account of
them seems probable. It will be seen, from what
has been said, that the sceptical system had de-
stroyed everything but sensation. But sensation is
the effect of change, the principle of motion work-
ing internally. It was very natural then that the
sceptic, proceeding from the only apxn which re-
mained to him, should suggest an explanation of
the outward world, derived from that of which
alone he was certain, his own internal sensations.
The mere suggestion of a probable cause might
seem inconsistent with the distinction which the
sceptics drew between their own absolute uncer-
tainty and the probability spoken of by the
Academics : indeed, it was inconsistent with their
metaphysical paradoxes to draw conclusions at all :
if so, we must be content to allow that Aeneside-
mus (as Sextus Empiricus implies) got a little be-
yond the dark region of scepticism into the light
of probability.

Other scattered opinions of Aenesidemus have
been preserved to us, some of which seem to lead
to the same conclusion. Time, he said, was to tv
and t6 irpwrou awfia (Pyr. Hyp. iii. 17), probably
in allusion to the doctrine of the Stoics, that all
really existing substances were (XcifxaTa : in other
words, he meant to say that time was a really ex-
isting thing, and not merely a condition of thought.
This was connected with the principle of change,
which was inseparable from a notion of time : if
the one had a real existence (and upon its exist-
ence the whole system depended), the other must
likewise have a real existence. In another place,
adapting his language to that of Heracleitus, he
said that "time was air" (Sext. Emp. adv. Logicos,
iv. 233.), probably meaning to illustrate it by the
imperceptible nature of air, in the same way that
the motion of the world was said to work by a
subtle and invisible fire. All things, according to
his doctrine, were but (paivo/xeva which were
brought out and adapted to our perceptions by
their mutual opposition : metaphorically they might
be said to shine forth in the light of Heracleitus's
fire. He did not, indeed, explain how this union
of opposites made them sensible to the faculties of
man ; probably he would rather have supported
his view by the impossibility of the mind conceiv-
ing of anything otherwise than in a state of motion,
or, as he would have expressed it, in a state of mu-
tual opposition. But (paivofieva are of two kinds,
ySta and Koivd (Sext. Emp. adv. Log. ii. 8), the
perceptions of individuals, and those common to
mankind. Here again Aenesidemus seems to lose
sight of the sceptical system, which (in speculation
at least) admitted no degrees of truth, doubt, or

AEOLIDES.

probability. The same remark applies to his dis-
tinction of Kivria-is into ixGTa§aTLK-/i and fJL€Ta6Ari-
riKTJ, simple motion and change. He seems also to
have opposed the perplexity which the sceptics en-
deavoured to bring about between matter and
mind ; for he asserted that thought was indepen-
dent of the body, and "that the sentient power
looked out through the crannies of the senses."
{Adv. Log. i. 349.) Lastly, his vigorous mind
was above the paltry confusion of physical and
metaphysical distinctions ; for he declared, after
Heracleitus, "that a part was the same with the
whole and yet different from it." The grand pe-
culiarity of his system was the attempt to unite
scepticism with the earlier philosophy, to raise a
positive foundation for it by accounting from the
nature of things for the never-ceasing changes both
in the material and spiritual world.

Sextus Empiricus has preserved his argument
against our knowledge of causes, as well as a table
of eight methods by which all a priori reasonings
may be confuted, as all arguments whatever may
be by the SeKa Tpoiroi. I, Either the cause given
is unseen, and not proven by things seen, as if a
person were to explain the motions of the planets
by the music of the spheres. II. Or if the cause
be seen, it cannot be shewn to exclude other
hypotheses : we must not only prove the cause,
but dispose of every other cause. III. A regular
effect may be attributed to an irregular cause ;
as if one were to explain the motions of the
heavenly bodies by a sudden impulse. IV. Men
argue from things seen to things unseen, assum-
ing that they are governed by the same laws.
V. Causes only mean opinions of causes, which are
inconsistent with phenomena and with other opi-
nions. VI. Equally probable causes are accepted
or rejected as they agree with this or that precon-
ceived notion. VII. These causes are at variance
with phenomena as well as with abstract principles.
VIII. Principles must be uncertain, because the
facts firom which they proceed are uncertain. (Pyrrh.
Hyp. i. 17, ed. Fabr.)

It is to be regretted that nothing is known of
the personal history of Aenesidemus. A list of his
works and a sketch of their contents have been
preserved by Photius. (Cod. 212.) He was the
author of three books of Tlv^puivnai 'TTroruTrwa-ety,
and is mentioned as a recent teacher of philosophy
by Aristocles. (Apud Euseb. Praeparat. Evang.
xiv. 18.) It is to Aenesidemus that Sextus Em-
piricus was indebted for a considerable part of his
work. [B. J.]

AENE'TE (AtVTjTTj), a daughter of Eusorus,
and wife of Aeneas, by whom she had a son,
Cyzicus, the founder of the town of this name.
(ApoUon. Rhod. i. 950 ; Orph. Argon. 502, where
she is called Aenippe.) [L. S.]

AE'NICUS (Arvt/cos), a Greek poet of the old
comedy, whose play "Aj/reja is referred to by Sui-
das. (s. V. AiviKos.) He seems to be the same as
Eunicus mentioned by Pollux, (x. 100.)

AENI'DES. a patronymic from Aeneas, which
is applied by Valerius Flaccus (iii. 4) to the in-
habitants of Cyzicus, whose town was believed
to have been founded by Cyzicus, the son of
Aeneas. [L. S.]

AEO'LIDES (AtoAtSTjs), a patronymic given to
the sons of Aeolus, as Athamas (Ov. Met. iv.
511), Magnes (Pans. vi. 21. § 7), Macareus (Ov.
Met. ix. 506), Misenus (Virg. Aen. vi. 1G4),

AEOLUS.
Sisyphus (Ov. Afct. xiii. 26 ; Horn. //. vi. 154),
Cretheus (Horn. 0<l. xi. 237), locastus (Tzetz. ad
Lycophr. 732); and to his grandsons, as Cephalus
(Ov. Met. vi. ()21), Odysseus (Virg. Aen. vi. 529),
and Phryxus. (Val. Fhicc. i, 286.) Aeolis is the
patronymic of the female descendants of Aeolus,
and is given to his daughters Canace and Alcyone.
(Ov. Met. xi. 573 ; Ilennii. xi, 5.) [L. S.]

AE'OLUS (AloAos). In the mythical history
of Greece there are three personages of this name,
who are spoken of by ancient writers as connected
with one another, but this connexion is so con-
fused, that it is impossible to gain a clear view of
them. (Midler, 0/r/<«7». p. 138, &c.) We shall
follow Diodorus, who distinguishes between the
three, although in other passages he confounds
them.

1 . A son of Hellen and the nymph Orsei's, and
a brother of Dorus and Xuthus. He is described
as the ruler of Thessaly, and regarded as the
founder of the Aeolic branch of the Greek nation.
He married Knarete, the daughter of Deimachus,
by whom he had seven sons and five daughters,
and according to some writers still more. (ApoUod.
i. 7. §8; Schol. ad Find. Pyth. iv. 190.) Ac-
cording to Miiller's supposition, the most ancient
and genuine story knew only of four sons of
Aeolus, viz, Sisyphus, Athamas, Cretheus, and
Salmoneus, as the representatives of the four main
branches of the Aeolic race. The great extent of
country which this race occupied, and the desire of
each part of it to trace its origin to some descend-
ant of Aeolus, probvHbly gave rise to the varying
accounts about the number of his children. Ac-
cording to Hyginus {Fah. 238, 242) Aeolus had
one son of the name of Macareus, who, after hav-
ing committed incest with his sister Canace, put
an end to his own life. According to Ovid (Heroid.
11) Aeolus threw the fruit of this love to the
dogs, and sent his daughter a sword by which she
was to kill herself. (Comp. Plut. Parallel, p. 312.)

2. Diodorus (iv. 67) says, that the second
Aeolus was the greatrgrandson of the first Aeolus,
being the son of Hippotes and Melanippe, and
the grandson of Mimas the son of Aeolus. Ame,
the daughter of this second Aeolus, afterwards be-
came mother of a third Aeolus. (Comp, Paus. ix.
40. § 3.) In another passage (v. 7) Diodorus re-
presents the third Aeolus as a son of Hippotes,

3. According to some accounts a son of Hip-
potes, or, according to others, of Poseidon and
Ame, the daughter of the second Aeolus. His
story, which probably refers to the emigration of a
branch of the Aeolians to the west, is thus related :
Ame declared to her father that she was with child
by Poseidon, but her father disbelieving her state-
ment, gave her to a stranger of Metapontum in
Italy, who took her to his native town. Here she
became mother of two sons, Boeotus and Aeo-
lus (iii.), who were adopted by the man of Meta-
pontum in accordance with an oracle. When they
had grown up to manhood, they took possession of
the sovereignty of Metapontum by force. But
when a dispute afterwards arose between their
mother Ame and their foster-mother Autolyte, the
two brothers slew the latter and fled with their
mother from Metapontum. Aeolus went to some
islands in the Tyrrhenian sea, which received from
him the name of the Aeolian islands, and accord-
ing to some accounts built the town of Lipara.
(Diod. iv. 67, V. 7,) Here he reigned as a just

AEPYTUS.

35

and pious king, behaved kindly to the natives,
and taught them the use of sails in navigation, and
foretold them from signs which he observed in the
fire the nature of the winds that were to rise.
Hence, says Diodorus, Aeolus is described in
mythology as the ruler over the winds, and it was
this Aeolus to whom Odysseus came during his
wanderings. A different account of the matter is
given by Hyginus. (^Fab. 1 86.)

In these accounts Aeolus, the father of the
Aeolian race, is placed in relationship with Aeolus
the ruler and god of the winds. The groundwork
on which this connexion has been formed by later
poets and mythographers, is found in Homer. (Od.
X. 2, &c,) In Homer, however, Aeolus, the son
of Hippotes, is neither the god nor the father of
the winds, but merely the happy ruler of the
Aeolian island, whom Cronion had made the
rafxiris of the winds, which he might soothe or ex-
cite according to his pleasure. {Od. x. 21, &c.)
This statement of Homer and the etymology of
the name of Aeolus from deAAw were the cause,
that in later times Aeolus was regarded as the god
and king of the winds, which he kept enclosed in
a mountain. It is therefore to him that Juno ap-
plies when she wishes to destroy the fleet of the
Trojans. (Virg. Aen. i. 78,) The Aeolian island
of Homer was in the time of Pausanias believed to
be Lipara (Paus. x. 11. § 3), and this or Strongj'le
was accordingly regarded in later times as the place
in which the god of the winds dwelled. (Virg.
Aen. \m. 416, i. 52; Strab. vi. p. 276.) Other
accounts place the residence of Aeolus in Thrace
(ApoUon. Rhod. i. 954, iv. 765 ; Callim, Hymn,
in Del. 26), or in the neighbourhood of Rhegiura
in Italy. (Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 732 ; comp. Diod.
V. 8.) The following passages of later poets also
shew how universally Aeolus had gradually come
to be regarded as a god : Ov. Met. i. 264, xi. 748.
xiv. 223; Val. Flacc. i. 575; Quint. Smym. xiv.
475. Whether he was represented by the an-
cients in works of art is not certain, but we now
possess no representation of him. [L. S.]

AE'PYTUS (Af/ryros). I. One of the mythi.
cal kings of Arcadia. He was the sou of Eilatus
(Pind. 01. vi. 54), and originally ruled over Phae-
sana on the Alpheius in Arcadia. When Cleitor,
the son of Azan, died without leaving any issue,
Aepytus succeeded him and became king of the
Arcadians, a part of whose country was called
after him Aepytis. (Paus. viii. 4. § 4, 34. § 3.)
He is said to have been killed during the chase on
mount Sepia by the bite of a venomous snake.
(Paus. viii. 4. § 4, 16. § 2.) His tomb there was
still shewn in the time of Pausanias, and he was
anxious to see it, because it was mentioned in
Homer. (//. ii. 604.)

2. The youngest son of Crespliontes the He-
raclid, king of Messenia, and of Merope, the
daughter of the Arcaduin king Cj-pselus. Cres-
phontes and his other sons were murdered during
an insurrection, and Aepytus alone, who was
educated in the house of his grandfather Cj'pselus,
escaped the danger. The throne of Cresphontes
was in the meantime occupied by the Heraclid
Polyphontes, who also forced Merope to become his
wife. (Apollod, ii. 8. § 5.) When Aepytus had
grown to manhood, he was enabled by the aid of
Holcas, his father-in-law, to return to his kingdom,
punish the murderers of his father, and put Poly-
phontes to death. He left a son, Glaucus, and it
n 2

36

AEROPUS.

was from him that subsequently the kings of Mes-
senia were called Aepytids instead of the more
general name Heraclids. (Pans. iv. 3. § 3, &c.,
Tiii. 5. § 5 ; Hygin. Fab. 137, 1 84.)

3. A son of Hippothous, and king of Arcadia.
He was a great-grandson of the Aepytus mentioned
first. He was reigning at the time when Orestes,
in consequence of an oracle, left Mycenae and
settled in Arcadia. There was at IMantineia a
sanctuary, which down to the latest time no mortal
was ever allowed to enter. Aepytus disregarding
the sacred custom crossed the threshold, but was
immediately struck with blindness, and died soon
after. He was succeeded by his son Cypsclus.
(Pans. viii. 5. § 3.) [L. S.]

AE'RIUS ('Ae^ios), Heretic, the intimate friend
of Eustathius of Sebaste in Armenia, A. D. 360,
was living when St. Epiphanius WTote his Book
against Heresies, A. D. 374-6. After living toge-
ther an ascetic life, Eustathius was raised to the
episcopate, and by him Aerius was ordained priest
and set over the Hospital {ivToaxorpo^eiov) of Pon-
tus. (St. Epiph. adv. Haer. 75. § 1.) But nothing
could allay the envy of Aerius at the elevation of
his companion. Caresses and threats were in vain,
and at last he left Eustathius, and publicly accused
him of covetousness. He assembled a troop of
men and women, who with him professed the
renunciation of all worldly goods {dvoTo^ia). De-
nied entrance into the towns, they roamed about
the fields, and lodged in the open air or in caves,
exposed to the inclemency of the seasons. Aerius
superadded to the irreligion of Arius the following
errors : 1 . The denial of a difference of order be-
tween a bishop and a priest. 2. The rejection of
prayer and alms for the dead. 3. The refusal to
observe Easter and stated fasts, on the ground of
such observances being Jewish. St. Epiphanius
refutes these errors. (/. c.) There were remains
of his followers in the time of St. Augustine. (Adv.
Haer. § 53, vol. viii. p. 18, which was written
A. D. 428.) [A. J. C]

AE'ROPE ('AepoTrrj), a daughter of Crateus,
king of Crete, and granddaughter of Minos. Her
father, who had received an oracle that he should
lose his life by one of his children, gave her and
her sister, Clyniene, to Nauplius, who was to sell
them in a foreign land. Another sister, Apemone,
and her brother, Aethemenes, who had heard of the
oracle, had left Crete and gone to Rhodes. Aerope
afterwards married Pleisthenes, the son of Atreus,
and became by him the mother of Agamemnon
and Menelaus. (ApoUod. iii. 2. § 1, &c. ; Serv. ad
Aen. i. 458 ; Dictys Cret, i. 1.) After the death
of Pleisthenes Aerope married Atreus, and her two
sons, who were educated by Atreus, were generally
believed to be his sons. Aerope, however, became
faithless to Atreus, being seduced by Thyestes.
(Eurip. Orest. 5, &c., Helen. 397 ; Hygin. Fah.
87 ; Schol. ad Horn. 11. ii. 249 ; Serv. ad Aen. xi.
262.) [L. S.]

AE'ROPUS ('Ae'poTTos). 1. The brother of
Perdiccas, who was the first king of Macedonia of
the family of Temenus. (Herod, viii. 137.)

2. I. King of Macedonia, the son of Philip I.,
the great-grandson of Perdiccas, the first king, and
the father of Alcetas. (Herod, viii. 139.)

3. II. King of Macedonia, guardian of Orestes,
the son of Archelaus, reigned nearly six years
from a c. 399. The first four years of this time
he reigned jointly with Orestes, and the remainder I

AESCHINES.

alone. He was succeeded by his son Pausaiiias.
(Diod. xiv. 37, 84 ; Dexippus, ap. Syncell. p. 263, a. ;
comp. Polyaen. ii. 1. § 17.)

AE'SACUS {KXaaKos), a son of Priam and
Arisbe, the daughter of Merops, from whom Aesa-
cus learned the art of interpreting dreams. When
Hecuba during her pregnancy with Paris dreamt
that she Avas giving birth to a burning piece of
wood which spread conflagration througli the
whole city, Aesacus explained this to mean, that
she would give birth to a son who would be the
ruin of the city, and accordingly recommended the
exposure of the child after its birth. [Paris.]
Aesacus himself was married to Asterope, the
daughter of the river-god Cebren, who died early,
and while he was lamenting her death he was
changed into a bird. (Apollod. iii. 12. § 5.) Ovid
{Met. xi. 750) relates his story difterently. Ac-
cording to him, Aesacus was the son of Alexirhoe,
the daughter of the river Granicus. He lived far
from his father's court in the solitude of mountain-
forests. Hesperia, however, the daughter of
Cebren, kindled love in his heart, and on one oc-
casion while he was pursuing her, she was stung
by a viper and died. Aesacus in his grief threw
himself into the sea and was changed by Thetis
into an aquatic bird. [L. S.]

AE'SARA (AtVapo), of Lucania, a female
Pythagorean philosopher, said to be a daughter of
Pythagoras, wiote a work "about Human Nature,'*
of which a fragment is preserved by Stobaeus.
{Eel. i. p. 847, ed. Heeren.) Some editors attri-
bute this fragment to Aresas, one of the successors
of Pythagoras, but Bentley prefers reading Aes<ira.
She is also mentioned in the life of Pythagoi-as
{ap. P/iot. Cod. 249, p. 438, b. ed. Bekker), where
Bentley reads Pucdpa instead of Zdpa. {Dissertation
upon Fhalaris, p. 277.)

AE'SCHINES (AtVx^vTjs), the orator, was born
in Attica in the demus of Cothocidae, in B. c. 389,
as is clear from his speech against Timarchus (p.
78), which was delivered in B. c. 345, and in
which he himself says that he was then in his forty-
fifth year. He was the son of Tromes and Glau-
cothea, and if we listen to the account of Demos-
thenes, his political antagonist, his father was not
a free citizen of Athens, but had been a slave in
the house of Elpias, a schoolmaster. After the re-
turn of the Athenian exiles under Thrasybulus,
Tromes himself kept a small school, and Aeschines
in his youth assisted his father and performed
such sen-ices as were unworthy of a free Athenian
youth. Demosthenes further states, that Aes-
chines, in order to conceal the low condition of his
father, changed his name Tromes into Atrometus,
and that he afterwards usurped the rights of an
Aj;henian citizen. (Dem. De Coron. pp. 313, 320,
270.) The mother of Aeschines is described as
originally a dancer and a prostitute, who even after
her marriage with Tromes continued to carry on
unlawful practices in her house, and made money
by initiating low and superstitious persons into a
sort of private mysteries. She is said to have
been generally known at Athens under the nick-
name Empusa, According to Aeschines himself,
on the other hand, his father Atrometus was de-
scended from an honourable family, and was in
some way even connected with the noble priestly
family of the Eteobutadae. He was originally an
athlete, but lost his property during the time of
the Peloponnesian war, and was afterw ards driven

AESCHINES.

from hia country under the tyranny of the Thirty.
He then served in the Athenian .amiies in Asia
and spent tlie remainder of his life at Athens, at
first in reduced circumstances. (Aesch. De fals.
Le'j. pp. 38, 47.) His mother, too, was a free
Athenian citizen, and the daughter of Glaucias of
Achame. ^Vhich of these accounts is true, can-
not be decided, but there seems to bo no doubt
that Demosthenes is guilty of exaggeration in his
account of the parents of Aeschines and his early
youth.

Aeschines had two brothers, one of whom, Phi-
lochares, was older than himself, and the other,
Aphobetus, was the youngest of the three. Phi-
lochares was at one time one of the ten Athenian
generals, an office wliich was conferred upon him
for three successive years ; Aphobetus followed
the calling of a scribe, but had once been sent on
an embassy to the king of Persia and was after-
wards connected with the administration of the
public revenue of Athens. (Aesch. De fals. Leg.
p. 48.) All these things seem to contain strong
evidence that the family of Aeschines, although
poor, must have been of some respectability. Re-
specting his early youth nothing can be said with
certainty, except that he assisted his father in his
school, and that afterwards, being of a strong and
athletic constitution, he was employed in the
gymnasia for money, to contend with other young
men in their exercises. (Dem. De Coron. p. 313;
Plut. Vit. X orat. Aesch. p. 840.) It is a favourite
custom of late writers to place great orators, philo-
sophers, poets, &c., in the relation of teacher and
scholar to one another, and accordingly Aeschines
is represented as a disciple of Socrates, Plato, and
I Socrates. If these statements, which are even
contradicted by the ancients themselves, were
true, Aeschines would not have omitted to men-
tion it in the many opportunities he had. The
distinguished orator and statesman Aristophon en-
gaged Aeschines as a scribe, and in the same
capacity he afterwards served Eubulus, a man of
great influence with the democratical party, with
wliom he fonned an intimate friendship, and to
whose political principles he remained faithful to
the end of his life. That he served two years as
'irepl-iro\os, from his eighteenth to his twentieth
year, as all young men at Athens did, Aeschines
(De fals. Leg. p. 50) expressly states, and this
period of his military training must probably be
placed before the time that he acted as a scribe to
Aristophon ; for we find that, after leaving the
service of Eubulus, he tried his fortune as an actor,
for which he was provided by nature with a strong
and sonorous voice. He acted the parts of rpira-
ycavKTTris, but was unsuccessful, and on one occa-
sion, when he was performing in the character
of Oenomaus, was hissed off the stage. (Dem.
De Coron. p. 288.) After this he left the stage
and engaged in military services, in which, accord-
ing to his own account {De fals. Leg. p. 50), he
gained great distinction. (Comp. Dem. De fals.
Leg. p. 375.) After several less important engage-
ments in other parts of Greece, he distinguished
himself in B, c. 362 in the battle of Mantineia ;
and afterwards in b. c. 358, he also took part in
the expedition of the Athenians against Euboea,
and fought in the battle of Tamynae, and on this
occasion he gained such laurels, that he was praised
by the generals on the spot, and, after the victory
was gained, was sent to carry the news of it to

AESCHINES. 37

Athens. Temenides, who was sent with him,
bore witness to his courage and bravery, and the
Athenians honoured him with a crown. (Aesch.
Defals Leg. p. 51.)

Two years before this campaign, the last in
which he took part, he had come forward at Athens
as a public speaker (Aesch. Epkt. 12), and the
military fame Avhich he had now acquired estab-
lished his reputation. His former occupation .is a
scribe to Aristophon and Eubulus had made him
acquainted with the laws and constitution of
Athens, while his acting on the stage had been a
useful preparation for public speaking. During
the first period of his public career, be was, like
all other Athenians, zealously engaged in directing
the attention of his fellow-citizens to the growing
power of Philip, and exhorted them to check it in
its growth. After the fall of Olynthus in B. c.
348, Eubulus prevailed on the Athenians to send
an embassy to Peloponnesus with the object of
uniting the Greeks against the common enemy,
and Aeschines was sent to Arcadia. Here Aes-
chines spoke at Megalopolis against Hieronymus,
an emissary of Philip, but without success ; and
from this moment Aeschines, as well as all his
fellow-citizens, gave up the hope of effecting any-
thing by the united forces of Greece. (Dem. De
fals. Leg. pp. 344, 438 ; Aesch. Defals. Leg. p. 38.)
When therefore Philip, in B. c. 347, gave the
Athenians to understand that he was inclined to
make peace with them, Philocrates urged the ne-
cessity of sending an embassy to Philip to treat on
the subject. Ten men, and among them Aeschines
and Demosthenes, were accordingly sent to Philip,
who received them with the utmost politeness, and
Aeschines, when it was his turn to speak, re-
minded the king of the rights which Athens had
to his friendship and alliance. The king promised
to send forthwith ambassadors to Athens to nego-
tiate the terms of peace. After the return of the
Athenian ambassadors they were each rewarded
with a wreath of olive, on the proposal of Demos-
thenes, for the manner in which they had dis-
charged their duties. Aeschines from this moment
forward was inflexible in his opinion, that nothing
but peace with Philip could avert utter ruin from
his country. That this was perfectly in accordance
with what Philip wished is clear, but there is no
reason for supposing, that Aeschines had been
bribed into this opinion, or that he urged the
necessity of peace with a view to ruin his country.
(Aesch. in CtesipU. p. 62.) Antipator and two
other Macedonian ambassadors arrived at Athens
soon after the return of the Athenian ones, and
after various debates Demosthenes urgently advised
the people to conclude the peace, and speedily to
send other ambassadors to Philip to receive his
oath to it. The only difference between Aeschines
and Demosthenes was, that the fonner would have
concluded the peace even without providing for
the Athenian allies, which was happily prevented
by Demosthenes. Five Athenian ambassadors,
and among them Aeschines but not Demosthenes
{De Coron. p. 235), set out for IMacedonia the
more speedily, as Philip was making war upon
Cersobleptes, a Thracian prince and tdly of Athens.
They went to Pella to wait for the arrival of
Philip from Thrace, and were kept there for a con-
siderable time, for Philip did not come until he
had completely subdued Cersobleptes. At last,
however, he swore to the peace, from which th»

38 AESCHINES.

Phocians were expressly excluded. Philip honour-
ed the Athenian ambassadors with rich presents,
promised to restore all Athenian prisoners without
ransom, and wrote a polite letter to the people of
Athens apologizing for having detained their am-
bassadors so long. (Dera. De fals. Leg. pp. 394,
405.) Hyperides and Timarchus, the former of
whom was a friend of Demosthenes, brought for-
ward an accusation against the ambassadors,
charging them with high treason against the re-
public, because they were bribed by the king.
Timarchus accused Aeschines, and Hyperides Phi-
locrates. But Aeschines evaded the danger by
bringing forward a counter-accusation against
Timarchus (b. c. 345), and by shewing that the
moral conduct of his accuser was such that he had
no right to speak before the people. The speech
m which Aeschines attacked Timarchus is still ex-
tant, and its eifect was, that Timarchus was obliged
to drop his accusation, and Aeschines gained a bril-
liant triumph. The operations of Philip after this
peace, and his march towards Thermopjdae, made
the Athenians very uneasy, and Aeschines, though
he assured the people that the king had no hostile
intentions towards Athens and only intended to
chastise Thebes, was again requested to go as am-
bassador to Philip and insure his abiding by the
terms of his peace. But he deferred going on the
pretext that he was ill. (Dem, Defals. Leg. p.
337.) On his return he pretended that the king
had secretly confided to him that he would under-
take nothing against either Phocis or Athens.
Demosthenes saw through the king's plans as well
as the treachery of Aeschines, and how just his
apprehensions were became evident soon after the
return of Aeschines, when Philip announced to the
Athenians that he had taken possession of Phocis.
The people of Athens, however, were silenced and
lulled into security by the repeated assurances of
the king and the venal orators who advocated his
cause at Athens. In B. c. 346, Aeschines was
sent as -nvKayopas to the assembly of the amphic-
tyons at Pylae which was convoked by Philip,
and at which he received greater honours than he
could ever have expected.

At this time Aeschines and Demosthenes were
at the head of the two parties, into which not
only Athens, but all Greece was divided, and
their political enmity created and nourished per-
sonal hatred. This enmity came to a head in the
year b. c. 343, when Demosthenes charged Aes-
chines with having been bribed and having be-
trayed the interests of his country during the
second eml)as8y to Philip. This charge of Demos-
thenes {-n^pi TrapaTrpsaSilas) was not spoken, but
published as a memorial, and Aeschines answered
it in a simihir memorial on the embassy (irepl
irapaTrpecrSiias), which was likewise published
(Dem. De fals. Leg. p. 337), and in the composi-
tion of which he is said to have been assisted by
his friend Eubulus. The result of these mutual
attacks is unknown, but there is no doubt that it
gave a severe shock to the popularity of Aeschines.
At the time he wrote his memorial we gain a
glimpse into his private life. Some years before
that occurrence he had married a daughter of Phi-
lodemus, a man of high respectability in his tribe
of Paeania, and in 343 he was father of three
little children. (Aesch. Defals. Leg. p. 52.)

It was probably in B. c. 342, that Antiphon,
who had been exiled and lived in Macedonia,

AESCHINES.

secretly returned to the Peiraeeus with the inten-
tion of setting fire to the Athenian ships of war.
Demosthenes discovered him, and had him ar-
rested. Aeschines denounced the conduct of De-
mosthenes as a \nolation of the democratical consti-
tution. Antiphon was sentenced to death ; and
although no disclosure of any kind could be ex-
torted from him, still it seems to have been be-
lieved in many quarters that Aeschines had been
his accomplice. Hence the honourable ofKce of
avuSiKos to the sanctuary in Delos, which had just
been given him, was taken from him and bestowed
upon Hj^erides. (Demosth. De Coron. p. 271.)
In B. c. 340 Aeschines was ogain present at Delphi
as Athenian irvKayopas., and caused the second
sacred war against Amphissa in Locris for having
taken into cultivation some sacred lands. Philip
entrusted with the supreme command by the am-
phictyons, marched into Locris with an army of
30,000 men, ravaged the country, and established
himself in it. When in 338 he advanced south-
ward as far as Elatea, all Greece was in consterna-
tion. Demosthenes alone persevered, and roused
his countrymen to a last and desperate struggle.
The battle of Chaeroneia in this same year decided
the fate of Greece. The misfortune of that day
gave a handle to the enemies of Demosthenes for
attacking him; but notwithstanding the bribes
which Aeschines received from Antipater for this
purpose, the pure and unstained patriotism of De-
mosthenes was so generally recognised, that he
received the honourable charge of delivering the
funeral oration over those who had fallen at Chae-
roneia. Ctesiphon proposed that Demosthenes
should be rewarded for the services he had done
to his country, with a golden crown in the theatre
at the great Dionysia. Aeschines availed himself
of the illegal form in which this reward was pro-
posed to be given, to bring a charge against Ctesi-
phon on that ground. But he did not prosecute
the matter till eight years later, that is, in B.c. 330,
when after the death of Philip, and the victories
of Alexander, political affairs had assumed a diffe-
rent aspect in Greece. After having commenced
the prosecution of Ctesiphon, he is said to have
gone for some time to Macedonia. What induced
him to drop the prosecution of Ctesiphon, and to
take it up again eight years afterwards, are ques-
tions which can only be answered by conjectures.
The speech in which he accused Ctesiphon in B. c.
330, and which is still extant, is so skilfully ma-
naged, that if he had succeeded he would have
totally destroyed all the political influence and
authoiity of Demosthenes. The latter answered
Aeschines in his celebrated oration on the crown
{ivepX (TTetpavov). Even before Demosthenes had
finished his speech, Aeschines acknowledged him-
self conquered, and withdrew from the court and
his country. When the matter was put to the votes,
not even a fifth of them was in favour of Aeschines.
Aeschines went to Asia Minor. The statement
of Plutarch, that Demosthenes provided him with
the means of accomplishing his journey, is surely a
fable. He spent several years in Ionia and Caria,
occupj-ing himself with teaching rhetoric, and
anxiously waiting for the return of Alexander to
Europe. When in b. c. 324 the report of the
death of Alexander reached him, he left Asia and
went to Rhodes, where he established a school of
eloquence, which subsequently became very cele-
brated, and occupies a middle position between the

AESCIIINES.

grave manliness of the Attic omtors, and the effe-
minate luxuriance of the so-called Asiatic school of
(iratory. On one occasion he read to his audience
in Rhodes his speech against Ctesiphon, and when
some of his hearers expressed their astonishment
at his having been defeated notwithstanding his
brilliant oration, he replied, " You would cease to
be astonished, if you had heard Demosthenes."
(Cic. De Orat. iii. 56 ; Plin. H. N. vii. 30 ; Plin.
Epist. ii. 3 ; Quinctil. xi. 3. § 6.) From Rhodes he
went to Samos, where he died in b. c. 314.

The conduct of Aeschines has been censured by
the writers of all ages ; and for this many reasons
may be mentioned. In the first place, and above
all, it was his misfortune to be constantly placed
in juxtaposition or opposition to the spotless glory
of Demosthenes, and this must have made him ap-
pear more guilty in the eyes of those who saw
through his actions, while in later times the con-
trast between the greatest orators of the time was
frequently made the theme of rhetorical declama-
tion, in which one of the two was praised or
blamed at the cost of the other, and less with re-
gard to truth than to effect. Respecting the last
period of his life we scarcely possess any other
source of information than the accounts of late
sophists and declamations. Another point to
be considered in forming a just estimate of the
character of Aeschines is, that he had no advan-
tages of education, and that he owed his greatness
to none but himself. His occupations during the
early part of his life were such as necessarily en-
gendered in him the low desire of gain and wealth ;
and had he overcome these passions, he would
have been equal to Demosthenes. There is, how-
ever, not the slightest ground for believing, that
Aeschines recommended peace with Macedonia at
first from any other motive than the desire of pro-
moting the good of his country. Demosthenes
himself acted in the same spirit at that time, for
the craftiness of Philip deceived both of them.
But while Demosthenes altered his policy on dis-
covering the secret intentions of the king, Aeschines
continued to advocate the principles of peace. But
there is nothing to justify the belief that Aeschines
intended to ruin his country, and it is much more
probable that the crafty king made such an im-
pression upon him, that he firmly believed he
was doing right, and was thus unconsciously led
on to become a traitor to his country. But no an-
cient writer except Demosthenes charges him with
having received bribes from the Macedonians for
the piupose of betraying his country. He appears
to have been carried away by the favour of the
king and the people, who delighted in hearing
from him what they themselves wished, and,
perhaps also, by the opposition of Demosthenes
himself.

Aeschines spoke on various occasions, but he
published only three of his orations, namely, against
Timarchus, on the Embassy, and against Ctesiphon.
As an orator, he was inferior to none but Demos-
thenes. He was endowed by nature with extra-
ordinary oratorical powers, of which his orations
afford abundant proofs. The facility and felicity
of his diction, the boldness and the vigour of his
descriptions, cany away the reader now, as they
must have carried away his audience. The an-
cients, as Photius (Cod. 61) remarks, designated
these three orations as the Graces^ and the nine
letters which were extant in the time of Photius,

AESCHINES.

39

as the Muses. Besides the three orations, we no\r
possess twelve letters which are ascribed to Aes-
chines, which however are in all probability not
more genuine than the so-called epistles of Phalaris,
and are undoubtedly the work of late sophists.

The principal sources of information concerning
Aeschines are : 1. The orations of Demosthenes on
the Embassy, and on the Crown, and the orations
of Aeschines on the Embassy and against Ctesi-
phon. These four orations were translated into
Latin by Cicero ; but the translation is lost, and
we now possess only an essay which Cicero wrote
as an introduction to them : " De optimo genera
Oratorum." 2. The life in Plutarch's Vitae decern
Oratorum. 3. The life of Aeschines by Philostratus.
4. The life of Aeschines by Libanius. 5. ApoUo-
nius' Exegesis. The last two works are printed
in Reiske's edition, p. 10, foil. The best modem
essay on Aeschines is that by Passow in Ersch and
Gruber's Encyclop'ddie^ ii. p. 73, &c. There is
also a work by E. Stechow, De Aeschinis Oratoris
Vita, Berlin, 1841, 4to., which is an attempt to
clear the character of Aeschines from ail the re-
proaches that have been attached to it ; but the
essay is written in exceedinglj'- bad Latin, and the
attempt is a most complete failure.

The first edition of the orations of Aeschines is
that of Aldus Manutius in his Colleciio RJietorum
Graecorum, Venice, 1513, fol. An edition with a
Latin translation, which also contains the letters
ascribed to Aeschines, is that of H. Wolf, Basel,
1572, fol. The next important edition is that by
Taylor, which contains the notes of Wolf, Taylor,
and Markland, and appeared at Cambridge in
1748-56 in his collection of the Attic orators. In
Reiske's edition of the Attic orators Aeschines
occupies the third volume. Lips. 1771, 8vo. The
best editions are those of I. Bekker, vol. iii. of his
Oraiores Attici, Oxford, 1822, 8vo., for which
thirteen new MSS. were collated, and of F. H.
Bremi, Zurich, 1823, 2 vols. 8vo. The oration
against Demosthenes has been translated into
English by Portal and Leland. [L. S.]

AE'SCHINES (AjVx'Vtjs), an Athenian philo-
sopher and rhetorician, son of a sausage-seller, or,
according to other accounts, of Lysanias (Diog.
Laert. ii. 60; Suidas, s. v. 'Ato'xti'ijs), and a disciple,
although by some of his contemporaries held an
unworthy one, of Socrates. From the account of
Laertius, he appears to have been the familiar friend
of his great master, who said that " the sausage-
seller's son only knew how to honour him." The
same writer has preserved a tradition that it was
Aeschines, and not Crito, who offered to assist
Socrates in his escape from prison.

The greater part of his life was spent in abject
poverty, which gave rise to the advice of Socrates
to him, "to borrow money of himself, by diminish-
ing his daily wants." After the death of his mas-
ter, according to the charge of Lysias apud Athen.
xiii. p. 611, e. f.), he kept a perfumer's shop with
borrowed money, and presently becoming bank-
rupt, was obliged to leave Athens. Whether from
necessity or inclination, he followed the fashion of
the day, and retired to the Syracusan court, where
the friendship of Aristippus might console him for
the contempt of Plato. He remained there until
the expidsion of the younger Dionysius, and on
his return, finding it useless to attempt a rivalry
with his great contemporaries, he gave private lec-
tures. One of the charges which his opponents

40

AESCHRION.

delighted to repeat, and which bj^ association of
ideas constituted him a sophist in the eyes of Phito
and his followers, was that of receiving money for
his instructions. Another story was invented that
these dialogues were really the work of Socrates ;
and Aristippus, either from joke or malice, publicly
charged Aeschines with the theft while he was
reading them at Megara. Plato is related by
Hegesander {apml Athcji. xi. p. 507, c.) to have
stolen from him his solitary puj)il Xenocrates.

The three dialogues, Ilepl apex'^s, et Si5aKT(5j/,
'Epu^ias i] irepl ttAoi/tou, 'A^^x^* ""^ ""^P' Qavdrov,
which have come down to us under the name of
Aeschines are not geimine remains: it is even
doubted whether they are the same works which
the ancients acknowledged as spurious. They
have been edited by Fischer, the third edition of
which (8vo. Lips. 1786) contains the criticisms of
Wolf, and forms part of a volume of spurious Pla-
tonic dialogues (Swi07iis Socratici ut videtur diulogi
quaiuor) by Bockh, Heidel. 1810.

The genuine dialogues, from the slight mention
made of them by Demetrius Phalereus, seem to
have been full of Socratic irony, Ilermogenes,
Tlcpl 'iSeoii', considers Aeschines as superior to
Xenophon in elegance and purity of style. A long
and amusing passage is quoted by Cicero from him.
(Z>e Invent, i. 31 ; Diogenes Lacrtius, ii. 60-64, and
tlie authorities collected by Fischer.) [li. J.]

AE'SCHINES (AtVx'VTjs), of Miletus, a con-
temporary of Cicero, and a distinguished orator in
the Asiatic style of eloquence. He is said by Dio-
genes Laertius to have written on Politics. He
died in exile on account of having spoken too freely
to Pompey. (Cic. Brut. 95 ; Diog. Laert. ii. 64 ;
Strab. xiv. p. 635 ; Sen. Controv. i. 8.)

AE'SCHINES (AtVxii'ijs), of Neapolis, a Peri-
patetic philosopher, who was at the head of the
Academy at Athens, together with Chamiades and
Clitomachus about B. c. 109. (Cic. de Oral. i. 11.)
Diogenes Laertius (ii. 64) says, that he was a
pupil of Melanthus the Rhodian.

AE'SCPIINES (AtVx'VT/s), an ancient physi-
cian, who lived in the latter half of the fourth
century after Christ. He was bom in the island
of Chios, and settled at Athens, where he appears
to have practised with very little success, but ac-
quired great fame by a happy cure of Eunapius
Sardianus, who on his voyage to Athens (as he tells
us himself, in vita Proaeres. p. 76, ed. Boisson)
had been seized with a fever of a very violent
kind, which yielded only to treatment of a peculiar
nature. An Athenian physician of this name is
quoted by Pliny (//. N. xxviii. 10), of whom it is
only known, that he must have lived some time
before the middle of the first century after
Christ. [W. A. G.]

AE'SCHRION, of Syracuse, whose wife Pippa
was one of the mistresses of Verres, is frequently
mentioned by Cicero in the Verrine Orations, (ii.
14, v. 12, 31.) He assisted Verres in robbing the
Syracusans (ii. 21), and obtained the farming of
the tithes of the Herbitenses for the purpose of
plundering them. (iii. 33.)

AE'SCHRION (AtVxfJtW), an iambic poet, a
native of Samos. He is mentioned by Athenaeus
(vii. p. 296, f. viiL p. 335, c), who has preserved some
choliambic verses of his, in which he defends the
Samian Philaenis against Polycrates, the Athenian
rhetorician and sophist. Some of his verses are
also quoted by Tzctzcs {ad Lycrqihr. 638). There

AESCHYLUS,
was an epic poet of the same name, who was a
native of Mitylene and a pu})il of Aristotle, and
who is said to have accompanied Alexander on
some of his expeditions. He is mentioned by
Suidas (s. r.) and Tzetzes {Chil. viii. 406). As
he was also a writer of iambics and choliambics,
many scholars have supposed him to be identical
with the Samian Aeschrion, and to have been
called a Mitylenaean in consequence of having re-
sided for some time in that city. (Schneidewin,
Delectus Poetarum iambic, et mcliconwi Grace. ;
Jacobs, Anth. Grace, xiii. 834.) [C. P. M.]

AE'SCHRION, a Greek writer on agriculture,
of whom nothing more is known. (Varr. de lie
Riii<t.l 1.)

AE'SCHRION {'AifTxplciu), a native of Pcr-
gamus, and a physician in the second century after
Christ. He was one of Galen''s tutors, avIio says
that he belonged to the sect of the Empirici, and
that he had a great knowledge of Pharmacy and
Materia Medica. Aeschrion was the inventor of a
celebrated superstitious remedy for the bite of a
mad dog, which is mentioned with approbation by
Galen and Oribasius {Si/7ioj>s. iii. p. 55), and of
which the most important ingredient was powdered
crawfish. These he directs to be caught at a time
when the sun and moon were in a particular relative
position, and to be baked alive. (Gal. De SimpL
Medic. Facult. xi. 34, vol. xii. p. 356 ; C. G. Kiihii.
Additam. ad Klench. Med. Vet. a J. A. Fabric,
in ''Bibl. Gr:' exldbU.) [ W. A. G.]

AESCHY'LIDES (AtVxvAiSrjs), wrote a work
on agriculture, entitled TeapyiKd., which was at
least in three books. (Athen. xiv. p. 650, d ;
Aelian, de Anim. xvi. 32.)

AE'SCH YLUS {Pdax^Kos) was bom at Eleusis
in Attica in B. c. 525, so that he was thirty-five
years of age at the time of the battle of Marathon,
and contemporary with Simonides and Pindar.
His father Euphorion was probably connected with
the worship of Demeter, from which Aeschylus
may naturally be supposed to have received his
first religious impressions. He was himself, ac-
cording to some authorities, initiated in the mys-
teries, with reference to which, and to his birth-
place Eleusis, Aristophanes {Ran. 884) makes him
pray to the Eleusinian goddess. Pausanias (i. 21.
§ 2) relates an anecdote of him, which, if tme,
shews that he was struck in very early youth with
the exhibitions of the drama. According to this
storj', " When he was a boy he was set to watch
grapes in the country, and there fell asleep. In
his slumbers Dionysus appeared to him, and
ordered him to apply himself to tragedy. At day-
break he made the attempt, and succeeded very
easily." Such a dream as this could hardly have
resulted from anything but the impression pro-
duced by tragic exhibitions upon a warm imagina-
tion. At the age of 25 (b. c. 499), he made his
first appearance as a competitor for the prize of
tragedy, agjiinst Choerilus and Pratinas, without
however being successfid. Sixteen years after-
ward (b. c. 484), Aeschylus gained his first victory.
The titles of the pieces which he then brought out
are not known, but his competitors were most
probably Pratinas and Phryuichus or Chocrihis.
Eight years afterwards he gained the prize with
the ti-ilogy of which the Persae, the earliest of his
extant dramas, was one piece. The whole number
of victories attributed to Aeschylus amounted to
thirteen, most of which were gained by him in the

AESCHYLUS.

interval of sixteen years, between B.c. 484, the
year of his Hrst tragic victory, and the close of the
Persian war by Cinion's double victory at the
Enrymedon, u. c. 470. (Bode, Gesch. der Hellcn.
Dic'hikunst, iii. p. 212.) The year B. c. 468 was
tlie date of a remarkable event in the poet's life.
In that year he was defeated in a tragic contest by
his younger rival Sophocles, and if we may be-
lieve Plutarch (Ciin. 8), his mortification at this
indignity, as he conceived it, was so great, that he
quitted Athens in disgust the very same year, and
went to the court of Hiero (Pans. i. 2. § 3), king
of Syracuse, where he found Simonides the lyric
poet, who as well as himself was by that prince
most hospitably received. Of the fact of his hav-
ing visited Sicily at the time alluded to, there can
be no doubt ; but whether the motive alleged by
Plutarch for his doing so was the only one, or a
real one, is a question of considerable difficulty,
though of little practical moment. It may be, as
has been plausibly maintained by some authors,
that Aeschylus, whose family and personal honours
were connected with the glories of Marathon, and
the heroes of the Persian war, did not sympathise
with the spirit of aggrandisement by which the
councils of his country were then actuated, nor
approve of its policy in the struggle for the
supremacy over Greece. The contemporaries of
his earlier years, Miltiades, Aristeides, and The-
mistocles, whose achievements in the service of
their country were identified with those of himself
and his family, had been succeeded by Cimon : and
the aristocratical principles which Aeschylus sup-
ported were gradually being supplanted and over-
borne by the advance of democracy. From all
this, Aeschylus might have felt that he was
outliving his principles, and have felt it the more
keenly, from Cimon, the hero of the day, having
been one of the judges who awarded the tragic
prize to Sophocles in preference to himself. (Plut.
/. c.) On this supposition, Athens could not have
been an agreeable residence to a person like
Aeschylus, and therefore he might have been dis-
posed to leave it ; but still it is more than probable
that his defeat by Sophocles materially influenced
his determinations, and was at any rate the proxi-
mate cause of his removing to Sicily. It has been
further conjectured that the charge of dcreSeia or
impiety which was brought against Aeschylus for
an alleged publication of the mysteries of Ceres
(Aristot. Eth. iii. 1), but possibly from political
motives, was in some measure connected with his
retirement from his native country. If this were
really the case, it follows, that the play or plays
which gave the supposed offence to the Athenians,
must have been published before B. c. 468, and
therefore that the trilogy of the Oresteia could
have had no connexion with it. Shortly before
the arrival of Aeschylus at the court of Hiero, that
prince had built the town of Aetna, at the bottom
of the mountain of that name, and on the site of
the ancient Catana : in connexion with this event,
Aeschylus is said to have composed his play of the
Women of Aetna (b. c. 471, or 472), in which he
predicted and prayed for the prosperity of the
new city. At the request of Hiero, he also repro-
duced the play of the Persac, with the trilogy of
which he had been victorious in the dramatic con-
tests at Athens, (b. c. 472.) Now we know that
the trilogy of the Seven against Thebes was re-
presented soon after the "Persiiuis:" it follows

AESCHYLUS.

41

therefore that the former trilogy must have been
first represented not later than B.C. 470, (Welcker,
7W%ie, p. 520 ; Schol. ud Arisioph. Ran. 1053.)
Aristeides, who died in B. c. 468, was living at
the time. (Plut. Arid. 3.) Besides "The Women
of Aetna," Aeschylus also composed other pieces in
Sicily, in which are said to have occurred Sicilian
words and expressions not intelligible to the Athe-
nians. ( Athen. ix. p. 402, b.) From the number of
such words and expressions, which have been
noticed in the later extant plays of Aeschylus, it
has been inferred that he spent a considerable time
in Sicily, on this his first visit. We must not
however omit to mention, that, according to some
accounts, Aeschylus also visited Sicily about B. c.
488, previous to what we have considered his first
visit. (Bode, Id. iii. p. 215.) The occasion of this
retirement is said to have been the victory gained
over him by Simonides, to whom the Athenians
adjudged the prize for the best elegy on those who
fell at Marathon. This tradition, however, is not
supported by strong independent testimony, and
accordingly its truth has been much questioned.
Suidas indeed states that Aeschylus had visited
Sicily even before this, when he was only twenty-
five years of age (b.c. 499), immediately after his
first contest with Pratinas, on which occasion the
crowd of spectators was so great as to cause the
fall of the wooden planks {XKpia) or temporary
scaflfolding, on which they were accommodated
with seats.

In B. c. 467, his friend and patron king Hiero
died ; and in B. c. 458, it appears that Aeschylus
was again at Athens from the fact that the trilogy
of the Oresteia was produced in that year. The
conjecture of Bockh, that this might have been a
second representation in the absence of the poet,
is not supported by any probable reasons, for we
have no intimation that the Oresteia ever had been
acted before. (Hermann, Ojmsc. ii. p. 137.) In the
same or the following year (b. c. 457), Aeschylus
again visited Sicily for the last time, and the
reason assigned for this his second or as others
conceive his fourth visit to this island, is both pro-
bable and sufficient. The fact is, that in his play
of the Eumenides, the third and last of the three
plays which made up the Orestean trilogy, Aes-
chylus proved himself a decided supporter of the
ancient dignities and power of that " watchful
guardian" of Athens, the aristocratical court of the
Areiopagus, in opposition to Pericles and his de-
mocratical coadjutors. With this trilogy Aeschylus
was indeed successful as a poet, but not as a poli-
tician : it did not produce the effects he had wished
and intended, and he found that he had striven
in vain against the opinions and views of a gene-
ration to which he did not belong. Accordingly it
has been conjectured that either from disappoint-
ment or fear of the consequences, or perhaps fi-om
both these causes, he again quitted Athens, and
retired once more to Sicily. IBut another reason,
which if founded on truth, perhaps operated in
conjunction with the former, has been assigned for
his last sojourn in Sicily. This rests on a state-
ment made more or less distinctly by various
authors, to the effect that Aeschylus was accused
of impiety before the court of the Areiopagus, and
that he would have been condemned but for the
interposition of his brother Ameinias, who had
distinguished himself at the battle of Salamis.
(Aeliau, V. H. v. 19.) According to some authors

42

AESCHYLUS.

this accusation was preferred against him, for
having m some of his plays either divulged or
profanely spoken of the mysteries of Ceres. Ac-
cording to others, the charge originated from his
having introduced on the stage the dread god-
desses, the Eumenides, which he had done in such
a way as not only to do violence to popular pre-
judice, but also to excite the greatest alarm among
the spectators. Now, the Eumenides contains no-
thing which can he considered as a publication of
the mysteries of Ceres, and therefore we are in-
clined to think that his political enemies availed
themselves of the unpopularity he had incurred by
his " Chorus of Furies," to get up against him a
charge of impiety, which they supported not only
by what was objectionable in the Eumenides, but
also in other plays not now extant. At any rate,
from the number of authorities all confirming this
conclusion, there can be no doubt that towards the
end of his life Aeschylus incurred the serious dis-
pleasure of a strong party at Athens, and that
after the exhibition of the Orestean trilogy he
retired to Gela in Sicily, where he died B. c. 456,
in the 69th year of his age, and three years after
the representation of the Eumenides. On the
manner of his death the ancient writers are unani-
mous. (Suidas, s. V. XeXuvrjfjLvoov.) An eagle, say
they, mistaking the poet's bald head for a stone,
let a tortoise fall upon it to break the shell, and
so fulfilled an oracle, according to which Aeschylus
was fated to die by a blow from heaven. The
inhabitants of Gela shewed their regard for
his character, by public solemnities in his honour,
by erecting a noble monument to him, and inscrib-
ing it with an epitaph written by himself. (Pans,
i. 14. M; Athen. xiv. 627. d. Fit. Anon.) In it
Gela is mentioned as the place of his burial, and
the field of Marathon as the place of his most
glorious achievements ; but no mention is made of
his poetry, the only subject of commemoration in
the later epigrams written in his honour. At
Athens also his name and memory were holden in
especial reverence, and the prophecy in which he
(Athen. viii. 347, e. f.) is said to have predicted his
own posthumous fame, when he was first defeated
by Sophocles, was amply fulfilled. His pieces
were frequently reproduced on the stage ; and by
a special decree of the people, a chorus was pro-
vided at the expense of the state for any one who
might wish to exhibit his tragedies a second time.
(Aristoph. Achar. 102; Aeschyl. vita.) Hence
Aristophanes {Ran. 892) makes Aeschylus say of
himself, that his poetry did not die with him ; and
even after his death, he may be said to have
gained manj'- victories over his successors in Attic
tragedy. (Hermann, Opusc. ii. p. 158.) The plays
thus exhibited for the first time may either have
been those which Aeschj'lus had not produced
himself, or such as had been represented in Sicily,
and not at Athens, during his lifetime. The in-
dividuals who exhibited his dramatic remains on
the Attic stage were his sons Euphorion and Bion :
the former of whom was, in b. c. 431, victorious
with a tetralogy over Sophocles and Euripides
(Argum. Eurip. Med.), and in addition to this is
said to have gained four victories with dramatic
pieces of his father's never before represented.
(Blomfield, ad Argum. Agam. p. 20.) Philocles
also, the son of a sister of Aeschylus, was victo-
rious over the King Oedipus of Sophocles, probably
with a tragedy of his uncle's. (Argum. Soph. Oed.

AESCHYLUS.

Tyr.) From and by means of these persons arose
what was called the Tragic School of Aeschylus,
which contimied for the space of 125 years.

We have hitherto spoken of Aeschylus as a poet
only ; but it must not be forgotten that he was also
highly renowned as a warrior. His first achieve-
ments as a soldier were in the battle of Marathon,
in which his brother Cynaegeirus and himself so
highly distinguished themselves, that their exploits
were commemorated with a descriptive painting in
the theatre of Athens, which was thought to be
much older than the statue there erected in honour
of Aeschylus. (Paus. i. 21. $ 2.) The epitaph
which he wrote on himself, proves that he con-
sidered his share in that battle as the most glo-
rious achievement of his life, though he was
also engaged at Artemisium, Salamis, and Pla-
taea. (Paus. i. 14. § 4.) All his family, indeed,
were distinguished for bravery. His younger
brother Ameinias (Herod, viii. 84 ; Diod. xi. 25)
was noted as having commenced the attack on
the Persian ships at Salamis, and at Marathon no
one was so perseveringly brave as Cynaegeirus.
(Herod, vi. 114.) Hence we may not unreason-
ably suppose, that the gratitude of the Athenians
for such ser\-ices contributed somewhat to a due
appreciation of the poet's merits, and to the tragic
victory which he gained soon after the battle of
Marathon (b. c. 484) and before that of Salamis.
Nor can we wonder at the peculiar vividness and
spirit with which he portrays the " pomp and cir-
cumstance" of war, as in the Persae, and the
'* Seven against Thebes," describing its incidents
and actions as one who had really been an actor
in scenes such as he paints.

The style of Aeschylus is bold, energetic, and
sublime, fuU of gorgeous imagerj', and magnificent
expressions such as became the elevated characters
of his dramas, and the ideas he wished to express.
(Aristoph. Ran. 934.) This sublimity of diction
was however sometimes carried to an extreme,
which made his language turgid and inflated, so
that as Quintilian (x. 1) says of him, " he is
grandiloquent to a fault." In the turn of his ex-
pressions, the poetical predominates over the syn-
tactical. He was peculiarly fond of metaphorical
phrases and strange compounds, and obsolete lan-
guage, so that he was much more epic in his
language than either Sophocles or Euripides, and
excelled in displaying strong feelings and impulses,
and describing the awful and the terrible, rather
than in exhibiting the workings of the human
mind under the influence of complicated and various
motives. But notwithstanding the general eleva-
tion of his style, the subordinate characters in his
plays, as the watchman in the Agamemnon, and
the nurse of Orestes in the Choephoroe, are made
to use language fitting their station, and less re-
moved from that of common life.

The characters of Aeschylus, like his diction,
are sublime and majestic, — they were gods and
heroes of colossal magnitude, whose imposing aspect
could be endured by the heroes of Marathon and
Salamis, but was too aAvful for the contemplation
of the next generation, who complained that
Aeschylus' language was not human. (Aristoph.
Ran. 1056.) Hence the general impressions pro-
duced by the poetry of Aeschylus were rather of a
religious than of a moral nature : his personages
being both in action and suflering, superhuman,
and therefore not ahvnys fitted to teach practical

AESCHYLUS.

lessons. Hfi produces indeed a sort of religious
awe, and dread of the irresistible power of the
gods, to which man is represented as being entirely
bubject; but on the other hand humanity often
ajijwars as the sport of an in'cvocable destiny, or
the victim of a struggle between superior beings.
Still Aeschylus sometimes discloses a providential
order of compensation and retribution, while he
always teaches the duty of resignation and sub-
mission to the will of the gods, and the futility
and fatc'U consequences of all opposition to it. See
Quarterly Review, No. 112, p. 315.

With respect to the constniction of his plays,
it has been often remarked, that they have
little or no plot, and are therefore wanting in
dnmiatic interest: this deficiency however may
strike us more than it otherwise would in conse-
quence of most of his extant plays being only parts,
or acts of a more complicated drama. Still we
cannot help being impressed with the belief, that
he was more capable of sketching a vast outline,
than of filling up its parts, however bold and
vigorous are the sketches by which he portrays
and groups his characters. His object, indeed, ac-
cording to Aristophanes, in such plays as the
Persae, and the Seven against Thebes, which are
more epical than dramatical, was rather to animate
his countrymen to deeds of glory and warlike
achievement, and to inspire them with generous
and elevated sentiments, by a vivid exhibition of
noble deeds and chai'acters, than to charm or
startle by the incidents of an elaborate plot. {Ran.
1000.) The religious views and tenets of Aes-
chylus, so far as they appear in his writings, were
Homeric. Like Homer, he represents Zeus as
the supreme Ruler of the Universe, the source and
centre of all things. To him all the other divini-
ties are subject, and from him all their powers and
authority are derived. Even Fate itself is some-
times identical with his will, and the result of his
decrees. He only of all the beings in heaven and
earth is free to act as he pleases. {Prom. 40.)

In Philosophical sentiments, there was a tradi-
tion that Aeschylus was a Pythagorean (Cic. Tns.
JJisp. ii. 10) ; but of this his writings do not
furnish any conclusive proof, though there certainly
Avas some similarity between him and Pythagoras
in the purity and elevation of their sentiments.

The most correct and lively description of the
cliaracter and dramatic merits of Aeschylus, and of
the estimation in which he was held by his con-
temporaries and immediate successors, is given by
Aristophanes in his "Frogs." He is there de-
picted as proud and impatient, and his style and
genius such as we have described it. Aristophanes
was evidently a very great admirer of him, and
symputhised in no common degree with his politi-
cal and moral sentiments. He considered Aes-
chylus as without a rival and utterly unapproachable
as a tragic poet; and represents even Sophocles
himself as readily yielding to and admitting his
superior claims to the tragic throne. But few if
any of the ancient critics seem to have altogether
coincided with Aristophanes in his estimation of
Aeschylus, though they give him credit for his
excellences. Thus Dionysius {l)e Poet. Vet. ii. 9)
praises the originality of his ideas and of his ex-
pressions, and the beauty of his imagery, and the
j)n)priety and dignity of his characters. Longinus
(15) speaks of his elevated creations and imagery-,
but condemns some of his expressions as harsh and

AESCHYLUS.

43

overs-tniined ; and Quintilian ( x. 1 ) expresses
himself much to the same elTcct. The expression
attributed to Sophocles, that Aeschylus did what
was right without knowing it (Athen. x. p. 428,f.),
in other words, that he was an unconscious genius,
working without any knowledge of or regard to
the artistical laws of his profession, is worthy of
note. So also is the observation of Schlegel (Lec-
ture iv.), that " Generally considered, the tragedies
of Aescliylus are an example amongst many, that
in art, as in nature, gigantic productions precede
those of regidated symmetry, which then dwindle
away into delicacy and insignificance ; and that
poetry in her first manifestation always approaches
nearest to the awfulness of religion, whatever shape
the latter may assume among the various races of
men." Aeschylus himself used to say of his
dramas, that they Avcre fragments of the great
banquet of Homer's table. (Athen, viii. p. 347, e.)
The alterations made by Aeschylus in the compo-
sition and dramatic representation of Tragedy
were so great, that he was considered by the
Athenians as the father of it, just as Homer was
of Epic poetry and Herodotus of History. (Philostr.
Vit. Apoll. vi. 11.) As the ancients themselves
remarked, it was a greater advance from the
elementary productions of Thespis, Clioerilus, and
Phrynichus, to the stately tragedy of Aeschylus,
than from the latter to the perfect and refined
fonns of Sophocles. It was the advance from
infancy if not to maturity, at least to a youthful
and vigorous manhood. Even the improvements
and alterations introduced b}' his successors were
the natural results and suggestions of those of
Aeschylus. The first and principal alteration
which he made was the introduction of a second
actor (Seurepa^wi/to-TT^s, Aristot. Poet. 4. § 16),
and the consequent fonnation of the dialogue pro-
perly so called, and the limitation of the choral
parts. So great was the eftect of this change that
Aristotle denotes it by saying, that he made the
dialogue, the principal part of the play {jov
K6yov irpuTaywuKTTT^v irapecTKevaaev)., instead of
the choral part, which was now become subsidiary
and secondary. This innovation was of course
adopted by his contemporaries, just as Aeschylus
himself {e.g. in the Choephoroe 665 — 716) fol-
lowed the example of Sophocles, in subsequently
introducing a third actor. The characters in his
plays were sometimes represented by Aeschylus
himself. (Athen. i. p. 3.9.) In the early part of
his career he was supported by an actor named
Cleandrus, and afterwards by jMyniscus of Chal-
chis. (Vita apud Robert, p. 161.) The dialogue
between the two principal characters in the plays
of Aeschylus was generally kept up in a strictly
symmetrical form, each thought or sentiment of
the two speakers being expressed in one or two
unbroken lines : e. g. as the dialogue between
Kratos and Hephaestus at the beginning of the
Prometheus. In the same way, in the Seven
against Thebes, Eteocles always expresses himself
in three lines between the reflections of the chorus.
This arningement, differing as it does from the
forms of ordinary conversation, gives to the dialogue
of Aeschylus an elevated and stately character,
which bespeaks the conversation of gods and he-
roes. But the improvements of Aeschylus were
not limited to the composition of tragedy : he added
the resources of art in its exhibition. Thus, he is
said to have availed himself of the skill of Aga-

44

A.ESCHYLUS.

tharcus, who painted for him the first scenes which
liad ever been drawn according to the principles of
linear perspective. (Vitruv. Praef. lib. vii.) He
also furnished his actors with more suitable and
magnificent dresses, with significant and various
masks, and with the thick- soled cothurnus, to raise
their statue to the height of heroes. He moreover
bestowed so much attention on the choral dances,
that he is said to have invented various figures
himself, and to have instructed the choristers in
them without the aid of the regular ballet-masters.
(Athen. i. p. 21.) So great was Aeschylus' skill as
a teacher in this respect, that Telestes, one of his
choristers, was able to express by dance alone the
various incidents of the play of the Seven against
Thebes. (Athen. I. c.) The removal of all deeds
of bloodshed and murder from the public view, in
conformity with the rule of Horace {A. P. 185),
is also said to have been a practice introduced by
Aeschylus. (Philos. Vit.Apol. vi. 11.) With him
also arose the usage of representing at the same
time a trilogy of plays connected in subject, so that
each formed one act, as it were, of a great whole,
which might be compared Avith some of Shake-
Bpeare's historical plays. Even before the time of
Aeschylus, it had been customary to contend for
the prize of tragedy with three plays exhibited at
the same time, but it was reserved for him to shew
how each of three tragedies might be complete in
itself, and independent of the rest, and neverthe-
less form a part of a harmonious and connected
whole. The only example still extant of such a
trilogy is the Oresteia, as it was called. A Saty-
rical play commonly followed each tragic trilogy,
and it is recorded that Aeschylus was no less a
master of the ludicrous than of the serious drama.
(Paus. ii. 13. § 5.)

Aeschylus is said to have written seventy trage-
dies. Of these only seven are extant, namely, the
"Persians." the "Seven against Thebes," the
"Suppliants," the "Prometheus," the "Agamem-
non," the " Choephoroe," and " Eumenides ;" the
last three forming, as ali'eady remarked, the trilogy
of the "Oresteia." The "Persians" was acted in
B. c. 472, and the " Seven against Thebes" a year
afterwards. The "Oresteia" was represented in
B.C. 458 ; the "Suppliants" and the "Prometheus"
were brought o\it some time between the "Seven
against Thebes" and the " Oresteia." It has been
supposed from some allusions in the "Suppliants,"
that this play was acted in B, c. 461, when Athens
was allied with Argos.

The first edition of Aeschylus was printed at
Venice, 1518, 8vo.; but parts of the Agamemnon
and the Choephoroe are not printed in this edition,
and those which are given, are made up into one
play. Of the subsequent editions the best was by
Stanley, Lond. 1663, fo. with the Scholia and a
commentary, reedited by Butler. The best recent
editions are by Wellauer, Lips. 1823, W.Dindorf,
Lips. 1827, and Scholefield, Camb. 1830. There
are numerous editions of various plays, of which
those most worthy of mention are by Blomfield,
Miiller, Klausen, and Peile. The principal Eng-
lish translations are by Potter, Harford, and Med-
win. (Petersen, De Aeschyli Vita et Fabulis^
Havniae, 1814; Welcker, Die Aeschyl. Trilogie
Prometheus^ Darmstadt, 1824, NacUrag zur fri-
hgie, Frankf. 1826, and Die Griech. Tragodien^
Bonn, 1840; Klauseu, Tlicologumena Aeschyli
7VayJt^; BeroL 182D.) [R. W.] |

AESCULAPIUS.

AE'SCHYLUS (AtVxuAos), of Alexandria,
an epic poet, who must have lived previous to the
end of the second century of our aeni, and whom
Athenaeus calls a weU-inforraed man. One of his
poems bore the title " Amphitryon," and another
" Messeniaca," A fragment of the former is pre-
served in Athenaeus. (xiii. p. 599.) According
to Zenobius (v. 85), he had also written a work on
proverbs. (Ilepi YlapoijjLioiv ; compare Schneidewin,
Praefut. Paroemiogr. p. xi.) [L. S.]

AE'SCHYLUS of Cnidus, a contemporary of
Cicero, and one of the most celebrated rhetoricians
in Asia Minor. (Cic. Brut. 91, 95.)

AE'SCHYLUS (AtVxuAos), of Rhodes, was
appointed by Alexander the Great one of the in-
spectors of the governors of that country after its
conquest in B.C. 332. (Arrian, A?iab. iii. 5 ; comp.
Curt. iv. 8.) He is not spoken of again till b. c.
319, when he is mentioned as conveying in four
ships six hundred talents of silver from Cilicia to
Macedonia, which were detained at Ephesus by
Antigonus, in order to pay his foreign mercenaiies.
(Diod. xviii. 52.)

AESCULA'PIUS {'AaKX7im6s\ the god of the
medical art. In the Homeric poems Aesculapius
does not appear to be considered as a divinity, but
merely as a human being, which is indicated by
the adjective d/xv/j-au^ which is never given to a
god. No allusion is made to his descent, and he
is merely mentioned as the IrtTrip a/uLvfiuu, and tlie
father of Machaon and Podaleirius. (11. ii. 731,
iv. 194, xi. 518.) From the fact that Homer (Od.
iv. 232) calls all those who practise the healing
art descendants of Paeeon, and that Podaleirius
and Machaon are called the sons of Aesculapius,
it has been inferred, that Aesculapius and Paeeon
are the same being, and consequently a divinity.
But wherever Homer mentions the healing god, it
is always Paeeon, and never Aesculapius ; and as
in the poet's opinion all physicians were descended
from Paeeon, he probably considered Aesculapius
in the same light. This supposition is con-oborated
by the fact, that in later times Paeeon was identi-
fied with Apollo, and that Aesculapius is uni-
versally described as a descendant of Apollo. The
two sons of Aesculapius in the Iliad, were the
physicians in the Greek army, and are described
as ruling over Tricca, Ithome, and Oechalia. {II.
ii. 729.) According to Eustathius (ad Horn. p.
330),Lapithes was a son of Apollo and Stilbe, and
Aesculapius was a descendant of Lapithes. This
tradition seems to be based on the same ground-
work as the more common one, that Aesculapius
was a son of Apollo and Coronis, the daughter of
Phlegyas, who is a descendant of Lapithes.
(Apoliod. iii. 10. § 3; Find. Pyth. iii. 14, with
the Schol.)

The common story then goes on as follows.
When Coronis was with chUd by Apollo, she
became enamoured with Ischys, an Arcadian,
and Apollo informed of this by a raven, which
he had set to Avatch her, or, according to Pindar,
by his own prophetic powers, sent his sister
Artemis to kill Coronis. Artemis accordingly de-
stroyed Coronis in her own house at Lacereia in
Thessaly, on the shore of lake Baebia. (Comp.
Horn. Hynm. 27. 3.) According to Ovid (Met. iL
605, &c.) and Hyginus (Poet. Asir. ii. 40), it was
Apollo himself who killed Coronis and Ischys.
\\ hen the body of Coronis was to be burnt, ApoUo,
or, according to others (Paus. ii. 26. § 5), Hermes,

AESCULAPIUS.

saved tho child (Aesculapius) from the flaiiips, and
carried it to Cheiron, who instructed the hoy in
the art of healing and in hunting. (Pind. Fi/ih.
iii. 1, &c.; ApoUod. iii. 10. § 3 ; Paus. I. c.) Ac-
cording to other traditions Aesculapius was born
at Tricca in Thessjdy (Strab. xiv. p. 647), and
others again related that Coronis gave birth to hira
during an expedition of her father Phlegyas into
Peloponnesus, in the territory of Epidaurus, and
that she exposed him on mount Tittheion, which
was before called Myrtion. Here he was fed by a
goat and watched by a dog, until at last he was
found by Aresthanas, a shepherd, who saw the boy
surrounded by a lustre like that of lightning.
(See a different account in Paus. viii. 25. § 6.)
From this dazzling splendour, or from his having
been rescued from the flames, he was called by the
Dorians al-yXa-^p. The truth of the tradition that
Aesculapius was born in the territory of Epi-
daurus, and was not the son of Arsinoe, daughter
of Leucippus and bom in Messenia, was attest-
ed by an oracle which was consulted to decide the
question. (Paus. ii. 26. § 6, iv. 3. § 2 ; Cic. De
Nut. Deor. iii. 22, where three different Aescula-
piuses are made out of the different local traditions
about him.) After Aesculapius had grown up,
reports spread over all countries, that he not only
cured all the sick, but called the dead to life again.
About the manner in which he acquired this latter
power, there were two traditions in ancient times.
According to the one (ApoUod. I.e.), he had re-
ceived from Athena the blood which had flowed
from the veins of Gorgo, and the blood which had
flowed from the veins of the right side of her body
possessed the power of restoring the dead to life.
According to the other tradition, Aesculapius on
one occasion was shut up in the house of Glaucus,
whom he was to cure, and while he was standing
absorbed in thought, there came a serpent which
twined round the staff", and which he killed.
Another serpent then came carrying in its mouth
a lierb with which it recalled to life the one that
had been killed, and Aesculapius henceforth made
use of the same herb with the same effect upon
men. (Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 14.) Several per-
sons, whom Aesculapius was believed to have re-
stored to life, are mentioned by the Scholiast on
Pindar {Pyth. iii. QQ) and by Apollodorus. {I. c.)
When he was exercising this art upon Glaucus,
Zeus killed Aesculapius with a flash of lightning,
as he feared lest men might gradually contrive to
escape death altogether (Apollod. iii. 10. § 4), or,
according to others, because Pluto had complained
of Aesculapius diminishing the number of tlie dead
too much. (Diod. iv. 71 ; comp. Schol. ad Pind.
Pyth. iii. 102.) But, on the request of Apollo,
Zeus placed Aesculapius among the stars. (Hygin.
Pout. Astr. ii. 14.) Aesculapius is also said to
have taken part in the expedition of the Argonauts
and in the Calydonian hunt. He was married to
Epione, and besides the two sons spoken of by
Homer, we also find mention of the following chil-
dren of his : Janiscus, Alexenor, Aratus, Hygieia,
Aegle, laso, and P.inaceia (Schol. ad Pind. Pyth.
iii. 14 ; Paus. ii. 10. § 3, i. 34. § 2), most of whom
are only personifications of the powers ascribed to
their father. .

These are the legends about one of the most in-
teresting and important divinities of antiquity.
Various hypotheses have been brought forward to
explain the origin of his worship in Greece ; and,

AESCULAPIUS.

45

while some consider Aesculapius to have beeu
originally a real personage, whom tradition had
connected with various marvellous stories, others
have explained all the legends about him as mere
personifications of certain ideas. The serpent, the
perpetual symbol of Aesculapius, has given rise to
the opinion, that the worship was derived from
Egypt, and that Aesculapius was identical with
the serpent Cnuph worshipped in Egypt, 'or with
the Phoenician Esmun. (Euseb. Praep. Evang.
i. 10 ; comp. Paus. vii. 23. § 6.) But it does not
seem necessary to have recourse to foreign countries
in order to explain the worship of this god. His
story is undoubtedly a combination of real events
with the results of thoughts or ideas, which, as in
so many instances in Greek mythology, are, like
the former, considered as facts. The kernel, out
of which the whole myth has grown, is perhaps
the account we read in Homer ; but gradually the
sphex-e in which Aesculapius acted was so extend-
ed, that he became the representative or the per-
sonification of the healing powers of nature, which
are naturally enough described as the son (the
effects) of Helios, — Apollo, or the Sun.

Aesculapius was worshipped all over Greece,
and many towns, as we have seen, claimed the
honour of his birth. His temples were usually
built in healthy places, on hills outside the town,
and near wells which were believed to have
healing powers. These temples were not only
places of worship, but were frequented by great
numbers of sick persons, and may therefore be
compared to modern hospitals. (Plut. Quaest. Pom.
p. 286, D.) The principal scat of his worship in
Greece was Epidaurus, where he had a temple sur-
rounded with an extensive grove, within which no
one was allowed to die, and no woman to give birth
to a child. His sanctuary contained a magnificent
statue of ivory and gold, the workofThrasymedes,
in which he was represented as a handsome and
manly figure, resembling that of Zeus. (Paus. ii.
26 and 27.) He was seated on a throne, holding
in one hand a staff, and with the other resting
upon the head of a dragon (serpent), and by his
side lay a dog. (Paus. ii. 27. § 2.) Sei-pents
were everywhere connected with the worship of
Aesculapius, probably because they were a symbol
of prudence and renovation, and were believed to
have the power of discovering herbs of wondrous
powers, as is indicated in the story about Aescula-
pius and the serpents in the house of Glaucus.
Serpents were further believed to be guardians of
wells with salutary powers. For these reasons a
peculiar kind of tame serpents, in which Epidaurus
abounded, were not only kept in his temple (Paus.
ii. 28. § 1), but the god himself frequently ap-
peared in the form of a serpent. (Paus. iii. 23.
§ 4 ; Val. Max. i. 8. § 2 ; Liv. Ejnt. 1 1 ; compare
the account of Alexander Pseudomantis in Lucian.)
Besides the temple of Epidaurus, whence the wor-
ship of the god was transplanted to various other
pans of the ancient world, we may mention those
of Tricca (Strab. ix. p. 437), Celaenae (xiii. p. 603),
between Dyme and Patrae (viii. p. 386), near
Cyllene (viii. p. 337), in the island of Cos (xiii.
p. 657 ; Paus. iii. 23. § 4), at Gercnia (Strab. viii.
p. 360), near Cans in Arcadia (Steph. Byz. s. v.),
at Sicyon (Paus. ii. 10. § 2), at Athens (i. 21. § 7),
near Patrae (vii. 21. § 6), at Titane in the teiTi-
tory of Sicyon (vii. 23. § 6), at Thelpusa (viiL 25.
§ 3), in Messenc (iv. 31. § 8), at Phlius (ii. 13.

46

AESON.

fe 3), Argos (ii. 23. § 4), Aeginm (H. 23. § 5),
Pellenc (vii. 27. § 5), Asopus (iii. 22. § 7),
Pergamura (iii. 26. § 7), Lebene in Crete,
Smyraa, Balagrae (ii. 26. § 7), Ambraoia (Liv.
xxxviii. 5), at Rome and other places. At Rome
the worship of Aesculapius was introduced from
Epidaurus at the command of the Delphic oracle
or of the Sibylline books, in B. c. 293, for the
purpose of averting a pestilence. Respecting the
miraculous manner in which this was effected see
Valerius Maximus (i. 8. 55 2), and Ovid. (Met.
XV. 620, &c. ; corap. Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome,
iii. p. 408, &c. ; Liv. x. 47, xxix. 11; Suet.
Cla7id. 25.)

The sick, who visited the temples of Aescula-
pius, had usually to spend one or more nights in
his sanctuary (KaOevdeiy, incithare, Paus. ii. 27
§ 2), during which they observed certain rules
prescribed by the priests. The god then usually
revealed the remedies for the disease in a dream.
(Aristoph. Plut. 662, &c. ; Cic. De Div. ii. 59 ;
Pliilostr. Vita ApoUon. i. 7 ; Jambl. De Myst. iii.
2.) It was in allusion to this incubaiio that many
temples of Aesculapius contained statues repre-
senting Sleep and Dream. (Paus. ii. 10. § 2.)
Those whom the god cured of their disease offered
a sacrifice to him, generallj' a cock (Plat. Phaed.
p. 118) or a gnat (Paus. x. 32. $ 8 ; Serv, ad Virg.
Georg. ii, 380), and hung up in his temple a
tablet recording the name of the sick, the disease,
and the manner in which the cure had been
effected. The temples of Epidaurus, Tricca, and
Cos, were full of such votive tablets, and several of
them are still extant, (Paus, ii. 27. § 3 ; Strab.
viii. p. 374; comp. Did. if Ant. p. 673,) Re-
specting the festivals celebrated in honour of Aes-
culapius see Diet, of Ant. p. 103, &c. The various
surnames given to the god partly describe him as
the healing or saving god, and are partly derived
from the places in which he was worshipped.
Some of his statues are described by Pausanias,
(ii. 10. § 3, X, 32, § 8.) Besides the attributes
mentioned in the description of his statue at Epi-
daurus, he is sometimes represented holding in one
hand a phial, and in the other a staff ; sometimes
also a boy is represented standing by his side, who
is the genius of recovery, and is called Telesphorus,
Euamerion, or Acesius, (Paus, ii, 11. § 7.) We
still possess a considerable number of marble
statues and busts of Aesculapius, as well as many
representations on coins and gems, (Bcittiger,
Amalthea, i, p. 282 ; ii, p, 361 ; Hirt, Afyi/iol.
Bilderb. i. p. 84 ; MiiUer, Ilandh. der Arch'dol.
p, 597, &c, 710.)

There were in antiquity two works which went
under the name of Aesculapius, which, however,
were no more genuine than the works ascribed to
Orpheus. (Fabricius, Bihl. Graec. i, p, bb, &c,)

The descendants of Aesculapius were called by
the patronymic name Aselepiadae. ('A(rK\7]nia,dai.)
Those \\Titers, who consider Aesculapius as a real
personage, must regard the Aselepiadae as his real
descendants, to whom he transmitted his medical
knowledge, and whose principal seats were Cos
and Cnidus, (Plat, de Re Pabl. iii, p, 405, &c,)
But the Aselepiadae were also regarded as an
order or caste of priests, and for a long period
the practice of medicine was intimately connected
with religion. The knowledge of medicine was
regarded as a sacred secret, which was transmitted
from lather to son in the families of the Asclepia-

AESOPUS.

oae, and we still possess the oath which every one
was obliged to take when he was put in possession
of the medictd secrets. (Galen, Anal, ii, p. 128;
Aristid. Orat. i. p. 80 ; comp. K. Sprengel, Gesch,
der Alcdicin. vol. i.) [L. S,]

AESERNI'NUS. [Marcellus,]

AE'SION (AtV/cuv), an Athenian orator, was a
contemporary of Demosthenes, with whom he was
educated, (Suidas, s. v. Ar}ixoa6evT}s.) To what
party he belonged during the Macedonian time is
uncertain. When he was asked what he thought
of the orators of his time, he said, that when he
heard the other orators, he admired their beautiful
and sublime conversations with the people, but
that the speeches of Demosthenes, when read, ex-
celled all others by their skilful construction and
their power. (Hermippus, ap. Plut. Dem. 10,)
Aristotle (Rhet. iii. 10) mentions a beautiful ex-
pression of Aesion. [L, S,]

AESON (Ai'o-wi/), a son of Cretheus, the founder
of lolcus, and of Tyro, the daughter of Salmoneus.
He was excluded by his step-brother Pelias from
his share in the kingdom of Thessaly. He was
father of Jason and Promachus, but the name
of his wife is differently stated, as Polymede,
Alcimede, Amphinome, Polypheme, Polymele,
Arne, and Scarphe. ( Apollod, i, 9, § 1 1 and §16;
Hom, Od. xi. 258 ; Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 8/2 ; Diod.
iv. 50 ; Schol. ad Apollon. i. 45 ; Schol, ad Hom.
Od. xii, 70,) Pelias endeavoured to secure the
throne to himself by sending Jason awav with the
Argonauts, but when one day he was surprised
and frightened by the news of the return of the
Argonauts, he attempted to get rid of Aeson by
force, but the latter put an end to his own life.
(Apollod. i. 9. § 27.) According to an account in
Diodonis (iv. 50), Pelias compelled Aeson to kill
himself by drinking ox's blood, for he had received
intelligence that Jason and his companions had
perished in their expedition. According to Ovid
{Met. vii. 163, 250, &c.), Aeson survived the
return of the Argonauts, and was made young
again by Medeia. Jason as the son of Aeson is
called Aesonides. (Orph. Arg. 55.) [L. S.]

AESO'NIDES. [Aeson.]

AESO'PUS (Aro-offl-os), a writer of Fables, a
species of composition which has been defined
" analogical narratives, intended to convey some
moral lesson, in which irrational animals or objects
are introduced as speaking," {Philolog. Museum, i,
p, 280,) Of his works none are extant, and of
his life scarcely anything is known. He appears
to have lived about B,c, 570, for Herodotus (ii, 134)
mentions a woman named Rhodopis as a fellow-
slave of Aesop's, and says that she lived in the
time of Amasis king of Egypt, who began to reign
B, c, 569. Plutarch makes him contemporary with
Solon {Sept. Sap. Conv. p, 152, c), and Laertius
(i. 72) says, that he flourished about the 52th
OljTnpiad. The only apparent authority against
this date is that of Suidas {s. v. AXcrcairos) ; but
the passage is plainly corrupt, and if we adopt the
correction of Clinton, it gives about b, c, 620 for
the date of his birth ; his death is placed b, c. 564,
but may have occurred a little later. (See Clinton,
Fast. Hell, vol, i, pp, 213, 237, 239.)

Suidas tells us that Samos, Sardis, Mesembria
in Thrace, and Cotioeum in Phrygia dispute the
honour of having given him birth. We are told
that he Avas originally a slave, and the reason of
his first writing fables is given by Phaedrus. (iii.

AESOPUS.

Prolog. 33, &c.) Among his masters were two
Samiuns, Xanthus and ladraon, from the latter of
whom he received his freedom. Upon this he
visitid Croesus (where we arc told that he re-
proved Solon for discourtesy to the king), and
afterwards Peisistratus at Athens. PlutJirch (de
sera Num. Vind. p. 556) tells us, that he was sent
to Delphi by Croesus, to distribute among the
citizens four minae a piece. But in consequence
of some dispute arising on the subject, he refused
to give any money at all, upon which the enraged
Delphians threw him fi-om a precipice. Plagues
were sent upon them from the gods for the offence,
and they proclaimed their willingness to give a
compensation for his death to any one who could
claim it. At length ladmon, the grandson of his
old master, received the compensation, since no
nearer connexion could be found. (Herod, ii. 134.)

There seems no reason to doubt this story about
the compensation, and we have now stated all the
circumstances of Aesop's life which rest on any au-
thority. But there are a vast variety of anecdotes
and adventures in which he bears the principal part,
in a life of him prefixed to a book of Fables purport-
ing to be his, and collected by Maximus Planudes,
a monk of the 14th centuiy. This life repre-
sents Aesop as a perfect monster of ugliness and
deformity ; a notion for which there is no authority
whatever. For he is mentioned in passages of
classical authors, where an allusion to such per-
sonal peculiarities would have been most natural,
without the slightest trace of any such allusion.
He appears for instance in Plutarch's Convivimn,
where though there are many jokes on his former
condition as a slave, there are none on his ap-
pearance, and we need not imagine that the an-
cients would be restrained from such jokes by any
feelings of delicacy, since the nose of Socrates
furnishes ample matter for raillery in the Sympo-
sium of Plato. Besides, the Athenians caused
Lysippus to erect a statue in his honour, which
had it been sculptured in accordance with the
above description, would have been the reverse of
ornamental.

The notices however which we possess of Aesop
are so scattered and of such doubtful authority,
that there have not been wanting persons to deny
his existence altogether. " In poetical philosophy,"
says Vico in his Soienza Nuova, '* Aesop will be
found not to be any particular and actually exist-
ing man, but the abstraction of a class of men, or
a poetical character representative of the companions
and attendants of the heroes, such as certainly
existed in the time of the seven Sages of Greece."
This however is an excess of scepticism into which
it would be most unreasonable to plunge : whether
Aesop left any written works at all, is a question
which affords considerable room for doubt, and to
which Bentley inclines to give a negative. Thus
Aristophanes ( Vesp. 1259) represents Philocleon as
learning his Fables in ccmversaiion and not out of a
book, and Socrates who turned them into poetry
versified those that " he knew, and could most
readily remember." {?\aX. Phaed. p. 61, b; Bent-
ley, Dissertation on the Fables o/Aesop^ p. 136.)

However this may be, it is certain that fables,
bearing Aesop's name, were popular at Athens in
its most intellectual age. We fijid them frequently
noticed by Aristophanes. One of the pleasui'es of
a dicast ( Vesp, 566) was, that among the candi-
dates for his protection and vote some endeavoured

AESOPUS. 47

to win his favour by repeating to him fables, and
some Alcroivov ri y^\oiou. Two specimens of
these yikoia or drolleries may be read in the
Fes/Joc, 1401, &c., and in the Aves, 651, &c. The
latter however is said by the Scholiast to be the
composition of Archilochus, and it is probable that
many anecdotes and jests were attributed to
Aesop, as the most popular of all authors of the
kind, which really were not his. This is favour-
able to Bentley's theory, that his fables were not
collected in a written form, which also derives
additional probability from the fact that there is a
variation in the manner in which ancient authors
quote Aesop, even though they are manifestly
referring to the same fable. Thus Aristotle {De
Part. Anim. iii. 2) cites from him a complaint of
Momus, '• that the bull's horns were not placed
about his shoulders, where he might make the
strongest push, but in the tenderest part, his
head," whilst Lucian {Nigr. 32) makes the fault
to be " that his horns were not placed straight
before his eyes." A written collection would have
prevented such a diversity.

Besides the drolleries above mentioned, there
were probably fables of a graver description, since,
as we have seen, Socrates condescended to turn
them into verse, of which a specimen has been
preserved by Diogenes Laertius. Again, Plato,
though he excluded Homer's poems from his
imaginary Republic, praises the writings of Aesop.
By him they are called yivQoi. (Phaed. pp. 60, 61),
though an able writer in the Philological Museum
(i. p. 281) thinks that the more ancient name for
such fictions was ahos, a word explained by
Buttmann {Lexilogus, p. 60, Eng. transl.), " a
speech fuU of meaning, or cunningly imagined'*
(Hom. Od. xiv. 508), whence Ulysses is called
iroXvaiuos in reference to the particular sort of
speeches which mark his character. In Hesiod
{Op. et Dies, 200), it has passed into the sense of
a moral fable. The ahoi or fivdoi of Aesop were
certainly in prose : — they are called by Aristo-
phanes \6yoi, and their author (Herod, ii. 134) i»
Al'trwTTos d \oy6noios, Koyos being the peculiar
word for Prose, as eTnj was for verse, and includ*
ing both fable and history, though afterwards
restricted to oratory, when that became a separate
branch of composition.

Following the example of Socrates, Demetrius
Phalereus (b. c. 320) turned Aesop's fables into
poetry, and collected them into a book ': and after
him an author, whose name is unknown, pub-
lished them in Elegiacs, of which some fragments
are preserved by Suidas. But the only Greek
versifier of Aesop, of whose writings any whole
fcibles are preserved is Babrius, an author of no
mean powers, and who may well take his place
amongst Fabulists with Phaedrus and La Fon-
taine. His version is in Choliambics, i. e. lamCj
halting Limbics (xftSAos, XafiSos), verses which fol-
low in all respects the laws of the Iambic Tri-
meter till the sixth foot, which is either a spondee
or trochee, the fifth being properly an iambus.
This version was made a little before the age of
Augustus, and consisted of ten Books, of which a
few scattered fables only are preserved. Of the
Latin writers of Aesopean fables, Phaedrus is the
most celebrated.

The fables now extant in prose, bearing the name
of Aesop, are unquestionably spurious. Of these
there are three principal coUections, the one con-

48

AESOPUS.

taining 136 fables, published first A, D. 1610, from
MSS. at Heidelberg. This is so clumsy a forgery,
that it mentions the orator Demades, who lived 200
years after Aesop, and contains a whole sentence
from the book of Job {jvi^tvol yap -nXdofxev ol
7roj/T6S, yvtJiuol ovv dneKcva-oixeBa). Some of the
passages Bcntle}' has shewn to be fragments of
Choliambic verses, and has made it tolerably cer-
tain that they were stolen from Babrius. Ihe
other collection was made by the above mentioned
monk of Constantinople, Maximus Planudes.
These contain at least one Hebraism (jSocoj/ iv rp
Kapdia : compare e. g. Eccles. xi. 1, eXirov Iv t^
KapUa i-Lov)^ and among them are words entirely
modern, as ^ovraXis a bird, ^ovucvpou a beast, and
also traces of the Choliambics of Babrius. The
third collection was foimd in a MS. at Florence,
and published in 1809. Its date is about a cen-
tury before the time of Planudes, and it contains
the life which was prefixed to his collection, and
commonly supposed to be his own.

Bentley's dissertation on Aesop is appended to
those on Phalaris. The genuineness of the existing
forgeries was stoutly maintained by his Oxford
antagonists (Prefiice to Aesojncarum Fahulaitim
Delectus, Oxford 1628); but there is no one in our
day who disputes his decision.

It remains to notice briefly the theory which
assigns to Aesop's fables an oriental origin. Among
the writers of Arabia, one of the most famous is
Lukman, whom some traditions malce contempo-
rary with David, others the son of a sister or
aunt of Job, while again he has been represented
as an ancient king or chief of the tribe of Ad.
*' Lukman 's wisdom" is proverbial among the
Arabs, and joined with Joseph's beauty and
David's melody. [See the Tliousand and One
Nights (Lane's translation), Story of Prince
Kamer-ez-Zeman and Princess Budoor, and Note
59 to chapter x.] The Persian accounts of this
Lukman represent him as an ugly black slave, and
it seems probable that the author of the Life en-
grafted this and other circumstances in the Oriental
traditions of Lukman upon the classical tales re-
specting Aesop. The fables ascribed to Aesop have
in many respects an eastern character, alluding to
Asiatic customs, and introducing panthers, pea-
cocks, and monkeys among their dramatis personee.
All this makes it likely that the fables attri-
buted both to Lukman and Aesop are derived from
the same I ndo- Persian source.

The principal editions of Aesop's Fables are,
1. The collection formed by Planudes with a
Latin translation, published at Milan by Buono
Accorso at the end of the 15th century. 2. An-
other edition of the same collection, with some
additional fables from a MS. in the Bibliotheque
du Roi at Paris, by Robert Stephanus, 1546.
3. The edition of Novelet, 1610, which added to
these the Heidelberg collection, published at Frank-
fort on the Main. These have been followed by
editions of all or some of the Fables, by Hudson at
Oxford (1718), Hauptmann at Leipzig (1741),
Heusinger at Leipzig (1756), Eniesti at the
same place (1781), and G. H. Schaefer again at
Leipzig (1810, 1818, 1820). Francesco de Furia
added to the above the new fables from the Flo-
rentine LIS., and his edition was reprinted by
Coray at Paris (1810). All the fables have been
put together and published, 231 in number, by J.
G. Schneider, at Breslau, in 1810. [G. E. L. C]

AESOPUS.

AESO'PUS, a Greek historian, who wrote a
life of Alexander the Great. The original is lost,
but there is a Latin translation of it by Julius
Valerius [Valerius], of which Franciscus Juretus
had, he says {ad Symmach. Ep. x. 54), a manu-
script. It was first published, however, by A. Mai
from a MS. in the Arabrosian library', Milan, 1817,
4to., reprinted Frankibrt, 1818, 8vo. The title is
" Itinerarium ad Constantinum Augustum, etc. :
accedunt Julii Valerii Res gestae Alexandri Mace-
donis," etc. The time when Aesopus lived is un-
certain, and even his existence has been doiibted.
(Barth, Adversar. ii. 10.) Mai, in the preface to
his edition, contended that the work was written
before 389, a. d., because the temple of Serapis at
Alexandria, which Avas destroyed by order of
Theodosius, is spoken of in the trajislation (Jul.
Valer. i. 31 ) as still standing. But serious objec-
tions to this inference have been raised by Letronno
(Joum. des Savons, 1818, p. 617), who refers it
to the seventh or eighth ccntur}', which the weight
of internal evidence would rather point to. The
book is full of the most extravagant stories and
glaring mistakes, and is a work of no credit. [A. A.]

AESO'PUS, CLAU'DIUS or CLO'DIUS, the
most celebrated tragic actor at Rome in the Cice-
ronian period, probably a freedman of the Clodia
gens. Horace {Ep. ii. 1. 82) and other autliors
put him on a level with Roscius. (Fronto, p.
44, ed. Niebuhr.) Each was preeminent in his
own department ; Roscius in comedy, being, with
respect to action and delivery {pronuntialio), more
rapid {ciiaiior, Quintil. Inst. Or. xi. 3. § 11 1) ; Ae-
sopus in tragedy, being more weighty {gravior,
Quintil. I.e.). Aesopus took great pains to perfect
himself in his art by various methods. He dili-
gently studied the exhibition of character in real
life ; and when any important trial was going on,
especially, for example, Aviien Hortensius was to
plead, he was constantly in attendance, that he
might watch and be able to represent the more
truthfully the feelings which were actually dis-
played on such occasions. (Val. Max. viii. 10. § 2.)
He never, it is said, put on the mask for the cha-
racter he had to perfonn in, without first looking
at it attentively from a distance for some time,
that so in performing he might preserve his voice
and action in perfect keeping with the appearance
he would have. (Fronto, de Eloq. 5. 1, p. 37.)
Perhaps this anecdote may confirm the opinion
{Diet, of Ant. s.v. Persona), that masks had only
lately been introduced in the regular drama at
Rome, and were not always used even for leading
characters ; for, according to Cicero {de Div. i. 37),
Aesopus excelled in power of face and fire of ea>-
pression {tantum ardorem vultuum atque motmim),
which of course would not have been visible if
he had performed only with a mask. From the
whole passage in Cicero and from the anec-
dotes recorded of him, his acting Avould seem to
have been characterised chiefly by strong emphasis
and vehemence. On the whole, Cicero calls him
summus artifex, and says he was fitted to act a
leading part no less in real life than on the stage.
{Pro Seoct. 56.) It does not appear that he ever
performed in comedy. Valerius Maximus (viii.
10. § 2) calls Aesopus and Roscius both "ludicrae
artis peritissimos viros," but this may merely de-
note the theatrical art in general, including tragedy
as well as comedy. (Comp. ludicrae tibiae, Plin. II.
N.xvi. 36.) Fronto calls him (p. 87) Trayicus Ae-

AESYMNETES.
snpim. From Cicero's remark, however, (de OJf'.
i. 114), it would seem that the character of Ajax
was rather too tragic for him. (Comp. Tusc. Quaest.
ii. 17, iv. 25.)

Like Roscius, Aesopiis enjoyed the intimacy of
the great actor, who calls him noster Aesopus (ad
Fam. vii. 1 ), 7iostor familiaris (ad Qu. Frat. i. 2,
4) ; and they seem to have sought, from one an-
other's society, improvement, each in his re-
spective art. During his exile, Cicero received
many valuable marks of Aesopus's friendship. On
one occasion, in particular, having to perform tlie
part of Telamon, banished from his country, in one
of Accius's plays, tlie tragedian, by his manner and
skilful emphasis, and an occasional change of a
word, added to the evident reality of his feelings,
and succeeded in leading the audience to apply the
whole to the case of Cicero, and so did him more
essential service than any direct defence of himself
could have done. The whole house applauded.
(Pro Seat. 56.) On another occasion, instead of
"Brnhis qui libertatem civium stabiliverat," he
substituted Tullius, and the audience gave utter-
ance to their enthusiasm by encoring the passage
" a thousand times " (millies revocatum est. Pro
Scxt. 58). The time of his death or his age can-
not Ix; fixed with certainty ; but at the dedication
of the theatre of Pompey (b. c. 55), he would seem
to have been elderly, for he was understood previ-
ously to have retired from the stage, and we do
not hear of his being particularly delicate : yet,
from the passage, ill-health or age would appear to
have been the reason of his retiring. On that oc-
casion, however, in honour of the festival, he ap-
peared again ; but just as he was coming to one
of the most emphatic parts, the beginning of an
oath. Si scietisfallo, etc., his voice failed him, and
he coidd not go through with the speech. He was
endently iniable to proceed, so that any one
would readily have excused him : a thing which,
as the passage in Cicero implies (ad Fam. vii. 1),
a Roman audience would not do for ordinary per-
formers. Aesopus, though far from frugal (Plin.
//. N. X. 72), realized, like Roscius, an immense
fortune by his profession. He left about 200,000
sesterces to his son Clodius, who proved a foolish
spendthrift. (Val. Max. ix. 1. §2.) It is said, for
instance, that he dissolved in vinegar and drank a
pearl worth about £8000, which be took from the
ear-ring of Caecilia Metella (Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 23.9 ;
Val. Max. ix. 1. § 2; Macrob. Sat. ii. 10.; Plin.
//. N. ix. 59), a favourite feat of the extra-
vagant monomania in Rome. (Compare Suet.
Califf. 37; Macrob. Sat. ii. 13.) The connexion
of Cicero's son-in-law Dolabella with the same
lady no doubt increased the distress which Cicero
felt at the dissolute proceedings of the son of his
old friend. (Ad Att. xi. 13.) [A. A.]

AESYMNE'TES (Mavfivfyr-ns), a surname of
Dionysus, which signifies the Lord, or Ruler, and
under which he was worshipped at Aroe in Achaia.
The Btory about the introduction of his worship
there is as follows : There was at Troy an ancient
image of Dionysus, the work of Hephaestus, which
Zeus had once given as a present to Dardanus.
It was kept in a chest, and Cassandra, or, accord-
ing to others, Aeneas, left this chest behind when
she quitted, the city, because she knew that it
would do injury to him who possessed it. When
the Greeks divided tlie spoils of Troy among them-
selves, this chest fell to the share of the Tbessalion

AETHER. 49

Eurj-pylus, who on opening it suddenly fell into a
state of madness. The oracle of Delphi, when
consulted about his recovery, answered, " Where
thou shalt see men perfonning a strange sacrifice,
there shalt thou dedicate the chest, and there shalt
thou settle." When P^urypylus came to Aroe in
Achaia, it was just the season at which its in-
habitants offered every year to Artemis Triclaria a
human sacrifice, consisting of the fairest youth and
the fairest maiden of the place. This sacrifice was
offered as an atonement for a crime which had
once been committed in the temple of the goddess.
But an oracle had declared to them, that they
should be released from the necessity of making
this sacrifice, if a foreign divinity should be
brought to them by a foreign king. This oracle
was now fulfilled. Eurypylus on seeing the vic-
tims led to the altar was cured of his madness and
perceived that this was the place pointed out to
him by the oracle ; and the Aroeans also, on see-
ing the god in the chest, remembered the old
prophecy, stopped the sacrifice, and instituted a
festival of Dionysus Aesymnetes, for this was the
name of the god in the chest. Nine men and nine
women were appointed to attend to his worship.
During one night of this festival a priest car-
ried the chest outside the town, and all the
children of the place, adorned, as formerly the
victims used to be, with garlands of com-ears,
went down to the banks of the river Meilichius,
which had before been called Ameilichius, hung
up their garlands, purified themselves, and then
put on other garlands of ivy, after which they re-
turned to the sanctuary of Dionysus Aesymnetes.
(Pans. vii. 19 and 20.) This tradition, though
otherwise very obscure, evidently points to a time
when human sacrifices were abolished at Aroe by
the introduction of a new worship. At Patrae in
Achaia there was likewise a temple dedicated to
Dionysus Aesymnetes. (Pans. vii. 21. § 12.) [L.S.]

AETHA'LIDES (MQaKihns), a son of Hermes
and Eupolemeia, a daughter of Myrmidon. He
was the herald of the Argonauts, and had received
from his father the faculty of remembering every-
thing, even in Hades. He was further allowed to
reside alternately in the upper and in the lower
world. As his soul could not forget aaiything even
after death, it remembered that from the body of
Aethalides it had successively migrated into those
of Euphorbus, Hermotimus, Pyrrhus, and at last
into that of Pythagoras, in whom it still retained
the recollection of its former migrations. (ApoUon.
Rhod. i. 54, 640, &c.; Orph. Argon. 131 ; Hygin.
Fab. 14 ; Diog. Laert. viii. 1. § 4, &c.; Val. Flacc.
1.437.) [L. S.J

AETHER (Ai07fp), a personified idea of the
mythical cosmogonies. According to that of Hy-
ginus (Fab. Prcf. p. 1, ed. Staveren), he was, to-
gether with Night, Day, and Erebus, begotten by
Chaos and Caligo (Darkness). According to that
of Hesiod (Theog. 124), Aether was the son of
Erebus and his sister Night, and a brother of
Day. (Comp. Phomut. De Nat. Deor. 16.) The
children of Aether and Day were Land, Heaven,
and Sea, and from his connexion with the Earth
there sprang all the vices which destroy the human
race, and also the Giants and TiUms. (Hygin.
Fah. Pref. p. 2, &c.) These accounts shew that,
in the Greek cosmogonies. Aether was considered
as one of the elementary substances out of which
the Universe was fonncd. In the Orphic hymns

50 AETHICUS.

(4) Aether appears as the sotil of the world, from
-which all life emanates, an idea which was also
adopted by some of the early philosophers of
Greece. In later times Aether was regarded as
the wide space of Heaven, the residence of the
gods, and Zeus as the Lord of the Aether, or Aether
itself personified. (Pacuv, ap. Cic. de Nat. Deur.
ii. 36, 40; Liicret. v. 499; Virg. Aen. xii. 140,
Georg. ii. 325.) [L. S.]

AETHE'RIE. [Heliades.]
AE'THICUS, HISTER or ISTER, a Roman
•writer of the fourth century, a native of Istria ac-
cording to his surname, or, according to Rabanus
Maurus, of Scythia, the author of a geographical
work, called Aethici Cosmographia. We learn
from the preface that a measurement of the whole
Roman world was ordered by Julius Caesar to be
made by the most able men, that this measurement
was begun in the consulship of Julius Caesar and
M. Antonius, i. e. B. c. 44; that three Greeks were
appointed for the purpose, Zenodoxus, Theodotus,
and Polyclitus ; that Zenodoxus measured all the
eastern part, which occupied him twentj'-one years,
five months, and nine days, on to the third consul-
ship of Augustus and Crassus ; that Theodotus
measured the northern part, which occupied him
twenty-nine years, eight months, and ten days, on
to the tenth consulship of Augustus ; and that
Polyclitus measured the southern part, which oc-
cupied him thirty-two years, one month, and ten
daj'^s; that thus the whole (Roman) world was
gone over by the measurers within thirty-two (?)
years ; and that a report of all it contained was
laid before the senate. So it stands in the edd. ;
but the numbers are evidently much corrupted :
the contradictoriness of Polyclitus's share taking
more than 32 years, and the whole measurement
being made in less than (intra) 32 j'-ears is obvious.
It is to be observed that, in this introductory
statement, no mention is made of the western part
(which in the work itself comes next to the east-
em), except in the Vatican MS., where the eastern
part is given to Nicodomus, and the western to
Didymus.

A census of all the people in the Roman subjec-
tion was held under Augustus. (Suidas, s. v.
AHyovaros.) By two late writers (Cassiodorus,
Var. iii. 52, by an emendation of Buschke, p. 6,
ilber den zur Zeit der Geburt Jesu Christi gehaltenen
CfeK.w5, Breslau, 1840 ; and I sidorus, Or^. v. 36. §
4), this numbering of the people is spoken of as
connected with the measurement of the land. This
work in fact consists of two separate pieces. The
first begins with a short introduction, the substance
of which has been given, and then proceeds with
an account of the measurement of the Roman world
under four heads, Orientalis, Occidentalis, Septen-
trionalis, Meridiana pars. Then come series of
lists of names, arranged under heads, Maria, Insu-
lae, Montes, Provinciae, Oppida, Flumina, and
Gentes. These are bare lists, excepting that the
rivers have an account of their rise, course, and
length annexed. This is the end of the first part,
the Expositio. The second part is called Alia to-
tius orbis Descriptio, and consists of four divisions :
(1.) Asiae Provinciae situs cum limitibus et populis
suis ; (2.) Europae situs, &c. ; (3.) Africae situs,
&c.; (4.) Insulae Nostri Maris. This part, the
Descriptio, occurs with slight variations in Orosius,
i. 2. In Aethicus what looks like the original
commencement, Majores nostri, &c., is tacked on

AETHIOPS.

to the preceding part, the Expositio, b}' the words
Hanc quadripariitam totius tcrrue continentiam hi
qui dimensi sunt. From this it would appear that
Aethicus borrowed it from Orosius.

The work abounds in errors. Sometimes the
same name occurs in different lists ; as, for exam-
ple, Cyprus and Rhodes both in the north and in
the east ; Corsica both in the west and in the
south ; or a country is put as a town, as Arabia ;
Noricum is put among the islands. Mistakes of
this kind would easily be made in coppng lists,
especially if in double columns. But from other
reasons and from quotations given by Dicuil, a
writer of the 9 th century, from the Cosmographia,
differing from the text as we have it, the whole
appears to be very corrupt. The whole is a very
meagre production, but presents a few valuable
points. Manj' successful emendations have been
made by Salmasius in his Exercitationes Philolo-
gicae, and there is a very valuable essay on the
whole subject by Ritschl in the Rheinisches Museum
(1842), i. 4.

The sources of the Cosmographia appear to have
been the measurements above described, other offi-
cial lists and documents, and also, in all probability,
Agrippa's Commentarii, which are constantly re-
ferred to by Pliny (Hist. Nat. iii. iv. v. vi.) as an
authority, and his Chart of the World, which was
founded on his Commentarii. (Piin. Hist. Nat. iii.

Cassiodorus (de instit. divin. 25) describes a
cosmographical work by Julius Honorius Crator
in terms which suit exactly the work of Aethicus ;
and Salmasius regards Julius Honorius as the real
author of this work, to which opinion Ritschl seems
to lean, reading Ethnicus instead of Aethicus, and
considering it as a mere appellative. In some
MSS. the appellatives Sophista and Philosophus
are found.

One of the oldest MSS., if not the oldest, is the
Vatican one. This is the only one which speaks
of the west in the introduction. But it is care-
lessly written : coTisuiibus (e. g.) is several times
put for consjdatum. Suis is found as a contrac-
tion (?) for suprascriptis. The introduction is very
different in this and in the other MSS.

The first edition of the Cosmographia was by
Simler, Basel, 1575, together with the Itinerarium
Antonini. There is an edition by Henry Stephens,
1577, with Simler's notes, which also contains
Dionysius, Pomponius Mela, and Solinus. The
last edition is by Gronovius, in his edition of Pom-
ponius Mela, Leyden, 1722. [A. A.]

AETHILLA (klQiKXa or hXevXka), a daughter
of Laomedon and sister of Priam, Astyoche, and
Medesicaste. After the fall of Troy she became
the prisoner of Protesilaus, who took her, together
with other captives, with him on his voj-age home.
He landed at Scione in Tlirace in order to take in
fresh water. While Protesilaus had gone inland,
Aethilla persuaded her fellow-prisoners to set fire
to the ships. This was done and all remained on
the spot and founded the town of Scione. (Tzetz.
ad Lyeophr. 921, 1075 ; Conon, Narrat. 13 ; com-
pare P. Mela, ii. 2. § 150 ; Steph. Byz. s. v.

2/CJWV7J.) [L. S.]

AE'THIOPS(At0H), the Glowing or theBlack.
I. A surname of Zeus, under which he was wor-
shipped in the island of Chios. (Lycophron, Cass,
537, with the note of Tzetzes.)

2. A son of Hephaestus, from whom Aetliiopia

AETHUSA.

was believed to have derived its name. (PI in.
//. iV. vi. 35 ; Nat. Com. ii. G.) \_h. S. |

AE'THLIUS ('Ae'eAios), tlie first king of Elis.
(Pans. V. 1. § 2.) He was a son of Zeus and
Protogeneia, the daughter of Deucalion (Apollod.
i. T. § 2; Hygin. Fab. 155), and was married to
Calyce, by whom he begot Endymion. According
to some accounts Endymion was himself a son of
Zeus and first king of Elis. (Apollod. i, 7. § 5.)
Other traditions again made Aethlius a son of
Aeolus, who was called by the name of Zeus.
(Paus. V. 8. § 1.) [L. S.]

AE'THLIUS {'A4B\ios), the author of a work
entitled " Samian Annals " ("Hpoi Sti/ujoj), the fifth
book of which is quoted by Athenaeus, although
lie expresses a doubt about the genuineness of the
work. (xiv. p. 650, d. 653, f.) Aethlius is also
referred to by Clemens Alexandrinus (Protr. p.
30, a), Eustathius {ad Od. vii. 120, p. 1573), and
in the Etymologicum Magnum (s. v. vevcurai)^
where the name is written Athlius.

AETHRA (A%a). 1. A daughter of king
Pittheus of Troezen. Bellerophon sued for her
hand, but was banished from Corinth before the
nuptials took place. (Paus. ii. 31. § 12.) She
was surprised on one occasion by Poseidon in the
island of Sphaeria, whither she had gone, in con-
sequence of a dream, for the purpose of oflFering a
sacrifice on the tomb of Sphaerus. Aethra there-
fore dedicated in the island a temple to Athena
Apaturia (the Deceitful), and called the island
Hiera instead of Sphaeria, and also introduced
among the maidens of Troezen the custom of dedi-
cating their girdles to Athena Apaturia on the day
of their marriage. (Paus. ii. 33. § 1 1.) At a later
time she became the mother of Theseus by Aegeus.
(Plut. Tlies. 3; Hygin. Fab. 14.) In the night
in which this took place, Poseidon also was be-
lieved to have been with her. (Apollod. iii. 15.
§ 7 ; Hygin. Fab. 37.) According to Plutarch
( Tlies. 6) her father spread this report merely that
Theseus might be regarded as the son of Poseidon,
who was much revered at Troezen. This opinion,
however, is nothing else but an attempt to strip
the genuine story of its marvels. After this event
she appears living in Attica, from whence she was
carried off to Lacedaemon by Castor and Poly-
deuces, and became a slave of Helen, with whom
she was taken to Troy. (Plut. Tlies. 34 ; Hom.
//. iii. 144.) At the taking of Troy she came to
the camp of the Greeks, where she was recognised
by her grandsons, and Demophon, one of them,
asked Agamemnon to procure her liberation.
Agamemnon accordingly sent a messenger to Helen
to request her to give up Aethra. This was
granted, and Aethra became free again. (Paus. x.
25. §3; Diet. Cret. v. 13.) According to Hy-
ginus {Fab. 243) she afterwards put an end to her
own life from grief at the death of her sons. The
history of her bondage to Helen was represented
on the celebrated chest of Cypselus (Paus. iv. 19.
§ 1 ; Dion Chrysost. Oral. 11), and in a painting
by Polvgnotus in the Lesche of Delphi. (Paus. x.
25. §2.)

2. A daughter of Oceanus, by whom Atlas be-
got the twelve Hyades, and a son, Hyas. (Ov.
Fast. V. 171 ; Hygin. Fab. 192.) [L. S.j

A ETHU'SA (AWouo-a), a daughter of Poseidon
and Alcyone, who was beloved by Apollo, and
bore to him Eleuther. (Apollod. iii. 10. § 1 ;
Paus, ix. 20. § 2.) [L. S.]

AETIUS.

51

AETIIYIA (AWuja), a surname of Athens,
under which she was worshipped in Mcgaria.
(I'aus. i. 5. § 3; 41. § 6; Lycophr. Cass. 359.)
The word aXQvia signifies a diver, and figuratively
a ship, so that the name must have reference to
the goddess teaching the art of ship-building or
navigation. (Tzetz. ad Lycophr. I. c.) [L. S.]

AE'TION. [Cypselus.]

AE'TION i^h^Tiuu). 1. A Greek sculptor of
Amphipolis, mentioned by Callimachus {Anth. Gr.
ix. 336) and Theocritus {Epijr. vii.), from whom
we learn that at the request of Nicias, a famous
physician of Miletus, he executed a statue of Aes-
culapius in cedar wood. He flourished about the
middle of the third century B. c. There was an
engi'aver of the same name ; but when he lived is not
known. (K. 0. Mulhr, Arch, der Ku7ist, p. 151.)

2. A celebrated painter, spoken of by Lucian
{De Merced. Cond. 42, Herod, or Attion, 4,
&c., Imag. 7), who gives a description of one of
his pictures, representing the maniage of Alexan-
der and Roxana. This painting excited such
admiration when exhibited at the Olympic games,
that Proxenidas, one of the judges, gave the artist
his daughter in marriage. Aetion seems to have
excelled particularly in the art of mixing and lay-
ing on his colours. It has commonly been sup-
posed that he lived in the time of Alexander the
Great ; but the words of Lucian {Herod. 4) shew
clearly that he must have lived about the time of
Hadrian and the Antonines. (K. 0. Miiller,
Aj'ch. der Kunst. p. 240 ; Kugler, Kunstgeschichtet
p. 320.) [C. P. M.]

AE'TIUS, a Roman general, who with his rival
Boniface, has justly been called by Procopius the
last of the Romans. He was born at Dorostana
in Moesia (Jomandes, de reb. Get. 34), and his
father Gaudentius, a Scythian in the employ of
the empire, having been killed in a mutiny, he
was early given as a hostage to Alaric, and under
him learnt the arts of barbarian war. (Philostorgius,
xii. 1 2.) After an ineffectual support of the usuiper
John with an army of 60,000 men (a. d. 424), he
became the general of the Roman forces under
Placidia, at that time guardian of her son, the
emperor Valentinian III. In order to supplant in
her favour his rival Boniface, by treacherous accu-
sations of each to the other, Aetius occasioned his
revolt and the loss of Africa (Procop. Bell. Vand. i.
3, 4) ; the empress, however, discovered the fraud,
and Aetius, after having met Boniface at Ravenna,
and killed him in single combat [Bonifacius], was
himself compelled to retire in disgrace to the
Hunnish army which in 424 he had settled in
Pannonia. (Prosper, and Marcellinus, in anno
432.)

Restored with their help to Italy, he became
patrician and sole director of the armies of the
western empire. (Jomandes, de reb. Get. 34.) In
this capacity, through his long acquaintance with
the barbarian settlers, and chiefly with the Huns
and Attila himself, in whose court his son Carpilio
was brought up, he checked the tide of barbarian
invasion, and maintained the Roman power in
peace for seventeen years (433-450) in Italy, Spain,
Britain, and Gaul, in which last country especially
he established his influence by means of his Hun
and Alan allies and by his treaty with Theo-
doric the Visigoth. (Sidon. ApoU. Faneg. Avit.
300.) And when in 450 this peace was broken by
the invasion of Attila, Aetius in concert with

52

AETIUS.

Theodoric arrested it first by the timely relief of
Orleans and then by the victory of Chalons
(Greg. Turon. ii. 7 ; Jomandes, da reb. Get.
36), and was' only prevented from following up his
successes in Italy by want of support both from
Valontinian and his barbarian allies. (Idatius
and Isidorus, in anno 450.) [Attila.] The
greatness of his position as the sole stay of
the empire, and as the sole link between Chris-
tendom and the pagan barbarians, may well have
given rise to the belief, whether founded or not,
that he designed the imperial throne for himself
and a barbarian throne for his son Carpilio (Sid.
Apoll. Pamg. Jvit. 204), and accordingly in
454, he was murdered by Valentinian himself in
an access of jealousy and suspicion (Procop. Bell.
Valid, i. 4), and with him (to use the words of the
contemporary chronicler Marcellinus, in anno 454),
"cecidit Hesperium Imperium, necpotuit relevari."

His physical and moral activity well fitted him
for the life of a soldier (Gregor. Turon. ii. 8), and
though destitute of any high principle, he belongs
to the class of men like Augustus and Cromwell,
whose early crimes are obscured by the usefulness
and glory of later life, and in whom a great and
trying position really calls out new and unknown
excellences.

(Renatus Frigeridus, in Gregor. Turon. ii. 8.;
Procop. Bell. Vand. i. 3, 4 ; Jomandes, de Reb.
Get. 34, 36 ; Gibbon, Dedim and Fall. c. 33, 35 ;
Herbert's Attila, p. 322.) [A. P. S.]

AE'TIUS ('Aertos), sumamed the Atheist^ from
his denial of the God of Revelation (St. Athanas,
de Synod. § 6, p. 83, of the translation, Oxf. 1842 ;
Socr. Hid. Ecd. ii. 35 ; Sozom. Hist. Eccl. iv. 29),
was bom in Coele Spia (Philostorg. Hist. Ecd.
iii. 15 ; St. Basil, (uiv. Eunom. i. p. 10) at Antioch
(Soc. ii. 35 ;* Suidas, s. v. ' Actios), and became
the founder of the Anomoean (dvo/xoiov) form of
the Arian heresy. He was left fatherless and in
poverty when a child, and became the slave of a
vine-dresser's wife (St. Gregory Nazianz. c. Eunom.
p. 292, c, D ; but see Not. Valesii ad Fhilost. iii.
15), then a travelling tinker (S. Gr. ibid.) or a
goldsmith. (Phil, ibid.) Conviction in a fraud or
ambition led him to abandon tliis life, and he ap-
plied himself to medicine under a quack, and soon
set up for himself at Antioch. (Soc iii. 15.)
From the schools of medicine being Arian, he ac-
quired a leaning towards heresy. He frequented
the disputatious meetings of the physicians (S. Gr.
p. 293, d) and made such progress in Eristicism,
that he became a paid advocate for such as wished
their own theories exhibited most advantageously.
On his mother's death he studied under Paulinus
II., Arian Bishop of Antioch, a. d. 331 ; but his
powers of disputation having exasperated some in-
fluential persons about Eulalius, the successor of
Paulinus, he was obliged to quit Antioch for
Anazarbus, where he resumed the trade of a gold-
smith, A. D. 331. (PhiL iii. 15.) Here a profes-
sor of grammar noticed him, employed him as a

* After the first reference, the references in this
article are thus abbreviated : — St. Athanasius,
de SjTiodis [S. Ath.] ; St. Basil, adv. Eunomianos
[S. Bas.]; St. Gregory Nazianzen adv. Eunomian.
[S. Gr.] The Histories of Socrates, Sozomen,
Theodoret, and Philostorgius, the Arian panegyrist
of Aetius [Soc, Soz., Thdt., PhiL]; S. Epiphanius,
adv. Haereses [S. Ep.].

AETIUS.

servant, and instracted him ; but he was dismissed
in disgrace on publicly disputing against his
master's interpretation of the Scripture. The
Arian Bishop of the city, named Athanasius, re-
ceived him and read with him the Gospels. After-
wards he read the Epistles with Antonius, a priest
of Tarsus till the promotion of the latter to the
Episcopate, when he returned to Antioch and
studied the Prophets with the priest Leontius.
His obtmsive irreligion obliged him again to quit
Antioch, and he took refuge in Cilicia (before a.d.
348), where he was defeated in argument by some
of the grossest (Borborian) Gnostics. He return-
ed to Antioch, but soon left it for Alexandria,
being led thither by the fame of the Manichee
Aphthonius, against whom he recovered the tame
for disputation which he had lately lost. He now
resumed the stud}' of medicine under Sopolis and
practised gratuitouslj', earning money by following
his former trade by night (Phil. iii. 15) or living
upon others. (Theodoret, Hist. Eccl. ii. 23.) Hia
chief emplo}Tnent, however, was an irreverent ap-
plication of logical figures and geometrical dia-
grams to the Nature of the Word of God. (S.
Epiphan. adv. Haeres. § 2, and comp. § 6, p. 920.)
He returned to Antioch on the elevation of his
former master Leontius to that See, A. d. 348, and
was by him ordained Deacon (S. Ath. § 38, transl.
p. 136), though he declined the ordinary duties of
the Diaconate and accepted that of teacking, A. d.
350. (Phil, iii, 17.) The Catholic lajTnen,
Diodoras and Flavian, protested against this or-
dination, and Leontius was obliged to depose him.
(Thdt. ii. 19.) His dispute with Basil of An-
cyra, A. D. 351 (fin.), is the first indication of the
future schism in the Arian heresy. (Phil. iii. 15.)
Basil incensed Gallus (who became Caesar, March,
A. D. 351) against Aetius, and Leontius' interces-
sion only saved the latter from death. Soon
Theophilus Blemmys introduced him to Gallus (S.
Gr. p. 294), who made him his friend, and often
sent him to his brother Julian when in danger of
apostacy. (Phil. iii. 17.) There is a letter from
Gallus extant, congmtulatiiig Julian on his ad-
hesion to Christianit}', as he had heard from
Aetius. (Post Epist Jidiani, p. 158, ed. Boisson.
Mogunt. 1828.) Aetius was implicated in the
murder of Domitian and Montius (see Gibbon,
c 19), A. D. 354 (S. Gr. p. 294, b), but bis
insignificance saved him from the vengeance of
Constantius. However, he quitted Antioch for
Alexandria, where St. Athanasius was maintain-
ing Christianity against Arianism, and in a. d. 355
acted as Deacon under George of Cappadocia, the
violent interloper into the See of St. Athanasius.
(St. Ep. 76. § 1 ; Thdt. ii. 24.) Here Eunomius
became his pupil (Phil. iii. 20) and amanuensis.
(Soc. ii. 35.) He is said by Philostorgius (iii. 19)
to have refused ordination to the Episcopate, be-
cause Serras and Secundus, who made the oflFer,
had mixed with the Catholics ; in A. d. 358, when
Eudoxius became bishop of Antioch (Thdt. ii. 23),
he returned to that city, but popular feeling pre-
vented Eudoxius from allowing him to act as Deacon.
The Aetian (Eunomian, see Arius) schism now
begins to develop itself. The bold irreligion of
Aetius leads a section of Arians (whom we may call
here Anti-Aetians) to accuse him to Constantius
(Soz. iv. 13); they allege also his connexion w^ith
Gallus, and press the emperor to summon a general
Council for the settlement of the Theological

AETIUS.

question. The Atitian interest with Eusebius
(Soz. i. 16), the powerful Eunuch, divides the in-
tended council, but notwithstanding, the Aetians
are defeated at Seleucia, A. d. 3.59, and, dissolving
the council, hasten to Constantius, at Constanti-
nople, to secure his protection tigainst their op-
ponents. (S. Ath. transl. pp. 73, 77, 88, 163,
164.) The Anti-Aetians (who are in fact the
more respectable Semi-Arians, see Arius) follow,
and charge their opponents with maintaining a
Difference in Substa7ice{iTcpooi(nov) in the Trinity,
producing a paper to that effect. A new schism
ensues among the Aetians, and Aetius is aban-
doned by his friends (called Eusebians or Aca-
cians, see Arius) and banished (S. Bas. i. 4),
after protesting against his companions, who,
holding the same principle with himself (viz. that
the Son was a creature^ Krla/xa), refused to ac-
knowledge the necessary inference (viz. that He
is of unlike substance to the Father, duSnoiov).
(Thdt. ii. 23 ; Soz. iv. 23 ; S. Greg. p. 301, d. ;
Phil. iv. 12.) His late friends would not let him
remain at Mopsuestia, where he was kindly re-
ceived by Auxentius, the Bishop there : Acacius
procui'es his banishment to Amblada in Pisidia
(Phil. V. 1), where he composed his 300 blas-
phemies, captious inferences from the symbol of
his irreligion, viz. that Inyenerateness (dyevvria-ia)
is the essence (ovaia) of Deity ; which are refuted
(those at least which St. Epiphanius had seen) in
S. Ep. adv. Haer. 76. He there calls his op-
ponents Chronites, i.e. Temporals, with an apparent
allusion to their courtly obsequiousness. (Praefat.
up. S. Ep.; comp. c. 4.)

On Constantius's death, Julian recalled the
various exiled bishops, as well as Aetius, whom
he invited to his court (Ep. Juliani, 31, p. 52,
ed. Boisson.), giving him, too, a farm in Les-
bos. (Phil. ix. 4.) Euzoius, heretical Bishop of
Antioch, took off the ecclesiastical condemnation
from Aetius (Phil. vii. 5), and he was made
Bishop at Constantinople. (S. Ep. 76. p. 992, c.)
He spreads his heresy by fixing a bishop of his
own irreligion at Constantinople (Phil. viii. 2) and
by missionaries, till the death of Jovian, A. D. 364.
Valens, however, took part with Eudoxius, the
Acacian Bishop of Constantinople, and Aetius re-
tired to Lesbos, where he narrowly escaped death
at the hands of the governor, placed there by
Procopius in his revolt against Valens, A. D. 365,
366. (See Gibbon, ch. 19.) Again he took refuge
in Constantinople, but was driven thence by his
former friends. In vain he applied for protection
to Eudoxius, now at Marcianople with Valens ;
and in a. d. 367 (Phil. ix. 7) he died, it seems, at
Constantinople, unpitied by any but the equally
irreligious Eunomius, who buried him. (Phil. ix.
6.) The doctrinal errors of Aetius are stated
historically in the article on Arius. From the
Manichees he seems to have learned his licentious
morals, which appeared in the most shocking Soli-
fidianism, and which he grounded on a Gnostic
interpretation of St. John, xvii. 3. He denied,
like most other heretics, the necessity of fasting
and self-mortification. (S. Ep. adv. Haer. 76. § 4.)
At some time or other he was a disciple of Euse-
bius of Sebaste. (S. Bas. Epist. 223 [79] and
244 [82].) Socrates (ii. 35) speaks of several
letters from him to Constantine and others. His
Treatise is to be found ap. S. Epiphan. adv. Haer.
76, p. 924, ed. Petav. Colon. 1682. [A. J. C]

AETIUS.

53

AETIUS {'Aeriosy Attius), a Greek medical
writer, whose name is commonly but incorrectly
spelt Aetius. Historians are not agreed about
his exact date. He is placed by some writers aa
early as the fourth century after Christ ; but it is
plain from his own work that he did not write till
the very end of the fifth or the begiiming of the
sixth, as he refers (tetrab. iii. serm. i. 24, p. 464)
not only to St. Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria, who
died A. D. 444, but also {tetrab. ii. serm. iii. 110,
p. 357) to Petrus Archiater, who was physician
to Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths, and there-
fore must have lived still later ; he is himself
quoted by Alexander Trallianus (xii. 8, p. 346),
who lived probably in the middle of the sixth
century. He was a native of Amida, a city of
Mesopotamia (Photius, cod. 221) and studied at
Alexandria, which was the most famous medical
school of the age. He was probably a Christian,
which may account perhaps for his being con-
founded with another person of the same name, a
famous Arian of Antioch, who lived in the time of
the Emperor Julian. In some manuscripts he has
the title of kw/jlijs d\piKLOv, comes obsequii, which
means the chief officer in attendance on the em-
peror (see Du Cange, Gloss. Med. et Inf. Latin.);
this title, according to Photius (I. c), he attained
at Constantinople, where he was practising medi-
cine. Aetius seems to be the first Greek medical
writer among the Christians who gives any speci-
men of the spells and charms so much in vogue
with the Egyptians, such as that of St. Blaise
(tetrab. ii. serm. iv. 50, p. 404) in removing a
bone which sticks in the throat, and another in re-
lation to a Fistula, {tetrab. iv. s<?r7??. iii. 14, p. 762.)
The division of his work Bi€\ia 'luTpiKoL 'EkkuI-
dfKo, " Sixteen Books on Medicine," into four
tetrabibli {TCTpd€i§Koi) was not made by himself,
but (as Fabricius observes) was the invention of
some modem translator, as his way of quoting
his own work is according to the numerical series
of the books. Although his work does not con-
tain much original matter, it is neveilheless one of
the most valuable medical remains of antiquity, as
being a very judicious compilation from the writ-
ings of many authors whose works have been long
since lost. The whole of it has never appeared
in the original Greek ; one half was publish-
ed at Venice, 1534, fol. "in aed. Aldi," with
the title " Aetii Amideni Librorum Medicinalium
tomus primus ; primi scilicet Libri Octo nunc
piimum in lucem editi, Graece : " the second
volume never appeared. Some chapters of the
ninth book were published in Greek and Latin, by
J. E. Hebenstreit, Lips. 4to. 1757, under the title
" Tentamen Philologicum Medicum super Aetii
Amideni Synopsis Medicorum Veterum," &c.; and
again in the same year, "Aetii Amideni AvckSotoiv

Specimen alterum." Another chapter of the

same book was edited in Greek and Latin by J.
Magnus a Tengstrom, Aboae, 1817, 4to., with the
title " Commentationum in Aetii Amideni Medici
'AveKdora Specimen Primum," etc. Another ex-
tract, also from the ninth book, is inserted by
Mustoxydes and Schinas in their " ^vWoyrf
'EWriPiKuv 'Aj'€K5(iTa)i'," Vcnet. 1816, 8vo. The
twenty-fifth chapter of the ninth book was edited
in Greek and Latin by J. C. Horn, Lips. 1654,
4to. ; and the chapter {tetrab.. i. serm. iii. 164)
" De Significationibus Stellarura," is inserted in
Greek and Latin by Petavjus, in his " UranoLt-

54

AETOLUS.

^io7i," p. 421, ed. Paris. Six books (namely,
from the eighth to the thirteenth, inclusive), were
published at Basel, 1533, foL, translated into Latin
by Janus Cornarius, with the title " Aetii An-
tiocheni Medici de cognoscendis et curandis Morbis
Sermones Sex jam primum in lucera editi," etc. In
1535, the remaining ten books were translated and
published at Basel, by J. B. Montanus, in two
volumes, so that the three volumes form together a
complete and uniform edition of the work. In
1534, 4to., a complete Latin translation was pub-
lished at Venice by the Juntas. In 1542, Corna-
rius completed and published a translation of the
whole work (Basil. foL); which was reprinted at
Basel, 1549, 8vo. ; Venice, 1543, 1544, 8vo. ;
Lyons, 1549, fol.; and in H. Stephens's " Me-
dicae Artis Principfs," Paris. 1567, fol. Two
useful works on Aetius deserve to be mentioned ;
one by C. Oroscius (Horozco), entitled " Anno-
tationes in Interpretos Aetii," Basil. 1540, 4to. ;
the other an academical dissertion by C. Weigel,
entitled " Aetianarum Exercitationum Specimen,"
Lips. 1791, 4to. (See Freind's Hist, of Fhi/sic,
from whose work many of the preceding remarks
have been taken ; Cagnati Vanae Observat. iv.
18 ; Haller, BiUioth. Medic. Pract. vol. i. p. 200 ;
Sprengel, Hist, de la Mtdecine; Choulant, Hand-
buch der BUcherkunde fur die Aeltere Medicin.)

[W. A. G.]

AE'TIUS, SICA'MIUS {tiKdjxios 6 'AeVios),
sometimes called Attius Sicanius or Siculus., the
author of a treatise Tlepl MeKayxoXids, De Melan-
cholia, which is commonly printed among the
works of Galen. (Vol. xix. p. 699, &c.) His date
is uncertain, but, if he be not the same person as
Aetius of Amida, he must have lived after him, as
his treatise corresponds exactly with part of the
latter's great medical work (teirab. ii. serm. ii. 9
— 11, p. 250, &c.): it is compiled from Galen,
Rufus, Posidonius, and Marcellus. [W.A.G.]

AETNA (AlfTi/Tj), a Sicilian nymph, and accord-
ing to Alcimus {up. Sckol. TIteocrit. i. 65), a daugh-
ter of Uranus and Gaea, or of Briareus. Sirao-
nides said that she had acted as arbitrator between
Hephaestus and Demeter respecting the possession
of Sicily. By Zeus or Hephaestus she became the
mother of the Palici. (Serv. ad Aen. ix. 584.)
Mount Aetna in Sicily was believed to have de-
rived its name from her, and under it Zeus buried

Typl

Enceladus, or Briareus. The mountain

itself was believed to be the place in which He-
phaestus and the Cyclops made the thunderbolts
for Zeus. (Eurip. Cticl. 296 ; Propert. iii. 15. 21 ;
Cic. De Divinaf. ii. 19.) [L. S.]

AETNAEUS (AItvoios), an epithet given to
several gods and mythical beings connected with
Mount Aetna, such as Zeus, of whom there was a
statue on mount Aetna, and to whom a festival
was celebrated there, called Aetnaea (Schol. ad
Piiid. 01. vi. 162), Hephaestus, who had his work-
shop in the mountain, and a temple near it (Aelian.
Hist. An. xi. 3 ; Spanheim, ad Callim. hymn, in
Dian. 56), and the Cyclops. (Virg. Ae7i. viii. 440,
xi. 263, iii. 768 ; Ov. Ex Font. ii. 2, 115.) [L. S.]

AETO'LE (AitwAtj), a surname of Artemis, by
which she was worshipped at Naupactus. In her
temple in that town there was a statue of white
marble representing her in the attitude of throwing
a javelin. (Pans. x. 38. § 6.) [L. S.]

AETO'LUS (AmjjXrJv). ]. A son of Endymion
and the nymph Neis, or Ipbianassa, (Apollod. i. 7.

AFRANIA.

§ 6.) According to Pausanias (v. i. § 2), his mo-
ther was called Asterodia, Chromia, or Hypcrippe.
He was married to Pronoe, by whom he had two
sons, Pleuron and Calydon. His brothers were
Paeon, Epeius, and others. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Na^os;
Conon. Narrat. 14 ; Schol. ad Find. 01. i. 28.) His
father compelled him and his two brothers Paeon
and Epeius to decide by a contest at Ohnnpia as to
which of them was to succeed him in his kingdom of
Elis. Epeius gained the victory, and occupied the
throne after his father, and on his demise he was
succeeded by Aetolus. During the funeral games
which were celebrated in honour of Azan, he ran
with his chariot over Apis, the son of Jason or
Salmoneus, and killed him, whereupon he was ex-
pelled by the sons of Apis. (Apollod. /. c; Pans. v.
1. § 6 ; Strab. viii. p. 357.) After leaving Pelopon-
nesus, he went to the country of the Curetes, be-
tween the Achelous and the Corinthian gulf, where
he slew Dorus, Laodocui, and Polypoetes, the sons
of Helios and Phthia, and gave to the country the
name of Aetolia, (Apollod. Pans. II. cc.) This
story is only a mythical account of the colonisation
of Aetolia. (Strab. x. p. 463.)

2. A son of Oxylus and Pieria, and brother of
Laias. He died at a tender age, and his parents
were enjoined by an oracle to bury him neither
within nor without the town of Elis. They accord-
ingly buried him nnder the gate at which the road
to Olympia commenced. The gymnasiarch of Elis
used to offer an annual sacrifice on his tomb as late
as the time of Pausanias. (v. 4. § 2.) [L. S.]

AFER, DOMI'TIUS, of Nemausus (Nismes)
in Gpl, was praetor a. d. 25, and gained the fa-
vour of Tiberius by accusing Claudia Pulchra, the
consobrina of Agrippina, in A. D. 26. (Tac. Ann.
iv. 52.) From tliis time he becfime one of the
most celebrated orators in Rome, but sacrificed his
character by conducting accusations for the govern-
ment. In the following year, A. D. 27, he is again
mentioned by Tacitus as the accuser of Varus
Quintilius, the son of Claudia Pulchra. (Ann. iv.
66.) In consequence of the accusation of Claudia
Pulchra, and of some offence which he had given
to Caligula, he was accused by the emperor in the
senate, but by concealing his own skill in speak-
ing, and pretending to be overpowered by the
eloquence of Caligula, he not only escaped the
danger, but was made consul suffectus in a. d. 39.
(Dion Cass. lix. 19, 20.) In his old age Afer lost
much of his reputation by continuing to speak in
public, when his powers were exhausted. (Quintil.
xii. 11. § 3; Tac. Ann. iv. 52.) He died in the
reign of Nero, a. d. 60 (Tac. An7i. xiv. 19), in
consequence of a surfeit, according to Hieronymus
in the Chronicon of Eusebius.

Quintilian, when a young man, heard Domitius
Afer (comp. Plin. Ep. ii. 14), and frequently speaks
of him as the most distinguished orator of his age.
He says that Domitius Afer and Julius Africanus
were the best orators he had heard, and that lie
prefers the former to the latter, (x. 1. § 118.)
Quintilian refers to a work of his "On Testimony"
(v- 7. § 7), to one entitled "Dicta" (vi. 3. § 42),
and to some of his orations, of which those on be-
half of Domitilla, or Cloantilla, and Volusenus
Catulus seem to have been the most celebrated.

(viii. 5. § 16,

20, 3. § 66, 4. § 31, x. 1.

24, &c.) Respecting the will of Domitius Afer,
see Plin, Ep. viii. 18.

AFRA'NIA, CAIA or GAIA. the wife of the

AFRAN1U&

Benator Licinius Buccio, a very litigious wo-
nian, who always pleaded her own causes before
the pi-aetor, and thus gave occasion to the publish-
ing of the edict, which forbade all women to postu-
late. She was perhaps the sister of L. Afranius,
consid in B. r. GO. She died b. c. 48. (Val. Max.
viii. 3. § 1 ; Dig. 3. tit. I. 8. 1. § 5.)

AFRA'NIA GENS, plebeian, is first mentioned
in the second century B. c. The only cognomen
of this gens, which occurs under the republic, is
Stkllio : those names which have no cognomen
are given luider Afkamus. Some persons of this
name evidently did not belong to the Afmnia Gens.
On coins we find only S. Afranius and M. Afra-
nius, of whom nothing is known. (Eckhel, v. p.
132, &c.)

AFRA'NIUS. 1. L. Afranius, a Roman
comic poet, who lived at the beginning of the first
century B. c. His comedies described Roman
scenes and manners (Comoediae togatae), and the
subjects were mostly taken from the life of the
lower classes. {Comoediae tahernariae.) They were
frequently polluted with disgraceful amours, which,
according to Quintilian, were only a representation of
the conduct of Afranius. (x. 1. § 100.) He depicted,
however, Roman life with such accuracy, that he
is classed with Menander, from whom indeed he
borrowed lai-gely. (Hor. £p. ii. 1. 57 ; Macrob.
Sat. vi. 1 ; Cic. de Fin. i. 3.) He imitated the
style of C. Titius, and his language is praised by
Cicero. {B)-ui. 45.) His comedies are spoken of
in the highest terms by the ancient writers, and
under the empire they not only continued to be
read, but were even acted, of which an example
occurs in the time of Nero. (Veil. Pat. i. 17, ii. 19;
Gell. xiii. 8 ; Suet. Ner, 11.) They seem to have
been well known even at the latter end of the
fourth century. (Auson. Epigr. 71.) Afranius
must have written a great many comedies, as the
names and fragments of between twenty and thirty
are still preserved. These fragments have been
published by Bothe, Poet. Lat. Scenic. Fragmenta^
and by Neukirch, Defabula togata Roman.

2. L. Afranius, appears to have been of ob-
scure origin, as he is called by Cicero in contempt
"the son of Aulus," as a person of whom nobody
had heard. (Cic. ad Att. i. 16, 20.) He was first
brought into notice by Pompey, and was always
his warm friend and partizan. In b. c. 77 he was
one of Pompey's legates in the war against Serto-
rius in Spain, and also served Pompey in the same
capacity in the Mithridatic war. (Plut. Sert. 19.
Pomp. 34, 36, 39 ; Dion Cass, xxxvii. 5.) On
Porapey's return to Rome, he was anxious to ob-
tain the considship for Afranius, that he might the
more easily carry his own plans into effect ; and, not-
withstanding the opposition of a powerful party,
he obtained the election of Afranius by influence
and bribery. During his consulship, however,
(b. c. 60), Afranius did not do much for Pompey
(Dion Cass, xxxvii. 49), but probably more from
want of experience in political affairs than from
any want of inclination. In B. c. 59 Afranius had
the province of Cisalpine Gaul (comp. Cic. ad Att.
i. 19), and it may have been owing to some advan-
tages he had gained over the Gauls, that he ob-
tained the triumph, of which Cicero speaks in his
oration against Piso. (c. 24.)

When Pompey obtained the provinces of the
two Spains in his second consulship (b. c 55),
he sent Afranius and Petreius to govern Spain

AFRICANUS.

56

in his name, while he himself remained in Rome.
(Veil. Pat. ii. 48.) On the breaking out of
the civil war, B. c. 49, Afranius was still in
Spain with three legions, and after uniting his
forces with those of Petreius, he had to oppose
Caesar in the same year, who had crossed over
into Spain as soon as he had obtained posses-
sion of Italy. After a short campaign, in which
Afranius and Petreius gained some advantages at
first, they were reduced to such straits, that they
were obliged to sue for the mercy of Caesar. This
was granted, on condition that their troops should
be disbanded, and that they should not sei-ve
against him again. (Caes. D. C. i. 38-86 ; Appian,
B. a ii. 42. 43 ; Dion Cass. xli. 20-23 ; Plut.
Pomp. Q5^ Caes. 36.) Afranius, however, did not
keep his word ; he immediately joined Pompey at
Dyrrhacium, where he was accused by some of the
aristocracy, though certainly without justice, of
treachery in Spain. After the battle of Dyrrha-
cium, Afranius recommended an immediate return
to Italy, especially as Pompey was master of the
sea ; but this advice was overruled, and the battle
of Pharsalia followed, b. c. 48, in which Afranius
had the charge of the camp. (Appian, B. C. ii. 65,
76 ; Plut. Pomp. 66 ; Dion Cass. xli. 52 ; Veil.
Pat. ii. 52.) As Afranius was one of those who
could not hope for pardon, he fled to Africa,, and
joined the Pompeian army under Cato and Scipio.
(Dion Cass. xlii. 10.) After the defeat of the
Pompeians at the battle of Thapsus, B. c. 46, at
which he was present, he attempted to fly into
Mauritania with Faustus SuUa and about 1500
horsemen, but was taken prisoner by P. Sittius,
and killed a few days afterwards, according to
some accounts, in a sedition of the soldiers, and
according to others, by the command of Caesar.
(Hirt. BeU. Afric. 95 ; Suet. Caes. 75 ; Dion Cass.
xUii. 12; Florus, iv. 2. §90; Liv. Epit. 114;
Aur. Vict, de Fir. III. 78.)

Afranius seems to have had some talent for war,
but little for civil affairs. Dion Cassias says " that
he was a better dancer than a statesman " (xxxvii.
49), and Cicero speaks of him with the greatest
contempt during his consulship {ad. Ait. i. 18, 20),
though at a later time, when Afranius was opposed
to Caesar, he calls him summus dux. {Phil. xiii. 14.)

3. L. Afranius, son of the preceding, negotiated
with Caesar in Spain through Sulpicius for his own
and his father's preservation. He afterwards went
as a hostage to Caesar. (Caes. B. C. i. 74. 84.)

4. Afranius Potitus. [Potitus.]

5. Afranius Burrus. [Burrus.]

6. Afranius Quinctianus. [Quinctianus.]

7. Afranius Dexter. [Dexter.]

8. T. Afranius or T. Afrenius, not a Roman,
was one of the leaders of the Italian confederates
in the Marsic war, b. c. 90. In conjunction with
Judacilius and P. Ventidius he defeated the legate
Pompeius Strabo, and pursued him into Firmum,
before which, however, he was defeated in his
turn, and was killed in the battle. (Appian, B. C.
i. 40, 47 ; Florus, iii. 18.)

AFRICA'NUS. [Scipio.]

AFRICA'NUS ('A0ptKa*/os), a writer on vete-
rinary surgery, whose date is not cert;uidy known,
but who may very probably be the same person as
Sex. Julius Afiicanus, whose work entitled Keo-rof
contained information upon medical subjects.
[Africanus, Sex. Julius.] His remains were
published in the Collection of writers on Veteriiiaiy

56

AFRICANUS.

Medicine, first in a Latin translation by J. Ruel-
lius, Par. 1530, fol., and afterwai-ds in Greek, Bas.
1537, 4to. edited by Grynaeus. [W. A. G.]

AFRICA'NUS, SEX. CAECI'LIUS, a clas-
sical Roman jurisconsult, who lived under Anto-
ninus Pius. He was probably a pupil of Salvius
Julianus, the celebrated reformer of the Edict
under Hadrian. [Julianus, Salvius.] He con-
sulted Julian on legal subjects (Dig. 25. tit. 3. s. 3,
§ 4), and there is a controverted passage in the
Digest {AfricauTis libro vicesimo Epistolarum apud
Julianum. quaerit, &c. Dig. 30. tit. i. s. 39), which
has been explained in various ways; either that
he published a legal correspondence which passed
between him and Julianus, or that he commented
upon the epistolary opinions given by Julianus in
answer to the letters of clients, or that he wrote a
commentary upon Julianus in the form of letters.
On the other hand, Julianus "ex Sexto" is quoted
by Gains (ii. 218), which shews that Julianus an-
■ notated Sextus, the formula "ex Sexto" being
synonymous with "ad Sextum." (Neuber, die
jurist. Klassiker, 8. 9.) Who was Sextus but
Africanus ? Africanns was the author of " Libri
IX Quaestionum," from which many pure extracts
are made in the Digest, as may be seen in Hom-
mePs " Palingenesia Pandectanim," where the ex-
tracts from each jurist are brought together, and
those that are taken from Africanus occupy 26
out of about 1800 pages.

From his remains, thus preserved in the Digest,
it is evident that he was intimately acquainted
with the opinions of Julianus, who is the person
alluded to when, without any expressed nominative,
he uses the words ait, eaiaiimavit, mgavit, putavit,
inquif, respondit, placet, noiat. This is proved by
Cujas from a comparison of some Greek scholia on
the Basilica with parallel extracts from Africanus
in the Digest. Paullus and Ulpian have done
Africanus the honour of citing his authority. He
was fond of antiquarian lore (Dig. 7. tit. 7. s. 1, pr.
where the true reading is S. Caccilius, not S.Aelius),
and his "Libri IX Quaestionum," from the con-
ciseness of the style, the great subtlety of the rea-
soning, and the knottiness of the points discussed,
so puzzled the old glossators, that when they came
to an extract from Africanus, they were wont to
exclaim Africani lea', id est difficilis. (Heinecc. Hid.
Jur. Rom. § cccvi. n.) Mascovius {de Sectis Jur.
4. § 3) supposes that Africanus belonged to the
legal sect of the Sabiniani [Capito], and as our
author was a steady follower of Salvius Julianus,
who was a Sabinian (Gains, ii. 217, 218), this
supposition may be regarded as established. In
the time of Antoninus Pius, the distinction of
schools or sects had not yet w^om out.

Among the writers of the lives of ancient law-
3'ers (Pancirollus, Jo. Bertrandus, Grotius, &c.)
much dispute has aiisen as to the time when Afri-
canus wrote, in consequence of a corrupt or erro-
neous passage ill Lampridius (Lamp. Aleac. Sev. 68),
which would make him a friend of Severus Alex-
ander and a disciple of Papinian. Cujas ingeniously
and satisfactorily disposes of this anachronism by
referring to the internal evidence of an extract
from Africanus (Dig. 30. tit. 1. s. 109), which as-
sumes the validity of a legal maxim that was no
longer in force when Papinian wrote.

For reasons which it would be tedious to detail,
we hold, contrary to the opinion of Menage (Amoen.
Jur. c. 23), that our Sextus Caerilius Africanus is

AFRICANUS.

identical with the jurist sometimes mentioned in
the Digest by the name Caecilius or S. Caecilius,
and also with that S. Caecilius whose dispute with
Favorinus forms an amusing and interesting chapter
in the Noctes Atticae. (Gell, xx. 1.) Gellius per-
haps draws to some extent upon his own invention,
but, at all events, the lawyer's defence of the XII
Tables against the attacks of the philosopher is
"ben trovato." There is something humorously
cruel in the concluding stroke of the conversation,
in the pedantic way in which our jurisconsult vin-
dicates the decemviral law against debtors — partis
secairto, &c. — by the example of Metius Fufetms,
and the harsh sentiment of Virgil :

"At tu dictis, Albane, maneres."

The remains of Africanus have been admirably
expounded by Cujas {ad Africanum tradatus IX.
in Cujac. 0pp. vol. 1 ), and have also been annotated
by Scipio Gentili. (Scip. Gen tills, Diss. I- IX ad
Africanum, 4to. Altdorf. 1602-7.)

(Strauchius, Vitae cdiquot veterum jurisconsul-
torum, 8vo. Jen. 1723 ; I. Zimmem, R'6m. Redds-
geschichte, § 94.) [J. T. G.]

AFRICA'NUS, JU'LIUS, a celebrated orator
in the reign of Nero, seems to have been the son
of Julius Africanus. of the Gallic state of the San-
toni, who was condemned by Tiberius, a. d. 32.
(Tac. Ann. vi. 7.) Quintilian, who had heard
Julius Africanus, speaks of him and Domitius
Afer as the best orators of their time. The elo-
quence of Africanus was chiefly characterised by
vehemence and energy. (Quintil. x. 1. § 118,
xii. 10. § II, comp. viii. 5. § 15 ; Dial, de Orar.
15.) Pliny mentions a grandson of this Julius
Africanus, who was also an advocate and was
opposed to him upon one occasion. {Ep. viL 6.)
He was consul suffectus in a. d. 108.

AFRICA'NUS, SEX. JU'LIUS, a Christian
writer at the beginning of the third centurj-, is
called by Suidas a Libyan (s. v. 'A<ppiuav6s), but
passed the greater part of his life at Emmaus in
Palestine, where, according to some, he was boni.
(Jerome, de Vir. III. 63.) When Emmaus was
destroyed by fire, Africanus was sent to Elagabalus
to solicit its restoration, in which mission he suc-
ceeded : the new town was called Nicopolis. (a. d.
221, Eusebius, Chron. sub anno ; Syncellus, p.
359, b.) Africanus subsequently went to Alexan-
dria to hear the philosopher Heraclas, who was
afterwards bishop of Alexandria. The later Syrian
writers state, that he was subsequently made
bishop. He was one of the most learned of the
early Christian writers. Socrates {Hist. Eccl. ii.
35) classes him with Origen and Clement ; and it
appears from his letter on the History of Susanna,
that he was acquainted with Hebrew.

The chief work of Africanus Avas a Chronicon
in five books {TrevTd§i€\iou %po^•oAo7z/co^/), from
the creation of the world, which he placed in
5499 B, c. to A. D. 221, the fourtli year of the
reign of Elagabalus. This work is lost, but a con-
siderable part of it is extracted by Eusebius in his
" Chronicon," and many fragments of it are also
preserved by Georgius Syncellus, Cedrenus, and in
the Paschale Chronicon. (See Ideler, Handbuch
d. Chronol. vol. ii. p. 456, &c.) The fragments of
this work are given by Gallandi {Bibl. Fat.), and
Routh {Reliquiae Sacrae).

Africanus wrote a letter to Origen impugning
the authority of the book of Susanna, to which

AGAMEDE.

Origcn replied. This letter is extant, and has
been published, together with Origen's answer, by
Wetstein, Basle, 1G74, 4to. It is also contained
in De la Rue's edition of Origen. Africanus also
■wrote a letter to Aristeides on the genealogies of
Christ in Matthew and Luke (Phot. BiU. 34;
Euseb. Hi4. Jurl. vi. 23), of which some extracts
are given by Euscbius. (i. 7.)

There is another work attributed to Africanus,
entitled K€(ttoj, that is, embroidered girdles, so
called from the celebnited KearJs of Aphrodite.
Some modem writers suppose this work to have
been written by some one else, but it can scarcely
be .Icubted that it was written by the same Afri-
canus, since it is expressly mentioned among his
other writings by Photius {I. c), Suidas (/. c),
Syncellus (/. c), and Eusebius. (vi. 23.) The
number of books of which it consisted, is stated
variously. Suidas mentions twenty-four, Photius
fourteen, and Syncellus nine. It treated of a vast
variety of subjects — medicine, agriculture, natural
history, the military art, &c., and seems to have
been a kind of common-place book, in which the
author entered the results of his reading Some
of the books are said to exist still in manuscript.
(Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. vol. iv. pp. 240, &c.)
Some extracts from them are published by Theve-
not in the " Matheraatici Veteres," Paris, 1693,
fo., and also in the Geoponica of Cassianus Bassus.
(Needhara, Prolegom. ad Geopon.) The part re-
lating to the military art was translated into
French by Guichard in the third volume of " Me-
moires crit. et hist, sur plusieurs Points d'Anti-
quites militaires," Berl. 1774. Compare Dureau
de la Malle, " Poliorcetique des Anciens," Paris,
1819, 8vo.

AFRICA'NUS, T. SE'XTIUS, a Roman of
noble rank, was deterred by Agrippina from mar-
rj-ing Silana. In A. d. 62, he took the census in
the provinces of Gaul, together with Q. Volusius
and Trcbellius Maximus. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 19,
xiv. 46.) His name occurs in a fragment of the
Fratres Arvales. (Gniter, p. 119.) There was a
T. Sextius Africanus consul with Trajan in A. d.
1 12, who was probably a descendant of the one
mentioned above.

AGA'CLYTUS {'AyaKXvrSs), the author of a
work about Olympia (7re/>i 'OAvfJLTrias), which is
referred to by Suidas and Photius. (s. v. Kv}^e\i-
Swv.)

AGA'LLIAS. [Agallis.]

AGALLIS {'AyaWis) of Corcyra, a female
grammarian, who wrote upon Homer. (Athen. i.
p. 14, d.) Some have supposed from two passages
in Suidas (s. r. ^AudyaWis and "OpxHi^is), that
we ought to read Anagallis in this passage of
Athenaeus. The scholiast upon Homer and Eu-
stathius (ad II. xviii. 491) mention a grammarian
of the name of Agallias, a pupil of Aristophanes
the grammarian, also a Corcyraean and a commen-
tator upon Homer, who may be the same as Agal-
lis or perhaps her father.

AGAME'DE {'Ayafx-^^-n). 1. A daughter of
Angelas and wife of ^Julius, who, according to
Homer (//. xi, 739), was acquainted with the heal-
ing powers of all the plants that grow upon the
earth. Hyginus {Fah. 157) makes her the mother
of Belus, Actor, and Dictys, by Poseidon.

2. A daughter of Macaria, from whom Agamede,
a ])lace in Lesbos, was believed to have derived its
name. (Steph. Byz. s. v. ' Ay afxijSi].) [L. S.]

AGAMEMNON.

57

AG AME'DES ('AyafXT/i^T}s), a son of Stymplialus
and great-grandson of Areas. (Paus. viii. 4. § 5, o.
§ 3.) He was father of Cercyon by Epicaste, who
also brought to him a step- son, Trophonius, who
was by some believed to be a son of Apollo. Ac-
cording to others, Agamedes was a son of Apollo
and Epicaste, or of Zeus and locaste, and father of
Trophonius. The most common story however is,
that he was a son of Erginus, king of Orchomenus,
and brother of Trophonius. These two brothers are
said to have distinguished themselves as architects,
especially in building temples and palaces. Among
others, they built a temple of Apollo at Delphi, and
a treasury of Hyrieus, king of Hyria in Boeotia.
(Paus. ix. 37. § 3 ; Strab. ix. p. 421.) The scholiast
on Aristophanes {Nub. 508) gives a somewhat diffe-
rent account from Charax, and makes them build the
treasury for king Augeias. The story about this
treasuiy in Pausanias bears a great resemblance to
that which Herodotus (ii. 121) relates of the treasury
of the Egyptian king Rhampsinitus. In the con-
struction of the treasury of Hyrieus, Agamedes and
Trophonius contrived to place one stone in such a
manner, that it could be taken away outside, and
thus formed an entrance to the treasury, without
any hodj perceiving it. Agamedes and Trophonius
now constantly robbed the treasury ; and the king,
seeing that locks and seals were uninjured while his
treasures were constantly decreasing, set traps to
catch the thief. Agamedes was thus ensnared, and
Trophonius cut off his head to avert the discovery.
After this, Trophonius was immediately swallowed
up by the earth. On this spot there was afterwards,
in the grove of Lebadeia, the so-called cave of Aga-
medes with a column by tlie side of it. Here also
was the oracle of Trophonius, and those who corn
sulted it first offered a ram to Agamedes and in-
voked him. (Paus. ix. 39. § 4 ; compare Did. of
Ant. -p. 673.) A tradition mentioned by Cicero
( Tusc. Quaest. i. 47 ; comp. Plut. De consol. ad
Apollon. 14), states that Agamedes and Tropho-
nius, after having built the temple of Apollo at
Delphi, prayed to the god to grant them in reward
for their labour what was best for men. The god
promised to do so on a certain day, and when tiie
day came, the two brothers died. The question as
to whether the story about the Egyptian treasury
is derived from Greece, or whether the Greek story
was an importation from Egypt, has been answered
by modern scholars in both ways; but Miiller
{Orcliom. p. 94, &c.) has rendered it very probable
that the tradition took its rise among the Minyans,
was transferred from them to Augeias, and was
known in Greece long before the reign of Psammi-
tichus, during w'hich the iEtercourse between the
two countries was opened. [L. S.]

AGAMEMNON ('A ya/xeVwi/). 1. A son of
Pleisthenes and grandson of Atreus, king of My-
cenae, in whose house Agamemnon and Menelaus
were educated after the death of their father.
( Apollod. iii. 2. § 2 ; Schol. ad Eurip. Or. 5 ; Schol.
ad Iliad, ii. 249.) Homer and several other writers
call him a son of Atreus, grandson of Pelops, and
great-grandson of Tantalus. (Horn. //. xi. 131 ;
Eurip. Helen. 396 ; Tzetz. adLycophr. 147 ; Hygin.
Fah. 97.) His mother was, according to most ac-
counts, Aerope ; but some call Eriphyle the wife
of Pleisthenes and the mother of Agamemnon.
Besides his brother Menelaus, he had a sister, who
is called Anaxibia, Cyndragora, oi Astyocheia.
(Schol. Eurip. Or. 5; Hj-gin. /•V^ 17.) Aga-

58

AGAMEMNON.

memnon and Menelaus were brought up together
with Aegisthus, the son of Thyestes, in the house
of Atreus. When they had grown to manhood,
Atreus sent Agamemnon and Menelaus to seek
Thyestes. They found him at Delphi, and carried
him to Atreus, who threw him into a dungeon.
Aegisthus was afterwards commanded to kill him,
but, recognising his father in him, he abstained
from the cruel deed, slew Atreus, and after having
expelled Agamemnon and Menelaus, he and his
father occupied the kingdom of Mycenae. [Aegis-
thus.] The two brothers wandered about for a
time, and at last came to Sparta, where Agamem-
non married Clytemnestra, the daughter of Tynda-
reus, by whom he became the father of Iphianassa
(Iphigeneia), Chrj'sothemis, Laodice (Electra), and
Orestes. (Horn. //. ix. 145, with the note of Eus-
tath. ; Lucret. i. 86.) The manner in which Aga-
memnon came to the kingdom of Mycenae, is dif-
ferently related. From Homer (//. ii. 108 ; comp.
Pans. ix. 40. § 6), it appears as if he had peaceably
succeeded Thyestes, while, according to others
(Aeschyl. Again. 1605), he expelled Thyestes, and
usurped his throne. After he had become king of
Mycenae, he rendered Sicj'on and its king subject
to himself (Paus. ii. 6. § 4), and became the most
powerful prince in Greece. A catalogue of his
dominions is given in the Iliad, (ii 569, &c.;
comp. Strab. viii. p. 377 ; Thucyd. i. 9.) When
Homer {II. ii. 108) attributes to Agamemnon the
sovereignty over all Argos, the name Argos here
signifies Peloponnessus, or the greater part of it,
for the city of Argos was governed by Dioraedes.
(//. ii. 559, &c.) Strabo {l. c.) has also shewTi
that the name Argos is sometimes used by the tra-
gic poets as synonymous with Mycenae.

When Helen, the wife of Menelaus, was carried
off by Paris, the son of Priam, Agamemnon and
Menelaus called upon all the Greek chiefs for as-
sistance against Troy. {Odyss. xxiy. \\5.) The
chiefs met at Ai'gos in the palace of Diomedes,
where Agamemnon was chosen their chief com-
mander, either in consequence of his superior power
(Eustath, ad II. ii. 108 ; Thucyd. i. 9), or because
he had gained the favour of the assembled chiefs
by giving them rich presents. (Dictys, Cret. i. 15,
16.) After two years of preparation, the Greek
anny and fleet assembled in the port of Aulis in
Boeotia. Agamemnon had previously consulted
the oracle about the issue of the enterprise, and
the answer given was, that Troy should fall at the
time when the most distinguished among the Greeks
should quarreh {Od. viii. 80.) A similar prophecy
was derived from a marvellous occurrence which
happened while the Greeks were assembled at
Aulis. Once when a sacrifice was offered under
the boughs of a tree, a dragon crawled forth from
under it, and devoiired a nest on the tree containing
eight young birds and their mother. Calchas in-
terpreted the sign to indicate that the Greeks
v/ould have to tight against Troy for nine years,
but that in the tenth the city would fall. (//. ii.
303, &c.) An account of a different miracle por-
tending the same thing is given by Aeschylus.
{Jyain. 110, &c.) Another interesting incident
happened while the Greeks were assembled at
Auhs. Agamemnon, it is said, killed a stag which
was sacred to Artemis, and in addition provoked
the anger of the goddess by irreverent words.
She in return visited the Greek army with a pes-
tilence, and produced a perfect calm, so that the

AGAMEMNON.

Greeks were unable to leave the port "When the
seers declared that the anger of the goddess could
not be soothed unless Iphigeneia, the daughter of
Agamemnon, were offered to her as an atoning
sacrifice, Diomedes and Odysseus were sent to
fetch her to the camp under the pretext that she
was to be married to Achilles. She came ; but at
the moment when she was to be sacrificed, she
was carried off by Artemis herself (according to
others by AcliiUes) to Tauris, and another victim
was substituted in her place. (Hygin. Fab. 98 ;
Eurip. fyhiff. Aid. 90, Iphig. Taur. 15; SophocL
Elect. 565 ; Pind. Pi/th. xi.'35 ; Ov. Met. xii. 31;
Diet. Cret. L 19; Schol. <wZ Z^co;j7ir. 183; Antonin.
Lib. 27.) After this the calm ceased, and the
army sailed to the coast of Troy. Agamemnon
alone had one hundred ships, independent of sixty
which he had lent to the Arcadians. (//. iL 576,
612.)

In the tenth year of the siege of Troy — for it is
in this year that the Iliad opens — we find Aga-
memnon involved in a quarrel with Achilles re-
specting the possession of Briseis, whom Achilles
was obliged to give up to Agamemnon. Achilles
withdrew from the field of battle, and the Greeks
were visited by successive disasters. [Achilles.]
Zeus sent a dream to Agamemnon to persuade him
to lead the Greeks to battle against the Trojans.
{II. ii. 8, &.C.) The king, in order to try the
Greeks, commanded them to return home, with
which they readily complied, until their courage
was revived by Odysseus, who persuaded them to
prepai-e for battle. (//. ii. 55, &c.) After a single
combat between Paris and Menelaus, a battle
followed, in which Agamemnon killed several of
the Trojans. When Hector challenged the bravest
of the Greeks, Agamemnon offered to fight with
him, but in his stead Ajax was chosen by lot.
Soon after this another battle took place, in which
the Greeks were worsted {II. viii.), and Agamem-
non in despondence advised the Greeks to take to
flight and return home. {II. ix. 10.) But he
was opposed by the other heroes. An attempt to
conciliate Achilles failed, and Agamemnon assem-
bled the chiefs in the night to deliberate about the
measures to be adopted. (//. x. 1, &c.) Odysseus
and Diomedes were then sent out as spies, and on
the day following the contest with the Trojans was
renewed. Agamemnon himself was again one of
the bravest, and slew many enemies with his own
htmd. At last, however, he was wounded by Coon
and obliged to withdraw to his tent. (//. xi. 250,
&c.) Hector now advanced victoriously, and Aga-
memnon again advised the Greeks to save them-
selves by fliglit. {II. xiv. 75, &c.) But Odysseus
and Diomedes again resisted him, and the latter
prevailed upon him to return to the battle which was
going on near the ships. Poseidon also appeared
to Agamenmon in the figure of an aged man, and
inspii-ed him with new courage. {II. xiv. 125, &c.)
The pressing danger of the Greeks at last induced
Patroclus, the friend of Achilles, to take an
energetic part in the battle, and his fall roused
Achilles to new activity, and led to his reconcilia-
tion with Agamemnon. In the games at the
funeral pyre of Patroclus, Agamemnon gained the
first prize in throwing the spear. (//. xxiii. 890,
&c.)

Agamemnon, although the chief commander of
the Greeks, is not the hero of the Iliad, and iu
chivalrous spirit, bravery, and character, altogether

AGAMEMNON.

inferior to Achilles, But he nevertheless rises
above all the (Jrecks by his dignity, power, and
majesty (//. iii. 1G6, &c.), and his eyes and head
are likened to those of Zeus, his girdle to that of
Ares, and his breast to that of Poseidon. (//. ii.
477, &.C.) Agamemnon is among the (Jreek
heroes what Zeus is among the gods of Olympus.
This idea appears to have guided the Greek artists,
for in several representations of Agamemnon still
extant there is a remarkable resemblance to the
represent;itions of Zeus. The emblem of his power
and majesty in Homer is a sceptre, the work of
Hephaestus, which Zeus had once given to Hennes,
and Hermes to Pelops, from whom it descended
to Agamemnon. (//. ii. 100, &c.; comp. Pans. ix.
40. § 6.) His armour is described in the Iliad,
(xi. 19, &c.)

The remaining part of the story of Agamemnon
is related in the Odyssey, and by several later
writers. At the taking of Troy he received Cas-
sandi-a, the daughter of Priam, as his prize {Od.
xi. 4*2 1 ; Diet. Cret. v. 13), by whom, according
to a tradition in Pausanias (ii. 16. §5), he had two
sons, Teledamus and Pelops. On his return home
he was twice driven out of his course by storms,
but at last landed in Argolis, in the dominion of
Aegisthus, who had seduced Clytemnestra during
the absence of her husband. He invited Agamem-
non on his arrival to a repast, and had him and his
companions treacherously murdered during the
feast {Od. iii. 263) [Aegisthus], and Clytemnes-
tra on the same occasion murdered Cassandra.
{Od. xi. 400, &c. 422, xxiv. m., &c.) Odysseus
met the shade of Agamemnon in the lower world.
{Od. xi. 387, xxiv. 20.) Menelaus erected a
monument in honour of his brother on the river
Aegyptus. {Od. iv, 584.) Pausanias (ii. 16. §
5) states, that in his time a monument of Agamem-
non was still extant at Mycenae. The tragic
poets have variously modified the story of the
murder of Agamemnon. Aeschylus {Agam. 1492,
&c.) makes Clytemnestra alone murder Agamem-
non: she threw a net over him while he was in
the bath, and slew him with three strokes. Her
motive is partly her jealousy of Cassandra, and
partly her adulterous life with Aegisthus. Ac-
cording to Tzetzes {ad Lycophr. 1099), Aegisthus
committed the murder with the assistance of Cly-
temnestra. Euripides {Or. 26) mentions a gar-
ment which Clytemnestra threw over him instead
of a net, and both Sophocles {Elect. 530) and Eu-
ripides represent the sacrifice of Iphigeneia as the
cause for which she murdered him. After the
death of Agamemnon and Cassandra, their two
sons were murdered upon their tomb by Aegisthus.
(Paus. ii. 16. § 5.) According to Pindar {Pyth.
xi. 48) the murder of Agamemnon took place at
Aniyclae, in Laconica, and Pausanias (/. c.) states
that the inhabitants of this place disputed with
those of Mycenae the possession of the tomb of
Cassandra. (Comp. Paus. iii. 19. § 5.) In later
times statues of Agamemnon were erected in several
parts of Greece, and he was worshipped as a hero
at Amyclae and Olympia. (Paus. iii. 19. § 5, v.
25. § 5.) He was represented on the pedestal of
the celebrated Rhamnusian Nemesis (i. 33. § 7),
and his fight with Coon on the chest of Cypselus.
(v. 19. § 1.) He was painted in the Lesche of
13elphi, by Polygnotus. (x. 25. § 2 ; com-
pare ?\m.'H. N. XXXV. 36. § 5 ; Quintil. ii. 13.
§ 13; Val. :Miu\'. viii. 11. § 6.) It should be re-

AGAPETUS.

59

marked that several Latin poets mention a bastard
son of Agamemnon, of the name of Halesus, to
whom the foundation of the town of Falisci or
Alesiura is ascribed. (Ov. Fast, iv, 73; Amor.
iii. 13. 31 ; comp. Serv. ad Aen. vii. 695; Sil.
Ital. .viii. 476.)

2. A surname of Zeus, under which he was
worshipped at Sparta. (Lycophr. 335, with the
Schoi. ; Eustath, ad //. ii. 25.) Eustathius thinks
that the god derived this name from the resem-
blance between him and Agamemnon ; wliile
others believe that it is a mere epithet signifying
the Eternal, from dydv and /xeVwj/. [L. S.J

AGAM EM NO'N IDES ('A7a^e/i;/oz/i5i7s), a
patronymic form from Agamemnon, which is used
to designate his son Orestes. (Hom. Od. i. 30 ;
Juv. viii. 215.) [L. S.]

AGANl'CE or AGLAONI'CE i^KyaviK-q or
'Ay\aoi/iK7)), daughter of Hegetor, a Thessalian,
who by her knowledge of Astronomy could foretell
when the moon would disappear, and imposed
upon credulous women, by stiymg that she could
draw down the moon. (Plut. de Off. Conjug. p. 145,
de Defect. Orac. p. 417.) [L. S.]

AGANIPPE ('A7a»/t7nr77). 1. A nymph of
the well of the same name at the foot of Mount
Helicon, in Boeotia, which was considered sacred
to the Muses, and believed to have the power of
inspiring those who drank of it. The nymph is
called a daughter of the river-god Pennessus.
(Paus. ix. 29. § 3; Virg. Eclog. x. 12.) The
Muses are sometimes called Aganippides.

2. The wife of Acnsius, and according to some
accounts the mother of Danae, although the latter
is more commonly called a daughter of Eurj-dice.
(Hygin. Fab. 63; Schol. ad Apollon. RJiod. iv,
1091.) [L. S.]

AGANIPPIS, is used by Ovid {Fast. v. 7) as
an epithet of Hippocrene ; its meaning however is
not quite clear. It is derived from Agnippe, the
well or nymph, and as Aganippides is used to de-
signate the jMuses, Aganippis Hippocrene may
mean nothing but " Hippocrene, sacred to the
Muses." [L. S.]

AGAPE'NOR ('A7a7r7ii'wp), a son of Ancaeus,
and grandson of Lycurgus. He was king of the
Arcadians, and received sixty ships from Aga-
memnon, in which he led his Arcadians to Troy.
(Hom. II. ii. 609, &c. ; Hygin. Fab. 97.) He
also occurs among the suitors of Helen. (Hvgin.
Fab. 81 ; ApoUod. iii. 10. § 8.) On his return
from Troy he was cast by a storm on the coast of
Cyprus, where he founded the town of Paphus,
and in it the famous temple of Aphrodite. (Paus.
viii. 5. § 2, &c.) He also occurs in the story of
Harmonia. (Apollod. iii. 7. § 5, &c. [L. S.J

AGAPE'TUS ('A707r7jTo's). 1. Metropolitan
Bishop of Rhodes, a. d. 457. When the Em-
peror Leo wrote to him for the opinion of his
sutlragmis and himself on the council of Chjdccdon,
he defended it against Timotheus Aelurus, in a
letter still extant in a Latin translation, Conci-
liorum Nova Collectio a iMunsi, vol. vii. p. 580.

2. St., bom at Rome, was Archdeacon and
raised to the Holy See a. d. 535. He was no
sooner consecrated than he took off the anathemas
pronounced by Pope Boniface II. against his de-
ceased rival Dioscorus on a false charge of Simony.
He received an appeal from the Catholics of Con-
stantinople when Anthimus, the Monophysite,
was made theii- Bishop by Theodora. [Antui-

60

AGARISTA.

wus.] The foar of an invasion of Italy hj
Justinian led the Goth Theodatus to oblige St.
Agapetus to go himself to Constantinople, in hope
that Justinian might be diverted from his purpose.
(See Breviarium S. Liberate ap. Mansi, Concilia^
vol. ix. p. 695.) As to this last object he could
make no impression on the emperor, but he suc-
ceeded in persuading him to depose Anthimils,
and when Mennas was chosen to succeed him,
Agapetus laid his own hands upon him. The
Council and the Synodal (interpreted into Greek)
sent by Agapetus relating to these affairs may be
found ap. Mansi, vol. viii. pp. 869, 921. Com-
plaints were sent him from various quarters against
the Monophysite Acephali ; but he died suddenly
A. D. 536, April 22, and they were read in a
Council held on 2nd May, by Mennas. (Mansi,
ibid. p. 874.) There are two letters from St.
Agapetus to Justinian in reply to a letter from the
emperor, in the latter of which he refuses to ac-
knowledge the Orders of the Arians ; and there
are two others: 1. To the Bishops of Africa, on
the same subject ; 2. To Reparatus, Bishop of
Carthage, in answer to a letter of congratulation
on his elevation to the Pontificate. (Mansi, Cott-
cilia, viii. pp. 816 — 850.)

3. Deacon of the Church of St. Sophia, A. d.
527. There are two other Agapeti mentioned in
a Council held by Mennas at this time at Con-
stantinople, who were Archimandrites, or Abbots.
Agapetus was tutor to Justinian, and, on the ac-
cession of the latter to the empire, addressed to
him Admonitions on ilie Duty of a Prince^ in
72 Sections, the initial letters of which form the
dedication (e/c0ecrts K«pa\aicDV irapaiveTiKcSv <tx^
diaa6e7(Ta). The repute in which this work was
held appears from its common title, viz. the Royal
Sections (ax^^V ^aaiXiKoi). It was published,
with a Latin version, by Zach. Callierg. 8vo., Ven.
1509, afterwards by J. Brunon, 8vo., Lips. 1669,
Grohel, 8vo., Lips. 1733, and in Gallandi's Biblio-
ilieca, vol. xi. p. 255, &c., Ven. 1766, after the
edition of Bandurius (Benedictine). It was trans-
lated into French by Louis XIII., 8vo. Par. 1612,
and by Th. Paynell into English, r2mo., Lond.
1550. [A. J. C]

AGAPETUS ('AyairnTos), an ancient Greek
physician, whose remedy for the gout is mentioned
with approbation by Alexander Trallianus (xi.
p. 303) and Paulus Aegineta, (iii. 78, p. 497, vii.
11, p. 661.) He probably lived between the third
and sixth centuries after Christ, or certainly not
later, as Alexander Trallianus, by whom he is
quoted, is supposed to have flourished about the
beginning of the sixth century. [ W. A. G.]

AGA'PIUS ('AydTTLos), an ancient physician of
Alexandria, who taught and practised medicine at
Byzantium with great success and reputation, and
acquired immense riches. Of his date it can only
be determined, that he must have lived before the
end of the fifth century after Christ, as Damascius
(from whom Photius, BiUioth. cod. 242, and Suidas
have taken their account of him) lived about
that time. [W. A. G.]

AGARISTA ('A7opfo-T77). 1. The daughter of
Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, whom her father
promised to give in marriage to the best of the
Greeks. Suitors came to Sicyon from all parts of
Greece, and among others Megacles, the son of
Alcmaeon, from Athens. After they bad been
detained at Sicyon for a whole year, during which

AGATHAGETUS.

time Cleisthenes made trial of them in various
ways, he gave Agariste to Megacles. From this
marriage came the Cleisthenes who divided the
Athenians into ten tribes, and Hippocrates. (Herod,
vi. 126 — 130; comp. Athen. vi. p. 273, b. c,
xii. 541, b. c.)

2. The daughter of the above-mentioned Hip-
pocrates, and the grand-daughter of the above-
mentioned Agariste, married Xanthippus and
became the mother of Pericles. (Herod, vi. 130;
Plut. Pericl 3.)

AGA'SIAS {'Kyaaias), a Stymphalian of Ar-
cadia (Xen. Anab. iv. 1. § 27), is frequently
mentioned by Xenophon as a brave and active
officer in the army of the Ten Thousand. {Anab.
iv. 7. § 11. V. 2. § 15, &c.) He was wounded
while fighting against Asidates. (Anab. viii. 8.
§19.)

AGA'SIAS {'Ayaalas), son of Dositheus, a
distinguished sculptor of Ephesus. One of the
productions of his chisel, the statue known by the
name of the Borghese gladiator, is still preserved
in the gallery of the Louvre. This statue, as well
as the Apollo Belvidere, was discovered among
the ruins of a palace of the Roman emperors on the
site of the ancient Antiura (Capo d''Anzo). From
the attitude of the figure it is clear, that the statue
represents not a gladiator, but a warrior contend-
ing with a mounted combatant. Thiersch conjec-
tures that it was intended to represent Achilles
fighting with Penthesilea. The only record that
we have of this artist is the inscription on the
pedestal of the statue ; nor are there any data for
ascertaining the age in which he lived, except the
style of art displayed in the work itself, which
competent judges think cannot have been produced
earlier than the fourth century, b. c.

It is not quite clear whether the Agasias, who is
mentioned as the father of Heraclides, was the
same as the author of the Borghese statue, or a
different person.

There was another sculptor of the same name,
also an Ephesian, the son of Menophilus. He is
mentioned in a Greek inscription, from which it
appears that he exercised his art in Delos while
that island was under the Roman sway ; probably
somewhere about 100, B. c. (Thiersch, Epoclien d.
bild. Kunst, p. 130 ; Miiller, Arch. d. Kunsi,
p. 155.) [C. P. M.]

AGASICLES, AGESICLES or HEGESICLES
('Aya(TiK\i}s, 'Ayr](rtK\ijs, 'Hyrj(TiK\r}s\ a king of
Sparta, the thirteenth of the line of Procles. He
was contemporary with the Agid Leon, and suc-
ceeded his father Archidamus I., probably about
B. c. 590 or 600. During his reign the Lacedae-
monians carried on an unsuccessful war against
Tegea, but prospered in their other wars. (Herod,
i. 65 ; Paus. iii. 7, § 6, 3. §. 5.) [C. P. M.]

AGA'STHENES .(' Ay aaeevns), a son of Au-
geias, whom he succeeded in the kingdom of Elis.
He had a son, Polyxenus, who occurs among the
suitors of Helen. (Hom. //. ii. 624 ; Paus. v. 3.
§ 4 ; Apollod. iii. 10. § 8.) [L. S.]

AGATHA'NGELUS, the son of Callistratus
wrote the life of Gregory of Anuenia in Greek,
which is printed in the Acta Sa7ictoriim, vol. viii.
p. 320. There are manuscripts of it in the. public
libraries both of Paris and Florence. The time at
which Agathangelus lived is imknown. (Fabric.
Bibl. Graec. vol. x. p. 232, xi. p. 554.)

AGATHAGE'TUS {'AyaedyrjTos), a Rhodian,

AGATIIARCIIIDES.

who recommended his state to espouse the side of
the Romans at the beginning of the war between
Rome and Perseus, B. c. 171. (Polyb. xxviL 6.
§ 3, xxviii. 2. ^ 3.)

AGATIIA'RCHIDES {'AyaQapxi^Vi), or
AGATHARCMUS {'Ayddapxos), a Greek gram-
marian, born at Cuidos. He was brought up by
a man of the name of Cinnaeus ; was, as Strabo
(xvi. p. 779) informs us, attached to the Peripa-
tetic school of philosophy, and wrote several
historical and geographical works. In his youth
he held the situation of secretary and reader to
lleraclides Lembus, who (according to Suidas)
lived in the reign of Ptolemy Philometor. This
king died B. c. 146. He himself informs us (in
his work on the Erythraean Sea), that he was sub-
sequently guardian to one of the kings of Egypt
during his minority. This was no doubt one of
the two sons of Ptolemy Physcon. Dodwell en-
deavours to shew that it was the younger son,
Alexander, and objects to Soter, that he reigned
conjointly with his mother. This, however, was
the case with Alexander likewise. Wesseling
and Clinton think the elder brother to be the one
meant, as Soter II. was more likely to have been a
minor on his accession in B. c. 117, than Alexan-
der in B. c. 107, ten years after their father's
death. Moreover DodwelPs date would leave too
short an interval between the publication of Aga-
tharchides's work on the Erythraean Sea (about
B. c. 113), and the work of Artemidonis.

An enumeration of the works of Agatharchides
is given by Photius (Cod. 213). He wrote a
work on Asia, in 10 books, and one on Europe,
in 49 books ; a geographical work on the Ery-
thraean Sea, in 5 books, of the first and fifth
books of which Photius gives an abstract ; an
epitome of the last mentioned work ; a treatise on
the Troglodytae, in 5 books ; an epitome of the
AuStj of Antimachus ; an epitome of the works of
those who had written irepl ttjs crvpaycoyTJs dav-
fiaatwv avf/jLuv ; an historical work, from the
12th and 30th books of which Athenaeus quotes
(xii. p. 527, b. vi. p. 251, f.) ; and a treatise on
the intercourse of friends. The first three of
these only had been read by Photius. Agathar-
chides composed his work on the Erythraean Sea,
as he tells us himself, in his old age (p. 14, ed.
Huds.), in the reign probably of Ptolemy Soter II.
It appears to have contained a great deal of valu-
able matter. In the first book was a discussion
respecting the origin of the name. In the fifth
he described the mode of life amongst the Sabaeans
in Arabia, and the Ichthyophagi, or fish-eaters,
the way in which elephants were caught by the
elephant-eaters, and the mode of working the gold
mines in the mountains of Egypt, near the Red
Sea, His account of the Ichthyophagi and of the
mode of working the gold mines, has been copied
by Diodorus. (iii. 12 — 18.) Amongst other ex-
traordinary animals he mentions the camelopard,
which was found in the country of the Troglo-
dytae, and the rhinoceros.

Agatharchides wrote in the Attic dialect. His
style, according to Photius, was dignified and per-
spicuous, and abounded in sententious passages,
which inspired a favourable opinion of his judg-
ment. In the composition of his speeches he was
an imitator of Thucydides, whom he equalled in
dignity and excelled in clearness. His rhetorical
Uilents also arc highly praised by Photius. He

AGATHARCHUS.

61

was acquainted with the language of the Aethio-
pians (de Ruhr. M. p. 46), and appears to have
been the first who discovered the true cause of the
yearly inundations of the Nile. (Diod. i. 41.)

An Agatharchides, of Samos, is mentioned by
Plutarch, as the author of a work on Persia, and
one Ttepl \ldwv. Fabricius, however, conjectures
that the true reading is Agathyrsides, not Aga-
tharchides. (Dodwell in Hudson's Geogr. Script. Gr.
Minores; Clinton, Fasti Hell. iii. p. 535.) [C.P.M.]

There is a curious observation by Agatharchides
preserved by Plutarch {Sympos. viii. 9. § 3), of
the species of worm called Filuria Aledinensin, or
Guinea Worm, which is the earliest account of
it that is to be met with. See Justus Weihe,
De Filar. Medin. Comment., Berol. 1832, 8vo.,
and especially the very learned work by G. H.
Welschius, De Vena Medinensi^ ^r., August.
Vindel. 1674, 4to. [ W. A. G.]

AGATHARCHUS {' KydOapxos), a Syracusan,
who was plxiced by the Syracusans over a fleet of
twelve ships in B. c. 413, to visit their allies and
harass the Athenians. He was afterwards, in the
same year, one of the Syracusan commanders in
the decisive battle fought in the harbour of Syra-
cuse. (Thuc. vii. 25, 70 ; Diod. xiii. 13.)

AGATHARCHUS {"AydQapxos), an Athenian
artist, said by Vitruvius {Praef. ad lib. vii.) to
have invented scene-painting, and to have painted
a scene {scenam fecit) for a tragedy which Aeschylus
exhibited. As this appears to contradict Aristotle's
assertion (Fott. 4. § 1 6), that scene-painting was
introduced by Sophocles, some scholars understand
Vitruvius to mean merely, that Agatharchus con-
structed a stage. (Compare Hor. Ep. ad Pis. 279 :
et modicis instravit pulpita tignis.) But the context
shews clearly that perspective painting must be
meant, for Vitruvius goes on to say, that Democritus
and Anaxagoras, carrying out the principles laid
down in the treatise of Agatharchus, wrote on the
same subject, shewing how, in drawing, the lines
ought to be made to correspond, according to a na-
tural proportion, to the figure which would be traced
out on an imaginary intervening plane by a pencil
of rays proceeding from the eye, as a fixed point
of sight, to the several points of the object viewed.

It was probably not till towards the end of
Aeschylus's career that scene-painting was intro-
duced, and not till the time of Sophocles that it
was generally made use of ; which may account
for what Aristotle says.

There was another Greek painter of the name
of Agatharchus, who was a native of the island of
Samos, and the son of Eudemus. He was a con-
temporary of Alcibiades and Zeuxis. We have no
definite accounts respecting his perfonnances, but
he does not appear to have been an artist of much
merit : he prided himself chiefly on the ease jind
rapidity with which he finished his works. (Pint.
Pericl. 13.) Plutarch {Alcib. 16) and Andocides at
greater length (in Alcib. p. 31. 15) tell an anecdote
of Alcibiades having inveigled Agatharchus to his
house and kept him there for more than three
months in strict durance, compelling him to adorn
it with his pencil. The speech of Andocides above
referred to seems to have been delivered after the
destruction of Melos (b. c. 416) and before the
expedition to Sicily (b. c. 415); so that from the
above data the age of Agatharchus may be accu-
rately fixed. Some scholars (as Bentley, Bottiger,
and Meyer) have supposed him to be the same as

62

AGATHIAS.

ihe contemporary of Aeschylus, who, however,
must have preceded him by a good half century.
(Mliller, Arch. d. Kunst, p. 88.) [C P. M.]

AGATHE'MERUS (^ h.yaQriii^pos), the son of
Orthon, and the author of a small geographical
work in two books, entitled t'^s yewypa^ias viro-
TwuKTeis ev iTrirofx.'p (" A Sketch of Geography
in epitome"), addressed to his pupil Philon. His
age cannot be fixed witli much certainty, but he
is supposed to have lived about the beginning of
the third century after Christ He lived after
Ptolemy, whom he often quotes, and before the
foundation of Constantinople on the site of Byzan-
tium in A. D. 328, as he mentions only the old
city Byzantium, (il 14.) Wendelin has attempt-
ed to shew that he wrote in the beginning of the
third century, from the statement he gives of the
distance of the tropic from the equator ; but Dod-
well, who thinks he lived nearer the time of
Ptolemy, contends that the calculation cannot be
depended on. From his speaking of Albion iv ^
{TTparoTreSa 'iSpvrai, it has been thought that he
wrote not very long after the erection of the wall
of Sevems. This is probably true, but the language
is scarcely definite enough to establish the pouit.

His work consists chiefly of extracts from
Ptolemy and other earlier writers. From a com-
parison with Pliny, it appears that Artemidorus,
of whose work a sort of compendium is contained
in the first book, was one of his main authorities.
He gives a short account of the various forms
assigned to the earth by earlier writers, treats of
tlie divisions of the earth, seas, and islands, the
winds, and the length and shortness of the days,
and then lays down the most important distances
on the inhabited part of the earth, rackoned in
stadia. The surname Agathemerus frequently
occurs in inscriptions. (Dodwell in Hudson's Geo-
grapli. Scriptores Gr. Afinores; Ukert, Geoqr. der
Griec}ie.:i u. Romer. pt. i. div. 1. p. 236.) [C. P. M.]

AGATHE'MERUS, CLAUDIUS (K\a.}5ios
'A7a0r{^epos), an ancient Greek physician, who
lived in the first century after Christ He was
bom at Lacedaemon, and was a pupil of the philo-
sopher Cornutus, in whose house he became ac-
quainted with the poet Persius about A. d. 50.
(Pseudo-Suetoa. vita Persii.) In the old editions
of Suetonius he is called Agalerjiusy a mistake
which was first corrected by Reinesius {Si/niayma
Inscript. Antiq. p. 610), from the epitaph upon
him and his wife, ISIyrtole, which is preserved
in the Marmora Oxoniensia and- the Greek An-
tholopt/, vol. iii. p. 381. § 224, ed. Tauchn.
The apparent anomaly of a Roman praenomen
being given to a Greek, may be accounted for
by the fact which we learn from Suetonius
(Tiber. 6), that the Spartans were the hereditary
clients of the Claudia Gens. (C. G. Kiihn, Ad-
ditam. ad Elench. Medic. Vet. a J. A. FaLricio, in
*^Biblioth. Graeca''' exhibit.) [W. A. G.]

AGA'THIAS i^Kyaeias\ the son of Mamno-
nius, a rhetorician, was bom, as it seems, in 536
or 537 A. D. {Hist. ii. 16, and Vita Agathiae in ed.
Bonn. p. xiv.), at Myrina, a town at the mouth of
the river Pythicus in Aeolia {Agathiae Prooemium,
p. 9, ed. Bonn.; p. 5, Par.; p. 7, Ven.), and re-
ceived his education in Alexandria, where he
studied literature. In 554 he went to Constanti-
nople {Hist. ii. 16), where his father then most
probably resided, and studied for several years the
Roman law. {Epigr. 4.) He afterward exercised

AGATHIAS.

Vf\\k great success the profession of an advocate,
though only for the siike of a livelihood, his fa-
vourite occupation being the study of ancient
poetry {Hist. iii. 1 ) ; and he paid particular atten-
tion to history. His profession of a lawyer was
the cause of his surname 'S.xo^a-o'riKos (Suidas,s.tJ.
' AryaQias)., which word signified an advocate in the
time of Agathias. Niebuhr {Vita Agath. in ed.
Bonn. p. XV.) believes, that he died during the
reign of Tiberius Thrax, a short time before the
death of this emperor and the accession of Mauri-
tius in 582, at the age of only 44 or 45 years.
Agathias, who was a Christian {Epigr. 3, 5, and
especially 4), enjoyed during his life the esteem of
several great and distinguished men of his time,
such as Theodoras the decurio, Paulus Silentiarius,
Eutychianus the younger, and Macedonius the ex-
consul. He shewed them his gratitude by dedicat-
ing to them several of his literary productions, and
he paid particular homage to Paulus Silentiarius,
the son of Cyras Floras, who was descended from
an old and illustrious family. {Hist. v. 9.)

Agathias is the author of the following works :

1. Aa(^j/<aKa, a collection of small love poems,
divided into nine books ; the poems are written in
hexametres. Nothing is extant of this collection,
which the author calls a juvenile essay. (Agath.
Prooemium^ p. 6, ed. Bonn. ; p. 4, Par.; p. 6, Ven.)

2. KvkXos, an anthologj' containing poems of
early writers and of several of his contemporaries,
chiefly of such as were his protectors, among whom
were Paulus Silentiarius and Macedonius. This
collection was divided into seven books, but nothing
of it is exttint except the introduction, which was
written by Agathias himself. However, 108 epi-
grams, which were in circulation either before he
collected his KvkXos, or which he composed at a
later period, have come down to us. The last
seven and several others of these epigrams are ge-
nerally attributed to other writers, such as Paulus
Silenti.arius, &c. The epigrams are contained in
the A?d/iologia Graeca (iv. p. 3, ed. Jacobs), and
in the editions of the historical work of Agathias.
Joseph Scaliger, Janus Douza, and Bonaventura
Vulcanius, have translated the greater part of
them into Latin. The epigrams were written and
published after the AacpviuKoi.

3. 'Ayadiou 'S.xo^ckttlkov Mupivaiov 'IffToplcov E.
" Agathiae Scholastici Myrinensis Historiarum
Libri V." This is his principal work. It con-
tains the history from 553 — 558 A, D., a short
period, but remarkable for the important events
with which it is filled up. The first book contains
the conquest of Italy hv Narses over the Goths,
and the first contests between the Greeks and the
Franks ; the second book contains the continua-
tion of these contests, the description of the great
earthquake of 554, and the beginning of the war
between the Greeks and the Persians ; the third
and the fourth books contain the continuation of
this war until the first peace in 536 ; the fifth
book relates the second gieat earthquake of 557,
the rebuilding of St. Sophia by Justinian, the
plague, the exploits of Belisarius over the Huns
and other barbarians in 558, and it finishes
abruptly with the 25th chapter.

Agathias, after having related that he had
abandoned his poetical occupation for more serious
studies {Prooemium, ed. Bonn. pp. 6, 7 ; Par. p. 4 ;
Ven. p. 6), tells us that soveral distinguished men
had suggested to him the idea of writing the history

AGATIIINUS.

of his time, and he adds, that he had undertaken
the task especially on the advice of Eutychianus.
{lb.) However, he calls Eutychianus the orna-
ment of the family of the Flori, a family to which
pjutychianus. did not belong at all. It is therefore
probable that, instead of Eutychianus, we must
read Paulus Silentiiu-ius : Niebuhr is of this opi-
nion, (lb. not. 19.) Agathias is not a great histo-
rian ; he wants historical and geographical know-
ledge, principally with regard to Italy, though he
knows the East better. He seldom penetrates into
the real causes of those great events which fonn
the subjects of his book : his history is the work
of a man of business, who adorns his style with
poetical reminiscences. But he is honest and im-
partial, and in all those things which he is able to
understand he shews himself a man of good sense.
His stj'le is often bombastic ; he praises himself ;
in his Greek the Ionic dialect prevails, but it is the
Ionic of his time, degenerated from its classical
purity into a sort of mixture of all the other Greek
dialects. Nothwithstanding these deficiences the
work of Agathias is of high value, because it con-
tains a great number of important facts concerning
one of the most eventful periods of Roman history.
Editions : 'AyaOiov Sxo^ctcrTt/coS irepl rijs Baai-
Xfias 'lovcTTiviavov, t6ixoi E., ed. Bonaventura
Vulcanius, with a Latin translation, Lugduni, 1594.
The Parisian edition, which is contained in the
** Corpus Script. Byzant." was published in 1660 ;
it contains many errors and conjectural innova-
tions, which have been reprinted and augmented
by the editors of the Venetian edition. Another
edition was published at Basel (in 1576?). A
Latin translation by Christophorus Persona was
separately published at Rome, 1516, fol., and
aftenvards at Augsburg, 1519, 4to. ; at Basel, 1 531,
fol., and at Lej'den, 1594, 8vo. The best edition
is that of Niebuhr, Bonn. 1828, 8vo., which forms
the third volume of the " Corpus Scriptorum
Historiae Byzantinae." It contains the Latin
translation and the notes of Bonaventura Vulcanius.
The Epigrams form an appendix of this edition of
Niebuhr, who has carefully corrected the errors,
and removed the innovations of the Parisian
edition. [W. P.]

AGATHI'NUS ('Aydeivos), an eminent an-
cient Greek physician, the founder of a new
medical sect, to which he gave the name of Epi-
si/nlheiid. (Diet, of Ant s. v. Episynthetici.)
He was bom at Sparta and must have lived in the
first century after Christ, as he was the pupil of
Athenaeus, and the tutor of Archigenes. (Galen.
Definit. Aled. c. 14. vol. xix. p. 353 ; Suidas, s. v.
'ApxfyevTfs ; Eudoc. Violar. ap. Villoison, Anecd.
Gr. vol. i. p. 65.) He is said to have been once
seized with an attack of delirium, brought on by
want of sleep, from which he was delivered by his
pupil Archigenes, who ordered his head to be
fomented with a great quantity of warm oil.
(Aetius, tetr. i. serm. iii. 172, p. 156.) He is
frequently quoted by Galen, who mentions him
among the Pneumatici. (De Dignosc. Puis. i. 3,
vol. viii. p. 787.) None of his writings are now
extant, but a few fragments are contained in
Matthaei's Collection, entitled XXI Veterum ei
Clarorum Medicomm Graecorum Varia Opuscula,
Mosquae, 1808, 4to. See also Palladius, Com-
ment, in Hippocr. " De Morh. Popul. lib. vi." ap.
Dietz, Scholia in Hippocr. et Galen, vol. ii. p. 56.
The particular opinions of his sect are not exactly

AGATIIOCLES.

68

known, but they were probably nearly the sairie
as those of the Eclectici. (Did. of Ant. s.v.
Eclectic!.) (See J. C. Osterhausen, Ilistor. Sectae
Pneumatic. Med. Altorf. 1791, 8vo.; C. G. KUhn,
Additam. ad Elench. Medic. Vet. a J. A. Falrricio
in " Biblioth. Gracca'' exhibit.) [\V. A. G.]

AGATHOCLE'A ('AyadoKKfia), a mistress of
the profligate Ptolemy Philopator, King of Egypt,
and sister of his no less profligate minister
Agathocles. She and bar brother, who both exer-
cised the most unbounded influence over the king,
were introduced to him by their ambitious and
avaricious mother, Oenanthe. After Ptolemy had
put to death his wife and sister Eurydice, Aga-
thoclea became his favourite. On the death of
Ptolemy (b. c. 205), Agathoclea and her friends
kept the event secret, that they might have an
opportunity of plundering the royal treasury.
They also formed a conspiracy for setting Aga-
thocles on the throne. He managed for some
time, in conjunction with Sosibius, to act as
guardian to the young king Ptolemy Epiphanes.
At last the Egyptians and the Macedonians of
Alexandria, exasperated at his outrages, rose
against him, and Tlepolemus placed himself at
their head. They surrounded the palace in the
night, and forced their way in. Agathocles and
his sister implored in the most abject manner that
their lives might be spared, but in vain. The
former was killed by his friends, that he mtglit not
be exposed to a more cruel fate. Agathoclea with
her sisters, and Oenanthe, who had taken refuge
in a temple, were dragged forth, and in a state of
nakedness exposed to the fury of the multitude,
who literally tore them limb from limb. All their
relations and those who had had any share in the
murder of Eurydice were likewise put to death.
(Polyb. V. 63, xiv. 11, xv. 25—34 ; Justin, xxx.
1, 2 ; Athen. vi. p. 251, xiii. p. 576 ; Plut. Cleom.
33.) There was another Agathoclea, the daughter
of a man named Aristomenes, v/ho was by birth
an Acamanian, and rose to great power in Eg}^t.
(Polyb. I. c.) CC. P. M.]

AGA'THOCLES ('A7a0o/f\^s), a Sicilian of
such remarkable ability and energy, that he raised
himself from the station of a potter to that of tj-rant
of Syracuse and king of Sicily. He flourished in
the latter part of the fourth and the beginning of
the third century, B. c, so that the period of his
dominion is contemporary with that of the second
and third Samnite wars, during which time his
power must have been to Rome a cause of painful
interest ; yet so entire is the loss of all Roman
history of that epoch, that he is not once mentioned
in the 9th and 10th books of Livy, though we
know that he had Samnites and Etruscans in his
service, that assistance was asked from him by the
Tarentines (Strab. vi. "p. 280), and that he actually
landed in Italy. (See Arnold's Rome., c. xxxv.)
The events of his life are detailed by Diodorus and
Justin. Of these the first has taken his account
from Timaeus of Tauromenium, a historian whom
Agathocles banished from Sicily, and whose love
for censuring others was so great, that he was nick-
named £^/«7i»iaeMs (fault-finder). (Athen. vi. p. 272.)
His natural propensity was not likely to be soft-
ened when he was describing the author of his
exile ; and Diodorus himself docs not hesitate to
accuse him of having calumniated Agathocles very
urossly. (Fragm. lib. xxi.) Polybius too charges
him with wilfully perverting the truth (xi. 15), so

64

AGATHOCLES.

that the account which he has left must be received
with much suspicion. Marvellous stories are re-
lated of the early years of Agathocles. Bom at
Thermae, a town of Sicily subject to Carthage, he
is said to have been exposed when an infant, by
his father, Carcinus of Rhegium, in consequence of
a succession of troublesome dreams, portending
that he would be a source of much evil to Sicily.
His mother, however, secretly preserved his life,
and at seven years old h^ was restored to his fa-
ther, who had long repented of his conduct to the
child. By him he was taken to Syracuse and
brought up as a potter. In his youth he led a
life of extravagance and debauchery, but was re-
markable for strength and personal beauty, qualities
which recommended him to Damas, a noble Syra-
cusan, under whose auspices he was made first a
soldier, then a chiliarch, and afterwards a military
tribune. On the death of Damas, he married his
rich widow, and so became one of the wealthiest
citizens in SjTacuse. His ambitions schemes then
developed themselves, and he was driven into
exile. After several changes of fortune, he col-
lected an army which overawed both the SjTacusans
and Carthaginians, and was restored under an oath
that he would not interfere with. the democracy,
which oath he kept by murdering 4000 and banish-
ing 6000 citizens. He was immediately declared
sovereign of Syracuse, under the title of Autocrator.
But Hamilcar, the Carthaginian general in Sicily,
kept the field successfully against him, after the
whole of Sicily, which was not under the dominion
of Cartilage, had submitted to him. In the battle
of Himera, the arm}' of Agathocles was defeated
with great slaughter, and imraediatel}' after, Syra-
cuse itself was closely besieged. At this juncture,
he foiTued the bold design of averting the ruin
which threatened him, by carry^ing the war into
Africa. To obtain money for this purpose, he of-
fered to let those who dreaded the miseries of a
protracted siege depart from Syracuse, and then
sent a body of armed men to plunder and murder
those who accepted his offer. He kept his design
a profound secret, eluded the Carthaginian fleet,
which was blockading the harbour, and though
closely pursued by them for six days and nights,
landed his men in safety on the shores of Africa.
Advancing then into the midst of his army, arrayed
in a splendid robe, and with a crown on his head,
he announced that he had vowed, as a thank-offer-
ing for his escape, to sacrifice his ships to Demeter
and the Kora, goddesses of Sicily. Thereupon, he
burnt them all, and so left his soldiers no hope of
safety except in conquest.

His successes were most brilliant and rapid. Of
the two Suffetes of Carthage, the one, Borailcar,
aimed at the tyranny, and opposed the invaders
with little vigour ; while the other, Hanno, fell in
battle. He constantly defeated the troops of Car-
thage, and had almost encamped under its walls,
when the detection and crucifixion of Bomilcar in-
fused new life into the war. Agathocles too was
summoned from Africa by the affairs of Sicily,
where the Agrigentines had suddenly invited their
fellow-countrymen to shake off his yoke, and left
his army under his son Archagathus, who was un-
able to prevent a mutiny. Agathocles returned,
but was defeated ; and, fearing a new outbreak on
the part of his troops, fled from his camp with
Archagathus, who, however, lost his way and was
taken. Agathocles escaped ; but in revenge for

AGATHOCLES.

this desertion, the soldiers murdered his sons, and
then made peace with Carthage. New troubles
awaited him in Sicily, where Deinocrates, a Syra-
cusan exile, was at the head of a large army against
him. But he made a treaty with the Carthaginians,
defeated the exiles, received Deinocrates into fa-
vour, and then had no difficulty in reducing the
revolted cities of Sicih', of which island he had
some time before assumed the title of king. He
afterwards crossed the Ionian sea, and defended
Corcyra against Cassander. (Diod. xxi. Fragm.)
He plundered the Lipari isles, and also carried his
arms into Italy, in order to attack the Bruttii.

But his designs were interrupted by severe ill-
ness accompanied by great anxiety of mind, in
consequence of family distresses. His grandson
Archagathus murdered his son Agathocles, for the
sake of succeeding to the crown, and the old king
feared that the rest of his family would share his
fate. Accordingly, he resolved to send his wife
Texena and her two children to Eg}-pt, her native
countr}' ; they wept at the thoughts of his dying
thus uncared for and alone, and he at seeing them
depart as exiles from the dominion whicli he had
won for them. They left him, and his death fol-
lowed almost immediately. For this touching nar-
rative, Timaeus and Diodorus after him substituted
a monstrous and incredible story of his being poi-
soned by Maeno, an associate of Archagathus.
The poison, we are told, was concealed in the quiU
with which he cleaned his teeth, and reduced hira
to so frightful a condition, that he was placed on
the funeral pile and burnt while yet living, being
unable to give any signs that he was not dead.

There is no doubt that Agathocles was a man
who did not hesitate to plunge into any excesses
of cmelty and treachery to further his own pur-
poses. He persuaded Ophelias, king of Cyrene,
to enter into an alliance with him against Carthage,
and then murdered hira at a banquet, and seized
the command of his army. He invited the princi-
pal Syracusans to a festival, plied them with wine,
mixed freely with them, discovered their secret
feelings, and killed 500 who seemed opposed to his
views. So that while we reject the fictions of
Timaeus, we can as little understand the statement
of Polybius, that though he used bloody means to
acquire his power, he afterwards became most mild
and gentle. To his great abilities we have the
testimony of Scipio Africanus, who when asked
what men were in his opinion at once the boldest
warriors and wisest statesmen, replied, Agathocles
and Dionysius. (Polyb. xv. 35.) He appejirs also
to have possessed remarkable powers of wit and
repartee, to have been a most agreeable companion,
and to have lived in Syracuse in a security gene-
rally unknown to the Greek tyrants, unattended
in public by guards, and trusting entirely either to
the popularity or terror of his name.

As to the chronology of his life, his landing In
Africa was in the archonship of Hieromnemon at
Athens, and accompanied by an eclipse of the sun,
i.e. Aug. 15, B. c. 310. (Clinton, Fast. Hell.)
He quitted it at the end of B. c. 307, died b. c. 289,
after a reign of 28 years, aged 72 according to
Diodorus, though Lucian (Macrob. 10), gives his
age 95. Wesseling and Clinton prefer the state-
ment of Diodorus. The Itilian mercenaries whom
Agathocles left, were the Mamertini who after his
death seized Messana, and occasioned the first
Punic war. [G. E. L. C]

AGATHOCLES.

AGA'THOCLES CAyaeoK\i]s). 1. The fa-
ther of Lysiinacluis, was a Thessjilian Penest, but
obtained the favour of Philip through flattery, and
was raised by him to high rank. (Theopompus,
up. Athen, vi. p. 259, £, &c. ; Arrian, Anah. vi.
28. Ind. 18.)

2. The son of Lysimachus by an Odrysian
woman, whom Polyaenus (vL 12) calls Macris.
Agathocles was sent by his father against the
Getae, about B. c. 292, but was defeated and taken
prisoner. He was kindly treated by Droraichaetis,
the king of the Getae, and sent back to his father
■with presents ; but Lysimachus, notwithstanding,
marched against the Getae, and was taken prisoner
himself. He too was also released by Dromichae-
tis, who received in consequence the daughter of
Jjysimachus in marriage. According to some au-
thors it was only Agathocles, and according to
others only Lysimachus, who was taken prisoner.
(Diod. Ea'c. xxi, p. 559, ed. Wess. ; Paus. i. 9.
§ 7 ; Strab. vii. pp. 302, 305 ; Plut. Demetr. c. 39,
dc ser. num. vind. p. 555, d.) In B. c. 287, Aga-
thocles was sent by his father against Demetrius
Policrcetes, who had marched into Asia to de-
prive Lysimachus of Lydia and Caria. In this
expedition he was successful; he defeated Lysi-
machus and drove him out of his father's pro-
vinces. (Plut. Demetr. c. 46.) Agathocles was
destined to be the successor of Lysimachus, and
was popular among his subjects ; but his step-
mother, Arsinoe, prejudiced the mind of his father
against him ; and after an unsuccessful attempt to
poison him, Lysimachus cast him into prison,
where he was murdered (b. c. 284) by Ptolemaeus
Ceraunus, wlio was a fugitive at the court of Lysi-
machus. His widow Lysandra fled with his chil-
dren, and Alexander, his brother, to Seleucus in
Asia, who made war upon Lysimachus in conse-
quence. (Memnon, ap. Phot. Cod. 124, pp. 225,
226, ed. Bekker; Paus. i. 10 ; Justin, xvii. 1.)

AGA'THOCLES {'AyadoKKris), a Greek histo-
rian, who wrote the history of Cyzicus (irepl
Kv^iKov). He is called by Athenaeus both a
Babylonian (i. p. 30, a. ix. p. 375, a) and a Cyzi-
can. (xiv. p. 649, f.) He may originally have
come from Babylon, and have settled at Cyzicus.
The first and third books ai-e referred to by Athe-
naeus. (ix. p. 375, f., xii. p. 515, a.) The time at
which Agathocles lived is unknown, and his work
is now lost ; but it seems to have been extensively
read in antiquity, as it is referred to by Cicero (de
Div. i. 24), Pliny {Hist. Nat. Elenchus of books
iv. V. vi), and other ancient writers. Agathocles
also spoke of the origin of Rome. (Festus, s. v.
liomam; Solinus, Fuh/h. 1.) The scholiast on
Apollonius (iv. 761) cites Memoirs (uTro/ii/T^yuora)
by an Agathocles, who is usually supposed to be
the same as the above-mentioned one. (Compare
Schol. ad Hes. Theog. 485 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. B^o-gi/cos;
Eiymol. M. s. v. At/CTTj.)

There are several other writers of the same
name. ] . Agathocles of Atrax, who wrote a work
on fishing {dAievriKci, Suidas, s. v. Kik'iMos). 2. Of
Chios, who wrote a work on agriculture. (Varro
and Colum. de lie Jitist. i. 1 ; Plin. //. N. xxii. 44.)
3. Of Miletus, who wrote a work on rivers. (Plut.
de Fluv. p. 1153, c.) 4. Of Samos, who wrote a
work on the constitution of Pessinus. (Plut. Ibid.
p. 1159, a.)

AGA'THOCLES, brother of Agathoclea. [Aga-

THOCLKA.]

AGATHON.

C5

AGATHODAEMON {' AyaQohainxav or Ayadds
SeJs), the " Good God," a divinity in honour of
whom the Greeks drank a cup of unmixed wine at
the end of every repast. A temple dedicated to
him was situated on the road from Megalopolis to
Maenalus in Arcadia. Pausanias (viii. 36. § 3)
conjectures that the name is a mere epithet of Zeus.
(Comp. Lobeck, ail Phrynich. p. 603.) [L. S.]

AGATHODAEMON ('AyaeoSaf/icoj'), a native
of Alexandria. All that is known of him is, that
he was the designer of some maps to accompany
Ptolemy's Geography. Copies of these maps are
found appended to several MSS. of Ptolemy. One
of these is at Vienna, another at Venice. At the
end of each of these MSS. is the following notice :
'Ek tS)V KKavhiov YlToX^jxaiov TeuypacpLKwv $i-
iXiav OKru tt)u o'lKOVfievrju iracrav ' Ay adoSai/xwu
'AAelafSpei)? vTreTvircoae (Agath. of Alexandria
delineated the whole inhabited world according to
the eight books on Geography of CI. Ptoleraeaus).
The Vienna MS. of Ptolemy is one of the most
beautiful extant. The maps attached to it, 27 in
number, comprising 1 general map, 10 maps of
Europe, 4 of Africa, and 12 of Asia, are coloured,
the water being green, the mountains red or dark
yellow, and the land white. The climates, paral-
lels, and the hours of the longest day, are marked
on the East margin of the maps, and the meridians
on the North and South. We have no evidence
as to when Agathodaemon lived, as the only notice
preserved respecting him is that quoted above.
There was a grammarian of the same name, to
whom some extant letters of Isidore of Pelusium
are addressed. Some have thought him to be the
Agcithodaemon in question. Heeren, however,
considers the delineator of the maps to have been
a contemporary of Ptolemy, who (viii. 1, 2) men-
tions certain maps or tables (TrfvoKes), which agree
in number and arrangement with those of Aga-
thodaemon in the MSS.

Various errors having in the course of time crept
into the copies of the maps of Agathodaemon,
Nicolaus Donis, a Benedictine monk, who flou-
rished about A. D. 1470, restored and corrected
them, substituting Latin for Greek names. His
maps are appended to the Ebnerian MS. of
Ptolemy. They are the same in number and
nearly the same in order with those of Agatho-
daemon. (Heeren, Commentatio de Foniibus Geo-
grapli. Ptolemaei Tabularumgue its annenarum ;
Raidel, Commentatio cntico-literaria de CI. Ptolemaei
Geographia ejusque codicibus., p. 7.) [C. P. M.]

A'GATHON {^Aydewv\ the son of the Mace-
donian Philotas, and the brother of Parmenion
and Asander, was given as a hostage to Antigonus
in B. c. 313, by his brother Asander, who was
satrap of Caria, but was taken back again by
Asander in a few days. (Diod. xix. 75.) Agathon
had a son, named Asander, who is mentioned in a
Greek inscription. , (Bcickh, Coip. Inscr. 105.)

A'GATHON (^Ayaeav), an Athenian tragic
poet, was bom about B. c. 447, and sprung from a
rich and respect<ible family. He was consequently
contemporary with Socrates and Alcibiades and
the other distinguished characters of their age,
with many of whom he was on terms of intimate
acquaintance. Amongst these was his friend
Euripides. He was remarkable for the handsome-
ness of his person and his various accomplishments.
(Plat. Protag. p. 156, b.) He gained his first
victory at the Lenaean festival in B. c. 416, when

66

AGATHON.

he was a little above thirty years of age : in honour
of which Plato represents the Symposium, or ban-
quet, to have been given, which he has made the
Occasion of his dialogue so called. The scene is
laid at Agathon's house, and amongst the interlo-
cutors are, Apollodorus, Socrates, Aristophanes,
Diotima, and Alcibiades. Plato was then fourteen
years of age, and a spectator at the tragic contest,
in which Agathon was victorious. (Athen. v. p.
217, a.) When Agathon was about forty years of
age (b. c. 407), he visited the court of Archelaus,
the king of Macedonia (Aelian, V. H. xiii. 4),
where his old friend Euripides was also a guest at
the same time. From the expression in the Ranae
(83), that he was gone es luaKapuv ei)a>xiaj', nothing
certain can be determined as to the time of his
death. The phrase admits of two meanings, either
that he was then residing at the court of Archelaus,
or that he was dead. The former, however, is the
more probable interpretation, (Clinton, Fast. Hell.
vol. ii. p. xxxii.) He is generally supposed to
have died about B. c. 400, at the age of forty-
seven. (Bode, Geschichie der dram. DicMkunst, i.
p. 553.) The poetic merits of Agathon were con-
siderable, but his compositions were more remark-
able for elegance and flowery ornaments than force,
vigour, or sublimity. They abounded in anti-
thesis and metaphor, " with cheerful thoughts and
kindly images," (Aelian, V. H. xiv. 13,) and he
is said to have imitated in verse the prose of Gor-
gias the philosopher. The language which Plato
puts into his mouth in the Symposium, is of the
same character, full of harmonious words and softly
flowing periods : an eXalov pevfia di|/o</)rjT2 peovros.
The style of his verses, and especially of his lyrical
compositions, is represented by Aristophanes in his
Thesmophoriazusae (191) as affected and effemi-
nate, corresponding with his personal appearance
and manner. In that play (acted b. c. 409), where
he appears as the friend of Euripides, he is ridiculed
for his effeminacy, both in manners and actions,
being brought on the stage in female dress. In
the Ranae, acted five years afterwards, Aristophanes
speaks highly of him as a poet and a man, calling
him an ayaQos iroi-qTris Kal irodeivos toTs <p(\ois.
In the Thesmophoriazusae (29) also, he calls him
'Ayddwv 6 Kheivos. In some respects, Agathon
was instrumental in causing the decline of tragedy
at Athens. He was the first tragic poet, according
to Aristotle (PoUt. 18. § 22), who commenced the
practice of inserting choruses between the acts, the
subject-matter of which was unconnected with the
story of the drama, and which were therefore
called ifj.€6\ifia^ or intercalary, as being merely
lyrical or musical interludes. The same critic
(Pott. \8. § 17) also blames him for selecting too
extensive subjects for his tragedies. Agathon also
wrote pieces, the story and characters of which
were the creations of pure fiction. One of these
was called the "Flower" {"At/dos, Arist. Poet. 9.
§ 7) ; its subject-matter was neither mythical nor
historical, and therefore probably "neither seriously
affecting, nor terrible." (Schlegel, Dram. Lit. i.
p. 189.) We cannot but regret the loss of this
work, which must have been amusing and original.
The titles of four only of his tragedies are known
with certainty : they are, the Thyestes, the Tele-
phus, the Aerope, and the Alcmaeon. A fifth,
which is ascribed to him, is of doubtful authority.
It is probable that Aristophanes has given us
extracts from some of Agathon's plays in the

AGAVE.

Thesmophoriazusae, v. 100-130. The opinion that
Agathon also wrote comedies, or that there was a
comic writer of this name, has been refuted by
Bentley, in his Dissertation upon the Epistles of
Euripides, p. 417. (Ritschl, Ccmmentatio de Aga-
tlionis vita. Arte et Tragoediarum reliquiis, Halae,
1829, 8vo.) [R. W.]

A'GATHON ('A7(i0wj/), of Samos, who wrote
a work upon Scythia and another upon Rivers.
(Plut. de FLuv. p. 1156, e. 1159, a; Stobaeus,
Serm. tit. 100. 10, ed. Gaisford.)

AG'ATHON i^Kyddav), at first Reader, after-
wards Librarian, at Constantinople. In a. d. 680,
during his Readership, he was Notary or Re-
porter at the 6 th General Council, which con-
demned the Monothelite heresy. He sent copies
of the acts, written by himself, to the five Patri-
archates. He wrote, a. d. 712, a short treatise,
still extant in Greek, on the attempts of Philip,
picus Bardanes (711 — 713) to revive the Mono-
thelite error, ConcUiorum Nova Colledio a Mansi,
vol. xii. p. 189. [A. J. C]

AGATHO'STHENES (^Ayaeoffdiv-qs), a Greek
historian or philosopher of uncertain date, who is
referred to by Tzetzes {ad Lycophr. 704, 1021.
Cliil. vii. 645) as his authority in matters connect-
ed with geography. There is mention of a work
of Agathosthenes called " Asiatica Carmina'*
(Germanicus, in Aral. Phaen. 24), where Gale
{Notae in Parthen. p. 125, &c.) wished to read
the name Aglaosthenes ; for Aglaosthenes or Aglos-
thenes, who is by some considered to be the same
as Agathosthenes, wrote a work on the history
of Naxos, of which nothing is extant, but which
was much used by ancient writers. (Hygin. Poet.
Astr. ii. 16 ; Eratosth. Catast. ii. 27 ; Pollux, ix.
83 ; Athen. iii. p. 78 ; Plin. H. N. iv. 22.) [L. S.]

AGATHO'TYCHUS('A7o0^Tuxos), an ancient
veterinary surgeon, whose date and history are un-
known, but who probably lived in the fourth or
fifth century after Christ. Some fragments of his
writings are to be found in the collection of works
on this subject first published in a Latin translation
by Jo. Ruellius, Veterinariae Medicinae Libri duo,
Paris. 1530, foL, and afterwards in Greek by
Grynaeus, Basil. 1537, 4to. [W. A. G.]

AGATHYLLUS \^Ay6.BvKXos), of Arcadia,
a Greek elegiac poet, who is quoted by Dionysius
in reference to the history of Aeneas and the foun-
dation of Rome. Some of his verses are preserved
by Dionysius. (i. 49, 72.)

AGATHYRNUS (^AyiQvpvos), a son of
Aeolus, regarded as the founder of Agath}'mum
in Sicily. (Diod. v. 8.) [L. S.]

AGA'VE (*A7oi/)7). 1. A daughter of Cadmus,
and wife of the Spartan Echion, by whom she
became the mother of Pentheus, who succeeded his
grandfather Cadmus as king of Thebes. Agave
was the sister of Autonoe, Ino, and Semele ( Apol-
lod. iii. 4. § 2), and when Semele, during her
pregnancy with Dionysus, was destroyed by the
sight of the splendour of Zeus, her sisters spread
tlie report that she had only endeavoured to con-
ceal her guilt, by pretending that Zeus was the
father of her child, and that her destruction was a
just punishment for her falsehood. This calimmy
was afterwards most severely avenged upon Agave.
For, after Dionysus, the son of Semele, had tra-
versed the world, he came to Thebes and compelled
the women to celebrate his Dionysiac festivals on
mount Cithaeron. Pentheus wishing to prevent

AGELADAS.

or stop those riotous proceedings, went liimself to
mount Cithaoron, Imt was torn to pieces there by
his own mother Agave, who in her frenzy believed
him to be a wild beast. (ApoUod. iii. 5. § 2 ; Ov.
Met. iii. 725 ; comp. Pentheus.) Hyginus {Fab.
240, 254) makes Agave, after this deed, go to
Illyria and marry king Lycotherses, whom how-
ever she afterwards killed in order to gain his
kingdom for her fother Cadmus. This account is
manifestly transplaced by Hyginus, and must have
belonged to an earlier part of the story of Agave.
2. [Nereidae.] [L. S.]

AGDISTIS ('A7S/0TJS), a mythical being con-
nected with the Phrygian worship of Attes or
Atys. Pausanias (vii. 17. § 5) relates the follow-
ing story about Agdistis. On one occasion Zeus
unwittingly begot by the Earth a superhuman
being which was at once man and woman, and
Avas called Agdistis. The gods dreaded it and
unmanned it, and from its severed alboia there
grew up an almond-tree. Once when the daughter
of the river-god Sangarius was gathering the fruit
of this tree, she put some almonds into her bosom ;
but here the almonds disappeared, and she became
the mother of Attes, who was of such extraordinary
beauty, that when he had grown up Agdistis fell
in love with him. His relatives, however, destined
him to become the husband of the daughter of the
king of Pessinus, whither he went accordingly.
But at the moment when the hymeneal song had
commenced, Agdistis appeared, and Attes was
seized by a fit of madness, in which he unmanned
himself; the king who had given him his daugh-
ter did the same. Agdistis now repented her
deed, and obtained from Zeus the promise that the
body of Attes should not become decomposed or
disappear. This is, says Pausanias, the most po-
pular account of an otherwise mysterious affair,
which is probably part of a symbolical worship of
the creative powers of nature. A hill of the name
of Agdistis in Phrygia, at the foot of which Attes
was believed to. be buried, is mentioned by Pausa-
nias. (i. 4. § 5.) According to Hesychius (s. v.)
and Strabo (xii. p. 567; comp. x. p. 469), Agdistis
is the same as Cybele, who was worshipped at Pes-
sinus under that name. A story somewhat differ-
ent is given by Arnobius. {^Adv. Gent. ix. 5. § 4 ;
comp. Minuc. Felix, 21.) [L. S.]

AGE'LADAS ('A7€Aa5as), a native of Argos
(Pausan. vi. 8. § 4, vii. 24. § 2, x. 10. § 3), pre-
eminently distinguished as a statuary. His fame
is enhanced by his having been the instructor of
the three great masters, Phidias (Suidas, s. v. ;
Schol. ad Arisioph. Run. 504 ; Tzetzes, Chiliad.
vii. 154, viii. 191 — for the names 'EAciSou and
TeKahov are imquestionably merely corruptions of
'AryfKahov., as was first observed by Meursius, with
whom Winckelmann, Thiersch, and Muller agree),
Myron, and Polycletus. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8, s.
19.) The determination of the period when
Ageladas flourished, has given rise to a great deal
of discussion, owing to the apparently contradictory
statements in the writers who mention the name.
Pausanias (vi. 10. § 2) tells us that Ageladas cast a
statue of Cleosthenes (who gained a victory in the
chariot-race in the 66th Olympiad) with the
chariot, horses, and charioteer, which was set up at
Olympia. There were also at Olympia statues by
him of Timasitheus of Delphi and Anochus of Ta-
rentum. Now Timasitheus was put to death by the
Athenians, for his participation in the attempt of

AGELAUS.

67

Isagoras in 01. Ixviii. 2 (n. c. 507); and Anochus
(as we learn from Eusebius) was a victor in the
games of the 65th 01. So far everything is clear;
and if we suppose Ageladas to have been bom
about B. c. 540, he may very well have been the
instructor of Phidias. On the other hand Pliny
(/. c.) says that Ageladas, with Polycletus, Phrad-
mon, and Myron, flourished in the 87th 01. This
agrees with the statement of the scholiast on
Aristophanes, that at Melite there was a statue of
'Hpa/fA7)s aAe|j'/caKos, the work of Ageladas the
Argivc, which was set up during the great pesti-
lence. (01. Ixxxvii. 3. 4.) To these authorities
must be added a passage of Pausanias (iv. 33. § 3),
where he speaks of a statue of Zeus made by
Ageladas for the Messenians of Naupactus. This
must have been after the year B. c. 455, when the
■Messenians were allowed by the Athenians to
settle at Naupactus. In order to reconcile these
conflicting statements, some suppose that Pliny's
date is wrong, and that the statue of Hercules
had been made by Ageladas long before it was set
up at Melite : others (as Meyer and Siebelis) that
Pliny's date is correct, but that Ageladas did not
make the statues of the Olympic victors mentioned
by Pausanias till many years after their victories ;
which in the case of three persons, the dates of
whose victories are so nearly the same, would be
a very extraordinary coincidence. The most pro-
bable solution of the difficulty is that of Thiersch,
who thinks that there Avere two artists of this
name ; one an Argive, the instructor of Phidias, born
about B. c. 540, the other a native of Sicyon, who
flourished at the date assigned by Pliny, and was
confounded by the scholiast on Aristophanes with
his more illustrious namesake of Argos. Thiersch
supports this hypothesis by an able criticism on a
passage of Pausanias. (v. 24. § 1.) Sillig assumes
that there were two artists of the name of Ageladas,
but both Argives. Ageladas the Argive executed
one of a group of three Muses, representing re-
spectively the presiding geniuses of the diatonic,
chromatic and enharmonic styles of Greek music.
Canachus and Aristocles of Sicyon made the other
two. (Antipater, A7ith. Pal. Plan. 220; Thiersch,
Epoch, d. hild. Kunst. pp. 158—164.) [C. P. M.]
AGELA'US {'Ay4Aaos). 1. A son of Hera-
cles and Omphale, and the founder of the house of
Croesus. (ApoUod. ii. 7. § 8.) Herodotus (i. 7)
derives the family of Croesus from one Alcaeus,
and Diodorus (iv. 31) from one Cleolaus, while he
calls the son of Heracles and Omphale Lamus, and
others Laomedes. (Anton. Lib. 2 ; Paluephat. de
Incred. 45.)

2. A son of Damastor, and one of the suitors of
Penelope. (Hom. Od. xx. 321.) In the struggle of
Odysseus with the suitors, and after many of them
had fallen, Agelaus encouraged and headed those
who survived (xxii. 131, 241), until at last he too
was struck dead by Odysseus Avith a javeliiu
(xxii. 293.)

3. A slave of Priam, who exposed the in&nt
Paris on mount Ida, in consequence of a dream of
his mother. When, after the lapse of five days,
the slave found the infant still alive and suckled
by a bear, he took him to his own house and
brought him up. (Apollod. iii. 12. § 4 ; compare
Paris.)

There are several other mythical personages of
the name of Agelaus, concerning whom no particu-
lars are knoAvn. (Apollod. il 8. § 5 ; Antonin.

f2

68

AGENOR.

Lib. 2 ; Horn. II. viii. 257, xi. 302 ; Paus. viii,
35. § 7.) [L. S.]

AGELA'US ('A76\aos), of Naupactus, was a
leading man in tlie Aetoliar. state at the time of
the Achaean league. He is first mentioned in
B. c. 221, when he negociated the alliance between
the Illyrian chief Scerdilai'das and the Aetolians.
It was through his persuasive speech that Philip
of Macedonia and his allies were induced to make
peace with the Aetolians (b. c. 218), and he was
elected general of the latter in the following year,
though his conduct in recommending peace was
soon afterwards blamed by his fickle countrymen.
(Polyb. iv. 16, V. 103—107.)

AGELEIA or AGELE'IS ('ATeAefo or 'A-ye-
ATji's), a surname of Athena, by which she is desig-
nated as the leader or protectress of the people.
(Horn. 11. iv. 128, V. 765, vi. 269, xv. 213^
Od. iii. 378, &.c.) [L. S.]

AGE'LLIUS. [A. Gellius.]

AGE'NOR (^kynvoip). 1. A son of Poseidon
and Libya, king of Phoenicia, and twin-brother of
Belus. (ApoUod. ii. 1. § 4.) He married Tele-
phassa, by whom he became the father of Cadmus,
Phoenix, Cylix, Thasus, Phineus, and according
to some of Europa also. (Schol. ad Eurip. PJioen.
5; Hygin. Fab. 178; Paus. v. 25. § 7; Schol.
ad ApoUon. RJiod. \\. 178, iii. 1185.) After his
daughter Europa had been carried oflf by Zeus,
Agenor sent out his sons in search of her, and en-
joined them not to retiuTi without their sister. As
Europa was not to be found, none of them re-
turned, and all settled in foreign countries. (Apol-
lod. iii. 1. § 1 ; Hygin. Fob. 178.) Virgil {Aen.
i. 338) calls Carthage the city of Agenor, by which
he alludes to the descent of Dido from Agenor.
Buttmann {Mt/tliolog. i. p. 232, &c.) points out
that the genuine Phoenician name of Agenor was
Chnas, which is the same as Canaan, and upon
these facts he builds the hypothesis that Agenor
or Chnas is the same as the Canaan in the books
of Moses.

2. A son of Jasus, and father of Argus Panoptes,
king of Argos. (ApoUod. ii. 1. § 2.) Hellanicus
{Fragm. p. 47, ed. Sturz.) states that Agenor was
a son of Phoroneus, and brother of Jasus and Pe-
lasgus, and that after their father's death, the two
elder brothers divided his dominions between
themselves in such a manner, that Pelasgus re-
ceived the country about the river Erasinus, and
built Larissa, and Jasus the country about Elis.
After the death of these two, Agenor, the young-
est, invaded their dominions, and thus became king
of Argos.

3. The son and successor of Triopas, in the
kingdom of Argos. He belonged to the house of
Phoroneus, and was father of Crotopus. (Paus.
ii. 16. § i ; Hygin. Fab. 145.)

4. A son of Pleuron and Xanthippe, and grand-
son of Aetolus. Epicaste, the daughter of Caly-
don, became by him the mother of Porthaon and
Demonice. (ApoUod. i. 7. § 7.) According to
Pausanias (iii. 13. § 5), Thestius, the father of
Leda, is likewise a son of this Agenor.

_ 5. A son of Phegeus, king of Psophis, in Arca-
dia. He was brother of Pronous and Arsinoe,
who was married to Alcmaeon, but was abandoned
by him. When Alcmaeon wanted to give the
celebrated necklace and peplus of Harmoiiia to his
second vnie Caliirhoe, the daughter of Achelous.
he was slain by Agenor and Pronous at the insti-

AGESANDER.

gation of Phegeus. But when the two brothers
came to Delphi, where they intended to dedicate
the necklace and peplus, they were killed by Am-
photerus and Acarnan, the sons of Alcmaeon and
Calirrhoe. (ApoUod. iii. 7. § 5.) Pausanias (viii.
24. § 4), who relates the same story, caUs the chil-
dren of Phegeus, Temenus, Axion, and Alphe-
siboea.

6. A son of the Trojan Antenor and Theano,
the priestess of Athena. (Hom. //. xi. 59, vi.
297.) He appears in the IHad as one of the
bravest among the Trojans, and is one of their
leaders in the attack upon the fortifications of the
Greeks, (iv. 467, xii. 93, xiv. 425.) He even
ventures to fight with AchiUes, who is wounded
by him. (xxi. 570, &:c.) Apollo rescued him in
a cloud from the anger of AchiUes, and then as-
sumed himself the appearance of Agenor, by which
means he drew Achilles away from the walls of
Troj', and afforded to the fugitive Trojans a safe
retreat to the city. (xxi. in fine.) According to
Pausanias (x. 27. § 1 ) Agenor was slain by Neo-
ptolemus, and was represented by Poh-gnotus in
the great painting in the Lesche of Delphi.

Some other mythical personages of this name
occur in the following passages : ApoUod. ii. I. § 5,
iii. 5. § 6 ; Hygin. Fab. 145. [L. S.]

AGENO'RIDES {'AyrivopiBT]s\ a patronj-mic
of Agenor, designating a descendant of an Agenor,
such as Cadmus (Ov. Met. iii. 8, 81, 90 ; iv.
563), Phineus (Val. Flacc iv. 582), and Perseus.
(Ov. Met. iv. 771.) [L. S.]

AGE'POLIS {' Ay eno?. is), of Rhodes, was sent
by his countrjTuen as ambassador to the consul Q.
Marcius PhUippus, b. c. 169, in the war with
Perseus, and had an interview with him near
Heraceleum in Macedonia. In the following year,
B. c. 168, he went as ambassador to Rome to
deprecate the anger of the Romans. (Polyb.
xxviii. 14, 15, xxix. 4, 7; Li v. xlv. 3.)

AGESANDER or AGESILA'US {'Ar/KravBpos
or ^AyecriXaos), from dyeiv and dviip or \a6s, a sur-
name of Pluto or Hades, describing him as the god
who carries away all men. (CaUim, Hymn, in Falr
lad. 1 30, with Spanheim's note ; Hesych. s. v. ;
Aesch3-1. ap. Athen. iii. p. 99.) Nicander {ap.
Allien. XV. p. 684) uses the form 'Ky^aiKcMs. [L.S.]

AGESANDER, a sculptor, a native of the
island of Rhodes. His name occurs in no author
except Pliny (//. N. xxxvi. 5. s. 4), and we
know but of one work which he executed ; it is a
work however which bears the most decisive tes-
timony to his surpassing genius. In conjunction
with Polydorus and Athenodorus he sculptured
the group of Laocoon, a work which is ranked by
all competent judges among the most perfect speci-
mens of art, especially on account of the admirable
manner in which amidst the intense suffering
portrayed in eveiy feature, limb, and muscle,
there is stUl preserved that air of sublime repose,
which characterised the best productions of Grecian
genius. This celebrated group was discovered in
the year 1506, near the baths of Titus on the
EsquUine hill : it is now preserved in the museum
of the Vatican. Pliny does not hesitate to pro-
nounce it superior to all other works both of
statuary and painting. A great deal has been
viTitten respecting the age when Agesander
flourished, and various opinions have been held on
the subject. Winckelmann and Miiller, forming
their judgment from the style of art displayed in

AGESILAUS.

the work itself, assign it to the age of Lysip-
pus. Miiller thinks the intensity of suflforing de-
picted, and the somewhat theatrical air which
pervades the group, shews that it belongs to a
later age than that of Phidias. Lessing and
Tliiersch on the other hand, after subjecting the
passage of Pliny to an accurate examination, have
come to the conclusion, that Agesander and the
other two artists lived in the reign of Titus, and
sculptured the group expressly for that emperor ;
and this opinion is pretty generally acquiesced in.
In addition to many other reasons that might be
mentioned, if space permitted, if the Laocoon had
been a work of antiquity, we can hardly under-
stand how Pliny should have ranked it above
all the works of Phidias, Polycletus, Praxiteles,
and Lysippus. But we can account for his exag-
gerated praise, if the group was modem and the
admiration excited by its execution in Rome still
fresh. Thiersch has written a great deal to shew
that the plastic art did not decline so early as is
generally supposed, but continued to flourish in
full vigour from the time of Phidias uninterrupt-
edly down to the reign of Titus. Pliny was de-
ceived in saying that the group was sculptured out
of one block, as the lapse of time has discovered a
join in it. It appears from an inscription on the
pedestal of a statue found at Nettuno (the ancient
Antium) that Athenodorus was the son of Age-
sander. This makes it not unlikely that Polydorus
also was his son, and that the father executed the
figure of Laocoon himself, his two sons the remain-
ing two figures. (Lessing, ZaoA»ow ; Winckelmann,
Gesch. d. Kiuist, x. 1, 10 ; Thiersch, Epochen d.
hild. Kunst. p. 318, &c. ; Miiller, Arch'dologie d.
Kuvst, p. 152.) [C. P. M.j

AGESA'NDRIDAS ('A-yrjo-ai'SptSas), the son
of Agesander (comp. Thuc. i, 139), the commander
of the Lacedaemonian fleet sent to protect the
revolt of Euboea in b. c. 411, was attacked by the
Athenians near Eretria, and obtained a victory
over them. (Thuc. viii. 91, 94, 95.)

AGESI'ANAX ('A77}(n:£va|), a Greek poet, of
whom a beautiful fragment descriptive of the moon
is preserved in Plutarch. (^De facie in orb. lunae,
p. 920.) It is uncertain whether the poem to
which this fragment belonged was of an epic or
didactic character. [L. S.]

AGE'SIAS ('A77j(r(as), one of the lambidae,
and an hereditary priest of Zeus at Olympia,
gained the victory there in the mule race, and
is celebrated on that account by Pindar in the
sixth Olympic ode. Bockh places his victory in
the 78th Olympiad.

AGESIDA'MUS {^^y■t\<TiZano$\ son of Ar-
chestratus, an Epizephyrian Locrian, who con-
quered, when a boy, in boxing in the Olympic
games. His victory is celebrated by Pindar in
the 10th and 1 1th Olympic odes. The scholiast
places his victory in the 74th Olympiad. He
should not be confounded with Agesidamus, the
father of Chromius, who is mentioned in the Ne-
mean odes. (i. 42, ix. 99.)

AGESILA'US. [Agesander.]

AGESILA'US I. ('A77j(r(Aoos), son of Doryssus,
sixth king of the Agid line at Sparta, excluding
Aristoderaus, according to ApoUodorus, reigned
forty-four years, and died in 886 B. c. Pausjinias
makes his reign a short one, but contemporary
with the legislation of Lycurgus, (Pans. iii. 2. § 3 ;
Clinton, Fasti^ i. p. 335.) [A. H. C]

AGESILAUS.

69

AGESILA'US II., son by his second wife, Eu-
polia, of Archidamus II., succeeded his half-bro-
ther, Agis II. as nineteenth king of the Eurypontid
line; excluding, on the ground of spurious birth,
and by the interest of Lysander, his nephew,
Leotychides. [Leotychides.] His reign extends
from 398 to 361 B. c, both inclusive ; during most
of which time he was, in Plutarch's words, "as
good as thought commander and king of all Greece,"
and was for the whole of it greatly identified with
his country's deeds and fortunes. The position of
that country, though internally weak, was exter-
nally, in Greece, down to 394, one of supremacy
acknowledged : the only field of its ambition was
Persia ; from 394 to 387, the Corinthian or first
Theban war, one of supremacy assaulted : in 387
that supremacy was restored over Greece, in the
peace of Antalcidas, by the sacrifice of Asiatic pro-
spects : and thus more confined and more secure, it
became also more wanton. After 378, when Thebes
regained her freedom, we find it again assailed,
and again for one moment restored, though on a
lower level, in 371 ; then overthrown for ever at
Leuctra, the next nine years being a struggle for
existence amid dangers within and without.

Of the youth of Agesilaus we have no detail, be-
yond the mention of his intimacy with Lysander.
On the throne, which he ascended about the age of
forty, we first hear of him in the suppression of
Cinadon's conspiracy. [Cinadon.] In his third
year (396) he crossed into Asia, and after a short
campaign, and a winter of preparation, he in the
next overpowered the two satraps, Tissaphernes and
Phamabazus ; and, in the spring of 394, was en-
camped in the plain of Thebe, preparing to advance
into the heart of the empire, when a message ar-
rived to summon him to the war at home. He
calmly and promptly obeyed ; expressing however
to the Asiatic Greeks, J^nd doubtless himself in-
dulging, hopes of a speedy return. Marching rapid-
ly by Xerxes' route, he met and defeated atCoroneia
in Boeotia the allied forces. In 393 he was engaged
in a ravaging invasion of Argolis, in 392 in one of
the Corinthian territory, in 391 he reduced the
Acarnanians to submission ; but, in the remaining
years of the war, he is not mentioned. In the inter-
val of peace, we find him declining the command in
Sparta's aggression on Mantineia ; but heading, from
motives, it is said, of private friendship, that on
Phlius ; and openly justifying Phoebidas' seizure of
the Cadmeia. Of the next war, the first two years
he commanded in Boeotia, more however to the
enemy's gain in point of experience, than loss in
any other ; from the five remaining he was with-
drawn by severe illness. In the congress of 371
an altercation is recorded between him and Epami-
nondas ; and by his advice Thebes was perempto-
rily excluded from the peace, and orders given for
the fatal campaign of Leuctra, In 370 we find
him engaged in an embassy to Mantineia, and
reassuring the Spartans by an invasion of Arcadia;
and in 369 to his skill, courage, and presence of
mind, is to be ascribed the maintenance of the un-
walled Sparta, amidst the attacks of four armies,
and revolts and conspiracies of Helots, Perioeci,
and even Spartans. Finally, in 362, he led his
countrymen into Arcadia ; by fortunate infonnation
was enabled to return in time to prevent the sur-
prise of Sparta, and was, it seems, joint if not sole
commander at the battle of Mantineia. To the
ensuing winter must probably be referred his em-

70

AGESILOCHUS.

bassy to the coast of Asia and negotiations for
money with the revolted satraps, alluded to in an
obscure passage of Xenophon {Ac/esi/aus, ii. 26, 27) :
and, in performance perhaps of some stipulation
then made, he crossed, in the spring of 361, with
a body of Lacedaemonian mercenaries into Egypt.
Here, after displaying much of his ancient skill, he
died, while preparing for his voyage home, in the
winter of 361-60, after a life of above eighty years
and a reign of thirty-eight. His body was em-
balmed in wax, and splendidly buried at Sparta.

Referring to our sketch of Spartan history, we
find Agesilaus shining most in its first and last
period, as commencing and surrendering a glorious
career in Asia, and as, in extreme age, maintaining
his prostrate country. From Corojieia to Leuctra
we see him partly unemployed, at times yielding
to weak motives, at times joining in wanton acts
of public injustice. No one of Sparta's great de-
feats, but some of her bad policy belongs to him.
In what others do, we miss him ; in what he does,
we miss the greatness and consistency belonging to
unity of purpose and sole command. No doubt he
was hampered at home ; perhaps, too, from a man
withdrawn, when now near fifty, from his chosen
career, great action in a new one of any kind could
not be looked for. Plutarch gives among numerous
apophthegmata his letter to the ephors on his recall :
** We have reduced most of Asia, driven back the
barbarians, made arms abundant in Ionia, But
since you bid me, according to the decree, come
home, I shall follow my letter, may perhaps be even
before it. For my command is not mine, but my
country's and her allies'. And a commander then
commands truly according to right when he sees
his own commander in the laws and ephors, or
others holding office in the state." Also, an ex-
clamation on hearing of the battle of Corinth :
"Alas for Greece! she has killed enough of her
sons to have conquered all the barbarians." Of
his courage, temperance, and hardiness, many in-
stances are given : to these he added, even in ex-
cess, the less SparUm qualities of kindliness and
tenderness as a father and a friend. Thus we
have the story of his riding across a stick with his
children ; and to gratify his son's afiection for Cleo-
nymus, son of the culprit, he saved Sphodrias from
the punishment due, in right and policy, for his
incursion into Attica in 37 iJ. So too the appoint-
ment of Peisander. [Peisander.J A letter of his
runs, "If Nicias is innocent, acquit him for that:
if guiltj'-, for my sake; any how acquit him."
From Spartan cupidity and dishonesty, and mostly,
even in public life, from ill faith, his character is
clear. In person he was small, mean-looking, and
lame, on which last ground objection had been
made to his accession, an oracle, curiously fulfilled,
having warned Spai-ta of evils awaiting her under
a "lame sovereignty." In his reign, indeed, her
fall took place, but not through him. Agesilaus
himself was Sparta's most perfect citizen and most
consummate general ; in many ways perhaps her
greatest man. (Xen. Hell. iii. 3, to the end, Age-
silaus; Diod. xiv. XV ; Paus, iii. 9, 10; Plut. and C.
Nepos, in vita; Plut. Apophiltegm.) [A, H. C]

AGESILA'US('A77}a-iAoos), a Greek historian,
who wrote a work on the early history of Italy
('lTa\i/ca), fragments of which are preserved in
Plutarch (Parallela, p. 312), and Stobaeus. {Flo-
rileg. ix. 27, liv. 49, Ixv. 10, ed. Gaisf.) [C. P.M.]

AGESI'LOCHUS or HEGESI'LOCHUS

AGESIPOLIS.

('A7f (t/\oxos, 'A77}(rtA.oxos, 'l{yy\(Ti\oxos\ was the
chief magistrate {Ptytatiui) of the Rhodians, on
the breaking out of the war between Rome and
Perseus in B. c. 171, and recommended his coun-
trymen to espouse the side of the Romans. He
was sent as ambassador to Rome in B. c. 169, and
to the consul Aeniilius PauUus in Macedonia, B. c.
168. (Polyb. xxvii. 3, xxviii. 2, 14, xxix. 4.)

AGESl'MBROTUS, commander of the Rho-
dian fleet in the war between the Romans and
Philip, king of Macedonia, 3. c. 200 — 197. (Liv.
xxxi. 46, xxxii. 16, 32.)

AGESI'POLIS I. ('A77jo-i7roXis), king of Sparta,
the twenty-first of the Agids beginning with Eu-
rysthenes, succeeded his father Pausanias, while
yet a minor, in b. c. 394, and reigned fourteen
years. He was placed under the guardianship of
Aristodemus, his nearest of kin. He came to
the crown just about the time that the confe-
deracy (partly brought about by the intrigues
of the Persian satrap Tithraustes), which was
formed by Thebes, Athens, Corinth, and Argos,
against Sparta, rendered it necessary to recall his
colleague, Agesilaus II., from Asia; and the first
military operation of his reign was the expedition
to Corinth, where the forces of the confederates
were then assembled. The Spartan army was led
by Aristodemus, and gained a signal victory over
the allies. (Xen. Hell. iv. 2. § 9.) In the year
B. c. 390 Agesipolis, Avho had now reached his
majority, was entrusted with the command of an
army for the invasion of Argolis. Having pro-
cured the sanction of the Olympic and Delphic
gods for disregarding any attempt which the Argives
might make to stop his march, on the pretext of a
religious truce, he carried his ravages still fiirther
than Agesilaus had done in b. c. 393 ; but as he
suffered the aspect of the victims to deter him from
occupying a permanent post, the expedition yielded
no fruit but the plunder. (Xen. Hell. iv. 7. § 2-6;
Paus. iii. 5. § 8.) In b. c. 385 the Spartans, seiz-
ing upon some frivolous pretexts, sent an expedi-
tion against Mantineia, in which Agesipolis under-
took the command, after it had been declined by
Agesilaus. In this expedition the Spartans were
assisted by Thebes, and in a battle with the Man-
tineans, Epaminondas and Pelopidas, who were
fighting side by side, narrowly escaped death. He
took the town by diverting the river Ophis, so as to
lay the low grounds at the foot of the walls under
water. The basements, being made of unbaked
bricks, were unable to resist the action of the water.
The walls soon began to totter, and the Mantineans
were forced to surrender. They were admitted to
terms on condition that the population should be
dispersed among the four hamlets, out of which it
had been collected to form the capital. The demo-
cratical leaders were permitted to go into exile.
(Xen. Hell. v. 2. § 1-7 ; Paus. viii. 8. § 5 ; Diod.
XV. 5, &c.; Plut. Pelop. 4 ; Isocr. Paneg. p. 67, a,
De Pace, p. 179, c.)

Early in b. c. 382, an embassy came to Sparta
from the cities of Acanthus and ApoUoiiia, request-
ing assistance against the Olynthiaus, who were
endeavouring to compel them to join their confede-
racy. The Spartans granted it, but were not at
first very successful. After the defeat and death
of Teleutias in the second campaign (b. c. 381)
Agesipolis took the command. He set out in 381,
but did not begin operations till the spring of 380.
He then acted with great vigour, and took Torone

AGGRAMMES.

by storm ; but in the midst of his successes he was
seized with a fever, which carried him off in seven
days. He died at Aphytis, in the peninsula of
Pallene. His body was immersed in honey and
conveyed home to Sparta for burial. Though
Agesipolis did not share the ambitious views of
foreign conquest cherished by Agesilaus, his loss
was deeply regretted by that prince, who seems to
have had a sincere regard for him. (Xen. Hell.
v. 3. § 8-9, 18-19; Diod. xv. •22; Thirl wall. Hist,
of Greece, vol. iv. pp. 405, 428, &c., v. pp. 5, &c.
20.) [C. P. M.]

AGESrPOLIS II., son of Cleombrotus, was
the 23rd king of the Agid line. He ascended the
throne b. c. 371, and reigned one year. (Paus.
iii. 6. § 1 ; Diod. XV. 60.) [C. P. M.]

AGESI'POLIS III., the Slst of the Agid line,
was the son of Agesipolis, and grandson of Cleom-
brotus II. After the death of Cleomenes he was
elected king while still a minor, and placed under
the guardianship of his uncle Cleomenes. (Polyb.
iv. 35.) He was however soon deposed by his col-
league Lycurgus, after the death of Cleomenes.
We hear of him next in B. c. 195, when he was at
the head of the Lacedaemonian exiles, who joined
Flamininus in his attack upon Nabis, the tyrant
of Lacedaemon. (Liv. xxxiv. 26.) He formed
one of an embassy sent about B. c. 183 to Rome
by the Lacedaemonian exiles, and, with his com-
panions, was intercepted by pirates and killed.
(Polyb.xxiv.il.) [C. P. M.]

AGESI'STRATE. [Agis IV.]

AGE'TAS ('ATTfros), commander-in-chief of the
Aetolians in B. c. 217, made an incursion into
Acamania and Epirus, and ravaged both coun-
tries. rPolyb. V. 91. QQ.)

AGE TOR ('A7T7Twp), a surname given to seve-
ral gods, for instance, to Zeus at Lacedaemon
(Stob. Serrn. 42) : the name seems to describe
Zeus as the leader and ruler of men ; but others
think, that it is synonymous with Agamemnon
[Agamemnon, 2]: — to Apollo (Eurip. Aled. 426)
where however Elmsley and others prefer dy/iToop :
• — to Hermes, who conducts the souls of men to
the lower world. Under this name Hermes had a
statue at Megalopolis. (Paus. viii. 31. § 4.) [L. S.]

AGGE'NUS U'RBICUS, a writer on the
science of the Agrimensores. (Diet, of Ant. p. 30.)
It is uncertain when he lived ; but he appears to
have been a Christian, and it is not improbable
from some expressions which he uses, that he lived
at the latter part of the fourth century of our era.
The extant works ascribed to him are : — " Aggeni
Urbici in Julium Frontinum Commentarius," a com-
mentary upon the work " De Agrorum Qualitate,"
which is ascribed to Frontinus ; " In Julium Fron-
tinum Coramentariorum Liber secundus qui Diazo-
graphus dicitur ;" and " Commentariorum de Con-
troversiis Agrorum Pars prior et altera." The
last-named work Niebuhr supposes to have been
written by Frontinus, and in the time of Domitian,
since the author speaks of " praestantissimus
Domitianus," an expression, which would never
have been applied to this tyrant after his death.
{Hist, of Rome, vol. ii. p. 621.)

AGGRAMMES, called XANDRAMES (Hay-
SpoftTjs) by Diodorus, the ruler of the Gangaridae
and Prasii in India, was said to be the son of a
barber, whom the queen had married. Alexander
was preparing to march against him, when he was
compelled by his soldiers, who had become tired of

AGIS.

71

the war, to give up further conquests in India,
(Curt. V. 2 ; Diod. xvii. 93, 94 ; Arrian, Anab,
V. 25, &c. ; Plut. Alex. 60.)

A'GIAS {'Aylas), son of Agelochus and grand-
son of Tisamenus, a Spartan seer who predicted
the victory of Lysander at Aegos-potami. (Paus.
iii. 11. § 5.) [Tisamenus.]

A'GIAS {' Ay ias). 1. A Greek poet, whose
name was formerly .written Augias, through a
mistake of the first editor of the Excerpta of
Proclus. It has been corrected by Thiersch in the
Acta Pidlol. Monac. ii. p. 584, from the Codex
Monacensis, which in one passage has Agias,
and in another Hagias. The name itself does not
occur in early Greek writers, unless it be supposed
that Egias or Hegias (^Hyias) in Clemens Alexan-
drinus {Strom, vi. p. 622), and Pausanias ( i. 2.
§ 1), are only different forms of the same name.
He was a native of Troezen, and the time at which
he wrote appears to have been about the year
B. c. 740. His poem was celebrated in antiquity,
under the name of NJctoi, i. e. the history of the
return of the Achaean heroes from Troy, and con-
sisted of five books. The poem began with the
cause of the misfortunes which befel the Achaeans
on their way home and after their arrival, that is,
with the outrage committed upon Cassandra and
the Palladium ; and the whole poem filled up the
space which was left between the work of the
poet Arctinus and the Odyssey. The ancients
themselves appear to have been uncertain about the
author of this poem, for they refer to it simply by
the name of NJa-rot, and when they mention the
author, they only call him 6 rovs NoVtous ypaxpas,
(Athen. vii. p. 281 ; Paus. x. 28. § 4, 29. § 2, 30.
§ 2; Apollod. ii. 1. § 5; Schol. ad Odyss. iv. 12;
Schol. ad Aristoph. Equit. 1332 ; Lucian, De
Saltat. 46.) Hence some writers attributed the
NocTTOt to Homer ( Suid. s. v. vocttoi ; AnthoL
Planud. iv. 30), while others call its author a Co-
lophonian. (Eustath. a<i Orfyss. xvi. 118.) Simi-
lar poems, and with the same title, were written
by other poets also, such as Eumelus of Corinth
(Schol. ad Find. 01. xiii. 31), Anticleides of
Athens (Athen. iv. p. 157, ix. p. 466), Cleidemus
(Athen. xiii. p. 609), and Lysimachus. (Athen.
iv. p. 158; Schol. ad Apollon. Rliod. i. 558.)
Where the Njo-rot is mentioned without a name,
we have generally to understand the work of
Agias.

2. A comic writer. (Pollux, iii. 36 ; Meineke,
Hist. Comic. Grace, pp. 404, 416.) [L. S.]

A'GIAS i^Ayias), the author of a work on
Argolis. ('Ap7oAiK<i, Athen. iii. p. 86, f.) He is
called 0 fiovainds in another passage of Athenaeus
(xiv. p. 626, f.), but the musician may be another
person.

AGIATIS. [Agis IV.]

AGIS I. {" Ay is)y king of Sparta, son of Eu-
lysthenes, began to reign, it is said, about B. c
1032. (Miiller, Dor. vol. ii. p. 511, transh) Ac-
cording to Eusebius {Chron. i. p. 166) he reigned
only one year; according to ApoUodorus, as it
appears, about 31 years. During the reign of
Eurysthenes, the conquered people were admitted
to an equality of political rights with the Dorians.
Agis deprived them of these, and reduced them to
the condition of subjects to the Spartans. The
inhabitants of the town of Helos attempted to
shake off the yoke, but they were subdued, and
gave rise and name to the class called Helots.

72

AGIS

(Ephor. ap. Strah. viii. p. 364.) To his reign
was referred the colony which went to Crete
under Pollis and Delphus. (Conon. Narr. 36.)
From him the kings of that line were called
-'A7j5aj. His colleague was Sous. (Pans. iii. 2.
§ 1.) [C. P. M.]

AGIS II., the 17th of the Eurypontid line
(beginning with Procles), succeeded his father
Archidamus, b. c. 427, and reigned a little more
than 28 yeai-s. In the summer of B. c. 426, he
led an anny of Peloponnesians and their allies as
far as the isthmus, with the intention of invading
Attica ; but they were deterred fi"om advancing
farther by a succession of earthquakes which hap-
pened when they had got so far. (Thuc. iii.
89.) In the spring of the following year he led
an army into Attica, but quitted it fifteen days
after he had entered it. (Thuc. iv. 2, 6.) In
B. c. 419, the Argives, at the instigation of Alci-
biades, attacked Epidaurus ; and Agis with the
whole force of Lacedaemon set out at the same
time and marched to the frontier city, Leuctra.
No one, Thucydides tells us, knew the purpose of
this expedition. It was probably to make a diver-
sion in favour of Epidaurus. (Thirlwall, vol. iii.
p. 342.) At Leuctra the aspect of the sacrifices
deterred him from proceeding. He therefore led
his troops back, and sent round notice to the allies
to be ready for an expedition at the end of the
sacred month of the Camean festival; and when
the Argives repeated their attack on Epidaurus,
the Spartans again marched to the frontier town,
Caryae, and again turned back, professedly on
account of the aspect of the victims. In the mid-
dle of the following summer (b. c. 418) the Epi-
daurians being still hard pressed by the Argives,
the Lacedaemonians with their whole force and
some allies, under the command of Agis, invaded
Argolis. By a skilful manoeuvre he succeeded in
intercepting the Argives, and posted his army ad-
vantageously between them and the city. But
just as the battle was about to begin, Thrasyllus,
one of the Argive generals, and Alciphron came to
Agis and prevailed on him to conclude a truce for
four months. Agis, without disclosing his motives,
drew off his army. On his return he was severely
censured for having thus thro\vn away the oppor-
tunity of reducing Argos, especially as the Argives
had seized the opportunity afforded by his return
and taken Orchomenos. It was proposed to pull
down his house, and inflict on him a fine of 100,000
drachmae. But on his earnest entreaty they con-
tented themselves with appointing a council of
war, consisting of 10 Spartans, without whom he
was not to lead an army out of the city. (Thuc.
V. 54, 57, &c.) Shortly afterwards they received
intelligence from Tegea, that, if not promptly suc-
coured, the party favourable to Sparta in tliat city
would be compelled to give way. The Spartans
iannediately sent their whole force under the com-
mand of Agis. He restored tranquillity at Tegea,
and then marched to Mantineia. By tuniino- the
waters so as to flood the lands of Mantineia, he
succeeded in drawing the anny of the Mantineans
and Athenians down to the level ground. A bat-
tle ensued, in which the Spartans were victorious.
This was one of the most important battles ever
fought between Grecian states. (Thuc. v.
71—73.) In B. c. 417, when news reached Sparta
of the counter-revolution at Argos, in which the
oligarchical and Spartan faction was overthrown,

AGIS.

an army was sent there under Agis. He was un-
able to restore the defeated party, but he destroyed
the long walls which the Argives had begun to
carry down to the sea, and took Hysiae. (Thuc.
V. 83.) In the spring of B. c. 413, Agis entered
Attica with a Peloponnesian army, and fortified
Deceleia, a steep eminence about 1 5 miles north-
east of Athens (Thuc. vii. 19, 27); and in the
winter of the same year, after the news of the
disastrous fate of the Sicilian expedition had
reached Greece, he marched northwards to levy
contributions on the allies of Spai'ta, for the pur-
pose of constructing a fleet. While at Deceleia he
acted in a great measure independently of the Spar-
tan government, and received embassies as well
from the disaffected allies of the Athenians, as
from the Boeotians and other allies of Sparta.
(Thuc. viii. 3, 5.) He seems to have remained
at Deceleia till the end of the Peloponnesian war.
In 411, during the administration of the Four
Hundred, he made an unsuccessful attempt on
Athens itself. (Thuc. viii. 71.) In B. c. 401,
the command of the war against Elis was entrust-
ed to Agis, who in the third year compelled the
Eleans to sue for peace. As he was returning
from Delphi, whither he had gone to consecrate a
tenth of the spoil, he fell sick at Heraea in Arca-
dia, and died in the course of a few days after he
reached Sparta. (Xen. Hell. iii. 2. § 21, &c.
3. § I — 4) He left a son, Leoty chides, who
however was excluded from the throne, as there
was some suspicion with regard to his legitimacy.
While Alcibiades was at Sparta he made Agis his
implacable enemy. Later writers (Justin, v. 2;
Plut. Alcih. 23) assign as a reason, that the latter
suspected him of having dishonoured his queen
Timaea. It was probably at the suggestion of
Agis, that orders were sent out to Astyochus to
put him to death. Alcibiades however received
timely notice, (according to some accounts from
Timaea herself) and kept out of the reach of the
Spartans. (Thuc. viii. 12, 45 ; Plut. Lysand.
22. AgesU. 3.) [C. P. M.]

AGIS III., the elder son of Archidamus 1 1 1., was
the 20th king of the Eurypontid line. His reign
was short, but eventful. He succeeded his father
in B. c. 338. In b. c. 333, we find him going
with a single trireme to the Persian commanders
in the Aegean, Pharnabazus and Autophra-
dates, to request money and an armament for car-
rying on hostile operations against Alexander in
Greece. They gave him 30 talents and 10 tri-
remes. The news of the battle of Issus, however,
put a check upon their plans. He sent the gal-
lej's to his brother Agesilaus, with instructions to
sail with them to Crete, that he might secm'e
that island for the Spartan interest. In this he
seems in a great measure to have succeeded.
Two years afterwards (b. c. 331), the Greek
states which were leagued together against Alex-
ander, seized the opportunity of the disaster of
Zopyrion and the revolt of the Thracians, to de-
clare war against Macedonia. Agis was invested
with the command, and with the Lacedaemonian
troops, and a body of 8000 Greek mercenaries,
who had been present at the battle of Issus,
gained a decisive victory over a Macedonian army
under Corragus. Having been joined by the
other forces of the league he laid siege to
Megalopolis. The city held out till Antipater
came to its relief, when a battle ensued, in which

AGIS.

Agis was defeated and killed. It happened about
the time of the battle of Arbcla. (Arrian, ii. 13 ;
Diod. xvi. 63, 68, xvii. 62 ; Aesch. c. Ctesifh.
p. 77; Curt. vi. 1; Justin, xii. 1.) [C. P. M.]

AGIS IV., the elder son of Eudamidas II., was
the 24th king of the Eurypontid line. He suc-
ceeded his father in B. c. 244, and reigned four
years. In b. c. 243, after the liberation of Corinth
by Aratus, the general of the Achaean league, Agis
led an army against him, but was defeated.
(Paus. ii. 8. § 4.) The interest of his reign, how-
ever, is derived from events of a different kind.
Through the influx of wealth and luxury, with
their concomitant vices, the Spartans had greatly
degenerated from the ancient simplicity and
severity of manners. Not above 700 families of
the genuine Spartan stock remained, and in conse-
quence of the innovation introduced by Epitadeus,
who procured a repeal of the law which secured
to every Spartan head of a family an equal portion
of Land, the landed property had passed into the
hands of a few individuals, of whom a great num-
ber were females, so that not above 100 Spartan
families possessed estates, while the poor were
burdened with debt. Agis, who from his earliest
youth had shewn his attachment to the ancient
discipline, undertook to reform these abuses, and
re-establish the institutions ofLycurgus./ For this
end he determined to lay before the Spartan senate
a proposition for the abolition of all debts and a new
partition of the lands. Another part of his plan was
to give landed estates to the Perioeci. His schemes
were warmly seconded by the poorer classes and the
young men, and as strenuously opposed by the
wealthy. / He succeeded, however, in gaining over
three very influential persons, — his uncle Agesi-
laus (a man of large property, but who, being
deeply involved in debt, hoped to profit by the
innovations of Agis), Lysander, and Mandrocleides.
Having procured Lysander to be electa one of
the ephors, he laid his plans before the senate.^
He proposed that the Spartan territory should be
divided into two portions, one to consist of 4500
equal lots, to be divided amongst the Spartans,
whose ranks were to be filled up by the admis-
sion of the most respectable of the Perioeci and
strangers ; the other to contain 15,000 equal lots,
to be divided- amongst the Perioeci. The senate
could not at first come to a decision on the matter.
Lysander, therefore, convoked the assembly of the
people, to whom Agis submitted his measiure, and
offered to make the first sacrifice, by giving up his
lands and money, telling them that his mother and
grandmother, who were possessed of great wealth,
with all his relations and friends, would follow his
example. 1 His generosity drew down the ap-
plauses of the multitude. The opposite part}!-,
however, headed by Lconidas, the other king, who
had formed his habits at the luxurious court of
Seleucus, king of Syria, got the senate to reject
the measure, though only by one vote. Agis now
detennined to rid himself of Leonidas. Lysander
accordingly accused him of having violated the laws
by marrying a stranger and living in a foreign land.
Leonidas was deposed, and was succeeded by his
son-in-law, Cleombrotus, who co-operated with
Agis. Soon afterwards, however, Lysander's term
of office expired, and the ephors of the following
year were opposed to Agis, and designed to restore
Leonidas. They broxight an accusatitm against
Lysander and Mundi-ocleides, of attempting to vio-

AGTS. 73

late the laws. Alarmed at the turn events were
taking, the two latter prevailed on the kings to
depose the ephors by force and appoint others in
their room. Leonidas, who had returned to
the city, fled to Tegea, and in his flight was
protected by Agis from the violence meditated
against him by Agesilaus. The selfish avarice of
the latter frustrated the plans of Agis, when there
now seemed nothing to oppose the execution of
them. He persuaded his nephew and Lysander
that the most effectual way to secure the consent
of the wealthy to the distribution of their lands,
would be, to begin by cancelling the debts. Ac-
cordingly all bonds, registers, and securities were
piled up in the market place and burnt. Agesi-
laus, having secured his own ends, contrived vari-
ous pretexts for delaying the division of the lands.
Meanwhile the Achaeans applied to Sparta for
assistance against the Aetolians. Agis was ac-
cordingly sent at the head of an army. The cau-
tious movements of Aratus gave Agis no opportu-
nity of distinguishing himself in action, but he
gained great credit by the excellent discipline he
preserved among his troops. During his absence
Agesilaus so incensed the poorer classes by his
insolent conduct and the continued postponement
of the division of the lands, that they made no
opposition when the enemies of Agis openly
brought back Leonidas and set him on the throne.
Agis and Cleombrotus fled for sanctuary, the
former to the temple of Athene Chalcioecus, the
latter to the temple of Poseidon. Cleombrotus
was suffered to go into exile. Agis was entrapped
by some treacherous friends and thrown into
prison. Leonidas immediately came with a band
of mercenaries and secured the prison without,
while the ephors entered it, and went through the
mockery of a trial. When asked if he did not
repent of what he had attempted, Agis replied,
that he should never repent of so glorious a design,
even in the face of death. He was condemned,
and precipitately executed, the ephors fearing a
rescue, as a great concourse of people had assem-
bled round the prison gates. Agis, observing that
one of his executioners was moved to tears, said,
"• Weep not for me: suffering, as I do, unjustly, I
am in a happier case than my murderers." His
mother Agesistrate and his grandmother were
strangled on his body. Agis was the first king of
Sparta who had been put to death by the ephors.
Pausanias, who, however, is undoubtedly wrong,
says (viii. 10. § 4, 27. § 9), that he fell in battle.
His widow Agiatis was forcibly married by Leo-
nidas to his son Cleomenes, but nevertheless they
entertained for each other a mutual affection
and esteem. (Plutarch, AgiSj Cleomenes^ Aratus;
Paus. vii. 7. § 2.) [C. P. M.]

AGIS {^Ayis\ a Greek poet, a native of Argoa,
and a contemporary of Alexander the Great, whom
he accompanied on his Asiatic expedition. Cur-
tius (viii. 5) as well as Arrian (Anub. iv. 9) and
Plutarch (De adulat. et amic. difcriin. p. 60) de-
scribe him as one of the basest flatterers of the
king. Curtius calls him " pessimorum carmiiium
post Choerilum conditor," which probably refers
rather to their flattering character than to their
worth as poetry. The Greek Anthology (vi.
152) contains an epigram, which is probably the
work of this flatterer. (Jacobs, AnthoL iii. p.
836 ; Zimmermann, Zeiischrift Jur die AUeri/t,
1841, p. 164.)

74

AGNODICE.

Athenaeus (xii. p. 516) mentions one Agis as
the author of a work on the art of cooking
(^o^aprvTiKo.). [L. S.]

AGLA'IA (^AyKata). 1. [Charites.]

2. The wife of Charopus and mother of Nireus,
who led a small band from the island of Syme
against Tro3% (Hom. //. ii. 671; Diod. v. 53.)
Another Aglaia is mentioned in ApoUodoras. (iL
7. § 8.) [L. S.]

AGLAONI'CE. [Aganick]

AGLAOPHE'ME. [Sirenes.]

AGLA'OPHON ('Ay\ao<p£u), a painter, bom
in the island of Thasos, the father and instructor
of Polygnotus. (Suidas and Photius, s. v. lloXvyvo)-
ros ; Anth. Gr. ix. 700.) He had another son
named Aristophon, (Plat. Gorg. p. 448. b.) As
Polygnotus flourished before the 90th 01. (Plin.
H. N. XXXV. 9. s. 35), Aglaophon probably lived
about 01. 70. Quintilian (xii. 10. § 3) praises his
paintings, which were distinguished by the sim-
plicity of their colouring, as worthy of admiration
on other grounds besides their antiquity. There
was an Aglaophon who flourished in the 90th OL
according to Pliny (//. N. xxxv. 9. s. 36), and his
statement is confirmed by a passage of Athenaeus
(xii. p. 543, D.), from which we learn that he
painted two pictures, in one of which Olympias
and Pythias, as the presiduig geniuses of the
Olympic and Pythian games, were represented
crowning Alcibiades ; in the other Nemea, the pre-
siding deity of the Nemean games, held Alcibiades
on her knees. Alcibiades could not have gained
any victories much before 01. 91. (b. c. 416.) It
is therefore exceedingly likely that this artist was
the son of Aristophon, and grandson of the older
Aglaophon, as among the Greeks the son generally
bore the name not of his father but of his grand-
father. Plutarch (Alcib. 16) says, that Aristo-
phon was the author of the picture of Nemea and
Alcibiades. He may perhaps have assisted his
son. This Aglaophon was, according to some, the
first who represented Victory with wings. (SchoL
ad Aristoph. Aves, 573.) [C. P. M.]

AGLAOSTHENES. [Agaosthenes.]

AGLAUROS. [Agraulos.]

AGLA'US {'Ay\a6s), a poor citizen of Psophis
in Arcadia, whom the Delphic oracle pronounced
to be happier than Gyges, king of Lydia, on ac-
count of his contentedness, when the king asked
the oracle, if any man was happier than he. ( Val.
Max. vii. 1. § 2 ; Plin. H. N. vii. 47.) Pausa-
nias (viii. 24. § 7) places Aglaus in the time of
Croesus.

AGNAPTUS, an architect mentioned by Pau-
sanias (v. 15, § 4, vi. 20. § 7) as the builder of a
porch in the Altis at Olympia, which was called
by the Eleans the " porch of Agnaptus." When
he lived is uncertain. [C. P. M.]

A'GNIUS {^Ayuios), the father of Tiphys, who
was the pilot of the ship Argo (Apollod. i. 9. § 16;
Orph. Argon. 540), whence Tiphys is called
Agniades. [L. S.]

AGNO'DICE {'AyvoSiiai), the name of the
earliest midwife mentioned among the Greeks.
She was a native of Athens, where it was
forbidden by law for a woman or a slave to
study medicine. According, however, to Hyginus
(Fab. 274), on whose authority alone the whole
story rests, it would appear that Agnodice dis-
guised herself in man's clothes, and so contrived to
attend the lectures of a physician named Hiero-

AGON.

philus, — devoting herself chiefly to the study of
midwifery and the diseases of women. After-
wards, when she began practice, being very suc-
cessful in these branches of the profession, she
excited the jealousy of several of the other prac-
titioners, by whom she was summoned before the
Areiopagus, and accused of corrupting the morals
of her patients. Upon her refuting this charge by
making known her sex, she was immediately ac-
cused of having violated the existing law, which
second danger she escaped by the wives of the
chief persons in Athens, whom she had attended,
coming forward in her behalf, and succeeding at
last in getting the obnoxious law abolished. No
date whatever is attached to this story, but several
persons have, by calling the tutor of Agnodice by
the name of HeropJalus instead of Hierophilus^
placed it in the third or fourth century before
Christ. But this emendation, though at first sight
very easy and plausible, does not appear altogether
fi:ee from objections. For, in the first place, if the
story is to be believed at all upon the authority of
Hyginus, it would seem to belong rather to the
fifth or sixth century before Christ than the third
or fourth ; secondly, we have no reason for think-
ing that Agnodice was ever at Alexandria, or
Herophilus at Athens ; and thirdly, it seems
hardly probable that Hyginus would have called
so celebrated a physician " a certain Herophiliis.''^
{Herophilus quidam.) [ W. A. G.]

AGNON, a Greek rhetorician, who ^vrote a
work against rhetoric, which Quintilian (ii. 17.
§ 15) calls " Rhetorices accusatio." Rhunken
{Hist. Crit. Orat. Graec. p. xc.) and after him
most modem scholars have considered this Agnon
to be the same man as Agnonides, the contempo-
rary of Phocion, as the latter is in some MSS. of
Com. Nepos {Fhoe. 3) called Agnon. But the
manner in which Agnon is mentioned by Quin-
tilian, shews that he is a rhetorician, who lived at
a much later period. Whether however he is the
same as the academic philosopher mentioned by
Athenaeus (xiii. p. 602), cannot be decided. [L. S.]

AGNO'NIDES (^ Ayvuvih7]s), an Athenian
demagogue and sycophant, a contemporary of
Theophrastus and Phocion. The former was ac-
cused by Agnonides of impiety, but was acquitted
by the Areiopagus, and Theophrastus might have
mined his accuser, had he been less generous. (Diog.
Laert. v. 37.) Agnonides was opposed to the Ma-
cedonian party at Athens, and called Phocion a trai-
tor, for which he was exiled, as soon as Alexander,
son of Polysperchon, got possession of Athens.
Afterwards, however, he obtained from Antipater
permission to return to his country through the
mediation of Phocion. (Plut. Phoc. 29.) But
the sycophant soon forgot what he owed to his
benefactor, and not only continued to oppose the
Macedonian party in the most vehement manner,
but even induced the Athenians to sentence Pho-
cion to death as a traitor, who had delivered the
Peiraeeus into the hands of Nicanor. (Plut. PJioc.
33, 35 ; Com. Nep. Phoc. 3.) But the Athenians
soon repented ol' their conduct towards Phocion,
and put Agnonides to death to appease his manes.
(Plut. Phoc. 38.) [L. S.J

AGON ('A7a$f), a personification of solemn
contests {dywv^s). He was represented in a statue
at Oljnnpia with dXrrjpcs in his hands. This sta-
tue was a work of Dionysius, and dedicated by
Smicythus of Rhegium. (Paus. v. 26. § 3.) [L. S.J

AGRAULOS.

AGO'NIUS {'Ayuvios), a surname or epithet of
several gods. Aeschylus {A (/am. 513) and Sopho-
cles {Track. 26) use it of Apollo and Zeus, and
apparently in the sense of helpers in stniggles and
contests. (Comp. Eustath. «(///. p. 1335.) But
Agonius is more especially used as a surname of
Heraies, who presides over all kinds of solemn
contests. {'Ayaives, Pans. v. 1 4. § 7 ; Pind, Olyinp.
vi. 133, with the Schol.) [L. S.]

AGORA'CRITUS {' AyopaKpiTos), a famous
statuary and sculptor, born in the island of Paros,
who flourished from about 01. 85 to 01. 88. (Plin.
H. N. xxxvi. 5. s. 4.) He was the favourite
pupil of Phidias (Pans. ix. 34. § 1), who is even
said by Pliny to have inscribed some of his
own works with the name of his disciple. Only
four of his productions are mentioned, viz. a statue
of Zeus and one of the Itonian Athene in the
temple of that goddess at Athens (Pans. I. c.) ; a
statue, probably of Cybele, in the temple of the
Great Goddess at Athens (Plin. I. c.) ; and the
Rharcnusian Nemesis. Respecting this last work
there has been a great deal of discussion. The
account which Pliny gives of it is, that Agoracritus
contended with Alcamenes (another distinguished
disciple of Phidias) in making a statue of Venus ;
and that the Athenians, through an undue par-
tiality towards their countryman, awarded the
victory to Alcamenes. Agoracritus, indignant at
his defeat, made some slight alterations so as to
change his Venus into a Nemesis, and sold it to
the people of Rhamnus, on condition that it should
not be set up in Athens. Pausanias (i. 33. § 2),
without saying a word about Agoracritus, says
that the Rhamnusian Nemesis was the work of
Phidias, and was made out of the block of Parian
marble which the Persians under Datis and
Artaphemes brought with them for the purpose of
setting up a trophy. (See Theaetetus and Parme-
nio, AniJiol. Gr. Flanud. iv. 12, 221, 222.) This
account however has been rejected as involving
a confusion of the ideas connected by the Greeks
with the goddess Nemesis. The statue moreover
was not of Parian, but of Pentelic marble. ( Urir
edited Antiquities of Attica^ p. 43.) Strabo (ix.
p. 396), Tzetzes {Chiliad, vii. 154), Suidas and
Photius give other variations in speaking of this
statue. It seems generally agreed that Pliny's
account of the matter is right in the main ; and
there have been various dissertations on the way
in which a statue of Venus could have been
changed into one of Nemesis. (Winckelmann,
S'dmvitliche Werke von J. Eiselein, vol. t. p. 364 ;
Zoega, Ab/uitidlungen, pp. 56 — 62 ; K. 0. Miiller,
Arch. d. Kunst, p. 102.) [C. P. M.j

AGORAEA and AGORAEUS {'Ayopaia and
Ayopa7os), are epithets given to several divinities
who were considered as the protectors of the as-
semblies of the people in the dyopd, such as Zeus
(Paus. iii. 11. § 8, v. 15. § 3), Athena (iii. 11.
§ 8), Artemis (v. 15. § 3), and Hermes, (i. 15.
§ 1, ii. .0. § 7, ix. 17. § 1.) As Hermes was the
god of commerce, this surname seems to have re-
ference to the dyopd as the market-place. [L. S.]

AGRAEUS {' Ay paios)^ the hunter, a surname
of Apollo. After he had killed the lion of Cithae-
ron, a temple was erected to him by Alcathous at
Megara under the name of Apollo Agraeus. (Paus.
i, 41. § 4 ; Eustath. ad 11. p. 361.) [L. S.]

AGRAULOS or AGRAULE (^AypavKos or
Ay pav\ri). 1. -^ daughter of Actaeus, the first

AGRICOLA.

75

king of Athens. By her husband, Cecrops, she
became the mother of Erysichthon, Agraulos,
Herse, and Pandrosos. (Apollod. iii. 14. § 2 ;
Paus. i. 2. § 5.)

2. A daughter of Cecrops and Agraulos, and
mother of Alcippe by Ares. This Agraulos is
an important personage in the stories of Attica,
and there were three different legends about her.
]. According to Pausanias (i. 18. § 2) and Hyginus
{Fab. 166), Athena gfive to her and her sisters
Erichthonius in a chest, with the express command
not to open it. But Agraulos and Herse could
not control their curiosity, and opened it ; where-
upon they were seized with madness at the sight
of Erichthonius, and threw themselves from the
steep rock of the Acropolis, or according to Hyginus
into the sea. 2. According to Ovid {Met. ii. 710,
&c.), Agraulos and her sister survived their open-
ing the chest, and the former, who had instigated
her sister to open it, was punished in this manner.
Hermes came to Athens during the celebration of
the Panathenaea, and fell in love with Herse.
Athena made Agraulos so jealous of her sister, that
she even attempted to prevent the god entering
the house of Herse. But, indignant at such pre-
sumption, he changed Agraulos into a stone.
3. The third legend represents Agraulos in a
totally different light. Athens was at one time
involved in a long-protracted war, and an oracle
declared that it would cease, if some one would
sacrifice himself for the good of his country.
Agraulos came forward and threw herself down
the Acropolis. The Athenians, in gratitude for
this, built her a temple on the Acropolis, in which
it subsequently became customary for the young
Athenians, on receiving their first suit of armour,
to take an oath that they would always defend
their country to the last. (Suid. and Hesych. s, v.
"" Ay pav\os', Ulpian, ail Demosth. defals. leg.; He-
rod, viii. 53 ; Plut. Alcib. 15 ; Philochorus, Fragm,
p. 18, ed. Siebelis.) One of the Attic hrjfioi
(Agraule) derived its name from this heroine, and
a festival and mysteries were celebrated at Athens
in honour of her. (Steph. Byz. s. v. ' Ay pavXifi ;
Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 89 ; Diet, of Ant. p. 30, a.)
According to Porphyry {DeAbstin. ab animal, i. 2),
she was also worshipped in Cyprus, where human
sacrifices were offered to her down to a very late
time. [L. S.]

AGRESPHON {'Aypc(T<pcou), a Greek pmi-
marian mentioned by Suidas. {s. v. 'AiroWwuios.)
He wrote a work Uepl 'Ofjuavvfiwu (concerning per-
sons of the same name). He cannot have lived
earlier than the reign of Hadrian, as in his work
he spoke of an ApoUonius who lived in the time of
that emperor. [C. P. M.]

AGREUS ('AypejJs), a hunter, occurs as a sur-
name of Pan and Aristaeus. (Pind. Ft/th. ix. 115 ;
ApoUon. Rhod. iii. 507; Diod. iv. 81; Hesych. s.v.;
Salnias. ad Solin. p. 81.) [L. S.]

AGRI'COLA, GNAEUS JULIUS, is one of
the most remarkable men whom we meet with in
the times of the first twelve emperors of Rome, for
his extraordinary ability as a general, his great
powers, shewn in his government of Britain,
and borne witness to by the deep and universal
feeling excited in Rome by his death (Tac. Agric.
43), his singular integrity, and the esteem and
love which he commanded in all the private relar
tions of life.

His life of 55 years (from June 1 3th, a. d. 37,

76

AGRICOLA.

to tlie 23rd August, a. d. 93) extends through the
reigns of the nine emperors from Caligula to Domi-
tian. He was bom at the Roman colony of Fonim
Julii, the modern Frt jus in Provence. His father
was Julius Graecinus of senatorian rank ; his mo-
ther Julia ProcUla, who throughout his education
seems to have watched with great care and to
have exerted great influence over him. He studied
philosophy (the usual education of a Roman of
higher rank) from his earliest youth at Marseilles.
His first military service was under Suetonius
Paulinus in Britain (a. d. 60), in the relation of
Contubemalis. (See Did. of Ant. Tp.2S4, a.) Hence
he returned to Rome, Avas married to Domitia
Decidiana, and went the round of the magistracies ;
the quaestorship in Asia (a. d. 63), under the pro-
consul Salvius Titianus, where his integrity was
shewn by his refusal to join the proconsul in the
ordinary system of extortion in the Roman pro-
vinces; the tribunate and the praetorship, — in
Nero's time mere nominal offices, filled with dan-
ger to the man who held them, in which a prudent
inactivity was the only safe course. By Galba
(a. d. 69) he was appointed to examine the sacred
property of the temples, that Nero's system of
robbery (Sueton. Ncr. 32) might be stopped. In
the same year he lost his mother; it was in re-
turning from her funeral in Liguria, that he heard
of Vespasian's accession, and immediately joined
his party. Under Vespasian his first service was
the command of the 20th legion in Britain, (a. d.
70.) On his return, he was raised by the emperor
to the rank of patrician, and set over the province
of Aquitania, which he held for three years, (a. d.
74-76.) He was recalled to Rome to be elected
consul (a. d. 77), and Britain, the great scene of
his power, was given to him, by general consent,
as his province.

In this year he betrothed his daughter to the
historian Tacitus ; in the following he gave her to
him in marriage, and was made governor of Britain,
and one of the college of pontitls.

Agricola was the twelfth Roman general who
had been in Britain ; he was the only one who
completely effected the work of subjugation to the
Romans, not more by his consummate military
skill, than by his masterly policy in reconciling the
Britons to that yoke which hitherto they had so
ill borne. He taught them the arts and luxuries of
civilised life, to settle in towns, to buUd comfort-
able dwelling-houses and temples. He, established
a system of education for the sons of the British
chiefs, amongst whom at last the Roman language
was spoken, and the Roman toga worn as a
fashionable dress.

He was full seven years in Britain, from the
year a. d. 78 to a. d. 84. The last conquest of his
predecessor Julius Frontinus had been that of the
Silures (South Wales) ; and the last action of
Agricola's command was the action at the foot of
the Grampian hills, which put him in possession of
the whole of Britain as far north as the northern
boundary of Perth and Argyle. His first campaign
(a. d. 78) was occupied in the reconquest of Mona
(Anglesea), and the Ordovices (North Wales), the
strongholds of the Druids ; and the remainder of
this year, with the next, was given to making the
before-mentioned arrangements for the security of
the Roman dominion in the already conquered
parts of Britain. The third campaign (a. d. 80)

AGRIPPA.

carried him northwards to the Taus,* probably
the Solway Frith; and the fourth (a. d. 81) was
taken up in fortifj'ing and taking possession of
this tract, and advancing as far north as the Friths
of Clyde and Forth. In the fifth campaign (a. d.
82), he was engaged in subduing the tribes on
the promontory opposite Ireland. In the sixth
(a. d. 83), he explored with his fleet and land
forces the coast of Fife and Forfar, coming now
for the first time into contact with the true Caledo-
nians. They made a night attack on his camp
(believed to be at Loch Ore, where ditches and
other traces of a Roman camp are still to be seen),
and succeeded in nearly destroying the ninth legion;
but in the general battle, which followed, they
were repulsed. The seventh and last campaign (a. d.
84) gave Agricola complete and entire possession
of the country, up to the northernmost point
which he had reached, by a most decided victory
over the assembled Caledonians under their general
Galgacus (as it is believed, from the Roman and
British remains found there, and from the two
tumuli or sepulchral cairns) on the moor of Murdoch
at the foot of the Grampian hiUs. In this campaign
his fleet sailed northwards from the coast of Fife
round Britain to the Trutulensian harbour (sup-
posed to be Sandwich), thus for the first time dis-
covering Britain to be an island. He withdrew
his army into winter quarters, and soon after (a. d.
84) was recalled by the jealous Domitian.

On his return to Rome, he lived in retirement,
and when the government either of Asia or Africa
would have fallen to him, he considered it more
prudent to decline the honour. He died a. d, 93 ;
his death was, as his biographer plainly hints,
either immediately caused or certainly hastened
by the emissaries of the emperor, who could not
bear the presence of a man pointed out by univer-
sal feeling as alone fit to meet the exigency of
times in which the Roman arms had suffered re-
peated reverses in Germany and the countries
north of the Danube. Dion Cassius (Ixvi. 20) says
expressly, that he was killed by Domitian.

In this account we can do no more than refer to
the beautiful and interesting description given by
Tacitus {Agric. 39 — 46) of his life during his re-
tirement fi:om office, his death, his person, and his
character, which though it had no field of action at
home in that dreary time, shewed itself during the
seven years in which it was unfettered in Britain,
as great and wise and good. (Tacitus, Agricola.)

There is an epigram of Antiphilus in the Greek
Anthology {Anth. Drumk. ii. 180) upon an Agri-
cola, which is commonly supposed to refer to the
celebrated one of this name. [C. T. A.]

AGRIO'NIUS ('A7pja;>'tos), a surname of
Dionysus, under which he was worshipped at
Orchomenus in Boeotia, and from which his festi-
val Agrionia in that place derived its name. {Did.
of Ant. p. 30 ; MuUer, Ordiom. p. 166, &c.) [L.S.]

AGRI'OPAS, a writer spoken of by Pliny. (//.
N. viii. 22, where some of the MSS. have Acopas
or Copas.) He was the author of an account of the
Olympic victors. [C. P. M.]

AGRIPPA, an ancient name among the Ro-
mans, was first used as a praenomen, and after-
wards as a cognomen. It frequently occurs as a

* As to whether the Taus was the Solway Frith
or the Frith of Tay, see Chalmers' Caledonia.

AGRIPPA.

cnnrnomen in the early times of the empire, but not
under the ropublic. One of the mythical kings of
Alba is called by this name. (Liv. i. 3.) Ac-
cording to Aulus Gellius (xvi. 16), Pliny (//. N.
vii . 6. s. 8), and Solinus (1), the word signifies a
birth, at which the child is presented with its feet
foremost ; but their derivation of it from aep'e par-
tus or j)es is absurd enough. (Comp. Sen. Oed. 813.)
AGRIPPA ('A7piWas), a sceptical philosopher,
only known to have lived later than Aenesidemus,
the contemporary of Cicero, from whom he is said
to have been the fifth in descent. He is quoted
l)y Diogenes Laertius, who probably wrote about
the time of ^I. Antoninus. The "five grounds of
doubt" (ot TreVre Tp6iroi\ which are given by
Sextus Empiricus as a summary of the later scepti-
cism, are ascribed by Diogenes Laertius (ix. 88) to
Agrippa.

1. The first of these argues from the uncertainty
of the rules of common life, and of the opinions of
philosophers. II. The second from the " rejectio
ad infinitum : " all proof requires some further
proof, and so on to infinity. III. All things are
changed as their relations become changed, or, as
we look upon them in different points of view.

IV. The truth asserted is merely an hypothesis or,

V. involves a vicious circle. (Sextus Empiricus,
Pyrrhon. Hi/pot. i. 15.)

With reference to these irivre rpSiroi it need
only be remarked, that the first and third are a
short summary of the ten original grounds of doubt
which were the basis of the earlier scepticism.
[Pyrrhon.] The three additional ones shew a
progress in the sceptical system, and a transition
from the common objections derived from the falli-
bility of sense and opinion, to more abstract and
metaphysical grounds of doxibt. They seem to
mark a new attempt to systematize the sceptical
philosophy and adapt it to the spirit of a later age.
(Ritter, Gcschichte der Philosophies xii.4.) [B. J.]

AGRIPPA, M. ASI'NIUS, consul a. d. 25,
died A. D. 26, was descended from a family more
illustrious than ancient, and did not disgrace it by
his mode of life. (Tac. Ann. iv. 34, 61.)

AGRIPPA CASTOR {^K-yptiT-Kas KoVrcop),
about A. D. 1 35, praised as a historian by Euse-
bius, and for his learning by St Jerome {de Viris
Jllustr. c. 21), lived in the reign of Hadrian. He
wrote against the twenty-four books of the Alex-
andrian Gnostic Basilides, on the Gospel. Quota-
tions are made from his work by Eusebius. {Hist.
Eccles. iv. 7 ; see Gallandi's Bibliotlieca Palrum^
vol. i. p. 330.) [A. J. C]

AGRIPPA, FONTEIUS. 1. One of the ac-
cusers of Libo, A. D. 16, is again mentioned in
A. D. 19, as offering his daughter for a vestal vir-
gin. (Tac. Ann. ii. 30, 86.)

2. Probably the son of the preceding, command-
ed the province of Asia with pro-consular power,
A. D. 6.9, and was recalled from thence by Vespa-
sian, and placed over Moesia in a. d. 70. He
was shortly afterwards killed in battle by the Sar-
matians. (Tac. Hist. iii. 46 ; Joseph. B. Jud.
vii. 4. § 3.)

AGRIPPA, D. HATE'RIUS, called by Taci-
tus {Ann. ii. 51) the propinquus of Germanicus,
was tribune of the plebs a. d. 15, praetor A. d. 17,
and consul a. d. 22. His moral character was
very low, and he is spoken of in A. D. 32, as plot-
ting the destruction of many illustrious men.
(Tac. Ann. i. 77, ii. 51, iii. 49, 52, vi. 4.)

AGRIPPA,

77

AGRIPPA, HERO'DES I.('HpwoTjs 'A7pi7nras),
called by Josephus {Ant. Jud. xvii. 2. § 2),
"Agrippa the Great," was the son of Aristobulus
jind Berenice, and grandson of Herod the Great.
Shortly before the death of his grandfather, he
came to Rome, where he was educated with the
future emperor Claudius, and Drusus the son of
Tiberius. He squandered his property in giving
sumptuous entertainments to gratify his princely
friends, and in bestowing largesses on the frecd-
men of the emperor, and became so deeply involved
in debt, that he was compelled to fly from Rome,
and betook himself to a fortress at Malatha in
Idumaea. Through the mediation of his wife
Cypres, with his sister Herodias, the wife of He-
rodes Antipas, he was allowed to take up his
abode at Tiberias, and received the rank of aedile
in that city, with a small yearly income. But hav-
ing quarrelled with his brother-in-law, he fled to
Flaccus, the proconsul of Syria. Soon afterwards
he was convicted, through the information of his
brother Aristobulus, of having received a bribe
from the Damascenes, who wished to purchase his
influence with the proconsul, and was again com-
pelled to fly. He was arrested as he was about to
sail for Italy, for a sum of money which he owed
to the treasury of Caesar, but made his escape, and
reached Alexandria, where his wife succeeded in
procuring a supply of money from Alexander the
Alabarch. He then set sail, and landed at PuteolL
He was favourably received by Tiberius, who en-
trusted him with the education of his grandson
Tiberius. He also formed an intimacy with Caius
Caligula. Having one day incautiously expressed
a wish that the latter might soon succeed to the
throne, his words were reported by his freedman
Eutychus to Tiberius, who forthwith threw him
into prison. Caligula, on his accession (a. d. 37),
set him at liberty, and gave him the tetrarchies of
Lysanias (Abilene) and Philippus (Batanaea,
Trachonitis, and Auranitis). He also presented
him with a golden chain of equal weight with the
iron one which he had worn in prison. In the
following year Agrippa took possession of his king-
dom, and after the banishment of Herodes Antipas,
the tetrarchy of the latter was added to his domi-
nions.

On the death of Caligula, Agrippa, who was at
the time in Rome, materially assisted Claudius in
gaining possession of the empire. As a reward for
his services, Judaea and Samaria were annexed to
his dominions, which were now even more exten-
sive than those of Herod the Great. He was also
invested with the consular dignity, and a league
was publicly made with him by Claudius in the
forum. At his request, the kingdom of Chalcis
was given to his brother Herodes. (a. d. 41.) He
then went to Jerusalem, where he offered sacrifices,
and suspended in the treasury of the temple the
golden chain which Caligula had given him. His
government was mild and gentle, and he was ex-
ceedingly popular amongst the Jews. In the city
of Berytus he built a theatre and amphitheatre,
baths, and porticoes. The suspicions of Claudius
prevented him from finishing the impregnable for-
tifications with which he had begun to surround
Jerusalem. His friendship was courted by many
of the neighbouring kings and rulers. It was
probably to increase his popularity with the Jews
that he caused the apostle James, the brother of
John, to be beheaded, and Peter to be cast into

'8

AGRIPPA.

prison, (a. d. 44. Acfs^ xii.) It was not however
merely by such acts that he strove to win their
favour, as we see from the way in which, at the
risk of his own life, or at least of his libertj-, he
interceded with Caligula on behalf of the Jews,
wh(!n that emperor was attempting to set up his
statue in the temple at Jerusalem. The manner
of his death, which took place at Caesarea in the
same year, as he was exhibiting games in honour
of the emperor, is related in Acts xii., and is con-
firmed in all essential points by Josephus, who
repeats Agrippa's words, in which he acknowledged
the justice of the punishment thus inflicted on him.
After lingering five days, he expired, in the fifty-
fourth year of his age.

By his wife Cypros he had a son named Agrippa,
and three daughters, Berenice, who first married
her uncle Herodes, king of Chalcis, afterwards
lived with her brother Agrippa, and subsequently
married Polamo, king of Cilicia ; she is alluded to
by Juvenal {Sat. vi. 156); Mariamne, and Drusilla,
who married Felix, the procurator of Judaea. (Jo-
seph. Ant. Jud. xvii. 1. § 2, xviii. 5-8, xix. 4-8;
Bell. Jud. i. 28. § 1, ii. 9. 11; Dion Cass. Ix. 8 ;
Euseb. Hist. Eccles. ii. 10.) [C. P. M.]

AGRIPPA, HERO'DES II., the son of Agrippa
I., was educated at the court of the emperor Clau-
dius, and at the time of his father's death was only
seventeen years old. Claudius therefore kept him
at Rome, and sent Cuspius Fadus as procurator of
the kingdom, which thus again became a Roman
province. On the death of Herodes, king of
Chalcis (a. d. 48), his little principality, with the
right of superintending the temple and appointing
the high priest, was given to Agrippa, who four
years afterwards received in its stead the tetrar-
chies formerly held by Philip and Lj'sanias, with
the title of king. In A. D. 55, Nero added the
cities of Tiberias and Taricheae in Galilee, and
Julias, with fourteen villages near it, in Peraea.
Agrippa expended large sums in beautifying Jeni-
salem and other cities, especially Berj-tus. His
partiality for the latter rendered him unpopular
amongst his own subjects, and the capricious man-
ner in which he appointed and deposed the high
priests, with some other acts which were distasteful,
made him an object of dislike to the Jews. Be-
fore the outbreak of the war with the Romans,
Agrippa attempted in vain to dissuade the people
from rebelling. When the war was begun, he
sided with the Romans, and was wounded at the
siege of Gamala. After the capture of Jerusalem,
he went with his sister Berenice to Rome, where
he was invested with the dignity of praetor. He
died in the seventieth year of his age, iu the third
year of the reign of Trajan. He was the last
prince of the house of the Herods. It was before
this Agrippa that the apostle Paul made his de-
fence, (a. d. 60. Acts. XXV. xxvi.) He lived on
terms of intimacy with the historian Josephus,
who has preserved two of the letters he received
from him. (Joseph. Afit. Jud. xvii. 5. § 4, xix. 9.
§ 2, XX. 1. § 3, 5. § 2, 7. § 1, 8. § 4 & 11, 9. § 4 ;
Bell. Jud. ii. 11. § 6, 12. § 1, 16, 17. § 1, iv. 1. § 3;
Vii. s. 54 ; Phot. cod. 33.) [C. P. M.]

AGRIPPA, MARCIUS, a man of the lowest
origin, was appointed by Macrinus in b. c. 217,
first to the government of Pannonia and after-
wards to that of Dacia. (Dion. Cass. Ixxviii. 13.)
He seems to be the same person as the Marcius
Agrippa, admiral of the fleet, who is mentioned by

AGRIPPA.

Spartianus as privy to the death of Antoninus
Caracallus. (Anion. Car. 6.)

AGRIPPA MENE'NIUS. [Menenius.]

AGRIPPA PO'STUMUS, a posthumous son
of 'M. Vipsanius Agrippa, by Julia, the daughter of
Augustus, was bom in b. c. 12. He was adopted
by Augustus together with Tiberius in a. d. 4,
and he assumed the toga virilis in the following,
year, A. D. 5. (Suet. Octav. 64, 65 ; Dion Cass,
liv, 29, Iv. 22.) Notwithstanding his adoption he
was afterwards banished by Augustus to the island
of Planasia, on the coast of Corsica, a disgrace
which he incurred on account of his savage and
intractable character ; but he was not guilty of
any crime. There he was under the surveillance
of soldiers, and Augustus obtained a senatuscon-
sultum by which the banishment was legally con-
firmed for the time of his life. The property of
Agrippa was assigned by Augustus to the treasury
of the army. It is said that during his captivity
he received the visit of Augustus, who secretly
went to Planasia, accompanied by Fabius Maxi-
mus. Augustus and Agrippa, both deeply affected,
shed tears when they met, and it was believ-
ed that Agrippa would be restored to liberty.
But the news of this visit reached Livia, the
mother of Tiberius, and Agrippa remained a cap-
tive. After the accession of Tiberius, in a. I). 14,
Agrippa was murdered by a centurion, who en-
tered his prison and killed him after a long
struggle, for Agrippa was a man of great bodily
strength. When the centurion afterwards went to
Tiberius to give him an account of the execution,
the' emperor denied having given any order for it,
and it is very probable that Livia was the secret
author of the crime. There was a rumour that
Augustus had left an order for the execution of
Agrippa, but this is positively contradicted by
Tacitus. (Tac. Ann. i. 3 — 6 ; Dion Cass. Iv. 32,
Ivii. 3 ; Suet. /. c, Tib. 22 ; Vellei. ii. 104, 112.)

After the death of Agrippa, a slave of the name
of Clemens, who was not infonned of the murder,
landed on Planasia with the intention of restoring
Agrippa to liberty and carrying him off to the
army in Germany. When he heard of what had
taken place, he tried to profit by his great resem-
blance to the murdered captive, and he gave him-
self out as Agrippa. He landed at Ostia, and
found many who believed him, or affected to
believe him, but he was seized and put to death
by order of Tiberius. (Tac. Ann. ii. 39, 40.)

The name of Agrippa Caesar is found on a medal
of Corinth. [ W. P.]

AGRIPPA, VIBULE'NUS, a Roman knight,
who took poison in the senate house at the time of
his trial, A. D. 36; he had brought the poison with
him in a ring. (Tac. Ann. vi. 40 ; Dion. Cass.
Iviii. 21.)

AGRIPPA, M. VIPSA'NIUS, was born in
B. c. 63. He was the son of Lucius, and was de-
scended from a very obscure family. At the age
of twenty he studied at ApoUonia in lUyria, toge-
ther with young Octavius, afterwards Octavianus
and Augustus. After the murder of J. Caesar iu
B. c. 44, Agrippa was one of those intimate friends
of Octavius, Avho advised hun to proceed immedi-
ately to Rome. Octavius took Agrippa with him,
and charged him to receive the oath of fidelity from
several legions which had declared in his favoiur.
Having been chosen consul in B. c 43, Octavius
gave to his friend Agrippa the delicate commission

AGRTPPA.

of prosecuting C. Cassius, one of the murderers of
J. Caesar. At the outbreak of the l*erusinian war
between Octavius, now Octavianus, and L. Anto-
nius, in b, c. 41, Agrippa, who was then praetor,
commanded part of the forces of Octavianus, and
after distinguishing himself by skilfid manoeuvres,
besieged L. Antonius in Perusia. He took the
town in B. c. 40, and towards the end of the same
year retook Sipontum, which had fallen into the
hands of M. Antonius. In B. c. 38, Agrippa ob-
tained fresh success in Gaul, where he quelled a
revolt of the native chiefs ; he also penetrated into
Germany as far as the country of the Catti, and
transplanted the Ubii to the left bank of the
Rhine ; whereupon he turned his arms against the
revolted Aquitani, whom he soon brought to obe-
dience. His victories, especially those in Aquitania,
contributed much to securing the power of Octavi-
anus, and he was recalled by him to undertake the
command of the war against Sex. Pompeius,
which was on the point of breaking out, b. c. 37.
Octavianus ofifered him a triumph, which Agrippa
declined, but accepted the consulship, to which he
was promoted by Octavianus in b. c. 37. Dion
Cassius (xlviiL 49) seems to say that he was con-
sul when he went to Gaul, but the words vTrdreve
Se nera Aovklov TaAAou seem to be suspicious,
unless they are to be inserted a little higher, after
the passage, ry 8' Aypiinra, rriv tqO vavr ikov
Trapa(rK€VT}u iy^eipicras, which refer to an event
which took place during the consulship of Agrippa.
For, immediately after his promotion to this dig-
nity, he was charged by Octavianus with the con-
struction of a fleet, which was the more necessary,
as Sextus Pompey was master of the sea,

Agrippa, in whom thoughts and deeds were
never separated (Vellei. ii. 79), executed this
order with prompt energy. The Lucrine lake
near Baiae was transfonned by him into a safe
harbour, which he called the Julian port in honour
of Octavianus, and where he exercised his sailors
and mariners till they were able to encounter the
experienced sailors of Pompey. In B, c. 36, Agrip-
pa defeated Sex. Pompey first at Mylae, and after-
wards at Naulochus on the coast of Sicily, and the
latter of these victories broke the naval supremacy
of Pompey. He received in consequence the ho-
nour of a naval crown, which was first conferred
upon him ; though, according to other authorities,
M. Varro was the first who obtained it from Pom-
pey the Great. (Vellei. ii. 81 ; Liv. Epit. 129;
Dion Cass. xlix. 14 ; Plin. H. N. xvi. 3. s. 4; Virg.
Aen. viii. 684.)

In B. c. 35, Agrippa had the command of the
war in Illyria, and afterwards served under Octa-
vmnus, when the latter had proceeded to that coun-
tr)'. On his return, he voluntarily accepted the
aedileship in B.C. 33, although he had been consul,
and expended immense sums of money upon great
public works. He restored the Appian, Marcian,
and Anienian aqueducts, constructed a new one,
fifteen miles in length, from the Tepula to Rome,
to which he gave the name of the Julian, in honour
of Octavianus, and had an immense number of
smaller water-works made, to distribute the water
within the town. He also had the large cloaca of
Tarquinius Priscus entirely cleansed. His various
works were adorned with statues by the first ar-
tists of Rome. These splendid buildings he aug-
mented in B. c. 27, during his third consulship, by
several others, and among these was the Pantheon,

AGRIPPA.

79

on which we still read the inscription : ** M. Agrippa
L. F. Cos. Tertium fecit." (Dion Cass. xlix. 43,
liii. 27 ; Plin. //. N. xxxvi. 15, s. 24 § 3; Strab.
v. p. 235 ; Frontin. DeAquaed. 9.)

When the war broke out between Octavianus
and M. Antonius, Agrippa was appointed com-
mander-in-chief of the fleet, B. c. 32. He took
Methone in the Peloponnesus, Leucas, Patrae, and
Corinth; and in the battle of Actium (b. c. 31)
where he commanded, the victory was mainly
owing to his skill. On his return to Rome in
B. c. 30, Octavianus, now Augustus, rewarded
him with a " vexilliun caeruleum," or sea-green
flag.

In B. c. 28, Agrippa became consul for the second
time with Augustus, and about this time married
MarcelLa, the niece of Augustus, and the daugliter
of his sister Octavia, His former wife, Pomponia,
the daughter of T. Pomponius Atticus, was either
dead or divorced. In the following year, B. c. 27>
he was again consul the third time with Augustus.

In B. c. 25, Agrippa accompanied Augustus to
the war against the Cantabrians. About this time
jealousy arose between him and his brother-in-law
Marcellus, the nephew of Augustus, and who
seemed to be destined as his successor. Augustus,
anxious to prevent differences that might have had
serious consequences for him, sent Agrippa as pro-
consul to Syria. Agrippa of course left Rome, but
he stopped at Mitylene in the island of Lesbos,
leaving the government of Syria to his legate.
The apprehensions of Augustus were removed by
the death of Marcellus in B. c. 23, and Agrippa
immediately returned to Rome, where he was the
more anxiously expected, as troubles had broken
out during the election of the consuls in b. c. 21.
Augustus resolved to receive his faithful friend
into his own family, and accordingly induced him
to divorce his wife Marcella, and marry Julia, the
widow of Marcellus and the daughter of Augustus
by his third wife, Scribonia. (b. c. 21.)

In B. c. 1 9, Agrippa went into Gaul. He paci-
fied the turbulent natives, and constructed four
great public roads and a splendid aqueduct at
Nemausus (Nimes). From thence he proceeded
to Spain and subdued the Cantabrians after a short
but bloody and obstinate struggle ; but, in accord-
ance v/ith his usual prudence, he neither announced
his victories in pompous letters to the senate, nor
did he accept a triumph which Augustus offered
him. In b. c. 18, he was invested with the tribu-
nician power for five years together with Augustus ;
and in the following year (b. c 17), his two sons,
Caius and Lucius, were adopted by Augustus.
At the close of the year, he accepted an invitar
tion of Herod the Great, and went to Jerusar
lem. He founded the military colony of Berytus
(Beyrut), thence he proceeded in b. c. 16 to the
Pontus Euxinus, and compelled the Bosporani to
accept Polemo for their king and to restore the
Roman eagles which had been taken by Mithri-
dates. On his return he stayed some time in
Ionia, where he granted privileges to the Jews
whose cause was pleaded by Herod (Joseph. A7itiq,
Jud. xvi. 2), and then proceeded to Rome, where
he arrived in B. c. 1 3. After his tribunician power
had been prolonged for five years, he went to Pan-
nonia to restore tranquillity to that province. He
returned in B. c. 12, after having been successful
as usual, and retired to Campania. There he died
unexpectedly, in the month of March, e. c. 12, in

80 AGRIPPA.

his 51 st year. His body was carried to Rome,
and was buried in the mausoleum of Augustus,
who himself pronounced a funeral oration over it.

Dion Cassius tells us (Hi. 1, &c.), that in the year
B. c. 29 Augustus assembled his friends and coun-
sellors, Agrippa and Maecenas, demanding their
opinion as to whether it would be advisable for
him to usurp monarchical power, or to restore to
the nation its former republican government.
This is corroborated by Suetonius {Odav. 28),
who says that Augustus twice deliberated upon
that subject. The speeches which Agrippa and
Maecenas delivered on this occasion are given by
Dion Cassius ; but the artificial character of them
makes them suspicious. However it does not seem
likely from the general character of Dion Cassius
as a historian that these speeches are invented by
him ; and it is not improbable, and such a suppo-
sition suits entirely the character of Augustus,
that those speeches were really pronounced, though
preconcerted between Augustus and his counsellors
to make the Roman nation believe that the fate of
the republic was still a matter of discussion, and
that Augustus would not assume monarchical power
till he had been convinced that it was necessary
for the welfare of the nation. Besides, Agrippa,
who according to Dion Cassius, advised Augustus
to restore the republic, was a man whose pohtical
opinions had evidently a monarchical tendency.

Agrippa was one of the most distinguished and
important men of the age of Augustus. He
must be considered as a chief support of the rising
monarchical constitution, and without Agrippa
Augustus could scarcely have succeeded in making
himself the absolute master of the Roman empire.
Dion Cassius (liv. 29, &c.), Velleius Paterculus
(ii. 79), Seneca {Ep. 94), and Horace {Od. i. 6),
speak with equal admiration of his merits.

Pliny constantly refers to the " Commentarii" of
Agrippa as an authority (Elenchus, iii. iv. -v. vi,
corap. iii. 2), which may indicate certain official
lists drawn up by him in the measurement of the
Roman world under Augustus [Aethicus], in
which he may have taken part.

Agrippa left several children. By his first wife
Pomponia, he had Vipsania, who was married to
Tiberius Caesar, the successor of Augustus. By
his second wife, Marcella, he had several children
who are not mentioned; and by his third wife,
Julia, he had two daughters, Julia, married to
L. Aemilius PauUus, and Agrippina married to
Germanicus, and three sons, Caius [Caesar, C],
Lucius [Caesar, L,], and Agrippa Postumus.
(Dion Cass. lib. 45-54; Liv. Epit. 117-136;
Appian, Bell. Oiv. lib. 5 ; Suet. Octav. ; Frandsen,
M. Vipsanius Ayrippa, eine historisclie Untersuchung
iiber dessen Lehen und Wirken, Altona, 1836.)

There are several medals of Agrippa : in the one
figured below, he is represented with a naval
crown ; on the reverse is Neptune indicating his
success by sea. [W. P.]

AGRIPPINA.

AGRIPPI'N A I., the youngest daughter of M.
Vipsanius Agrippa and of Julia, the daughter of
Augustus, was bom some time before B. c. 1 2.
She married Caesar Germanicus, the son of Drasus
Nero Germanicus, by whom she had nine chil-
dren. Agrippina was gifted with great powers
of mind, a noble character, and all the moral
and physical qualities that constituted the model
of a Roman matron : her love for her husband was
sincere and lasting, her chastity was spotless, her
fertility was a virtue in the ej^es of the Romans,
and her attachment to her children was an emi-
nent feature of her character. She j-ielded to one
dangerous passion, ambition. Augustus shewed
her particular attention and attachment. (Sue ton.
Ccdiff. 8.)

At the death of Augustus in A. d. 14, she was
on the Lower Rhine with Germanicus, who com-
manded the legions there. Her husband was the
idol of the army, and the legions on the Rhine,
dissatisfied with the accession of Tiberius, mani-
fested their intention of proclaiming Germanicus
master of the state. Tiberius hated and dreaded
Germanicus, and he shewed as much antipathy to
Agrippina, as he had love to her elder sister, his
first wife. In this perilous situation, Germanicus
and Agrippina saved themselves by their prompt
energy ; he quelled the outbreak and pursued the
war against the Germans. In the ensuing year
his lieutenant Caecina, after having made an inva-
sion into Germany, returned to the Rhine. The
campaign was not inglorious for the Romans, but
they were worn out by hardships, and perhaps
harassed on their march by some bands of Ger-
mans. Thus the rumour was spread that the main
body of the Germans was approaching to invade
Gaul. Germanicus was absent, and it was pro-
posed to destroy the bridge over the Rhine.
(Comp. Strab. iv. p. 194.) If this had been done,
the retreat of Caecina's armj' would have been cut
ofi^, but it was saved by the firm opposition of
Agrippina to such a cowardly measure. When
the troops approached, she went to the bridge,
acting as a general, and receiving the soldiers as
they crossed it ; the wounded among them were
presented by her with clothes, and they received
from her own hands everything necessary for the
cure of their wounds. (Tac. Ann. i. 69.) Ger-
manicus having been recalled by Tiberius, she ac-
companied her husband to Asia (a. d. 1 7), and
after his death, or rather murder [Germanicus],
she returned to Italy. She stayed some days at
the island of Corcyra to recover from her grief^
and then landed at Brundusiura, accompanied by
two of her children, and holding in her arms the
urn with the ashes of her husband. At the news
of her arrival, the port, the walls, and even the
roofs of the houses were occupied by crowds of
people who were anxious to see and salute her.
She was solemnly received by the officers of two
Praetorian cohorts, which Tiberius had sent to
Brundusium for the purpose of accompanying her
to Rome ; the urn containing the ashes of Germa-
nicus was borne by tribunes and centurions, and
the funeral procession Avas received on its march
by the magistrates of Calabria, Apulia, and Cam-
pania ; by Dnisus, the son of Tiberius ; Claudius,
the brother of Germanicus ; by the other children
of Germanicus; and at last, in the environs of
Rome, by the consuls, the senate, and crowds of
the Roman people. (Tac. Ann. iii, 1, &c.)

AGRIPPINA.

During some years Tiberius diRguiscd his hatred
of Agrippina ; but she soon became exposed to
secret accusations and intrigues. She asked the
emperor's permission to choose another husband,
but 'J'iberius neither refused nor consented to the
proposition. Sejanus, who exercised an unbound-
ed inHuencc over Tiberius, then a prey to mental
disorders, persuaded Agrippina that the emperor
intended to poison her. Alanned at such a report,
she refused to eat an apple which the emperor
offered her from his table, and Tiberius in his
turn complained of Agrippina regarding him
as a poisoner. According to Suetonius, all this
was an intrigue preconcerted between the emperor
and Sejanus, who, as it seems, had formed the
plan of leading Agrippina into false steps. Tibe-
rius was extremely suspicious of Agrippina, and
shewed his hostile feelings by allusive words or
neglectful silence. There were no evidences of
ambitious plans formed by Agrippina, but the
rumour having been spread that she would fly to
the army, he banished her to the island of Pan-
dataria (a. d. 30) where her mother Julia had
died in exile. Her sons Nero and Dnisus were
likewise banished and both died an unnatural
death. She lived three years on that barren
island ; at last she refused to take any food,
and died most probably by voluntary starvation.
Her death took place precisely two years after and
on the same date as the murder of Sejanus, that is
in A. D. 33. Tacitus and Suetonius tell us, that
Tiberius boasted that he had not strangled her.
(Sueton. Tib. 53; Tac. Ann. vi. 25.) The ashes
of Agrippina and those of her son Nero were
afterwards broxight to Rome by order of her son,
the emperor Caligula, who struck various medals in
honour of his mother. In the one figured below,
the head of Caligula is on one side and that of his
mother on the other. The words on each side are
respectively, c. caesar. avg. ger. p.m. tr. pot.,
and agrippina. mat. c. caes. avg. germ.

(Tac. Ann. i.— vi. ; Sueton. Odav. 64, Tih.l. c,
Caluj. I.e.; Dion. Cass. Ivii. 5, 6, Iviii. 22.) [W. P ]

AGRIPPrNA II., the daughter of Germani-
cus and Agrippina the elder, daughter of M.
Vipsanius Agrippa. She was born between A. d.
13 and 17, at the Oppidum Ubiorum, afterwards
called in honour of her Colonia Agrippina, now
Cologne, and then the head-quarters of the legions
commanded by her father. In a. d. 28, she mar-
ried Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, a man not un-
like her, and whom she lost in a. d. 40. After
his death she married Crispus Passienus, who died
some years afterwards ; and she was accused of hav-
ing poisoned him, either for the purpose of obtain-
ing his great fortune, or for some secret motive of
limch higher importance. She was already known
for her scandalous conduct, for her most perfidi-
ous intrigues, and for an unbounded ambition.
She was accused of having committed incest with
her own brother, the emperor Caius Caligula,
■who under the pretext of having discovered
that she had lived in an adulterous intercourse

AGRIPPINA. 81

with M. AemiliuB Lepidus, the husband of
her sister Drusilla, banished her to the island of
Pontia, which was situated opposite the bay of
Caiela, off the coast of Italy. Her sister Drusilla
was likewise banished to Pontia, and it seems
that their exile wjis connected with the punish-
ment of Lepidus, who was put to death for having
conspired against the emperor. Previously to her
exile, Agrippina was compelled by her brother
to carry to Rome the ashes of Lepidus. This
h.ippened in a. d. 39. Agrippina and her sister
were released in A. D. 41, by their uncle, Clau-
dius, immediately after his accession, although
his wife, Messalina, was the mortal enemy
of Agrippina. Messalina was put to death by
order of Claudius in a. d. 48 ; and in the follow-
ing year, a. d. 49, Agrippina succeeded in mar-
rying the emperor. Claudius was her uncle, but
her marriage was legalized by a senatusconsul-
tum, by which the marriage of a man with his
brother's daughter was declared valid ; this senatus-
consultum was afterwards abrogjited by the emper-
ors Constantine and Constans. In this intrigue
Agrippina displayed the qualities of an accomplished
courtezan, and such was the influence of her channs
and superior talents over the old emperor, that, in
prejudice of his own son, Britannicus, he adopt-
ed Domitius, the son of Agrippina by her first
husband, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. (a. d. 51.)
Agrippina was assisted in her secret plans by
Pallas, the perfidious confidant of Claudius. By
her intrigues, L. Junius Silanus, the husband of
Octavia, the daughter of Claudius, was put to
death, and in A. d. 53, Octavia was married to
young Nero. Lollia PauUina, once the rival of
Agrippina for the hand of the emperor, was accused
of high treason and condemned to death ; but she
put an end to her own life. Domitia Lepida, the
sister of Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, met with a
similar fate. After having thus removed those
whose rivalship she dreaded, or whose virtues she
envied, Agrippina resolved to get rid of her hus-
band, and to govern the empire through her ascen-
dencj' over her son Nero, his successor. A vague
rumour of this reached the emperor ; in a state of
drunkenness, he forgot prudence, and talked about
pimishing his ambitious wife. Having no time to
lose, Agrippina, assisted by Locusta and Xenophon,
a Greek physician, poisoned the old emperor, in
A. D. 54, at Sinuessa, a watering-place to which
he had retired for the sake of his health. Nero
was proclaimed emperor, and presented to the
troops by Burrus, whom Agrippina had appointed
praefectus praetorio. Narcissus, the rich freednian
of Claudius, M. Junius Silanus, proconsul of Asia,
the brother of L. Junius Silanus, and a great-
grandson of Augustus, lost their lives at the insti-
gation of Agrippina, who would have augmented
the number of her victims, but for the opposition
of Burrus and Seneca, recalled by Agrippina from
his exile to conduct the education of Nero. Mean-
while, the young emperor took some steps to shake
ofl" the insupportable ascendency of his mother.
The jealousy of Agrippina rose from her son's pas-
sion for Acte, and, after her, for Poppaea Sabina,
the wife of M. Salvius Otho. To reconquer his
affection, Agrippina employed, but in vain, most
daring and most revolting means. She threatened
to oppose Britannicus as a rival to the emperor j
but Britannicus was poisoned by Nero ; and she
even solicited her son to an incestuous iuter-

u

82 AGRIPPINUS.

course. At last, her death was resolved upon
by Nero, who wished to repudiate Octavia and
marry Poppaea, but whose plan was thwarted
by his mother. Thus petty feminine intrigues
became the cause of Agrippina's ruin. Nero
invited her under the pretext of a reconciliation
to visit him at Baiae, on the coast of Campania.
She went thither by sea. In their conversation
hypocrisy was displayed on both sides. She
left Baiae by the same way ; but the vessel was
60 contrived, that it was to break to pieces
Avhen out at sea. It only partly broke, and Agrip-
pina saved herself by swimming to the shore ;
her attendant Acerronia was killed. Agrippina
iled to her villa near the Lucrine lake, and inform-
ed her son of her happy escape. Now, Nero
charged Burrus to murder his mother ; but Burrus
declining it, Anicetus, the commander of the fleet,
who had invented the stratagem of the ship, was
compelled by Nero and Burrus to undertake the
task, Anicetus went to her villa with a chosen
band, and his men surprised" her in her bedroom.
'" Ventrem feri " she cried out, after she was but
slightly wounded, and immediately afterwards ex-
pired under the blows of a centurion, (a. d, 60.)
(Tac. Ann. xiv, 8.) It was told, that Nero went
to the villa, and that he admired the beauty of the
dead body of his mother : this was believed by
some, doubted by others, (xiv. 9.) Agrippina left
commentaries concerning her history and that of
her family, which Tacitus consulted, according to
his own statement. {Ih. iv. 54 ; comp. Plin. Hist,
Nat. vii. 6, s, 8, Elenchus, vii. &c.)

There are several medals of Agrippina, which
are distinguishable from those of her mother by
the title of Augusta, which those of her mother
never have. On some of her medals she is repre-
sented with her husband Claudius, in others with
her son Nero. The former is the case in the one
annexed. The words on each side are respectively',
agrippinak avgvstae, and ti. clavd. caesar.

AVO. GERM. P.M. TRIB. POT. P.P.

(Tac. Ajin. lib.xii. xiii, xiv.; Dion Cass, lib. lix, —
Ixi,; Sueton. Claud. 43, 44, Nero, 5, 6.) [VV.P.]

AGRIPPI'NUS. Bishop of Carthage, of
venerable memory, but known for being the first
to maintain the necessity of re-baptizing all
heretics. (Vincent. Lirinens. Commonit. i. 9.) St,
Cyprian regarded this opinion as the correction of
an error (S. Augustin. De Baptismo., ii. 7, vol, ix.
p. 102, ed. Bened.), and St. Augustine seems to
imply he defended his error in writing. {Epist. 93,
c. 10.) He held the Council of 70 Bishops at
Carthage about a. d. 200 (Vulg. a. d. 215, Mans.
a. d. 217) on the subject of Baptism, Though he
erred in a matter yet undefined by the Church, St.
Augustine notices that neither he nor St. Cyprian
thought of separating from the Church, {De
Baptismo^ iii, 2, p, 109.) [A, J. C]

AGRIPPI'NUS, PACO'NIUS, whose father
was put to death by Tiberius on a charge of trea-
son. (Suet, 7i'6. 61.) Agrippinus was accused at

AG RON.

the same time as Thrasea, a, d. 67, and was ba-
nished from Italy. (Tac, Ann. xvi, 28, 29, 33.)
He was a Stoic philosopher, and is spoken of with
praise by Epictetus [a]). Stob. Serm. 7), and Arriau.
(i. I.)^

A'CiRIUS CAypios), a son of Porthaon and
Euryte, and brother of Oeneus, king of Calydon in
Aetolia, Alcathous, Melas, Leucopeus, and Sterope.
He was father of six sons, of whom Thersites was
one. These sons of Agrius deprived Oeneus of
his kingdom, and gave it to their father ; but all of
them, with the exception of Thersites, were slain
by Diomedes, the grandson of Oeneus. (Apollod.
i, 7. § 10, 8. § 5, &c.) Apollodorus places these
events before the expedition of the Greeks against
Troy, while Hyginus {Fab, 175, comp, 242 and
Antonin, Lib, 37) states, that Diomedes, when he
heard, after the fall of Troy, of the misfortune of
his grandfather Oeneus, hastened back and expelled
Agi'ius, who then put an end to his own life ; ac-
cording to others, Agrius and his sons were slain
by Diomedes. (Comp, Paus. ii. 25. § 2 ; Ov. He-
roid. ix. 153.)

There are some other mythical personages of the
name of Agrius, concerning whom nothing of inte-
rest is known. (Hesiod, Tlieog. 1013, &c,; Apollod.
i. 6. § 2, ii, 5, § 4.) [L, S.]

AGROE'CIUS or AGROE'TIUS, a Roman
grammarian, the author of an extant work " De
Orthographia et Differentia Sermonis," intended as
a supplement to a work on the same subject, by
Flavius Caper, and dedicated to a bishop, Euche-
rius. He is supposed to have lived in the middle
of tlie 5th century of our era. His work is printed
in Putschius' "" Grammaticae Latinae Auctores
Antiqui," pp. 2266-2275, [C. P. M.]

AGROETAS (*A7poiTas), a Greek historian,
who wrote a work on Scythia (2/cu0i/ca), from the
thirteenth book of which the scholiast on Apollo-
nius (ii. 1248) quotes, and one on Libya (Ai^u/ca),
the fourth book of which is quoted by the same
scholiast, (iv, 1396.) He is also mentioned by
Stephanus Bvz, (s. v. "Afx-neXos.) [C. P. M.]

AGRON X^Aypuv). 1. The son of Ninus, the
first of the Lydian dynasty of the Heracleidae.
The tradition was, that this dynasty supplanted a
native race of kings, having been originally en-
trusted with the government as deputies. The
names Ninus and Belus in their genealogy render
it probable that they were either Assyrian gover-
nors, or princes of Assyrian origin, and that their
accession marks the period of an Assyrian con-
quest, (Herod, i, 7.)

2. The son of Pleuratus, a king of Illyria. In
the strength of his land and naval forces he sur-
passed all the preceding kings of that countrj'.
When the Aetolians attempted to compel the Me-
dionians to join their confederacy, Agron under-
took to protect them, having been induced to do
so by a large bribe which he received from Deme-
trius, the father of Philip. He accordingly sent to
their assistance a force of 5000 lUyrians, who
gained a decisive victory over the Aetolians.
Agron, overjoyed at the news of this success, gave
himself up to feasting, and, in consequence of his ex-
cess, contracted a pleurisy, of which he died. (b.c.
231.) He was succeeded in the government by
his wife Teuta. Just after his death, an embassy
an-ived from the Romans, who had sent to mediate
in behalf of the inhabitants of the island of Issa,
who had revolted from Agron and placed them-

AlIALA.

Helves under the protection of the Romans. By
his first wife, Triteutti, whom lie divorced, he had
a son named Pinnes, or Pinncus, who survived
him, and was placed under the guardianship of
Demetrius Pharius, who married his mother after
tlie death of Teuta. (Dion Cass, xxxiv. 4(5, lol ;
Polvb. ii. 2—4 ; Appian, ///. 7 ; Flor. ii. 5 ; Plin.
JI.W. xxx\y. Ck) [C. p. M.]

AGRO'TERA CAyporipa), the huntress, a sur-
name of Artemis. (Hom. //. xxi. 471.) At Agrae
on the Ilissus, where she was believed to have first
liunted after her arrival ft-om Delos, Artemis Agrotera
had a temple with a statue carrying a bow. (Paus,
i. 19. § 7.) Under this name she was also wor-
shipped at Aegeii-a. (vii. 26. § 2.) The name
Agrotera is synonymous with Agraea [Agraeus],
but Eustathius (at/ //. p. 3G1) derives it from the
town of Agrae. Concerning the worship of Artemis
Agrotera at Athens, see LHct. of Ant. s. v. 'Aypo-
Tfpas dva-ia, p. 31. [L. S.J

AGYIEUS {'Ayvievs), a surname of Apollo de-
scribing him as the protector of the streets and
public places. As such he was worshipped at
Acharnae (Paus. i. 31. § 3), Mycenae (ii. 19. § 7),
and at Tegea. (viii. 53. § 1.) The origin of the
worship of Apollo Agyieus in the last of these
places is related by Pausanias. (Compare Hor.
Cann. iv. 6. 28 ; Macrob. Sat. i. 9.) [L. S.]

AGY'RRHIUS {'Ayi^^ios), a native of Colly-
tus in Attica, whom Andocides ironically calls tov
koXqu KayaQbv {ile Myst. p. Q5, ed. Reiske), after
being in prison many years for embezzlement of
public money, obtained about B. c. 395 the restor-
ation of the Theoricon, and also tripled the pay for
attending the assembly, though he reduced the
allowance previously given to the comic writers,
(llarpocrat. s. v. QewpiKct, 'Ayvppios ; Suidas, s. v.
tKKkTiaiaaTiKov^ Schol. ad Aristoph. Eccl. 102;
Dem. c. Timocr. p. 742.) By this expenditure of
the public revenue Agyrrhius became so popular,
that he was appointed general in b. c. 389. (Xen.
IhU. iv. 8. § 31 ; Diod. xiv. Q9 ; Bbckh, Publ.
Kcon. of AtJtens, pp. 223, 224, 316, &c., 2nd ed.
Engl, transl.; Schomann, dc Comifits, p. 65, &c.)

AHA'LA, the name of a patrician family of the
Servilia Gens. There were also several persons of
this gens with the name of Strudus AJiala, who
may have formed a different family from the Aha-
lae ; but as the Ahalae and Structi Ahalae are
frequently confounded, all the persons of these
names are given here.

1. C. Skrvilius Structus Ahala, consul b.c.
478, died in his year of office, as appears from the
Fasti. (Liv. ii. 49.)

2. C. Servilius Structus Ahala, magister
equitum B. c. 439, when L. Cincinnatus was ap-
pointed dictator on the pretence that Sp. Maelius
was plotting against the state. In the night, in
which the dictator was appointed, the capitol and
all the strong posts were garrisoned by the parti-
zans of the patricians. In the morning, when the
people assembled in the fonim, and Sp. Maelius
among them, Ahala summoned the latter to appear
before the dictator ; and upon Maelius disobeying
and taking refuge in the crowd, Ahala rushed into
the throng and killed him. (Liv. iv. 13, 14 ; Zo-
naras, vii. 20 ; Dionys. Exc. Mai, i. p. 3.) This
act is mentioned by later writers as an example of
ancient heroism, and is frequently referred to by
Cicero in terms of the highest admiration {in Catil.
L 1, pro Mil. 3, Cato^ 16) ; but it was in reality

AHENOBARBUS. 83

a case of murder, and was so regarded at the time.
Ahala was brought to trial, and only escaped con-
demnation by a voluntary exile. (Vah Max. v. 3.
§ 2 ; Cic. de Rep. i. 3, pro Dom. 32.) Livy pasw;*
over this, and only mentions (iv. 21), that a bill
was brought in three years afterwards, B. c. 436,
by another Sp. Maelius, a tribune, for confiscating
the property of Ahala, but that it failed.

A representation of Ahala is given on a coin of
M. Brutus, the murderer of Caesar, but we cannot
suppose it to be anything more than an imaginary
likeness. M. Brutus pretended that he was des-
cended from L. Brutus, the first consul, on his
father's side, and from C. Ahala on his mother's,
and thus was sprung from two tyrannicides.
(Comp. Cic. adAtt. xiii. 40.) The head of Brutus
on the annexed coin is therefore intended to repre-
sent the first consul.

3. C. Servilius Q. f. C. n. Structus Ahala,
consul B. c. 427. (Liv. iv. 30.)

4. C. Servilius P. f. Q. n. Structus Ahala,
consular tribune B.C. 408, and magister equitum in
the same year ; which latter dignity he obtained
in consequence of supporting the senate against his
colleagues, who did not wish a dictator to be ap-
pointed. For the same reason he was elected
consular tribune a second time in the following
year, 407. He was consular tribune a third time
in 402, when he assisted the senate in compelling
his colleagues to resign who had been defeated by
the enemy. (Liv. iv. 56, 57, v. 8, 9.)

5. C. Servilius Ahala, magister equitum
B. c. 389, when Camillus was appouited dictator a
third time. (Liv. vi. 2.) Ahala is spoken of as
magister equitum in 385, on occasion of the trial
of Manlius. Manlius summoned him to bear wit-
ness in his favour, as one of those whose lives he
had saved in battle ; but Ahala did not appear,
(iv. 20.) Plinv, who mentions this circumstance,
calls Ahala P. Servilius. {H. N. vii. 39.)

6. Q. Servilius Q. f. Q. n. Ahala, consul
B. c. 365, and again B. c. 362, in the latter of
which j^ears he appointed Ap. Claudius dictator,
after his plebeian colleague L. Genucius had been
slain in battle. In 360 he was himself appointed
dictator in consequence of a Gallic tumuUus, and
defeated the Gauls near the Colline gate. He held
the comitia as interrex in 355. (Liv. vii. 1, 4, 6,
11,17.)

7. Q. Servilius Q. f. Q. n. Ahala, magister
equitum B. c. 351, when M. Fabius was appointed
dictator to frustrate the Licinian law, and consul
B. c. 342, at the beginning of the first Samnite
war. He remained in the city ; his colleague had
the charse of the war. (Liv. vii. 22, 38.)

AHENOBARBUS, the name of a plebeian
family of the Domitia Gens, so called from the
red hair which many of this family had. To ex-
plain this name, which signifies "Red-Beard," and
to assign a high antiquity to their family, it was
said that the Dioscuri announced to one of their

G 2

at

truth

84 AHENOBARBUS. AHENOBARBUS.

ancestors the victory of the Romans over the Latins j black hair and beard, which immediately became
lake Regillus (b. c. 496), and, to confirm the red. (Suet. Ner. 1 ; Plut. Aemil. 25, Coriol. 8^
th of what they said, that they stroked his | Dionys. vi. 13; TertuU. ApoL 22.)

Stemma Ahenobarborum.

1. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos, b. c. 192.

2. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos. Suff. b. c 162.

I
3. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos. b. c. 122.

I ■

4. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos. B. c 96.

5. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos. b. c. 94.

6. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. Probably son of
No. 4. Died B. c. 81. Married Cornelia, daugh-
ter of L. Cornelius Cinna, Cos. b. c. 87.

.1
, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos.
B. c. 54. Married Porcia, sister
of M. Cato.

8.

Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos. B. c. 32.

9. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos. b. c. 16. Mirried
Antonia, daughter of M. Antonius and Octavia.

I

10. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos.
A. D. 32. Married Agrippina,
daughter of Germanicus.

13. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the emperor Nkro.

1. Cn. Domitius L. f. L. n. Ahenobarbus,
plebeian aedile b. c. 196, prosecuted, in conjunction
with his colleague C. Curio, many jiecuarii, and
with the fines raised therefrom built a temple of
Faunus in the island of the Tiber, which he dedi-
cated in his praetorship, B. c. 194. (Li v. xxxiii.
42, xxxiv. 42, 43, 53.) He was consul in 192,
and was sent against the Boii, who submitted to
him ; but he remained in their country till the
following year, when he was succeeded by the
consul Scipio Nasica. (xxxv. 1 0, 20, 22, 40, xxxvi.
37.) In 190, he was legate of the consul L. Scipio
in the war against Antiochus the Great, (xxxvii.
39; Plut. Jpophik. Rom. On. Doimi.) In his
consulship one of his oxen is said to have uttered
the warning "Roma, cave tibi." (Liv. xxxv. 21 ;
Val. Max. i. 6. § 5, who falsely says, Bello Punico
secumlo.)

2. Cn. Domitius Cn. f. L. n. Ahenobarbus,
son of the preceding, Tsas chosen pontifex in B. c.
172, when a young man (Liv. xlii. 28), and in 169
was sent with two others as commissioner into
Macedonia, (xliv. 18.) In 167 he was one of the
ten commissioners for arranging the affairs of Ma-
cedonia in conjunction with Aemilius Paullus (xlv.
17); and when the consuls of 162 abdicated on
account of some fault in the auspices in their elec-
tion, he and Cornelius Lentulus were chosen con-
suls in their stead. (Cic. de Nat. Deor. ii. 4, de Div.
ii. 35; Val. Max. i. 1. § 3.)

3. Cn, Domitius Cn. f. Cn. n. Ahenobarbus,
son of the preceding, was sent in his consulship,
B. c. 122, against the Allobroges in Gaul, because
they had received Teutomalius, the king of the
Salluvii and the enemy of the Romans, and had
laid waste the tenitory of the Aedui, the friends
of the Romans. In 121 he conquered the Allo-
broges and their ally Vituitus, king of the Arvemi,
near Vindalium, at the confluence of the Sulga and

11. Domitia. Mar-
ried Crispus Pas-
sienas.

12. Domitia Lepida.
Married M. Vale-
rius Messala.

the Rhodanus ; and he gained the battle mainly-
through the terror caused by his elephants. He
commemorated his victory by the erection of tro-
phies, and went in procession through the province
carried by an elephant. He triumphed in 120.
{\a\. Epit.6\\ Florus, iii. 2 ; Strab. iv. p. 191 ;
Cic. pro Font. 12, Brut. 26 ; Vellei. ii. 10, 39 ;
Oros. V. 1 3 ; Suet. Ner. 2, who confounds him
with his son.) He was censor in 115 with Caeci-
lius Metellus, and expelled twenty-two persons
from the senate. ( Liv. EpU. 62 ; Cic. pro Cliietd.
42.) He was also Pontifex. (Suet. /. c.) The
Via Domitia in Gaul was made by him. (Cic. pro
Font. 8.)

4. Cn. Domitius Cn. f. Cn. n. Ahenobarbus,
son of the preceding, was tribune of the plebs B, c.
1 04, in the second consulship of Marius, ( Ascon.
in Comd. p. 81, ed. Orelli.) When the college of
pontiffs did not elect him in place of his father, he
brought forward the law {^Lex Domitia)., by which
the right of election was transferred from the
priestly colleges to the people. {Did. of Ant. pp.
773, b. 774, a.) The people afterwards elected
him Pontifex Maximus out of gmtitude. (Liv.
Epit. 67 ; Cic. pro Deiot. 1 1 ; Val. Max. vi. 5. § 5.)
He prosecuted in his tribunate and afterwards
several of his private enemies, as Aemilius Scaurus
and .Junius Silanus. (Val. Max. I. c; Dion Cass.
Fr. 100; Cic. Div. in Caedl. 20, Vcrr. ii. 47,
Cortid. 2, pro Scaur. 1.) He was consul B. c. 9Q
with C. Cassius, and censor B. c. 92, with Licinius
Crassus, the orator. In his censorship he and his
colleague shut up the schools of the Latin rhetori-
cians (Cic. de Orut. iii. 24 ; Gell. xv. 11), but this
was the only thing in which they acted in concert.
Their censorship was long celebrated for their dis-
putes. Domitius was of a violent temper, and was
moreover in favour of the ancient simplicity of liv-
ing, while Crassus loved luxury and encouraged

AHENOBARBUS.

art. Among th« many sayings recorded of both,
we are told tliat Crassus observed, "that it was no
wonder that a man liad a beard of brass, who had
a mouth of iron and a heart of lead." (Plin. //. A^.
xviii, 1; Suet. I.e.; Val. Max. ix. 1. § 4; Macrob,
,Sai. ii. 11.) Cicero says, that Doniitius was not
to be reckoned among the orators, but that he
spoke well enough and had sufficient talent to
maintain his high rank. (Cic. Brut. 44.)

.5. L. Do.MiTius Cn. f. Cn. n. Ahenobarbus,
son of No. 3 and brother of No. 4, was praetor in
Sicily, probably in B. c. 96, shortly after the Ser-
vile war, when slaves had been forbidden to cariy
anns. He ordered a slave to be crucified for kill-
ing a wild boar with a hunting spear. (Cic. Verr.
V. 3 ; Val. Max. vi. 3. § 5.) He was consul in
94. In the civil war between Marius and Sulla,
he espoused the side of the latter, and was mur-
dered at Rome, by order of the younger Marius,
by the praetor Damasippus. (Appian, B. C. i. 88 ;
Vellei. iL 26 ; Oros. v. 20.)

6. Cn. Do.mitius Cn. f. Cn. f. Ahenobarbus,
apparently a son of No. 4, mai-ried Cornelia, daugh-
ter of L Cornelius Cinna, consul in B. c. 87, and
in the civil war between Marius and Sulla espoused
the side of the fonner. When Sulla obtained the
supreme power in 82, Ahenobarbus was proscribed,
and fled to Africa, where he was joined by many
who were in the same condition as hiivself. With
the assistance of the Numidian king, Hiarbas, he
collected an army, but was defeated near Utica by
Cn. Pompcius, whom Sulla had sent against him,
and was afterwards killed in the storming of his
camp, B. c. 81. According to some accounts, he
was killed Jifter the battle by command of Pompey,
(Li v. Ejnt. 89 ; Plut Pomp. 10, 12 ; Zonaras, x. 2;
Oros- V. 21 ; Val. Max. vi. 2. § 8.)

7. L. DoMiTius Cn. f. Cn. n. Ahenobarbus,
son of No. 4, is first mentioned in B. c. 70 by
Cicero, as a witness against Verres. In 61 he
was curule aedile, when he exhibited a hundred
Numidian lions, and continued the games so long,
that the people were obliged to leave the circus
before the exhibition was over, in order to take
food, which was the first time they had done so.
(Dion Cass, xxxvii. 46 ; Plin. //. JV. viii. .54 ; this
pause in the games was called diludium, Hor. Ep.
i. 19. 47.) He married Porcia, the sister of M.
Cato, and in his aedileship supported the latter in
his proposals against bribery at elections, which
were directed against Pompey, who was purchasing
votes for Afranius. The pt)litical opinions of Ahe-
nobarbus coincided with those of Cato; he was
throughout his life one of the strongest supporters
of the aristocratical party. He took an iictive part
in opposing the measures of Caesar and Pompey
after their coalition, and in 59 was accused by
Vettius, at the instigation of Caesar, of being an
accomplice to the pretended conspiracy against the
life of Pompey.

Ahenobarbus was praetor in B. c. 58, and pro-
posed an investigation into the vjilidity of the
Julian laws of the preceding year ; but the senate
dared not entertain his propositions. He was am-
didate for the consulship of 55, and thre^itened
that he would in his consulship carry into execu-
tion the measures he had proposed in his praetor-
ship, and deprive Caesar of his province. He was
defeated, however, by Pompey and Crassus, who
also became candidates, and was driven from the
Campus Martius on the day of election by force of

AHENOBARBUS.

85

anna. He became a candidate again in tho follow-
ing year, and Caesar and Pompey, whose power
was fiimly established, did not oppose him. He
was accordingly elected consul for 54 with Ap.
Claudius Pulcher, a relation of Pompey, but was
not able to effect anything agaiftst Caesar and
Pompey. He did not go to a province at the ex-
piration of his consulship ; and as the friendship
between Caesar and Pompey cooled, he became
closely allied with the latter. In B. c. 52, he was
chosen by Pompey to preside, as quaesitor, in the
court for the trial of Clodius. For the next two
or three years during Cicero's absence in Cili-
cia, our information about Ahenobarbus is princi-
pally derived from the letters of his enemy Coelius
to Cicero. In b. c. 50 he was a candidate for the
place in the college of augurs, vacant by the death
of Hortensius, but was defeated by Antony through
the influence of Caesar.

The senate appointed him to succeed Caesar in
the province of further Gaul, and on the march of
the latter into Italy (49), he was the only one of
the aristocratical party who shewed any energy or
courage. He threw himself into Corfinium with
about twenty cohorts, expecting to be supported by
Pompey ; but as the latter did nothing to assist
him, he was compelled by his own troops to sur-
render to Caesar. His own soldiers were incorpo-
rated into Caesar's army, but Ahenobai-bus was
dismissed bj^ Caesar uninjured — an act of clemency
which he did not expect, and which he would cer-
tainly not have shewed, if he had been the con-
queror. Despairing of life, he had ordered his
physician to administer to him poison, but the lat-
ter gave him only a sleeping dra\ight. Ahenobai'bus'
feelings against Caesar remained unaltered, but he
was too deeply offended by the conduct of Pompey
to join him immediately. He retired for a short
time to Cosa in Etruria, and afterwards sailed to
Massilia, of which the inhabitants appointed hinj
governor. He prosecuted the war vigorously
against Caesar ; but the town was eventually taken,
and Ahenobarbus escaped in a vessel, which wjis
the only one that got off.

Ahenobarbus now went to Pompey in Thessaly,
and proposed that after the war all senators should
be broutiht to trial who had remained neutral
in it. Cicero, whom he branded as a coward, was
not a little afraid of him. He fell in the battle of
Pharsalia (48), where he commanded the left wing,
and, according to Cicero's assertion in the second
Philippic, by the hand of Antony. Ahenobivrbus
was a man of great energy of character ; he re-
mained firm to his political principles, but was
little scrupulous in the means he employed to
maintain them. (The passages of Cicero in which
Ahenobarbus is mentioned are given in Orelli's
Onomastkon Tullkmum ; Suet. Ner. 2 ; Dion Cass,
lib. xxxix. xli. ; Caes. Bell. Oiv.)

8. Cn. Domitius L. f. Cn. n. Ahenobarbus,
son of the preceding, was taken with his father at
Corfinium (b. c. 49), and was present at the battle
of Pharsalia (48), but did not take any further
part in the war. He did not however return to
Italy till 46, when he was pardoned by Cae-
sar. He probably had no shai-e in the murder
of Caesar (44), though some writers expressly
assert that he was one of the conspirators ; but he
followed Brutus into Macedonia after Caesar's
death, and was condemned by the Lex Pedia iu
43 as one of the murderers of Caesar. In 42 ho.

86

AHENOBARBUS.

commanded a fleet of fifty ships in the Ionian sea,
and completely defeated Domitius Calvinus on the
day of the first battle of Philippi, as the latter
attempted to sail out of Brundusium. He was
saluted Imperator in consequence, and a record of
this victory is preserved in the annexed coin, which
represents a trophy placed upon the prow of a
vessel The head on the other side of the coin
has a beard, in reference to the reputed origin of
the family.

After the Imttle of Philippi (42), Ahenobarbus
conducted the war independently of Sex. Ponipeius,
and with a fleet of seventy ships and two legions
plundered the coasts of the Ionian sea.

In 40 Ahenobarbus became reconciled to Antony,
which gave great oflfence to Octavianus, and was
placed over Bithj-nia by Antony. In the peace
concluded with Sex. Pompeius in 39, Antony pro-
vided for the safety of Ahenobarbus, and obt:iined
for him the promise of the consiUship for 32.
Ahenobarbus remained a considerable time in
Asia, and accompanied Antony in his unfortunate
campaign against the Parthians in 36. He became
consul, according to agreement, in 32, in which
yefir the open rupture took place between Antony
and Augustus. Ahenobarbus fled from Rome to
Antony at Ephesus, where he found Cleopatra
with him, and endeavoured, in vain, to obtain her
removal from the army. Many of the soldiers,
disgusted with the conduct of Antony, offered the
command to him ; but he preferred deserting the
party altogether, and accordingly went over to
Augustus shortly before the battle of Actium, He
was not, however, present at the battle, as he died
a few days after joining Augustus. Suetonius says
that he was the best of his family. (Cic. Phil. ii.
11, X. 6, Brut. 25, ad Fam. vi. 22 ; Appian, B. C.
v. 55, 63, 65; Plut. Anton. 70, 71 ; Dion Cass,
lib. xlvii.— 1; Vellei. ii. 76, 84; Suet. Ner. 3;
Tac. Ann. iv. 44.)

9. L, Domitius Cn. f. L. n. Ahenobarbus,
son of the preceding, was betrothed in b. c. 36, at
the meeting of Octavianus and Antony at Taren-
tum, to Antonia, the daughter of the latter by
Octavia, He was aedile in a. c. 22, and consul in
B. c. 16. After his consulship, and probably as the
successor of Tiberius, he commanded the Roman
anny in Germany, crossed the Elbe, and penetrat-
ed further into the country than any of his prede-
cessors had done. He received in consequence the
insignia of a triumph. He died A. d. 25. Sueto-
nius describes him as haughty, prodigal, and cruel,
and relates that in his aedileship he commanded
the censor L. Plancus to make way for him ; and
that in his pi-aetorship and consulship he brouglit
Roman knights and matrons on the stage. He
exhibited shows of wild beasts in every quarter of
the city, and his gladiatorial combats were con-
ducted with so much bloodshed, that Augustus
was obliged to put some restraint upon them.
(Suet. Ner. 4; Tac. Ann. iv. 44; Dion Cass. liv.
59; VeUei. iL72.)

AJAX.

10. Cn. Domitius L. f Cn. n. Ahknobarbus*

son of the preceding, and father of the emperor
Nero. He mai-ried Agrippina, the daughter of
Germanicus. He was consul a. d. 32, and after-
wards proconsul in Sicily. He died at Pyrgi in
Etruria of dropsy. His life w?s stained with
crimes of every kind. He was accused as the ac-
complice of Albucilla of the crimes of adultery and
murder, and also of incest with his sister Doniitia
Lepida, and only escaped execution by the death
of Tiberius. When congratulated on the birth of
his son, afterwards Nero, he replied that whatever
was sprung from him and Agrippina couJd only
bring ruin to the state. (Suet. Ner. 5, 6 ; Tac.
Ann. iv. 75, vi. 1, 47, xii. 64 ; VeUei. ii. 72 ;
Dion Cass. Iviii. 17.)

11. DoMiTiA, d;iughter of No. 9. [Domitia.]

12. Domitia Lepida, daughter of No. 9.
[Domitia Lepida.]

13. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, son of No.
10, afterwards the emperor Nero. [Nero.]

14. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, praetor in
B. c. 54, presided at the second triiil of M. Coelius.
(Cic. ad Qu. Fr. ii. 13.) He may have been the
son of No. 5.

15. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, praetor b. c.
80, commanded the province of nearer Spain, with
the title of proconsul. In 79, he was summoned
into furthert Spain by Q. Metellus Pius, who was
in want of assistance against Sertoriiis, but he
was defeated and killed by Hirtuleius, quaestor of
Sortorius, near the Anas. (Plut. Sert. 12; Liv.
Epit. 90 ; Eutrop. vi. 1 ; Florus, iii. 22 ; Oros.
V. 23.)

AJAX ( kias), 1. A son of Tekmon, king of
Salamis, by Periboea or Eriboea (Apollod. iii. 12.
§ 7 ; Pans", i. 42. § 4 ; Pind. hih. vi. 65 ; Diod.
iv. 72), and a grandson of Aeacus. Homer calls
him Ajax the Telamonian, Ajax the Great, or
simply Ajax {II. ii. 768, ix. 169, xiv. 410 ; comp.
Pind. hth. vi. 38), whereas the other Ajax, tiie
son of O ileus, is always distinguished from the
former by some epithet. According to Homer
Ajax joined the expedition of the Greeks against
Troy, with his Salaminians, in twelve ships (//.
ii. 557 ; comp. Strab. ix. p. 394), and was next to
Achilles the most distinguished and the bravest
among the Greeks, (ii. 768, xvii. 279, &c.) He
is described as tall of stJitm'e, and his head and
broad shoulders as rising above those of all the
Greeks (iii. 226, &c.) ; in beauty he was inferior
to none but Achilles. {Od. xi. 550, xxiv. 17 ;
comp. Paus. i. 35. § 3.) When Hector challenged
the bravest of the Greeks to single combat, Ajax
came forward among several others. The people
praj'ed that he might fight, and when the lot
fell*^ to Ajax (//, vii. 179, &c), and he ap-
proached. Hector himself began to tremble. (215.)
He wounded Hector and daslied him to the ground
by a huge stone. The combatants were separatecj,
and upon paiting they exchanged arms with one
another as a token of mutmd esteem. (305, &c.)
Ajax was also one of the ambassadors whom Aga-
memnon sent to conciliate Achilles, (ix. 169.) He
fought several times besides with Hector, as in the
battle near tlie ships of the Greeks (xiv. 409, &c. xv.
415, xvi. 114), and in protecting the body of Patro-
clus. (xvii. 128, 7 32.) In the games at the funeiul
pile of Patroclus, Ajax fought with Odysseus, but
without gaining any decided advantage over him
(xxiii. 720, &c.), iind in like manner with Die-

AJAX.

raedes. In the contest about the armour of Achilles,
he wtis conquered by Odysseus, and this, says
Homer, becaiiic tlie cause of his death. {Od. xi.
541, &c.) Odysseus afterwards met his spirit in
Hades, and endeavoured to appease it, but in vain.
Thus far the story of Ajax, the Telamonian, is
related in the Homeric poems. Later wxiters fur-
nish us with various other traditions about his
youth, but more especially about his death, which
is so vjiguely alluded to by Homer. According to
Apollodorus (iii. 12. § 7) and Pindar (hth. vi.
51, &c.), Ajax became invulnerable in conse-
quence of a prayer whi^'h Heracles offered to Zeus,
while he was on a \nbit in Salamis. The child
was called Alfay from deroy, an eagle, which ap-
peared imuiediately after the prayer as a favour-
able omen. According to Lycophron (455 with the
Schol.), Ajax was born before Heracles came to
Telamon, and the hero made the child invubier-
able by wrapping him up in his lion's skin.
(Comp. Schol. ud II. xxiii. 841.) Ajax is also
mentioned among the suitors of Helen. (Apollod.
iii. 10. § 8; Hygin. Fob. 81.) During the war
against Troy, Ajax, like Achilles, made excursions
into neighbouring countries. The first of them was
to the Thracian Chersonesus, where he took Poly-
donis, the son of Priam, who had been entrusted
to the care of king Polymnestor, together with
rich booty. Thence, he went into Phn'gia, slew
king Teuthras, or Teleutas, in single combat, and
cai-ried off great spoils, and Tecmessa, the king's
daughter, who became his mistress. (Diet. Cret.
ii. 18; Soph. Aj. 210, 480, &c. ; Hor. Carm. ii.
4. 5.) In the contest about the armour of Achilles,
Agamemnon, on the advice of Athena, awarded
the prize to Odysseus. This discomfitiu-e threw
Ajax into an awful state of madness. In the
night he rushed from his tent, attacked the sheep
of the Greek army, made great havoc among them,
and d nigged dead and living animals into his tent,
fancpng that they were his enemies. When, in
the morning, he recovered his senses and beheld
what he had done, shame and despair led him to
destroy himself with the sword which Hector had
once given him as a present. (Pind. Nem, vii.
36; Soph. Aj. 42, 277, 852; Ov. Met. xiii. 1,
&c. ; Lycophr. /. c.) Less poetical traditions
make Ajax die by the hands of others. (Diet.
Cret. y. 15; Dar. Phryg. 35, and the Greek argu-
ment to Soph. Ajax.) His step-brother Teucrus
was charged by Telamon with the murder of Ajax,
but succeeded in dealing himself from the accusa-
tion. (Pans. i. 28. § 12.) A tradition mentioned
by Pausanias (i. 35. § 3 ; comp. Ov. Met. xiii.
397, &c.) states, that from his blood there sprang
up a purple flower which bore the letters al ou its
leaves, which were at once the initiiils of his name
and expressive of a sigh. According to Dictys,
Neoptolemus, the son of Achilles, deposited the
ashes of the hero in a golden urn on mount Rhoe-
teion ; and according to Sophocles, he was buried
by his brother Teucrus against the will of the
Atreidae. (Comp. Q. Snnmi. v. 500 ; Philostr. Her.
xi. 3.) Pausanias (iii. 19. § 11) represents Ajax,
like many other heroes, as living after his death in
the island of Leuce. It is said that when, in the
time of the emperor Hadrian, the sea had washed
open the grave of Ajax, bones of superhuman size
were found in it, which the emperor, however,
ordered to be buried again. (Phiiostr. Her. i. 2 ;
Paus. iii. 39. § 11.) Respecting the atate and

AJAX. 87

wandering of his soul after his death, see Plato,
De Re PuU. x. in fin. ; Flut. Sympos. ix. 5.

Ajax was worshipped in SaLamis as the tutelary
hero of the island, and had a temple with a statue
there, and was honoured with a festival, kiavrtta.
{Diet, of Ant. s. v.) At Athens too he was wor-
shipped, and was one of the eponymic heroes, one
of the Attic tribes (Aeantis) being called after him.
(Paus. i. 35. § 2 ; Plat. Si^mpos. i. 10.) Not far
from the town Rhoeteion, on the promontory of the
same name, there was likewise a sanctuary of
Ajax, with a beautiful statue, which Antonius
sent to Kgypt, but which was restored to its ori-
ginal place by Augustus. (Strab, xiii. p. 595.)
According to Dictys Cretensis (v, 16) the wife of
Ajax was Glauca, by whom she had a son, Aean-
tides ; by his beloved Tecmessa, he had a son,
Eurysaces. (Soph. Aj. 333.) Several illustrious
Athenians of the historical times, such as Miltiades,
Ciraon, and Alcibiades, traced tlieir pedigree to the
Telamonian Ajax. (Paus ii. 29. § 4 ; Plut.Alcih.
1.) The traditions about this hero furnished
plentiful materials, not only for poets, but also for
sculptors and painters. His single combat with
Hector was represented on the chest of Cypselus
(Paus. V. 19. § 1); his statue formed a part of a
large group at Olympia, the work of Lycius. ( Paus.
V. 22. § 2; comp. Plin. H. N. xxxv. 10. § 36;
Aelian, V. H. ix. 11.) A beautiful sculptured
head, which is generally believed to be a head of
Ajax, is still extant in the Egremont collection at
Petworth. (Buttiger, Amaltlica, iii. p. 258.)

2. The son of Oileus, king of the Locrians, who
is also called the Lesser Ajax. (Horn. //. ii. 527.)
His mother's name was Eriopis. According to
Strabo (ix. p. 425) his birthplace was Naryx in
Locris, whence Ovid {Met. xiv. 468) calls him
Nan/eius lieros. According to the Iliad (ii. 527,
&c.) be led his Locrians in forty ships (Hygin.
Fab. 97, says twenty) against Troy. He is de-
scribed as one of the great heroes among the
Greeks, and acts frequently in conjunction with
the Telamonian Ajax. He is small of stature and
wears a linen cuirass {KivoQdpr}^), but is brave
and intrepid, especially skilled in throwing the
spear, and, next to Achilles, the most swift-footed
among all the Greeks. (//. xiv. 520, &c., xxiiL
789, &c.) His principal exploits during the siege
of Troy are mentioned in the following passages :
xiii. 700, &c., xiv. 520, &c., xvi. 350, xvii. 256,
732, &c. In the funeral games at the pyre of
Patroclus he contended with Odysseus and Anti-
lochus for the prize in the footrace ; but Athena,
who was hostile towards him and favoured (.)dys-
seus, made him stumble and fall, so that he
gained only the second prize, (xxiii. 754, &.c.)
On his return from Troy his vessel was wrecked
on the Whirling Rocks {VvpaX irerpat), but he him-
self escaped upon a rock through the assistance of
Poseidon, and would have been saved in spite uf
Athena, but he used presumptuous words, and
sjiid that he would escape the dangers of the sea
in defiance of the immoi-tals. Hereupon Poseidon
split the rock with his trident, and Ajax was
swallowed up by the sea. {Od. iv. 499, &c.)

In Liter traditions this Ajax is called a sou of
Oileus and the nymph Rhene, and is also men-
tioned among the suitors of Helen. (Hygin. Fah.
81, 97 ; ApoUod. iii. 10. § 8.) According to a
tradition in Philostratus {Her. viii. 1), Ajax had
a tame dragon, five cubits in length, which follow-

88

AIUS LOCUTIUS.

ed him everywhere like a dog. After the taking
of Troy, it is said, he rushed into the temple of
Athena, where Cassandra had taken refuge, and
was embracing the statue of the goddess as a sup-
pliant. Ajax dragged her away with violence and
led her to the other captives. (V^irg. Aen. ii. 403;
Eurip. Trocul. 70, &c.; Diet. Cret. v. 12; Hygin.
FaJ). 116.) According to some statements he
even violated Cassandra in the temple of the god-
dess (Tryphiod. 635 ; Q. Smj^m. xiii. 422 ;
Lycophr. 360, with the Schol.); Odysseus at least
accused him of this crime, and Ajax was to be
stoned to death, but saved himself by establishing
his innocence by an oath. (Paus. x. 26. § 1, 31.
§ 1.) The whole charge, is on the other hand,
said to have been an invention of Agamemnon,
who wanted to have Cassandra for himsel£ But
whether true or not, Athena had sufficient reason
for being indignant, as Ajax had dragged a sup-
pliant from her temple. When on his voyage
homeward he came to the Capharean rocks on the
coast of Euboea, his ship was \vTecked in a storm,
he himself was killed by Athena with a flash of
lightning, and his body was washed upon the rocks,
which henceforth were called the rocks of Ajax.
(Hygin. Fah. 116; comp. Virg. Aen. i. 40, &c.,
xi. 260.) For a different account of his death see
Philostr. Her. viii. 3, and Schol. ad Lycophr. I. c.
After his death his spirit dwelled in the island of
Leuce. (Paus. iii. 19. § 11.) The Opuntian
Locrians worshipped Ajax as their national hero,
and so great was their faith in him, that when
they drew up their army in battle array, they al-
ways left ofte place open for him, believing that,
although invisible to them, he was fighting for and
among them. (Paus. /. c. ; Conon. Narrat. 18.)
The story of Ajax was frequently made use of by
ancient poets and artists, and the hero who ap-
pears on some Locrian coins with the helmet,
shield, and sword, is probably Ajax the son of
Oileus. (Mionnet, No. 570, &c) [L. S.]

A'IDES, 'AtSTjs, [Hades.]

AIDO'NEUS ('Ai-So^cv'y). 1. A lengthened
form of 'AtSrjs. (Horn. //. v. 190, xx. 61.)
[Hades J

2. A mythical king of the Molossians, in
Epeirus, who is represented as the husband of
Persephone, and father of Core. After Theseus,
with the assistance of Peirithous, had carried off
Helen, and concealed her at Aphidnae [Acade-
Mus], he went with Peirithous to Epeirus to pro-
cure for him as a reward Core, the daughter of
Aidoneus. This king thinking the two strangers
were well-meaning suitors, offered the hand of his
daughter to Peirithous, on condition that he should
fight and conquer his dog, which bore the name of
Cerberus. But when Aidoneus discovered tliat
they had come with the intention of carrying off
his daughter, he had Peirithous killed by Cerberas,
and kept Theseus in captivity, who was after-
wards released at the request of Heracles. (Plut.
T,ie~-<. 31, 3o.) Eusebius {Chron. p. 27) calls the
wife of Aidoneus, a daughter of queen Demeter,
with whom he had eloped. It is clear that the
story about Aidoneus is nothing but the sacred
legend of the rape of Persephone, dressed up in
the form of a history, and is imdoubtedly the work
of a late interpreter, or rather destroyer of genuine
ancient myths. [L. S,]

AIUS LOCUTIUS or LOQUENS, a Roman
divinity. In the year b. c. 389, a short time be-

ALARICUS.

fore the invasion of the Gauls, a voice was heard
at Rome in the Via nova, during tiie silence of
night, announcing that the Gauls were approjiching.
(Liv. V. 32.) No attention was at the time paid
to the v.'arning, but after the Gauls had withdrawn
from the city, the Romans remembered the pro-
phetic voice, and atoned for their neglect by erect-
ing on the spot in the Via nova, where the voice
had been heard, a teraplum, that is, an altar with
a sacred enclosure around it, to Aius Locutius, or
the "Announcing Speaker." (Liv. v. 50; Varro,
ap. Gcll. xvi. 1 7 ; Cic. de Divinai. i. 45, iL
32.) [L. S.]

ALABANDUS CAXcCga^Sos), a Carian hero,
son of Euippus and Calirrhoe, whom the inhabit-
ants of Alabanda worshipped as the founder of
their town. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AAdSavSa ; Cic.
de Nai. Deor. iii. 15, 19.) [L. S.]

ALAGO'NIA {'K\ayovla\ a daughter of
Zeus and Europa, from whom Alagonia, a towTi in
Laconia, derived its name. (Paus. iii. 21. § 6,
26. § 8 ; Nat. Com. viii. 23.) [L. S.]

ALALCO^IENE'IS ('AAaA/cojLiez/Tjts), a sur-
name of Athena, derived from the hero Alalco-
menes, or from the Boeotian village of Alalco-
menae, where she was believed to have been bom.
Others derive the name from the verb oAaA/fetf,
so that it would signify the " poweiful defender."
(Hom. //. iv. 8 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'A\a\Koixfvioy ;
MiiUer, Orchom. p. 213.) [L. S.]

ALALCO'MENES {'A\a\Koneu-ns), a Boeotian
autochthon, who was believed to have given the
name to the BoeotLin Akdcomenae, to have
brought up Athena, who was bom there, and to
have been the first who introduced her worship.
(Paus. ix. 33. § 4.) According to Plutarch {De
Daedal. Fraym. 5), he advised Zeus to have a
figure of Ocik-wood dressed in bridal attire, and
carried about amidst hymened songs, in order to
change the anger of Hera into jealousy. The
name of the wife of Alalcomenes was Athe-
nais, and that of his son, Glaucopus, both of
which refer to the goddess Athena. (Steph. Byz.
s. V. 'A\a\KOfji(viov ; Paus. ix. 3. § 3 ; comp.
Did. of Ant. s. v. AatSoAa; Mliller, Orcliom. p.
213.) .[L. S.]

ALALCOME'NIA (^ hXaXKoiitvla), one of the
daughters of Ogyges, who as well as her two
sisters, Thelxionoea and Aulis, were regarded as
supernatural beings, who watched over oaths and
saw that they were not taken rashly or thought-
lessly. Their name was npa|tSi/coi, and they had
a temple in common at the foot of the Telphusian
mount in Boeotia. The representations of these
divinities consisted of mere heads, and no parts of
animals were Sixcrificed to them, except hejids.
(Paus. ix. 33. § 2, 4 ; Panyasis, ap. Steph. liiiz.
s. V. Tpfn'ihr] ; Suid. s. v. Upa^idiKT] ; Miiller, Or-
chcm. p. 128, &c.) [L. S.]

ALARI'CUS, in Geramn Al-ric, i. e. " All
rich," king of the Visigoths, remarkable as
being the first of the barbarism chiefs who en-
tered and sacked the city of Rome, and the first
enemy who had appeared before its walls since the
time of Hannibal. He was of the family of Ealtha,
or Bold, the second noblest family of the Visigoths.
(Jomandes, de Reb. Get. 29.) His first appeaiiuice
in history is in a. d. 394, when he was invested
by Theodosius with the command of tJie Gothic
auxiliaries in his war with Eugejuus. (Zosimus,
v. 5.) In 396, partly from anger at being refused

ALARICUS.

the command of the armies of the eastern empire,
partly at the instigation of Rufinus (Socrates,
JFIist. Eccl. vii. 10), he invaded and devastJited
Gi-eece, till, by the arrival of Stilicho in 397, he
was compelled to escape to Epirus. Whilst there
he was, by the weakness of Arcadius, appointed
prefect of eastern Illyricura (Zosimus, v. 5, 6), and
partly owinjj to this office, and the use he made of
it in providinfj amis for his own purposes, partly to
his birth and fame, was by his countrymen elected
king in 398. (Claudian, Eutrop. ii. 212, DcU. (Jet.
533—543.)

The rest of his life was spent in the two inva-
sions of luily. The first (400-403), apparently
unprovoked, brought him only to Ravenna, and,
after a bloody defeat at Pollentiji, in which his wife
and treasures were taken, and a masterly retreat
to Verona (Oros. vii. 37), was ended by the treaty
with Stilicho, which transferred liis services from
Arcadius to Honorius, and made him prefect of the
western instead of the eastern Illyricum. In this
capacity he fixed his camp at Aemona, in expecta-
tion of the fulfilment of his demands for pay, and
for a western province, as the future home of his
ration. The second invasion (408-410) was occa-
sioned by the delay of this fulfilment, and by the
massacre of the Gothic families in Italy on Stilichos
death. It is marked by the three sieges of Rome.
The first (408), as being a protracted blockade,
was the most severe, but was raised by a ransom.
The second (409), was occasioned by a refusal to
comply with Alaric's demands, and, upon the occu-
pation of Ostia, ended in the unconditional surren-
der of the city, and in the disposal of the empire
by Alaric to Attains, till on discovery of his inca-
pacity, he restored it to Honorius. (Zosimus, v. vi.)
The third (410), was occasioned by an assault upon
his troops under the imperial sanction, and was
ended by the treacherous opening of the Salarian
gate on August 24, and the sack of the city for six
days. It was immediately followed by the occu-
pation of the south of Italy, and the design of in-
vading Sicily and Africa. This intention, how-
ever, was interrupted by his death, after a short
illness at Consentia, where he was buried in the
bed of the adjacent river Biisentinus, and the
place of his intennent concealed by the massacre of
all the workmen employed on the occasion. (Oros.
vii. 39 ; Jornandes, 30.)

The few personal traits that are recorded of him
— his answer to the Roman embassj' with a hoarse
laugh in answer to their threat of desperate resist-
ance, "The thicker the hay, the easier mown,"
and, in reply to their question of what he would
leave them, "Your lives" — are in the true savage
humour of a barbarian conqueror. (Zosimus, v. 40.)
But the impression loft upon us by his general
chanicter is of a higher order. The real military
skill shewn in his escape from Greece, and in his
retreat to Verona : the wish at Athens to shew
that he adopted the use of the bath and the other
external forms of civiliW life ; the moderation and
justice which he ol)ser\'ed towards the Romans in
the times of peace ; the humanity which distin-
guished him during the sack of Rome — indicate
something superior to the mere craft and lawless
ambition which he seems to have possessed in
common with other barbarian chiefs. So also his
scniples against fighting on Easter-day when at-
tai'ked at Pollontia, and his reverence for the churches
during the sack of the city (Oros. vii. 37, 39),

ALASTORIDES.

n.^

imply thfit the Christian faith, in which he had
been instructed by Arian teachers, liad laid some
hold at least on his imagination, and had not
been tinged with that fierce hostility against the
orthodox party which marked the Arians of the
Vandal tribes. Accordingly, we find that thft
Christian part of his contemporaries regarded him,
in comparison with the other invaders of the empire
as the representative of civilization and Christianity,
and as the fit instrument of divine vengeance on
the still half pagan city (Oros. vii. 37), and the
very slight injury which the great buildings of
Greece and Rome sustained from his two invasions
confirm the same view. And amongst the Pagans
the same sense of the preternatural character of
his invasion prevailed, though expressed in a dif-
ferent form. The dialogue which Claudian {Bdl.
Gel. 48.5-540) represents him to have held with
the aged counsellors of his own tribe seems to be
the heathen version of the ecclesiastical story, that
he stopped the monk who begged him to spare Rome
with the answer, that he was driven on by a voice
which he could not resist. (Socrates, Hist. Eccl.
vii. 10.) So also his vision of Achilles and Mi-
nerva appearing to defend the city of Athens, as
recorded by Zosimus (v. 6), if it does not imply
a lingering respect and fear in the mind of Alaric
himself towards the ancient worship, — at least
expresses the belief of the pagan historian, that his
invasion was of so momentous a character as to
call for divine interference.

The permanent effects of his career are to be
found only in the establishment of the Visigothic
kingdom of Spain by the warriors whom he was
the first to lead into the west.

The authorities for the invasion of Greece and
the first two sieges of Rome are Zosimus (v. vi):
for the first invasion of Italy, Jornandes de Reb. Get.
30 ; Claudian, B. Get. : for the third siege and
sack of Rome, Jornandes, ih. ; Orosius, vii. 39 ;
Aug. Civ. Dei, i. 1-10; Hieronym. Epist. ad Prin-
cip. ; Procop. Bel/. Vand. i. 2 ; Sozomen, Hist.
Eccl. ix. 9, 10; Isid. Hispalensis, Chronicoii Gut-
toi-um.) The invasions of Italy are involved in
great confusion by these writers, especially by
Jornandes, who blends the battle of PoUentia iu
403 with the massacre of the Goths in 408. By
conjecture and inference thej^ are reduced in Gibbon
(c. 30, 31) to the order which has been here follow-
ed. See also Godefroy, adPhilostor. xii. 3. [A.P.S.]

ALASTOR ('AAoo-Toip). 1. According to He-
sychius and the Etymologicum M., a surname of
Zeus, describing him as the avenger of evil deeds.
But the name is also used, especially by the tragic
writers, to designate any deity or demon who
avenges wrongs committed by men. (Pans. viii.
24. § 4 ; Pint. De Def. Orac. 13, &c. ; AeschyL
Agam. 1479, 1508, Fers. 343 ; Soph. Tradu 1092 ;
Eurip. Phoen. 1550, &c.)

2.' A son of Neleus and Chloris. When Heracles
took Pylos, Alastor and his brothers, except
Nestor, were slain b}' him. (ApoUod. i. 9. § 9 ;
Schol. ad Apollon. lihod. i. 150'.) Accorduig to
Parthenius (c. 13) he was to be married to Har-
palyce, who, however, was taken from him by her
father Clymenus.

3. A Lycian, who was a companion of Sarpe-
don, and slain by Odysseus. (Horn. //. v. 677 ;
Ov. Met. xiii. 257.) Another Alastor is mention-
ed in Mom. 11. viii. 333, xiii. 422. [L. S.]

ALASTO'RIDES ('AAao-Topt87?s), a patro-

so

ALBINO VAN us.

nyraic from Alastor, and given b}' Homer (//. xx.
4G3) to Tros, who was probaVjly a son of the
Lycian Alastor mentioned above. [L. S.]

ALATHE'US, called ODOTHAEUS by Clau-
dian, became ^vith Saphrax, in a. d. 376, on the
death of Vithimir, the guardian of Vithericus, the
young king of the Greuthungi, the chief tribe of
the Ostrogoths. Alatheus and Saphrax led their
people across the Danube in this year, and uniting
their forces with those of the Visigoths under
Fritigern, took part against the Romans in the
battle of Hadrianople, a. d. 378, in which the em-
peror Valens was defeated and killed. After
plundering the surrounding country, Alatheus and
Saplirax eventually recrossed the Danube, but
appeared again on its banks in 386, with the in-
tention of invading the Roman provinces again.
They were, however, repulsed, and Alatheus was
slain. (Amm. Marc. xxxi. 3, &c. ; Jornand. de
Reh. Get. 26, 27 ; Claudian, de IV Cons. Honor.
626 ; Zosimus, iv. 39.)

ALBA SI'LVIUS, one of the mythical kings
of Alba, said to have been the son of Latinus, and
the father of Atys, according to Livj', and of Ca-
petus, according to Dionysius. He reigned thirty-
nine years. (Li v. i. 3; Dionys. i. 71.)

A'LBL\ GENS. No persons of this gens ob-
tained any offices in the state till the first century
B. c. They all bore the cognomen Carrinas.

L. ALBI'NIUS. L One of the tribunes of
the plebs, at the first institution of the office, B. c.
494. (Liv. ii. 33.) Asconius calls him L. Albi-
nius C. F. Paterculus. {In Cic. Cornel, p. 76, ed.
Orelli.)

2. A plebeian, who was conveying his wife and
children in a cart out of the city, after the defeat
on the Alia, b. c. 390, and overtook on the Jani-
culus, the priests and vestals carrying the sacred
things: he made his family alight and took as
many as he was able to Caere. (Liv. v. 40 ; Val.
Max. i. L § 10.) The consular tribune in B. c.
379, whom Livy (vi. 30) calls ]\L Albinius, is
probably the same person as the above. (Comp.
Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, ii. n. 1201.)

ALBINOVA'NUS, C. PEDO, a friend and
contemporary of Ovid, to whom the latter addres-
ses one of his Epistles from Pontus. (iv. 10.) He
is classed by Quintilian (x. 1) among the epic
poets ; Ovid also speaks of his poem on the ex-
ploits of Theseus, and calls him sidereiis Pedo, on
account of the sublimity of his style. (Ea:'. Font.
iv. 16. 6.) He is supposed to have written an
epic poem on the exploits of Gennanicus, the son
of Drusus, of which twenty-three lines are pre-
served in the Suasoria of Seneca, (lib. i.) This
fragment is usually entitled " De Navigatione
Germanici per Oceanum Septentrionalem," and
describes the voyage of Gennanicus through the
Amisia (Ems) into the northern ocean, a, d. 16.
(Comp. Tac. Ann. ii. 23.) It would seem from
Martial (v. 5), that Albinovanus was also a writer
of epigrams. L. Seneca was acquainted with him,
and calls h\m fahulator eleganiissimiis. {Ep. 122.)

Three Latin elegies are attributed to Albino-
vanus, but without any sufficient authority :
namely, — 1." Ad Liviam Aug. de Morte Drusi,"
which is ascribed to Ovid by many, and has beon
published separately by Bremer, Helmst. 1775.
2. " In Obitum Maecenatis." 3. " De Verbis Mae-
cenatis moribundi " (^V'ernsdorf, Po'ttae Latini
Mhiores, iii. pp. 121, &c., 155, &c.)

ALBINUS.

Tlie fragment of Albinovanus on the voyage of
Germanicus, has been published by H. Stephens,
Fragm. Pott., p. 416, Pitboeus, Epigram, et poim,
ret., p. 239, Burmann, Aidh. Lat. ii, ep. 121,
Wernsdorf, Po6t. Lat. Min. iv. i. p. 229, &c.
All that has been ascribed to Albinovanus was
published at Amsterdam, 1703, with the notes of
J. Scaliger and others. The last edition is by
Meinecke, which contains the text, and a German
translation in verse, Quedlinburg, 1819.

ALBINOVA'NUS, P. TU'LLIUS, belonged
to the party of iMarius in the first civil war, and
was one of the twelve who were declared enemies
of the state in b. c. 87. He thereupon fled to
Hiempsal in Numidia. After the defeat of Carbo
and Norbanus in B. c. 81, he obtained the pardon
of Sulla by treaclierously putting to death many
of the principal officers of Norbanus, whom he had
invited to a banquet. Ariminium in consequence
revolted to Sulla, whence the Pseudo-Asconius {in
Cic. Verr. p. 168, ed. Orelli) speaks of Albino-
vanus betraying it. (Appian, B. C. L 60, 62, 91 ;
Floras, iii. 21. § 7.)

ALBI'NUS or ALBUS, the name of the prin-
cipal family of the patrician Postumia gens. The
original name was Albus, as appears from the
Fasti, which was afterwards lengthened into Albi-
nus. We find in proper names in Latin, derivatives
in anus, enus, and inus, used without any additional
meaning, in the same sense as the simple forms.
(Comp. Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, i. n. 219.)

1. A. PosTUMius P. F. Albus Reuillensis,
was, according to Livy, dictator b. c. 498, when
he conquered the Latins in the great battle near
lake RegiUus. Roman story related that Castor
and Pollux were seen fighting in this battle on the
side of the Romans, whence the dictator afterwards
dedicated a temple to Castor and Pollux in the
forum. He was consul B. c. 496, in which year
some of the annals, according to Livy, placed the
battle of the lake Regillus ; and it is to this year
that Dionysius assigns it. (Liv. ii. 19, 20, 21 ;
Dionys. vi. 2, &c. ; Val. Max. i. 8, § 1 ; Cic. de
Nat. Dear. ii. 2, iii. 5.) The surname Regillensis
is usually supposed to have been derived from this
battle ; but Niebuhr thinks that it was taken from
a place of residence, just as the Claudii bore the
same name, and tliat the later annalists only spoke
of Postumius as commander in consequence of the
name. Livy (xxx. 45) states expressly, that Scipio
Africanus was the first Roman who obtained a
surname from his conquests. (Niebuhr, Hist, of
Rome, i. p. 556.)

Many of the coins of the Albini commemorate
this AHctory of their ancestor, as in the one annexed.
On one side the head of Diana is represented with
the letters Roma underneath, which are partly
effaced, and on the reverse are three horsemen
trampling on a footrsoldier.

2. Sp. Postumius A. f. P. n. Albus RkgU/-

LENSis, apparently, according to the Fasti, tlv sou

of the preceding, (though it nmst be observed, that

1 in these early times no dependance can be placed

ALBINUS.

upon those genealogies,) was consul b. c. 4G6.
(Liv. iii. 2 ; Dionys. ix. 60.) He was one of the
three conmiissioners sent into Greece to collect in-
fonnation about the laws of that countr}', and was
a member of the first decern virate in 451. (Liv.
iii. 31, 33 ; Dionys. x. 52, 56.) He commanded,
as logatiis, the centre of the Roman army in the
battle in which the Aequians and Volscians were
defeated in 446. (Liv. iii. 70.)

3. A. PosTUMius A. F. P. N. Albus Regil-
LENSis, apparently son of No, 1, was consul B. c.
464, and carried on war against the Aequians.
He was sent as ambassador to the Aequians in
458, on which occasion he was insulted by their
commander. (Liv. iii. 4, 5, 25 ; Dionys. ix. 62, 65.)

4. Sr. PosTUAiius Sp. f. A. n. Albus Regil-
LENsis, apparently son of No 2, was consular tri-
bune B. c. 432, and served as legatus in the war in
the following year. (Liv. iv. 25, 27.)

5. P. PosTi'Mius A. F. A. N. Albinus Regil-
LENvSis, whom Livy calls Marcus, was consular
tribune B.C. 414, and was killed in an insurrection
of the soldiers, whom he had deprived of the plun-
der of the Aequian town of Bolae, which he had
promised them. (Liv. iv. 49, 50.)

6. M. PosTU'Mius A. F. A. N. Albinus Regil-
LENsis, is mentioned by Livy (v. 1) as consular
tribune in B. c. 403, but was in reality censor in
that year with M. Furius CaraiUus. {Fasti Capitol.)
In their censorship a fine was imposed upon all
men who remained single up to old age. (Val.IMax.
ii. 9. § 1 ; Plut. Cam. 2 ; Did. of Ant. s.v. Uocorium.)

7. A. PosTUMius Albinus Regillensis, con-
sular tribune b. c. 397, collected with his colleague
L. Julius an army of volunteers, since the tribunes
prevented them from making a regular levy, and
cut otf a body of Tarquinienses, who were return-
ing home after plundering the Roman territory.
(Liv. V. 16.)

8. Sp. Postumius Albinus Regillensis, con-
sular tribune B. c. 394, carried on the war against
the Aequians ; he at first suffered a defeat, but
afterwards conquered them completely. (Liv. v.
26, 28.)

9. Sp. Postumius Albinus, was consul B. c.
334, and invaded, with his colleague T. Veturius
Calvinus, the country of the Sidicini ; but, on ac-
count of the great forces which the enemy had col-
lected, and the report that the Samnites were com-
ing to their assistance, a dictator was appointed.
(Liv. viii. 16, 17.) He was censor in 332 and
niagister equitum in 327, when M. Claudius Mar-
cellus was appointed dictator to hold the coraitia.
(viii. 17, 23.) In 321, he was consul a second
time with T. Veturius Calvinus, and marched
against the Samnites, but was defeated near Cau-
diura, and obliged to surrender with his w^hole
anny, who were sent under the yoke. As the
price of his deliverance and that of the amiy, he
and his colleague and the other commanders swore,
in the name of the republic, to a humiliating peace.
The consuls, on their return to Rome, laid down
their office after appointing a dictator ; and the
senate, on the advice of Postumius, resolved that
all persons who had sworn to the {)eace should be
given up to the Samnites. Postumius, with the
other prisoners, accordingly went to the Samnites,
but they refused to accept them. (Liv. ix. 1 — 10 ;
Appian, de lieb. Samn. 2 — 6 ; Cic. de Off. iii. 30,
Cato, 12.)

10. A. Postumius A. p. L. n. Albinus, was

ALBINUS.

91

consul b. c. 242 with Lutatius Catulus, who de-
feated the Carthaginians off the Aegsitcs, and thus
brought the first Punic war to an end. Albinus
was kept in the city, against his will, by the Pon-
tifex Alaximus, because he was Flamen Martialis.
(Liv. Epit. 19, xxiii. 13; Eutrop. ii. 27; Val.
]\Iax. i. 1. § 2.) He was censor in 234. (^Fasti
Capitol.)

11. L. Postumius, A. p. A. n. Albinus, ap-
parently a son of the preceding, was consul B. c.
234, and again in 229. In his second consulship
he made war upon the Illyrians. ( Eutrop. iii. 4 ;
Oros. iv. 13 ; Dion Cass. Fray. 151 ; Polyb. ii. 11,
•Sec, who erroneously calls him Aulas instead of
Lucius.) In 216, the third year of the second
Punic war, he was made praetor, and sent into
Cisalpine Gaul, and while absent was elected con-
sul the third time for the following year, 215. But
he did not live to enter upon his consulship ; for
he and his army were destroyed by the Boii in the
wood Litana in Cisalpine Gaul. His head was cut
oflf^ and after being lined with gold was dedicated
to the gods by the Boii, and used as a sacred
drinking-vessel. (Liv. xxii. 35, xxiii. 24 ; Polyb.
iii. 106, 118; Cic. Tusc. i. 37.)

12. Sp. Postuaiius L. f. A. n. Albinus, was
praetor peregiinus in B, c. 189 (Liv. xxxvii. 47,
50), and consul in 186. In his consulship the
senatusconsultum was passed, which is still extant,
suppressing the worship of Bacchus in Rome, in
consequence of the abominable crimes which were
committed in connexion with it. (xxxix. 6, 11,
&c. ; Val. Max. vi. 3. § 7 ; Plin. H. N. xxxiii.
10; Did. of Ant. p. 344.) He was also augur,
and died in 179 at an advanced age. (Liv xl.
42 ; Cic. Cato, 3.)

13. A. Postumius A. f. A. n. Albinus,
was cuiiile aedile B. c. 187, when he exhibited
the Great Games, praetor 185, and consul 180.
(Liv. xxxix. 7, 23, xL 35.) In his consulship
he conducted the w^1r against the Liguriiins.
(xl. 41.) He was, censor 174 with Q. Fulvius.
Their censorship was a severe one ; they expelled
nine members from the senate, and degraded many
of equestrian rank. They executed, however, many
public works, (xli. 32, xlii. 1 0 ; comp. Cic. Ven:
i. 41.) He was elected in his censorship one of
the decemviri sacrorum in the place of L. Cornelius
Lentidus. (Liv. xlii. 10.) Albinus was engaged
in many ^public missions. In 175 he was sent
into northern Greece to inquire into the truth of
the representations of the Dardanians and Thes-
salians about the Bastarnae and PeTseus. (Polyb.
XX vi. 9.) In 171 he was sent as one of the am-
bassadors to Crete (Liv. xlii. 35); and after the
conquest of Macedonia in 168 he was one of the
ten commissioners appointed to settle the affairs
of the country with Aemilius Paullus. (xlv. 17.)
Livy not unfrequently calls him Luscus, from
which it would seem that he was blind of one eye.

14. Sp. Postumius A. f. A. n. Albinus
Paullulus, probably a brother of No. 13 and 15,
perhaps obtained the surname of Paullulus, as
being small of stature, to distinguish him more
accurately from his two brothers. He was praetor
in Sicily, B.C. 183, and consul, 174. (Liv. xxxix,
45, xli. 26, xliii. 2.)

15. L. Postumius A. p. A. n. Albinus, pro-
bably a brother of No. 1 3 and 1 4, was praetor
b. c. 180, and obtained the province of further
Spain. His command was prolonged in the follow-

92

ALI3TNUS.

ing ye.ir. After conquering the Vaccaci and Ln-
sitani, he retuniecl to Rome in 17<>, :iud. obt<uned
a triumph on account of his victories. (Liv. xl.
Sn, 44, 47, 48, 50, xlL 3, 11.) He was consul in
173, with M. Popillius Laenas ; and the war in
Liguria was assigned to both consuls. Albinus,
however, was first sent into Campania to separate
the land of the state from that of private persons ;
and this business occupied him all the summer, so
that he was unable to go into his province. He
was the first Roman magistrate who put the allies
to any expense in travelling through their territo-
ries, (xli. 33, xlii. 1, 9.) The festival of the
Floralia, which had been discontinued, was re-
stored in his consulship. (Ov. F(ist. v. 329.) In
171, he was one of the ambassjidors sent to Masi-
nissa and the Carthaginians in order to raise troops
for the war against Perseus, (Liv. xlii. 35.) In
169 he was an unsuccessful candidate for the cen-
sorship, (xliii. 16.) Il3 served under Aemilius
Paullus in Macedonia in 168, and commanded the
second legion in the battle with Perseus, (xliv.
41.) The last time he is mentioned is in this
war, when he was sent to plunder the to\vn of the
Aenii. (xlv. 27.)

16. A. PosTUMius Albinus, one of the officers
in the army of Aemilius Paullus in Macedonia,
B. c. 1 68. He was sent by Paullus to treat with
Perseus ; and afterwards Perseus and his son Philip
were committed to his care by Paullus. (Liv.
xlv. 4, 28.)

17. L. PosTUMius Sp. p. L. n. Albinus,
apparently son of No. 12, was curule aedile B. c.
161, and exhibited the Ludi Megalenses, at which
the Eunuch of Terence was acted. He was consul
in 154, and died seven days after he had set out
from Rome in order to go to his province. It was
supposed that he was poisoned by his wife.
(Obseq. 76; Val. Max. vi. 3. § 8.)

18. A. PosTUMius A. F. A. N. Albinus, appa-
rently son of No. 13, was praetor B. c. 155 (Cic.
J cad. ii. 45 ; Polyb. xxxiii. 1), and consul in 151
with L. Licinius Lucullus. He and his colleague
were thrown into prison by the tribunes for con-
ducting the levies with too much severity. (Liv.
Epit. 48; Polyb. xxxv. 3; Oros. iv. 21.) He
was one of the ambassadors sent in 153 to make
peace between Attalus and Prusias (Polyb. xxxiii.
1 1 ), and accompanied L. Mummius Achaicus into
Greece in 146 as one of his legates. There was a
statue erected to his honour on the Isthmus.
(Cic, ad AIL xiii. 30, 32,) Albinus was well ac-
quainted with Greek literature, and wrote in that
language a poem and a Roman history, the latter
of which is mentioned by several ancient writers.
Polybius (xl, 6) speaks of him as a vain and light-
headed man, who disparaged his own people, and
was sillily devoted to the study of Greek literature.
He relates a tale of him and the elder Cato, who
reproved Albinus sharply, because in the preface
to his history he begged the paidon of his readers,
if he should make any mistakes in writing in a
foreign language ; Cato reminded him that he was
not compelled to write at all, but that if he chose to
write, he had no business to ask for the indulgence
of his readers. This tale is also related by Gellius
(xi, 8), Macrobius (Preface to Sidum.), Plutarch
(Cato, 12), and Suidas (.-.•, v. AuAos Uoa-TSfjuos).
Polybius also says that Albinus imitated the worst
parts of the Greek character, that he was entirely
devoted to pleasure, and shirked all labour and

ALBINUS.

danger. He relates that he retired to Thebes,
when the battle was fought at Phocis, on the plea
of indisposition, but afterwards wrote an account
of it to the senate as if he had been present.
Cicero speaks with rather more respect of his lite-
rary merits ; he calls him doc/us Iwino and littera-
tus et discrtus. (Cic. Acmi. ii. 45, Brut. 21.) Ma-
crobius (ii. 16) quotes a passage from the first book
of the Annals of Albinus respecting Brutus, and
as he uses the words of Albinus, it has been sup-
posed that the Greek history may have been trans-
lated into Latin. A work of Albinus, on the
arrival of Aeneas in Italy, is referred to by Ser-
ving {ad Virg. A en. ix. 710), and the author of the
work " De Origine Gentis Romanae," c. 15.
(Krause, Vitae et Fracim. Veterum Historicorum
Romanorum,, p. 127, &c.)

19. Sp. Postumius Albinus Magnus, was
consul b, c. 148, in which year a great fire hap-
pened at Rome. (Obseq. 78.) It is this Sp.
Albinus, of whom Cicero speaks in the Brutus (c.
25), and says that there were many orations of his.

20. Sp. Postumius Sp. f. Sp. n. Albinus,
probably son of No. 1 9, was consul b. c. 11 0, and
obtained the province of Numidia to carry on the
war against Jugurtha. He made vigorous prepa-
rations for war, but when he reached the province,
he did not adopt any active measures, but allowed
himself to be deceived by the artifices of Jugurtha,
who constantly promised to surrender. Many per-
sons supposed that his inactivity was intentional,
and that Jugurtha had bought him over. When
Albinus departed from Africa, he left his brother
Aulus in command. [See No, 21.] After the
defeat of the latter he returned to Numidia, but
in consequence of the disorganized state of his
army, he did not prosecute the war, and handed
over the army in this condition, in the following
year, to the consul Metcllus. (Sail. Jug. 35, 36,
39,44; Oros. iv. 15; Eutrop. iv. 26,) He was
condemned by the Mamilia Lex, which was passed
to punish all those who had been guilty of treason-
able practices with Jugurtha. (Cic. Brut. 34;
comp. Sail. Juq. 40.)

21. A. Postumius Albinus, brother of No. 20,
and probably son of No, 19, was left by his bro-
ther as pro-praetor, in command of the army in
Africa in B, c. 110. [See No, 20,] He marched
to besiege Suthal, where the treasures of Jugurtha
were deposited ; but Jugurtha, under the promise
of giving him a large sum of money, induced him
to lead his army into a retired place, where he
was suddenly attacked by the Numidian king, and
only saved his troops from total destruction by
allowing them to pass under the yoke, and under-
taking to leave Numidia in ten days. (Sail. Juj.
36—38.)

22. A. Postumius A. f. Sp- n. Albinus, grand-
son of No. 19, and probably son of No, 21, was
consul b. c. 99, with M. Antonius. (Plin. H. N.
viii. 7; Obseq. 106.) Gellius (iv. 6) quotes the
words of a senatusconsultum passed in their con-
sulship in consequence of the spears of Mars having
moved. Cicero says that he was a good speaker.
{Brut. 35, post Red. ad Quir. 5.)

The following coin is supposed by Eckhel (vol.
V. p. 288) and others to refer to this Albinus. On
one side is the head of a female with the letters
HisPAN,, which ma}' perhaps have reference to the
victory which his ancestor L. Aibinus obtained in
Spain. [See No. 15.] On the other side a maa

ALBINUS.
is represented stretching out his hand to an eagle,
n military standard, and behind hira are the fasces
with the'axe. On it are the letters a. post. a. f.
N. s. AUiN (so on the coin, instead of albin.). On
the coins of the Postuniia yens the pracnomcn
bpurius is alway written s. and not sp.

ALBINUS.

93

23. A. PosTUMius Albinus, a person of prae-
torian rank, commanded the fleet, B. c. 89, in the
Marsic war, and was killed by his own soldiers
under the plea that he meditated treachery, but in
reality on account of his cruelty. Sulla, who was
then a legate of the consul Porcius Cato, incorpo-
rated his troops with his own, but did not punish
the offenders. (Liv. Epit. 75 ; Plut. Sulla, 6.)

24. A. Post UM I us Albinus was placed by
Caesar over Sicily, B. c. 48. (Appian, B. C. ii. 48.)

25. D. Junius Brutus Albinus, adopted by
No. 22, and commemorated in the annexed coin,
where Brutus is called albin v(s) brvti. f.
[Brutus.]

ALBl'NUS, procurator of Judaea, in the reign
of Nero, about a. d. 63 and 64, succeeded Festus,
and was guilty of almost everj' kind of crime in
his government. He pardoned the vilest criminals
for money, and shamelessly plundered the pro-
vincials. He was succeeded by Floras. (Joseph.
Ant. J lid. XX. 8. § 1 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 14. § 1.) The
LucEius Albinus mentioned below may possibly
have been the same person.

ALBl'NUS ('AAgii/os), a Platonic philosopher,
who lived at Smyrna and was a contemporary of
Galen. (Galen, vol. iv. p. 372, ed. Basil.) A
short tract by him, entitled 'Ej(ra7£o77} ets toi)s
riAaTwi/os AmAoyous, has come down to us, and is
published in the second volume (p. 44) of the first
edition of Fabricius ; but omitted in the reprint
by Harles, because it is to be found prefixed to
Etwairs edition of three dialogues of Plato, Oxon.
1771; and to Fischer's four dialogues of Plato,
Lips. 1783. It contains hardly anything of im-
portance. After explaining the nature of the
Dialogue, which he compares to a Drama, the
writer goes on to divide the Dialogues of Plato
into four classes, Ao7tKous, ^Ae7KTi/cous, <|)vcrt«:ous,
■^fljKous, and mentions another division of them
into Tetralogies, according to their subjects. He
advises that the Alcibiades, Phaedo, Repuljlic, and
Timaeus, should be read in a scries.

The authorities respecting Albinus have been
collected by Fabricius. {^li'ibL Grace, iii. p. 658.)
He is said to have written a work on the arr.mge-
ni?nt of the writings of Plato. Another Albinus
is mentioned by Boethius and Cassiodorus, who

wrote in Latin fome works on music and geo-
metry. [B. J.]

ALBl'NUS, CLO'DIUS, whose full name
was Decimus Clodius Ceionius Septimius Al-
binus, the son of Ceionius Postumius and
Aurelia Messalina, Avas bora at Adrumetum in
Africa ; but the year of his birth is not known.
According to his fathers statement (Capitol.
Clod. Albin. 4), he received the name of Albi-
nus on account of the extraordinary whiteness of
his body. Shewing great disposition for a military
life, he entered the army at an eariy age and
served with great distinction, especially during the
rebellion of Avidius Cassius against the emperor
Marcus Aurelius, in A. d. 175. His merits were
acknowledged by the emperor in two letters {ib,
10) in which he calls Albinus an African, wiio re-
sembled his countrymen but little, and who was
praiseworthy for his militJir}- experience, and the
gravity of his character. the emperor likewise
declared, that without Albinus the legions (in
Bithynia) would have gone over to Avidius Casr-
sius, and that he intended to have him chosen
consul. The emperor Coramodus gave Albinus a
command in Gaul and afterwards in Britain. A
false rumour having been spread that Commodus
had died, Albinus harangued the army in Britain
on the occasion, attacking Commodus as a tyrant,
and maintaining that it would be useful to the
Roman empire to restore to the senate its ancient
dignity and power. The senate was very pleased
with these sentiments, but not so the emperor,
who sent Junius Severus to supersede Albinus in
his command. At this time Albinus must have
been a very distinguished man, which we may
conclude from the fact, that some time before
Commodus had offered him the title of Caesar,
which he wisely declined. Notwithstanding the
appointment of Junius Severus as his successor,
Albinus kept his command till after the murder of
Commodus and that of his successor Pertinax in
A. D. 193. It is doubtful if Albinus was the
secret author of the murder of Pertinax, to which
Capitolinus makes an allusion. {Ib. 14.)

After the death of Pertinax, Didius Julianus
purchased the throne by bribing the praetorians ;
but immediately afterwards, C. Pescennius Niger
was proclaimed emperor by the legions in Syria ;
L. Septimius Severus by the troops in lUyricum
and Pannonia ; and Albinus by the armies in Bri-
tain and Gaul. Julianus having been put to death
by order of the senate, who dreaded the power
of Septimius Severus, the latter turned his arms
against Pescennius Niger. With regard to Al-
binus, we must believe that Severus made a pro-
visional arrangement with him, conferring upon
him the title of Caesar, and holding with him
the consulship in a. d. 194. But after the defeat
and death of Niger in a. d. 194, and the complete
discomfiture of his adherents, especially after the
fall of Byzantium in a. d. 196, Severus resolved
to make himself the absolute master of the Roman
empire. Albinus seeing the danger of his position,
which he had increased by his indolence, prepared
for resistance. He narrowly escaped being
assassinated by a messenger of Severus {ib. 7, 8),
whereupon he put himself at the head of his army,
which is said to have consisted of 150,000 men.
He met the equal forces of Severus at Lugdunum
(Lyons), in Gaul, and there fought with him on
the 19th of February, 197 (Spartian. Sever. 11), a

94

ALBUNEA.

blood}"- battle, in which he was at first victorious,
but at last was entirely defeated, and lost his life
either by suicide, or by order of Severus, after
having been made a prisoner. His bod}'^ was ill
treated by Severus, who sent his head to Rome,
and accompanied it with an insolent letter, in
which he mocked the senate for their adherence to
Albinus. The town of Lugdunum was plundered
and destroyed, and the adherents of Albinus were
cruelly prosecuted by Severus.

Albinus was a man of great bodily beauty and
strength ; he was an experienced general ; a skil-
ful gladiator ; a severe, and often cruel commander ;
and he has been called the Catiline of his time.
He had one son, or perhaps two, who were put to
death with their mother, by order of Severus. It
is said that he wrote a treatise on agriculture,
and a collection of stories, called Milesian. (Capi-
titlinus, Clodius Albinus: Dion Cass. Lxx. 4 — 7;
Herodian, ii. 15, iii. 5 — 7.)

There are several medals of Albinus. In the
one annexed he ia called. D. clod. sept, albin.
CAES. [W. P.]

ALBI'NUS, LUCE'IUS, was made by Nero
procurator of Mauretania Cacsariensis, to which
Oalba added the province of Tingitana. After the
death of Galba, a. d. G9, he espoused the side of
Otho, and prepared to invade Spain. Cluvius
Rufus, who commanded in Spain, being alarmed at
tills, sent centurions into Mauretania to induce the
Mauri to revolt against Albinus. They accom-
plished this without much difficulty ; and Albinus
was murdered with his wife. (Tac. Hist. ii. 58. 59.)

A'LBION or ALE'BION ('A\§io3u or 'AAeSiW),
a son of Poseidon and brother of Dercynus or
P.ei'gion, together with whom he attacked Heracles,
when he passed through their coimtry (Liguria)
with the oxen of Geryon. But they paid for their
presumption with their lives. (Apollod. ii. 5. § 10;
Pomp. Mela, ii. 5. § 39.) The Scholiast on Lyco-
phron (64 8) calls the brother of Alebion, Ligys.
The story is also alluded to in Hyginus (Poet. Ash:
ii. 6) and Dionysius. (i. 41.) [L. S.]

ALBUCILLA, the wife of Satrius Secundus,
and infamous for her manj' amours, was accused in
the last year of the reign of Tiberius (a. d. 37) of
treason, or impiety, against the emperor {impietatis
in pri7icipem\ aiid, with her, Cn. Domitms Aheno-
barbus, Vibius jSIarsus, and L. Arruntius, as ac-
complices. She was cast into prison by command
of the senate, after making an ineffectual attempt
to destroy herself. (Tac. Ami. vi. 47, 48.)

ALBU'NEA, a prophetic nymph or Sibyl, to
whom in the neighbourliood of Tibur a grove was
consecrated, with a well and a temple. Near it
was the oracle of Faunus Fatidicus. (Virg. Aeri.
vii. 81, &c. ; Hor. Carm. i. 7. 12 ; Tibull. ii. 5.
69.) Lactantius {De Sihyll. i. 6) states, that the
tenth Sibyl, called Albunea, was worshipped at
Tibur, and that her image, holding a book in one

ALCAEUS.

hand, was found in. the bed of the river Anio.
Her sories^ or oracles, which belonged to the libri
/idales, were, at the command of the senate, depo-
sited and kept in the Capitol. The small square
temple of this Sibyl is still extant at Tivoli. Re-
specting the locality, see Kephalides, Rciscn durch
Italv'n, i. p. 125, &c. [L. S.]

ALBU'CIUS or ALBU'TIUS, a physician at
Rome, who lived probably about the beginning or
middle of the first century after Christ, and who is
mentioned by Pliny (//. N. xxix. 5) as having
gained by his practice the annual income of two
hundred and fifty thousand sesterces (about 1953/.
2s. Qd.). This is considered by Pliny to be a very
large sura, and may therefore give us some notion of
the fortunes made by physicians at Rome about the
beginning of the empire. [W. A. G.]

T. ALBU'CIUS or ALBU'TIUS, finished his
studies jit Athens at the latter end of the second
century B. c, and belonged to the Epicurean sect.
He Avas well acquainted with Greek literature, or
rather, says Cicero, was almost a Greek. (JJrnt.
35.) On account of his affecting on every occasion
the Greek language and philosophy, he was sati-
rized by Lucilius, whose lines upon him are pro-
served by Cicero {de Fiti. i. 3); and Cicero himself
speaks of him as a light-minded man. He accused,
but unsuccessfully, Q. Mucins Scaevola, the augur,
of maladministration {repetu?idae) in his province.
(Brut. 26, De Oral. ii. 70.) In B. c. 105 Albucius
was praetor in Sardinia, and in consequence of
some insignificant success which he had gained
over some robbers, he celebrated a triumph in the
province. On his return to Rome, he applied to
the senate for the honour of a supplicatio, but this
was refused, and he was accused in b. c. 103 of
repetundae by C. Julius Caesar, and condemned.
Cn. Pompeius Strabo had otFcred himself as the
accuser, but he was not allowed to conduct the
prosecution, because he had been the quaestor of
xVlbucius. (De Prov. Cons. 7, in Pison. 38, Div. in
Caecil. 19, de Off. ii. 14.) After his condemnation,
he retired to Athens and pursued the study of phi-
losoph}'. {Tnsc. v. 37.) He left behind him some
orations, Avhich had been read by Cicero. {Brut. 35.)

Varro (de lie Rust. iii. 2. § 17) speaks of some
satires by L. Albucius written in the style of Luci-
lius ; he appears to be the same person as Titus.

C. ALBU'CIUS SILAS. [Silas.]

ALBUS OVI'DIUS JUVENTI'NUS. [Ju-

VENTINUS.]

ALCAEUS ('A\Ka7os). 1. A son of Perseus
and Andromeda, and married to Hipponome, the
daughter of Menoeceus of Thebes, by whom he
became the father of Amphytrion and Anaxo.
(Apollod. ii. 4. § 5 ; Schol. ad Eur!p. Hccub. 886.)
According to Pausanias (viii. 14. § 2) his wife's
name was Laonome, a daughter of the Arcadian
Guneus, or Lysidice, a daughter of Pelops.

2. According to Diodorus (i. 14) the original
name of Heracles, given him on account of his
descent from Alcaeus, the son of Perseus. [He-
racles.]

3. A son of Heracles by a female slave of Jar-
danus, from whom the dynasty of the Heraclids
in Lydia were believed to be descended. (Herod,
i. 7.) Diodorus (iv. 31) calls this son of Hera-
cles, Cleolaus. (Comp. Hellanicus, ap. Steph. Byz»
s. V. 'AksKt) ; Wesseling, ad Diod. I. c.)

4. According to Diodorus (v. 79) a general of
Rhadamanthys, who presented him with the island

ALCAEUS.

of Paros. Apollodorus (ii. 5. § 9) relates that lie [
was a son of Androgeus (the son of Minos) and
brother of Sthenelus, and that when Heracles, on
Lis expedition to fetch the girdle of Ares, which
was in the possession of the queen oftlie Amazons,
arrived at Paros, some of his companions were
slain by the sons of Minos, residing there. He-
racles, in his anger, slew the descendants of Minos,
except Alcaeus and Sthenelus, whom he took with
him, and to whom he afterwards assigned the
island of Thasus as their habitation. [L. S.]

ALCAEUS ('AAKaios), of Messene, the author
of a number of epigrams in the Greek anthology,
fiom some of which his date may be easily fixed.
He was contemporary with Philip III., king of
Macedonia, and son of Demetrius, against whom
several of his epigrams are pointed, apparently
from patriotic feelings. One of these epigrams,
however, gave even more offence to the Roman
general, FJamininus, than to Philip, on account of
the author's ascribing the victory of Cynoscepha-
lae to the Aetolians as much as to the Romans.
Philip contented himself with writing an epigram
in reply to that of Alcaeus, in which he gave the
jMessenian a very broad hint of the fate he might
expect if he fell into his hands. (Plut. Flamin.
9.) This reply has singularly enough led Salmasius
{Dc Cruce, p. 449, ap. Fabric. Biblioth, Graec. ii. p.
oo) to suppose that Alcaeus was actually cnicified.
In another epigram, in praise of Flamininus, the
mention of the Roman general's name, Titus, led
Tzetzes {Pro/eg. in Lycophron) into the error of
imagining the existence of an epigrammatist named
Alcaeus under the emperor Titus. Those epigrams
of Alcaeus Avhich bear internal evidence of their
date, were written between the years 219 and
196 B.C.

Of the twenty-two epigrams in the Greek An-
thology which bear the name of "Alcaeus," two have
the word " My tilenaeus" added to it ; but Jacobs
Sfcms to be perfectly nght in taking this to be the
addition of some ignorant copyist. Others bear
the name of "Alcaeus Messenius," and some of
Alcaeus alone. But in the last class there are
several which must, from internal evidence, have
been written by Alcaeus of Messene, and, in fact^
there seems no reason to doubt his being the author
of the whole twenty-two.

There ai"e mentioned as contemporaries of Al-
caeus, two other persons of the same name, one of
tliem an Epicurean philosopher, who was expelled
from Rome by a decree of the senate about 173 or
1.54 B. c. (Perizon. ad Aclian. V. H. ix. 22 ; Athen.
xii. p. 547, A.; Suidas, s. v. 'Eirinovpos) : the other
is incident;dly spoken of by Polybius as being
accustomed to ridicule the grammarian Isocrates.
(Pulyb. xxxii. 6; B. c. 160.) It is just possible
that these two persons, of whom nothing further is
known, may have been identical with each other,
and with the epigrammatist.

(Jacobs, AntltuL Grace, xiii. pp. 836-838 ; there
is a reference to Alcaeus of Messene in Eusebius,
J'racpar. Eva?icf. x. 2.) [P- S-]

ALCAEUS ('AAKotos), of MvTii.ENE, in the
island of Lesbos, the earliest of the Aeolian lyric
poets, began to flourish in the 42nd Olympiad
when a contest had commenced between the nobles
and the people in his native state. Alcaeus be-
longed by birth to the former party, and wannly
espoused their cause. In the second year of the
42ud Olympiad (n. c. Gil), we find the brothers of

ALCAEUS.

95

Alcaeus, namely, Cicis and Antimenidas, fighting
under Pittacus against Melanchrus, who w de-
scribed as the tyrant of Lesbos, and who fell in the
conflict. (Diog. Laert. i. 74, 79; Strab. xiii. p.
617 ; Suidas, s. r. KIkis and IltTTOfcos ; Etymol.
M. p. 513, s. V. KiOapos, instead of K/zcts ; Clin-
ton, Fasti, i. p. 216.) Alcaeus does not appear
to have taken part with his brothers on this occa-
sion : on the contrary, he speaks of Melanchrus in
tenns of high praise. (Fr. 7, p. 426, Blomfield.)
Alcaeus is mentioned in connexion with the war
in Troas, between the Athenians and Mytilenaeans
for the possession of Sigcum. (b. c. 606.) Though
Pittacus, who commanded the army of Mytilene,
slew with his own hand the leader of the Athe-
nians, Phr}'non, an Olympic victor, the Mytile-
naeans were defeated, and Alcaeus incurred the
disgrace of leaving his arms behind on the field of
battle ; these arms were hung up as a trophy by
the Athenians in the temple of Pallas at Sigeum.
(Herod, v. 95; Plut. de Herod. Malig. s. 15, p.
858 ; Strab. xiii. pp. b^Q, 600 ; Euseb. Ckrnn.
Olym. xliii. 3; Clinton, Fasii^ i. p. 219.) His
sending home the news of this disaster in a poem,
addressed to his friend Melanippus (Fr. 56, p.
438, Blomf.), seems to shew that he had a reputji-
tion for courage, such as a single disaster could not
endanger ; and accordingly we find him spoken of
by ancient writers as a brave and skilful warrior.
(Anthol. Palat. ix. 184; Cic. Tusc. Di^p.'v^.^^;
Hor. Carm. i. 32. 6 ; Athen. xv. p. 687.) He
thought that his lyre was best employed in ani-
mating his friends to warlike deeds, and his house
is described by himself as furnished with the wea-
pons of war rather than with the instruments of
his art, (Athen. xiv. p. 627 ; Fr. 24, p. 430,
Blomf.) During the period which followed the
war about Sigeum, the contest between the nobles
and the people of Mytilene was brought to a crisis ;
and the people, headed by a succession of leaders,
v/ho are called tyrants, and among whom are men-
tioned the names of Myrsilus, Megalagyrus, and
the Cleanactids, succeeded in driving the nobles
into exile. During this civil war Alcaeus engaged
actively on the side of the nobles, whose spirits he
endeavoured to cheer by a number of most ani-
mated odes full of invectives against the tyrants ;
and after the defeat of his party, he, with his bro-
ther Antimenidas, led them again in an attempt to
regain their country. To oppose this attempt Pit-
tacus was unanimously chosen by the people as
(xi(rvixvr\Tf\s (dictator) or tyrant. He held his
office for ten years (b. c. 589 — 579), and during
tliat time he defeated all the efforts of the exiled
nobles, and established the constitution on a popu-
lar basis ; and then he resigned his power.
(Strab. xiii. p. 617; Alcaeus, Fr. 23, p. 230,
Blomf.; M\%X,.Rep. iii. 9. § 5, or iii. 14; Plut.
Amat. § 18, p. 763 ; Diog. Laert. i. 79; Dionys.
V. p. 336, Sylb.) [Pittacus.]

Notwithstanding the invectives of Alcaeus
against him, Pittacus is said to have set him at
liberty when he had been taken prisoner, saying
that " forgiveness is better than revenge." (Diog.
Laert. i. 76; Valer. Max. iv. 1. § 6.) Alcaeus
has not escaped the suspicion of being moved by
personal ambition in his opposition to Pittacus.
(Strab. xiii. p. 617.) When Alcaeus and Anti-
menidas perceived that all hope of their restoration
to Mytilene was gone, they travelled over different
countries. Alcaeus visited Egypt (Strab. i. p. 37),

9fi

ALCAEUS.

and be appears to hare written poems in which his
adventures by sea wore described, (Hor. Carm. ii.
13. 28.) Antimenidas entered the service of the
king of Babylon, and performed an exploit which
was celebrated by Alcaeus, (Strab, xiii. p. G17,
Fr. 33, p. 433, Blomf.) Nothing is known of the
life of Alcaeus after this period ; but from the
political state of Mytileue it is most probable that
he died hi exile.

Among the nine principal lyric poets of Greece
some ancient writers assign the first place, others the
second, to Alcaeus. His writings present to us the
Aeolian lyric at its highest point. But their circula-
tion in Greece seems to have been limited h\ the
strangeness of the Aeolic dialect, and perhaps their
loss to us may be partly attributed to the same cause.
Two recensions of the works of Alcaeus were made
by the grammarians Aristarchus and Aristophanes.
Some fragments of his poems which remain, and
the excellent imitations of Ilonice, enable us to
understand something of their character.

His poems, which consisted of at least ten books
(Athen. xi. p. 481), were called in general Odes,
Hymns, or Songs (ao-/xaTo). Those which have
rectMved the highest praise are his warlike or pa-
triotic odes referring to the factions of his state
araciwTiKd. or hixocrra<na(TTiKa^ the "Alcaei mi-
naces Camoenae" of Horace. {Carm. \\. 13.27;
Quintil. X. 1. § 63 ; Dionys. de Vet. Scn.pt. Ecus. ii.
8, p. 73, Sylb.) Among the fragments of these
are the commencement of a song of exultation over
the death of Myrsilus (Fr. 4, Blomf.), and part of
a comparison of his ruined party to a disabled ship
(Fr. 2, Blomf.), both of which are finely imitated
by Horace. {C<irm. i. 37, i. 14 ) Many fragments
are preserved, especially by Athenaeus (x, pp. 429,
430), in which the poet sinus the praises of wine.
(Fr. 1, 3, 1 6, 18, 20, Blomf.; comp. Hor. Carm. i. 9.
18.) Miiller remarks, that "it may be doubted
whether Alcaeus composed a separate class of
drinking songs {crvixiroTiKa.) ; ... it is more proba-
ble that he connected every exhortation to drink
with some reflection, either upon the particular
circumstances of the time, or upon man's destiny
in general." Of his erotic poems we have but few
remains. Among them were some addressed to
Sappho; one of which, with Sappho's reply, is
preserved by Aristotle (Rhct. i. 9 ; Fr. 38, Blomf.;
Sappho, fr. 30), and others to beautiful youths.
(Hor. Carm. i. 32. 10; Cic. de Nat. Deor. i. 28,
Tusc. Quaest. iv. 33.) Most of his remaining poems
are religious hymns and epigrams. Man)' of his
poems are addressed to his friends individually.

The poetry of Alcaeus is always impassioned.
Not only with him, but with the Aeolic school in
general, poetry was not a mere art, but the plain
and warm outpouring of the writer's inmost feelings.

The metres of Alcaeus were generally lively,
and his poems seem to have been constructed in
short single strophes, in all of which the corres-
ponding lines were of the same metre, as in the
odes of Horace. He is said to have invented the
well-known Alcaic strophe.

His likeness is preserved, together with that of
Pittacus, on a brass coin of Mytilene in the Koyal
Museum at Paris, which is engraved by Visconti.
{Icon. PI. iii. No. 3.)

The fragments of Alcaeus were first collected
by Mich. Neander in his "Aristolooria Pindarica,"
Basil. 1556, 8vo., then by Henry Stephens in his
collection of the fragments of the nine chief lyric

ALCAMENES.

poets of Greece (1557), of which there are several
editions, and by Fulvius Ursinus, 1568, 8vo. The
more modern collections are those by Jaui, Halae
San. 1780—1782, 4to. ; by Strange, Halle, 1810, "
8vo. ; by Blomfield, in the "Museum Criticum,"
vol. i. p. 421, &c., Camb. 1826, reprinted in Gais-
ford's "Poetae Graeci Minores;" and the most
complete edition is that of Matthiae, "Alcaei
Mytilenaei reliquiae," Lips. 1827. Additional
fragments have been printed in the Rhenish Mu-
seum for 1829, 1833, and 1835 ; in Jahn's "Jahr-
biich. f ur Philolog." for 1830; and in Cramer's
"Anecdota Graeca," vol. L Oxf. ] 835.

(Bode, Geschichte der Lyrischen Dkhthinst der
Hellenen, ii. p. 378, &c.) [P. S.]

ALCAEUS (AAfcalos), the son of Miccus, was
a native of Mytilene, according to Suidas, who
may, however, have confounded him in this point
with the lyric poet. He is found exhibiting at
Athens as a poet of the old comedy, or rather of
that mixed comedy, which formed the transition
between the old and the middle. In B. c. 388, he
brought forward a play entitled UaaKpan], in the
same contest in which Aristophanes exhibited his
second Plutus, but, if the meaning of Suidas is
rightly understood, he obtained only the fifth
place. He left ten plays, of which some frag-
ments remain, and the following titles are known,
'ASeX^ai fioix^vo/xevai, Tauvix-qS-ns, EuSv/uLIuiu^ 'Upos
ydtxos, KaAAitrVoJ, Kw/j-ef^OTpaycfdia, HaKalaTpa,

Alcaeus, a tragic poet, mentioned by Fabricius
{Biblioth. Grace, ii. p. 282), does not appear to be
a different person from Alcaeus the comedian.
The mistake of calling him a tragic poet arose
simply from an erroneous reading of the title of his
" Comoedo-tragoedia."

(The Greek Argument to the Plutus; Suidas,
s. V. ; Pollux, X. 1 ; Casaubon on Athen. iii. p.
206 ; Meineke, Fragm. Comic. Grace, i. p. 244,
ii. p. 824 ; Bode, Geschichte der Dramatisclien
Dichtkunst der Helletien, ii. p. 386.) [P. S.]

ALCA'MENES ('AAica/xet'Tjs), king of Sparta,
1 0th of the Agids, son of Teleclus, commanded, ac-
cording to Pausanias, in the night-expedition
against Ampheia, which commenced the first Mes-
senian war, but died before its 4th year. This
would fix the 38 years assigned him by Apollodorus,
about 779 to 742 b. c. In his reign Helos was
taken, a place near the mouth of the Eurotas,
the last independent hold most likely of the old
Achaean population, and the supposed origin of the
term Helot. (Pans. iii. 2. § 7, iv. 4. § 3, 5. § 3 ;
Herod, vii. 204 ; Plut. Apopkth. Imc.) [A. H. C]

ALCA'MENES ('AA/ca^ei/Tjs), tlie son of Sthe-
nelaides, whom Agis appointed as harmost of the
Lesbians, when they wished to revolt from the
Athenians in B. c. 412. When Alcamenes put to
sea with twenty-one ships to sail to Chios, he was
pursued by the Athenian fleet off the Isthmus of
Corinth, and driven on shore. The Athenians at-
tacked the ships when on shore, and Alcamenes
was killed in the engagement. (Thuc. viii. 5, 10.)

ALCA'MENES ('AA/ca;aen7s), a distinguished
statuary and sculptor, a native of Athens. (Plin.
//. A^ xxxvi. 5. s. 4.) Suidas (s. r.) calls him a
Lemnian (if by Alcamenes he means the artist).
This K. 0. Mdller {Arch, der Kunst. p. ^Q) inter-
prets to mean that he was a cleruchus, or holder of
one of the KKrjpoi in Lemnos. Voss, who is fol-
lowed by Thiersch {Epochen der bild. Kunst, p.
] 30), conjectured that the true reading is Aifxi'ios,

ALCAMENES.

Mid accordingly that Alcamcnes was born in the
district c.iUed the Al/ivai, which is in some degree
couiiniicd by his having made a stivtuc of Dionysus
in gold and ivory to adorn a temple of that god in
the Lcnaeum, a part of the Limnae. (Pans. i. 20.
§ 2.) He was the most famous of the pupils of
Phidias, but was not so close an imitator of his
master as Agoracritus. Like his fellow-pupil, he
exercised his tjUont chiefly in making statues of
the deities. By ancient writers he is ninked
amongst the most distinguished artists, and is con-
sidered by Pausanias second only to Phidias.
(Quintil. xii. 10. § 8 ; Dionys. l)e Demosih. acum.
vol. vi. p. 1108, ed. Reiske ; Paus. v. 10. § 2.)
He flourished from about 01. 84 (Plin. //. A^. xxxiv.
8. s. 19) to 01. i)5 (b. c. 444-400). Pliny's date is
confirmed by Pausanias, who says (viii. 9. § 1), that
Praxiteles flourished in the third generation after
Alcamenes ; and Praxiteles, as Pliny tells us, flour-
ished about 01. 104 (b. c. 364). The last works
of his which we hear of, were the colossal sUitues
of Athene and Hercules, which Thrasybuhis erected
in the temple of Hercules at Thebes after the ex-
pulsion of the tyrants from Athens, (b. c. 403.)
The most beautiful and renowned of the works of
Alcamenes was a statue of Venus, called from the
place where it was set up, 'H ei/ KT/Trots *A(ppo-
S/ttj. (Lucian, Iimu/iiies, 4, 6 ; Paus. i. 19. § 2.)
It is said that Phidias himself put the finishing
touches to this work. (Plin. //. N. xxxvi. 5. s. 4.)
The breasts, cheeks, and hands were especially
admired. It has been supposed by some that this
was the Venus for which he gained the prize over
Agoracritus. There is no direct evidence of this,
and it is scarcely consistent with what Pliny says,
that Alcamenes owed his success more to the fa-
vouritism of his fellow-citizens than to the excel-
lence of his statue. Another celebrated specimen
of his genius was the western pediment of the
temple at Olvmpia, ornamented with a representa-
tion of the battle between the Centaurs and the
Lapithae. (Paus. v. 10. § 2.) Other works of hia
were : a statue of Mars in the temple of that god
at Athens (Paus, i. 8. § .5); a sUitue of Hephae-
stus, in which the lameness of the god was so in-
geniously represented as not to give the appearance
of deformity (Cic. De Xat. Deor. i. 30 ; Val. JMax.
viii, 11. ext, 3) ; an Aesculapius at ^Mantineia
(Paus, viii. 9. § 1); a three-formed Hecate (the
first of the kind), and a Procne in the Acropolis at
Athens (Paus. ii, 30, § 2, i, 24. § 3) ; and a bronze
statue of a victor in the Pentathlon, (Plin, xxxiv.
8, s, 19,) A story of very doubtful credibility is
told by Tzetzes {Chil. viii, 193), that Alcamenes
and Phidias contended in making a sUitue of
Athene, and that before the statues were erected
in their destined elevated position, that of Alca-
menes was the most admired on account of its de-
licate finish ; but that, when sot up, the effect of
the more strongly defined features in that of Plii-
dias caused the Athenians to change their opinion.
On a Roman anaglyph in the villa Albani there
is the following inscri[)tion :

Q, LoLLius Alcamenes
Dec et DuirMviR.
If this contains the name of the artist, he woxdd
seem to have been a descendant of an Alcamenes,
who had been the slave and afterwards the frced-
man of one of the Lollian family, and to have at-
titined to tlie dignity of decurio and duumvir in
some municipium. He perhaps exercised the art

ALCATHOUS. 97

of carving as an amateur. (Winckelmann, viii. 4,
5.) [C. P. M.]

ALCANDER ("AAjfoi/Spos). There are three
mythical personages of this name, who are men-
tioned respectively in Hom, //. v. G78 ; Virg, Aen.
ix. 7()6 ; Antonin, Lib, 14. A female Alcandra
occurs in the Od. iv. 125. [L. S.]

ALCANDl-lR CA\»fav5pos), a young Spartan,
who attacked Lycurgus and thrust out one of his
eyes, when his fellow-citizens were discontented
with the laws he proposed. His mangled face,
however, produced shame and repentance in his
enemies, and they delivered up Alcander to him to
be punished as he thought fit. But Lycurgus par-
doned his outrage, and thus converted him into
one of his warmest friends. (Plut, Lye. 1 1 ; Aelian,
V. //. xiii. 23; Val. Max. v. 3. § ext. 2.)

ALCA'THOE or ALCl'THOE ('AA/ca0o'T, or
^A.XKid6r]\ a daughter of Minyas, and sister of
Leucippe and Arsippe. Instead of Arsippe, Ae-
lian ( V. H. iii. 42) calls the latter Aristippa, and
Plutarch {Quaest Gr. 38) Arsinoe. At the time
when the worship of Dionysus was introduced into
Boeotia, and while the other women and maidens
were revelling and ranging over the mountains in
Bacchic joy, these two sisters alone remained at
home, devoting themselves to their usual occupa-
tions, and thus profaning the days sacred to the
god. Dionysus punished them by changing them
into bats, and their work into vines, (Ov. Me(.
iv. 1—40, 390—415.) Plutarch, Aelian, and
Antoninus Liberalis, though with some differences
in the detail, relate that Dionysus appeared to the
sisters in the fonn of a maiden, and invited them
to partake in the Dionysiac mysteries. When
this request was not complied with, the god meta-
morphosed himself successively into a bull, a lion,
and a panther, and the sisters were seized with
madness. In this state they were eager to honour
the god, and Leucippe, who was chosen by lot
to offer a sacrifice to Dionysus, gave up her own
son Hippasus to be torn to pieces. In extreme
Bacchic frenzy the sisters now roamed over the
mountains, until at last Hermes changed them into
birds. Plutarch adds that down to his time the
men of Orchomenos descended from that family
were called if/oAo'eis, that is, mourners, and the wo-
men d\eiai or atoAetcj, that is, the destroj-ers. In
what manner the neglect of the Dionysiac worship
on the part of Alcathoe and her sister was atoned
for every year at the festival of the Agrionia, see
Did. of Ant s. v. 'Ayptui/ia ; comp. Buttmann,
MytholcH). ii. p. 201, &c. [L, S.]

ALCA'THOUS ('AAjcafloos). 1. A son of
Pelops and Hippodameia, brother of Atreus and
Thyestes, first married Pyrgo and afterwards
Euaechme, and was the father of Echepolis, Cal-
lipolis, Iphinoe, Periboea, and Automedusu. (Paus.
i, 42. § 1, 4, 43. § 4 ; ApoUod, ii. 4. § 11, iii. 12.
§ 7.) Pausanias (i, 41. § 4) relates that, after
Euippus, the son of king Megareus, was destroyed
by the Cythaeronian lion, iMegareus, whose elder
son Timalcus had likewise fallen by the hands of
Theseus, offered his daughter Euaechme and his
kingdom to him who should slay that lion. Al-
cathous undertook the tiisk, conquered the lion,
and thus obtiiined Euaechme for his wife, and
afterwards became the successor of Megareus. In
gratitude for this success, he built at Mcgara a
temple of Artemis Agrotera and Apollo Agraeus.
He also restored the walls of ^legaro, which h?d

98 ALCETAS.

been destroyed by the Cretans. (Paus. i. 41. § 5.)
In this work he was said to have been assisted by
Apollo, and the stone, upon which the god used to
place his lyre while he was at work, was even in
late times believed, when struck, to give forth a
sound similar to that of a lyre. ( Paus. i. 42. § 1 ;
Ov. Met. viii. 15, &c. ; Virg. Cir. 105 ; Theogn.
751.) Echepolis, one of the sons of Alcathous,
was killed during the Calydonian hunt in Aetolia,
and when his brother Callipolis hastened to carry
the sad tidings to his father, he found him en-
gaged in oifering a sacrifice to Apollo, and think-
ing it unfit to offer sacrifices at such a moment,
he snatched away the wood from the altar. Alca-
thous imagining this to be an act of sacrilegious
wantonness, killed his son on the spot witli a
piece of wood. (Paus. L 42. § 7.) The acropolis
of Megara was called by a name derived from that
of Alcathous. (i. 42. § 7.)

2. A son of Porthaon and Euryte, who was
slain by Tydeus. (ApoUod. i. 7. § 10, 8. § 5 ;
Diod. iv. 65.)

3. A son of Aesyetes and husband of Ilippo-
dameia, the daughter of Anchiscs and sister of
Aeneas, who was educated in his house. (Horn,
II. xiii. 466.) In the war of Troy he was one of
the Trojan leaders, and was one of the handsomest
and bravest among them. (//. xii. 93, xiii. 427.)
He was slain by Idomeneus with the assistance of
Poseidon, who struck Alcathous with blindness
and paralyzed his limbs so that he could not floe.
(//. xiii. 433, &c.) — Another personage of this
name is mentioned by Virgil, Aen. x. 747. [L.S.]

ALCEIDES (*AA»cei5Tjs), according to some ac-
counts the name which Heracles originally bore
(Apollod. ii. 4. § 12), while, according to Diodo-
rus, his original name was Alcaeus. [L. S.]

ALCESTIS or ALCESTE ("AAffTjo-TJs or 'AA-
Keo-TTj), a daughter of Pelias and Anaxibia, and
mother of Eumclus and Admetus. (Apollod. i. .9,
§ 10, 15.) Homer (//. ii. 715) calls her the fair-
est among the daughters of Pelias. When Adme-
tus, king of Phei-ae, sued for her hand, Pelias, in
order to get rid of the numerous suitors, declared
that he would give his daughter to him only who
should come to Lis court in a chariot drawn by
lions and boars. This was accomplished by Ad-
metus, with the aid of Apollo. For the farther
storj', see xYdmetus. The sacrifice of herself for
Admetus was highly celebmted in antiquity.
(Aelian, V. II. xiv. 45, Animal, i. 15 ; Philostr.
Her. ii. 4 ; Ov. Ars Am. iii. 19 ; Eurip. Alcestis.)
Towards her father, too, she showed her filial af-
fection, for, at least, according to Diodorus (iv. 52 ;
comp. however, Palacph. De incredlb. 41), she did
not share in the crime of her sisters, who mur-
dered their father.

Ancient as well as modem critics have attempted
to explain the return of Alcestis to life in a ration-
alistic manner, by- supposing that during a severe
illness she wns restored to life by a pliysician of
the name of Heracles. (Palaeph. I. c. ; Plut. Ama-
tor. p. 761.) Alcestis was represented on the
chest of Cypselus, in a group shewing the funeral
solemnities of Pelias. (Paus. v. 17- § 4.) In the
Kuseum of Florence there is an alto relievo, the
vork of Cleomenes, which is believed to represent
Alcestis devoting herself to death. (Mej'-er, Gesch.

ALCIBIADES.

dtrbildend. Kilnste, i. p. 162, ii. 159.) [L. S.]

A'LCETAS ('AA/ceVas), whose age is unknown,
was the author of a work on the otierings (dvae-n-

ixara) in Delphi, of which Athenaeus quotes tlie
second book. (xiii. p. 591, c.)

A'LCETAS I. ('AA/ceTas), king of EpiRUS, was
the son of Tharypus. For some reason or other,
which we are not informed of, he was expelled
from his kingdom, and took refuge with the elder
Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, by whom he was
reinstated. After his restoi-ation we find him the
ally of the Athenians, and of Jason, the Tagus of
Thessaly. In b. c. 373, he appeared at Athens
with Jason, for the purpose of defending Timo-
theus, who, through their influence, was acquitted.
On his death the kingdom, which till then had
been governed by one king, was divided between
his two sons, Nooptolemus and Arybbas or Arym-
bas. Diodorus (xix. 88) calls him Arybilus.
(Paus. L 11. § 3; Dem. Timoth. pp. 1187, 1190 ;
Diod. XV. 13. 36.) [C. P. M.]

A'LCETAS II., king of Epirus, was the son of
Arymbas, and grandson of Alcetas 1. On account
of his ungovernable temper, he was banished by
his father, who appointed his younger son, Aeacides,
to succeed him. On the death of Aeacides, who
was killed in a battle fought with Cassander B. c.
313, the Epirots recalled Alcetas. Cassander sent
an army against him imder the command of Lycis-
cus, but soon after entered into an alliance with him
(b. c. 312). The Epirots, incensed at the outrages
of Alcetas, rose against him and put him to death,
together with his two sons ; on which Pyrrhus,
the son of Aeacides, was placed upon the throne
by his protector Glaucias, king of the Illyrians,
B. c. 307. (Paus. i. 11. § 5 ; Diod. xix. 88, 89 ;
Plut. Pi/rrh. 3.) [C. P. M.]

A'LCETAS ('AA/fe'ras), the eighth king of
Macedonia, counting from Caranus, and the fifth,
counting from Perdiccas, reigned, according to
Eusebius, twenty-nine years. He was the father
of Amyntas I., who reigned in the latter part of
the sixth century B. c. (Herod, viii. 139.)

A'LCETAS ('AA/ceTas), the brother of Perdic-
cas and son of Orontes, is first mentioned as one
of Alexander's generals in his Indian expeditio]i.
(Arrian, iv. 27.) On the death of Alexander, he
espoused his brother's part)', and, at his orders,
murdered in B. c. 322 Cyane, the half-sister of
Alexander the Great, when she wished to marry
her daughter Eurj'dice to Philip Arrhidaeus.
(Diod. xix. 52; Polyaen. viii. 60; Arrian, ap.
Phot. p. 70, ed. Bekker.) At the time of Per-
diccas' murder in Eg3'pt in 321, Alcetas was with
Eunienes in Asia Minor engaged against Craterus;
and the army of Perdiccas, which had revolted
from liim and joined Ptolemj', condemned Alcetas
and all the partizans of his brother to death. The
war against Alcetas, who had now left Eumenes
and united his forces with those of Attalus, was
entrusted to Antigonus. Alcetas and Attalus were
defeated in Pisidia in 320, and Alcetas retreated
to Termessus. He was surrendered by the elder
inhabitants to Antigonus, and, to avoid fallinjj into
his hands alive, slew himself. (Diod. xviii. 29, 37,
44 — 46 ; Justin, xiii. 6, 8 ; Arrian, ap. Phot. I. c.)
ALCIBI'ADES ('AA/cigiaSTjs), the son of
Cleinias, was born at Athens about B. c. 450, or a
little earlier. His father fell at Coroneia n. c. 447,
leaving Alcibiades and a younger son. (Plat. Pruiag.
p. 320, a.) The last campaign of the war with
Potidaea was in b. c. 429. Now as Alcibiades
served in this war, and the young Athenians we-e
not sent out on foreign military service before they

ALCIBIADES.

had attiincd their •20th year, he could not have
been born later than B.c. 449. If he served in the
fii-st campaign (b. c. 4.'V2), he must have been at
least five years old at the time of liis father's death,
Nt'pos {AlcU). 10) says he was about forty years
old at the time of his death (b. c. 404), and his
mistake has been copied by Mitford,

Aicibiades was connected by birth with the
noblest families of Athens. Through his father
he traced his descent from Eurysaces, the son
of Aj:ix (Plat. ALib. r. p. 121), and through
him from Aeacus and Zeus, liis mother, Deino-
mache, was the daughter of Megacles, the head of
the house of the Alcmaeonids.* Thus on both
sides he had heredit<iry claims on the attachment
of the people ; for his paternal grandfather, Aici-
biades, took a prominent part in the expulsion of
the Peisistratids (Isocrat. De Big. 10), and his
mother was descended from Cleisthenes, the friend
uf the commonalty. His father Cleinias did good
service in the Persian war. He fitted out and
manned a trireme at his own expense, and greatly
distinguished himself in the battle of Artemisium.
(Herod, viii. 17.) One of his ancestors of the
name of Cleinias earned a loss enviable notoriety
by Uiking fraudulent advantage of the Seisachtheia
of Solon. The name Aicibiades was of Laconian
origin (Thuc. viii. 6), and was derived from the
Spartan family to which the ephor Endius belong-
ed, with which that of Aicibiades had been an-
ciently connected by the ties of hospitality. The
first who bore the name was the grandfather of
the great Aicibiades.

On the death of his father (b. c. 447), Aicibiades
was left to the guardianship of his relations Pericles
and Ariphron.f Zopyrus, the Thracian, is men-
tioned as one of his instructors. (Plat. Ale. i.
p. 122.) From his very boyhood he exhibited
signs of that inflexible determination which mark-
ed him throughout life.

He was at every period of his life remarkable for
the extraordinary beauty of his person, of which he
seems to have been exceedingly vain. Even when
on military service he carried a shield inlaid with
gold and ivorj'. and bearing the device of Zeus
hurling the thunderbolt. When he grew up, he
earned a disgraceful notoriety by his amours and
debaucheries. At the age of 18 he entered upon
the possession of his fortune, which had doubtless
been carefully husbanded during his long minority
by his guardians. Connected as he was with the
most influential families in the city, the inheritor
of one of the largest fortunes in Athens (to which
he afterwards received a large accession through
his marriage with Hipparete, the daughter of
HipponicuslJ:), gifted with a mind of singular ver-

* Demosthenes {Mid. p. 5G1) says, that the
mother of Aicibiades was the daughter of Hippo-
nicus, and that his father was connected with the
Alcmaeonidae. The latter statement may possibly
be true. But it is difficult to explain the former,
unless we suppose Demosthenes to have confounded
the great Aicibiades with his son.

+ Agariste, the mother of Pericles and Ariphon,
was the daughter of Hippocrates, whose brother
Cleisthenes was the grandfather of Deinoraache.
(Herod, vi. 131; Isocr. De liij. 10; Bocckh,
Ea-^iilic. ad Pind. Pyth. vii. p. 302.)

+ He received a portion of 10 talents with his
wife, which was to be doubled on the birth of a

ALCIBIADES. 99

satility and energy, possessed of great powers of
eloquence, and urged on by an ambition which no
obstacle could daunt, and which was not over
scrupulous as to the means by which its ends were
to be gained,- -in a city like Athens, amongst a
people like the Athenians, (of the leading features
of whose character he may not unaptly be regjirded
as an impersonation,) and in times like those
of the Peloponnesian war, Aicibiades found a field
singularly well adapted for the exercise and display
of his brilliant powers. Accustomed, however,
from his boyhood to the flattery of admiring com-
panions and needy parasites, he early imbibed that
inordinate vanity and love of distinction, which
marked his whole career ; and he was thus led to
place the most perfect confidence in his own power.s
long before he had obtained strength of mind
sufficient to withstand the seductive influence of
the temptations which surrounded him. Socrates
saw his vast capabilities, and attempted to win
him to the paths of virtue. Tlieir intimacy
was strengthened by mutual services. In one of
the engagements before Potidaea, Aicibiades was
dangerously wounded, but was rescued by So-
crates. At the battle of Delium (b. c. 424), Ai-
cibiades, who was mounted, had an opportunity of
protecting Socrates from the pursuers. (Plat.
Convw. pp. 220, 221 ; Isocr. De Big. 12.) The
lessons of the philosopher were not altogether
without influence upon his pupil, but the evil ten-
dencies of his character had taken too deep root to
render a thorough reformation possible, and he
listened more readily to those who advised him to
secure by the readiest means the gratification of
his desires.

Aicibiades was excessively fond of notoriety and
display. At the Olympic games (probably in 01.
89, B. c. 424) he contended with seven chariots
in the same race, and gained the first, second, and
fourth prizes. His liberality in discharging the
office of trierarch, and in providing for the public
amusements, rendered him very popular with tiie
multitude, who were ever ready to excuse, on the
score of youthful impetuosity and thoughtlessness,
his most violent and extravagant acts, into which
he was probably as often led by his love of noto-
riety as by any other motive. Accounts of various
instances of this kind, as his forcible detention of
Agatharchus, his violence to his wife Hipparete,
his assault upon Tauroas, and the audacious man-
ner in which he saved Ilegeraon from a lawsuit,
by openly obliterating the record, are given by
Plutarch, Andocides, and Athenaeus. (ix. p. 407.)
Even the more prudent citizens thought it safer to
connive at his delinquencies, than to exasperate
hira by punishment. As Aeschylus is made to
say by Aristophanes {Frogs., 1427), "A lion's
whelp ought not to be reared in a city ; but if a
person rears one, he must let him have his way."
Of the early political life of Aicibiades we hear
but little. While Cleon was idive he probably
appeared but seldom in the assembly. From allu-
sions which were contained in the AatraAtts of
Aristophanes (acted B. c. 427) it appears that he
had already spoken there. (For the story con-
nected with his first appearance in the assembly,
see Plutarch, Alcib. 10.) At some period or other

son. His marriage took place before the battle of
Delium (b. c. 424), in which Hipponicus was
slain. (Aiidoc. Alcib. p. 30.)

H 2

100

ALCIBIADES.

before B. c. 420, he had carried a decree for in-
creasing the tribute paid by the subject allies of
Athens, and by his management it was raised to
double the amount fixed by Aristeides. After the
death of Cleon there was no rival able at all to
cope with Alcibiades except Nicias. To the politi-
cal views of the latter, who was anxious for peace
and repose and averse to all plans of foreign con-
quests, Alcibiades was completely opposed, and his
jealousy of the influence and high character of his
rival, led him to entertain a very cordial dislike
towards him. On one occasion only do we find
them united in purpose and feeling, and that was
when Hyperbolus threatened one of them with
banishment. On this they united their influence,
and Hyperbolus himself was ostracised. The date
of this occurrence is uncertain.

Alcibiades had been desirous of renewing those
ties of hospitality by which his family had been
connected with Sparta, but which had been broken
off by his grandfather. With this view he vied
with Nicias in his good offices towards the Spartan
prisoners taken in Sphacteria ; but in the negotia-
tions which ended in the peace of 421, the Spartans
preferred employing the intervention of Nicias
and Laches. Incensed at this slight, Alcibiades
threw all his influence into the opposite scale, and
in B. c. 420, after tricking the Spartan ambassjidors
who had come for the purpose of thwarting his
plans, brought about an alliance with Argos, Elis,
and Mantineia. In 419 he was chosen Str.itegos,
and at the head of a small Athenian force marched
into Peloponnesus, and in various ways furthered
the interests of the new confederacy. During the
next three years he took a prominent part in the
complicated negotiations and military operations
which were carried on. Whether or not he was
the instigator of the unjust expedition against the
Melians is not clear ; but he was at any rate the
author of the decree for their barbarous punish-
ment, and himself purchased a vidian woman, by
whom he had a son.

In B. c. 415 Alcibiades appears as the foremost
among the advocates of tlie Sicilian expedition
(Thuc. vi.), which his ambition led him to believe
would be a step towards the conquest of Italy,
Carthage, and the Peloponnesus. (Thuc. vi. 90.)
While the preparations for the expedition were
going on, there occurred the mN'sterious mutilation
of the Ilennes-busts A man named Pythonicus
charged Alcibiades with having divulged and pro-
faned the Eleusinian mysteries ; and another man,
Androclcs, endeavoured to connect this and similar
offences with the mutilation of the Hermae. In
spite of his demands for an investigation, Alci-
biades was sent out with Nicias and Lamachus in
command of the fleet, but was recalled before he
could cany out the plan of operations which at his
suggestioji had been adopted, namelj'-, to endeavour
to win over the Greek towns in Sicily, except
Syracuse and Selinus, and excite the native Sicels
to revolt, and then attack Syracuse. He was
allowed to accompany the Salaminia in his own
gallej', but managed to escape at Thurii, from
which place he crossed over to Cyllene, and thence
proceeded to Sparta at the invitation of the
Spartan government. He now appeared as the
avowed enemy of his country ; disclosed to the
Spartans the plans of the Athenians, and recom-
mended them to send Gylippus to Syracuse, and
to fortify Deceleia. (Thuc. vi. 88, &c., vii. 18,

ALCIBIADES.

27, 28.) Before he left Sicily he had managed to
defeat a plan which had been laid for the acquisi-
tion of Messana. At Athens sentence of death
was passed upon him, his property confiscated, and
a curse pronounced upon him by the ministers of
religion. At Sparta he rendered himself popular
by the facility with which he adopted the Spartan
manners. Through his instrumentality many of
the Asiatic allies of Athens were induced to revolt,
and an alliance was brought about with Tissa-
phernes (Thuc. viii. 6,&c.); but the machinations of
his enemy Agis [Agis II.] induced him to abandon
the Spartans and take refuge with Tissaphernes
(b. c. 412), whose favour he soon gained by his
unrivalled talents for social intercourse. The
estrangement of Tissaphernes from his Spartan
allies ensued. Alcibiades, the enemy of SparUi,
wished to return to Athens. He according-
ly' entered into correspondence with the most
influential persons in the Athenian fleet at Samos,
offering to bring over Tissaphernes to an alliance
with Athens, but making it a condition, that oli-
garchy should be established there. This coincid-
ing with the wishes of those with whom he was
negotiating, those political movements were set on
foot by Peisander, which ended (b. c. 411) in the
establishmennt of the Four Hundred. The oli-
garchs, however, finding he could not perform
his promises with respect to Tissaphernes, and
conscious that he had at heart no real liking for an
oligarchy, would not recall him. But the soldiers
in the armament at S<mios, headed by Thrasybulus
and Thrasyllus, declared their resolution to restore
dcmocrac}', and passed a vote, by which Alcibiades
was pardoned and recalled, and appointed one of
their generals. He conferred an important benefit
on his country, by restraining the soldiers from
returning at once to Athens and so commencing a
civil war ; and in the course of the same year the
oligarchy was overthrown without their assistance.
Alcibiades and the other exiles were recalled, but
for the next four years he remained abroad, and
under his command the Athenians gained the vic-
tories of Cynossenia, Abydos,* and Cyzicus, and
got possession of Chalcedon and Byzantium. In
B. c. 407, he returned to Athens, where he was
received with great enthusiasm. The records of
the proceedings against him were sunk in the sea,
his property was restored, the priests were ordered
to recant their curses, and he was appointed com-
mander-in-chief of all the land and sea forces.
(Diod. xiii. G9; Ph\t. Ale. 33; Xen. Hell. i. 4.
§ 13 — 20.) He signalised his return by conduct-
ing the mystic procession to Eleusis, which had
been intermpted since the occupation of Deceleia.
But his unsuccessful expedition against Andros
and the defeat at Notium, occasioned daring his
absence by the imprudence of his lieutenant, An-
tiochus, who brought on an engagement against his
orders, furnished his enemies with a handle against
him, and he was superseded in his command,
(b. c. 406.)

Thinking that Athens would scarcely be a safe
place for him, Alcibiades went into voluntary exile

* Shortly after the victory at Abydos, Alci-
biades paid a visit to Tissaphernes, who had ar-
rived in the neighbourhood of the Hellespont, but
Avas arrested by him and sent to Sardis. After a
month's imprisonment, however, he succeeded ia
making his escape. (Xen. Hellen. i. I. § 9.)

ALCIDAMAS.

to his fortified domain at Bisantlio in the Tliracian
Chersonesus. He collected a band of mercenaries,
and made war on the neighbouring Thracian
tribes, by which means he considerably enriched
liiniself, and afforded protection to the neighbour-
ing Greek cities. Before the fatal battle of Aegos-
Potami(B. c. 405), he gave an ineffectual warning to
the Athenian genends. After the establishment
of the tyranny of the Thirty (b. c. 404), he was
condenmi'd to banishment. Upon this he took
refuge with Pharnabazus, and was about to pro-
ceed to the court of Artaxerxes, when one night
his house was surrounded by a band of armed men,
and set on fire. He rushed out sword in hand,
but fell, pierced with arrows, (b. c. 404.) Ac-
cording to Diodorus and Ephonis (Diod. xiv. 11)
the assassins were emissaries of Pharnabazus, who
had been led to this step either by his own jealousy
of Alcibiades, or by the instigation of the Spartans.
It is more probable that they were either employed
by the Spartans, or (according to one account in
Plutarch) by the brothers of a lady whom Alci-
biades had seduced. His corpse was taken up
mid buried by his mistress Timandra. Athenaeus
(xiii. p. 574) mentions a monument erected to his
memory at Melissa, the place of his death, and a
statue of him erected thereon by the emperor
Hadrian, who also instituted certain yearly sacri-
fices in his honour. He left a son by his wife
Hipparete, named Alcibiades, who never distin-
guished himself. It was for him that Isocrates
wrote the speech Uepl rod Zeu7ous. Two of
Lysias'a speeches (xiv. and xv.) are directed
against him. The fortune which he left behind
him tunied out to be smaller than his patrimony.
(Plut. Alcib. and Nicias; Thucyd. lib. v. — viii. ;
Xenophon, Hellen. lib. i. ii. ; Andoc. in Alcib. and
dcM'ister,; Isocr. De Bii/is ; Nepos, ^/ct6.; Diod.
xii. 78—84, xiii. 2—5, 37—41, 45, 46, 49—51,
G4— 73 ; Athen. i. p. 3, iv. p. 184, v. pp. 215, 216,
ix. p. 407, xi. p. 506, xii. pp. 525, 534, 535, xiii.
pp. 574, 575.) [C. P. M.]

ALCIBl'ADES ('AA/ctg«a57js), a Spartan exile,
was restored to his country about B. c. 184, by the
Achaeans, but was ungrateful enough to go as am-
bassador from Sparta to Rome, in order to accuse
Philopoemen and the Achaeans. (Polyb. xxiiL 4,
11, 12, xxiv. 4; Liv. xxxix. 35.)

ALCl'DAMAS ('AA/«5o/xas), a Greek rheto-
rician, was a native of Elaea in Aeolis, in Asia
Minor. (Quintil. iii. l.§ 10, with Spalding's note.)
He was a pupil of Gorgias, and resided at Athens
between the years b. c. 432 and 411. Here he
gave instructions in eloquence, according to Eudo-
cia (p. 100), as the successor of his master, and
was the last of that sophistical school, with which
the only object of eloquence was to please the
hearers by tlie pomp and brilliancy of words. That
the works of Alcidamas bore the strongest marks
of this character of his school is stated by Aris-
totle {Rhct iii. 3. § 8), who censures his pompous
diction and extravagant use of poetical epithets and
phrases, and by Dionysius {De Isaeo, 19), who
calls his style vulgar and inflated. He is said to
have been an opponent of Isocrates (Tzetz. C/iil.
xi. 672), but whether this statement refers to real
personal enmity, or whether it is merely an infer-
ence from the fact, that Alcidamas condemned the
practice of writing orations for the purpose of deli-
vering them, is uncertain.

The aucienta mention several works of Alcida-

ALCIMACHUS.

101

mas, such as an Eulogy on Death, in which ho
enumerated the evils of human life, and of which
Cicero seems to speak with great praise ( Tusc. u
48) ; a shew-speech, called \6yos Mfacn^uiaKSt
(Aristot. Jihet. i. 13. § 5) ; a work on music (Sui-
das, s. 17. 'AA,/cj5djiias) ; and some scientific works,
viz. one on rhetoric (rix^'V ^VToptK-q, l*\ut. Demostk.
5), and another called \6yos (pvcriKos (Diog. Laert.
viii. 56) ; but all of them are now lost. Tzetzes
(C/ii/. xi. 752) had still before him several orations
of Alcidamas, but we now possess only two decla-
mations which go under his name. 1. 'OSuorercus,
rj /card naKafxi^Sovs irpoSocrias, in which Odysseus
is made to accuse Palamedes of treachery to the
cause of the Greeks during the siege of Troy. 2.
irepl (To<pi(TTwv^ in which the author sets forth the
advantages of delivering extempore speeches over
those which have previously been written out.
These two orations, the second of which is the bet-
ter one, both in fonii and thought, bear scarcely
any traces of the faults which Aristotle and Dio-
nysius censure in the works of Alcidamas ; their
fault is rather being frigid and insipid. It has
therefore been maintained by several critics, that
these orations are not the works of Alcidamas ;
and with regard to the first of them, the suppo-
sition is supported by strong probability ; the se-
cond may have been written by Alcidamas with a
view to counteract the influence of Isocrates. The
first edition of tiiem is that in the collection of
Greek orators published by Aldus, Venice, 1513,
fol. The best modern editions are those in Reiske'a
Oratores Graeci, vol. viii. p. 64, &c. ; and in
Bek'kev''s Orutores A ttid,\ol.\n. (Oxford.) [L.S.]

A'LCIDAS ('AAKi'Sas), was appointed, b. c.
428, commander of the Peloponnesian fleet, which
was sent to Lesbos for the relief of Mytilcne, then
besieged by the Athenians. But Mytilene sur-
rendered to the Athenians seven days before the
Peloponnesian fleet arrived on the coast of Asia ;
and Alcidas, who, like most of the Spartjin com-
manders, had little enterprise, resolved to return
home, although he was recommended either to at-
tempt the recovery of Mytilene or to make a de-
scent upon the Ionian coast. While sailing along
the coast, he captured many vessels, and put to death
all the Athenian allies whom he took. From Ephesus
he sailed home with the utmost speed, being chased
by the Athenian fleet, under Paches, as far as Patmos.
(Thuc. iii. 16, 26 — 33.) After receiving reinforce-
ments, Alcidas sailed to Corcyra, b. c. 427 ; and
when the Athenians and Corcyraeans sailed out to
meet him, he defeated them and drove them back
to the island. With his habitual caution, how-
ever, he would not follow up the advantage he had
gained ; and being informed that a large Athenian
fleet was approaching, he sailed back to Pelopon-
nesus, (iii. 69—81.) In u. c. 426, he was one
of the leaders of the colony founded by the Lace-
daemonians at Heracleia, near Thermopylae, (iii.
92.)

ALCI'DICE ('AA/fiSiKTj), the daughter of Aleus,
and wife of Salmoneus, by whom she had a daugh-
ter. Tyro. Alcidice died early, and Salmoneus
afterwards married Sidero. (Diod. iv. 68 ; Apol-
lod. i. 9. § 8.) [L. S.]

ALCI'MACHUS, a painter mentioned by
Pliny. (//. N. XXXV. 11. s. 40.) He is not
spoken of by any other writer, and all that is
kno'Aai about him is, that he painted a picture of
Dioxippus, a yictor in the pancratium at Olyrapia.

10:

ALCIMUS.

"Dioxippus lived in tlie time of Alexander the
Txreat. (Aelian, V. H. x. 22; Diod. xvii. 100;
Athen. vi. p. 251, a.) Alcimachus therefore pro-
bably lived about the same time. [C P. M.]

ALCl'MEDE ('AA/ft,ue'577), a daughter of Phy-
lacusand Clymene, the daughter of Minyas. (Apol-
lon. Rhod. i. 45 ; Schol. ud loc. and ad i. 230.)
She married Aeson, by whom she became the
mother of Jason (Ov. Ileroid. iv. 105 ; Hygin.
Fab. 13 and 14), who, however, is called by others
a son of Polymede, Arne, or Scarphe. (Apollod. i.
9. § 8 ; comp. Akson, Jason.) [L. S ]

ALCrJMEDON (AA/ci/ieScoi/). 1. An Arca-
dian hero, from whom the Arcadian plain Alcime-
don derived its name. He was the father of
Phillo, by whom Hti-acles begot a son, Aechma-
goras, whom Alcimedon exposed, but Heracles
Baved. (Paus, viii. 12. § 2.) [Aechmagoras.]

2. One of the Tyrrhenian sailors, who wanted
to carry off the infant Dionysus from Naxos, but
was metamorphosed, with his companions, into a
dolphin. (Ov. Met. iii. G18 ; Hygin. Fab. 134 ;

comp. ACOETES.)

3. A son of Laerceus, and one of the comman-
ders of the !Mynnidons under Patroclus. (Horn. //.
xvi. 197, xvii. 475, &c.) [L. S.]

ALCI'MEDON, an embosser or chaser, spoken
of by Virgil {Eclog. iii 37, 44), who mentions
Rome goblets of his workmanship. [C. P. M.]

ALCI'MENES ('AA/fi^ej/r/y). 1. A son of
Glaucus, who was unintentionally killed by his
brother Bellerophon. According to some tradi-
tions, this brother of Bellerophon was called Deli-
ades, or Peiren. (Apollod. ii. 3. § 1.)

2. One of the sous of Jason and Medeia. When
Jason subsequently wanted to marry Glauce, liis
sons Alcimenes and Tisander were murdered by
JMedeia, and were afterwards buried by Jason in
the sanctuary of Hera at Corinth. (Diod. iv. 54,
56.) [L.S.]

ALCI'MENES ('AAKi/iei'i?s), an Athenian comic
poet, apparently a contemporciry of Aeschylus.
One of his pieces is supposed to have been the
Ko\v/x€(Z(Tat (the Female Swimmers). His works
were greatly admired by Tynnichus, a younger
contemporary of Aeschylus.

There was a tragic writer of the same name, a
native of Megara, mentioned by Suidas. (Meineke,
I/ist. Ciit. Comicorum Grace, p. 481 ; Suid. s. v.
^A\KiiJ.evns and 'AXKjxdv ) [C. P. M.]

A'LCIMUS CAA/ajUos), also called Jacimus, or
Joachim ('la.KeiiJ.os), one of the Jewish priests, who
espoused the Syrian cause. He was made high
priest by Demetrius, about B. c. IGl, and was in-
stiiUed in his office by the help of a Syrian army.
In consequence of his cruelties he was expelled by
the Jews, and obliged to fly to Antioch, but was
restored by the help of another Syrian aiTn^'. He
continued in his ofhce, under the protection of the
Syrians, till his death, which happened suddenly
(li. c. 159) while he was pulling down the wall of
the temple that divided the court of the Gentiles
from that of tlie Israelites. (Joseph. Ant. Jiid. xii.
9. § 7 ; 1 Maccah. vii. ix.)

A'LCIMUS ('AA/ft^ios), a Greek rhetorician
whom Diogenes Laertius (ii. 114) calls the most
distinguished of all Greek rhetoricians, flourished
about B. c. 300. It is not certain whether he is
T.ne same as the Alcimus to whom Diogenes in
another passage (iii. 9) asciibes a work tt^os 'A^uuv-
rau. Athenaeus in several places speaks of a Si-

ALCINOUS.

cilian Alcimus, who appears to have been the
author of a great historical work, parts of whicb
are referred to under the names of 'IraAt/co and
2i/c6Az/ca. But whether he was the same as the
rhetorician Alcimus, cannot be determined. (Athen.
X. p. 441, xii. p. 518, vii. p. 322.) [L. S.]

A'LCIMUS (AVI'TUS) ALE'THIUS, the
writer of seven short poems in the Latin anthology,
whom Wernsdorf has shewn {Foct. Lat. Mln. vol.
vi. p. 26, &c.) to be the same person as Alcimus,
the rhetorician in Aquitania, in Gaul, who is spoken
of in teiTiis of high praise by Sidonius Apollinaris,
{Epist. viii. 11, v. 10,) and Ausonius. {Fro/ess.
Durdiyal. ii.) His date is deteniiined by Hiero-
nymus in his Chronicon, who says that Alcimus
and Delphidius taught in Aquitania in a.d. 360.
His poems are superior to most of his time.
They are printed by Meier, in his " Anthologia
Latina," ep. 254 -260, and by Wernsdorf, vol. vi.
p. 194, &c.

ALCI'NOUS ('AAKiVoos). 1. A son of Nau-
sithous, and grandson of Poseidon. His name is
celebrated in the story of the Argonauts, and still
more in that of the wanderings of Odysseus. • In
the former Alcinous is represented as living with
his queen Arete in the island of Drepane. The
Argonauts, on their return from Colchis, came to
his island, and were most hospitably received.
When the Colchians, in their pursuit of the Argo-
nauts, likewise arrived in Drepane, and demanded
that Medeia should be delivered up to them, Alci-
nous declared that if she was still a maiden she
should be restored to them, but if she was already
the wife of Jason, he would protect her and her
husband against the Colchians. The Colchians were
obliged, by the contrivance of Arete, to depart with-
out their princess, and the Argonauts continued
their voyage homewards, after they had received
munificent presents from Alcinous. (ApoUon. Rhod.
iv. 990-1225 ; Orph. Anion. 1288, &c. ; Apollod.
i. 9. § 25, 26.) According to Homer, Alcinous is
the happy ruler of the Phaeacians in the island of
Scheria, who has by Arete five sons and one daugh-
ter, Nausicaa. {Od. vi. 12, &c., 62, &c.) The
description of his palace and his dominions, the
mode in which Odysseus is received, the enter-
tainments given to him, and the stories he related
to the king about his own wanderings, occupy a
considerable portion of the Odyssey (from book vi.
to xiii.), and forai one of its most chamiing parts.
(Comp. Hygin. Fob. 125 and 126.)

2. A son of Hippothoon, who, in conjunction
with his father and eleven brothers, expelled Ica-
rion and Tyndareus from Lacedaemon, but Avaa
afterwards killed, with his father and brothers, by
Heracles. (Apollod. iii. 10. §5.) [L. S.]

A'LCINOUS ('AAfctVyvs), a Platonic philoso-
pher, who probably lived under the Caesars. No-
thing is known of his personal history, but a work
entitled 'ETTiTo^rj T<iy YlKa.Tb>vos SoytJ-dTwy, con-
taining an analysis of the Platonic philosophy, as
it was set forth by late writers, has been preserved.
The treatise is written rather in the manner of
Aristotle than of Plato, and the author has not
hesitated to introduce any of the views of other
philosophers which seemed to add to the complete-
ness of the system. Thus the parts of the syllo-
gism (c. 6), the doctrine of the mean and of the
f|ejs and evepyf7ai (c. 2. 8), are attributed to
Plato ; as well as the division of philosophy which
was common to the Peripatetics and Stoics. It

ALCIPIIRON.

was impossible from the writings of Plato to get a
system complete in its parts, and hence the temp-
tation of later writers, who sought for system, to
join Plato and Aristotle, without perceiving the
inconsistency of the union, while everj'thing which
suited their purpose was fearlessly ascribed to the
founder of their own sect. In the treatise of
Alcinous, however, there are still traces of the spi-
rit of Plato, however low an idea he gives of his
own philosophical talent. He held the world and
its animating soul to be eternal. This soul of the
imiverse (?; ^vxri rod ic6<tij.ov) was not created by
God, but, to use the image of Alcinous, it was
awakened by him as from a profound sleep, and
turned towards himself, "that it might look out
upon intellectual things (c. 14) and receive forms
and ideas from the divine mind." It was the first
of a succession of intermediate beings between God
and man. The iSeai proceeded immediately from
the mind of God, and were the highest object of
our intellect; the ""form" of matter, the types of
sensible things, having a real being in themselves.
(c. 9.) lie dilFered from the earlier Platonists in
confining the I'Seat to general laws : it seemed an
unworthy notion that God could conceive an tSea
of things artificial or unnatural, or of individuals
or particulars, or of any thing relative. He seems
to have aimed at harmonizing the views of Plato
and Aristotle on the iSeaj, as he distinguished
them from the e^STj, forms of things, which he al-
lowed were inseparable : a view which seems ne-
cessarily connected with the doctrine of the eternity
and self-existence of matter. God, the first foun-
tain of the tSe'ot, could not be known as he is : it
is but a faint notion of him we obtain from nega-
tions and analogies : his nature is equally beyond
our power of expression or conception. Below him
are a series of beings (Sat/toi/es) who superintend
the production of all living things, and hold inter-
course with men. The human soul passes through
various transmigmtions, thus connecting the series
with the lower classes of being, until it is finally
purified and rendered acceptable to God. It will
be seen that his system was a compound of Plato
and Aristotle, with some parts borrowed from the
east, and perhaps derived from a study of the
Pythagorean system. (Ritter, G'escJiichte der Fhilo-
suphk^ iv. p. 249.)

Alcinous first appeared in the Latin version of
Pietro Balbi, which was published at Rome with
Apuleius, 14G9, fol. The Greek text was printed
in the Aldine edition of Apuleius, 1521, Ovo.
Another edition is that of Fell, Oxford, 1(]()7.
The best is by J. F. Fischer, Leipzig, 17B3, 8vo.
It was translated into French by J. J. Combes-
Dounous, Paris, 1800, 8vo., and into English by
Stanley in his History of Philosophy. [B. J.]

ALCIPIIRON {'A\Ki(ppwv\ a Greek sophist,
and the most eminent among the Greek epistolo-
graphers. Respecting his life or the age in which
he lived we possess no direct information what-
ever. Some of the earlier critics, as La Croze and
J. C. Wolf, placed him, without any plausible
reason, in the fifth century of our aera. Bergler,
and others who followed hnn, placed Alciphron
in the period between Lucian and Aristaenetus,
that is, between a.d. 170 and 350, while others
again assign to him a diite even earlier than the
time of Lucian. The only circumstance that
suggests anything respecting 'his age is the fact,
that among the letters cf Aiistaenetus there are

ALCIPPE.

103

two (i. 5 and 22) between Lucian and Alciphron ;
now as Aristaenetus is nowhere guilty of any great
historical inaccuracy, we may safely infer that
Alciphron was a contemporary of Lucian — an infe-
rence which is not incompatible with the opinion,
whether true or false, that Alciphron imitated
Lucian.

We possess under the name of Alciphron 116
fictitious letters, in 3 books, the object of which
is to delineate the characters of certain classes of
men, by introducing them as expressing their pe-
culiar sentiments and opinions upon subjects with
which they were familiar. The classes of persons
which Alciphron chose for this purpose are fisher-
men, country people, parasites, and hetaerae or
Athenian courtezans. All are made to express
their sentiments in the most graceful and elegant
language, even where the subjects are of a low
or obscene kind. The characters are thus some-
what raised above their common standard, without
any great violation of the truth of reality. The
foi-m of these letters is exquisitely be<iutiful, and
the language is the pure Attic dialect, such as it
was spoken in the best times in familiar but re-
fined conversation at Athens. The scene from
which the letters are dated is, with a few excep-
tions, Athens and its vicinity ; and the time, wher-
ever it is discernible, is the period after the reign
of Alexander the Great. The new Attic comedy-
was the principal source from which the author de-
rived his infonnation respecting the characters and
manners which he describes, and for this reason
these letters contain much valuable information
about the private life of the Athenians of that time.
It has been said, that Alciphron is an imitator of
Lucian ; but besides the style, and, in a few in-
stances, the subject matter, there is no resemblance
between the two writers : the spirit in which the
two treat their subjects is totally different. Both
derived their materials from the same sources, and
in style both aimed at the greatest perfection of the
genuine Attic Greek. Bergler has truly remarked,
that Alciphron stands in the same relation to Me-
nander as Lucian to Aristophanes. The first edi-
tion of Alciphron's letters is that of Aldus, in his
collection of the Greek Epistologmphers, Venice,
1499, 4to. This edition, however, contains only
those letters which, in more modem editions, form
the first two books. Seventy-two new letters were
added from a Vienna and a Vatican MS. by Bergler,
in his edition (Leipzig, 1715, 8vo.) with notes and
a Latin translation. These seventy-two epistles
form the third book in Bergler's edition. J. A.
Wagner, in his edition (Leipzig, 1798, 2 vols, 8vo.,
with the notes of Bergler), added two new letters
entire, and fragments of five others. One long
letter, which has not yet been pubHshed entire,
exists in several Paris MSS. [L. S.]

ALCIPPE ('AA/ciTTirTj). 1. A daughter of
Ares and Agraulos, the daughter of Cecrops. II a-
lirrhothius, the son of Poseidon, intended to violate
her, b\it was surprised by Ares, and killed, for
which Poseidon bore a grudge against Ares. (Pans,
i. 21. §7 ; ApoUod. iii. 14. §2.)

2. A maiden, who was dishonoured by her outi
brother, Astraeus, unwittingly. When Astraeus
became aware of his deed, he threw himself into a
river, which received from him the name of Astrae-
us, but was afterwards called Caicus. (Plut. De
F/uv.2\.)

Other personages of this name are mentioned in

104

ALCMAEON

Apollod. iii. 1 5. § 8; Diod. iv. 16 ; Eustath. ad Horn.
p. 776 ; Horn. 0(i. iv. 124. [Alcyomdes.] [L.S.]
ALCIS ('A\/cts), that is, the Strong. 1. A
surname of Athena, under which she was worship-
ped in Macedonia, (Liv. xlii. 51.)

2. A deity among the Naharvali, an ancient
German tribe. (Tacit. Germ. 43.) Grimm (Deut-
sche Mi/tkol. p. 39) considers Alcis in the passage
of Tacitus to be the genitive of Alx, which, ac-
cording to him, signitiea a sacred grove, and is
connected witli the Greek dKcrus. Another Alcis
occurs in ApoUodorus, ii. 1. § 5. [L. S.]

ALCI'STHENE, a female painter spoken of by
Pliny (//. A", xxxv. 11. s. 40), who mentions one
of her pictures representing a dancer. [C. P. M.J
ALCI'THOE. lAlcathok.J
A'LCITHUS (^AKklOos), sent as ambassador by
the Achaeana to Ptolemy Philometor, B. c. 169,
when they heard that the Amwlcteria (see Diet, of
Ant. s.v.) were to be celebrated in his honour.
(Polyb. xxviii. 10, 16.)

ALCMAEON (*AAK;uat«i/), a son of Amphia-
raus and Eriphyle, and brother of Amphilochus,
Eurydice, and Demonassa. (Apollod. iii. 7. § 2.')
His mother was induced by the necklace of Har-
nionia, which she received from Polyneices, to per-
suade her husband Araphiaraus to take part in the
expedition against Thebes. (Hom. Od. xv. 247,
&c.) But before Amphiaraus set out, he enjoined
his sons to kill their mother as soon as they should
be grown up. (Apollod. iii. 6. § 2 ; Hygin. Fab.
73.) When the Epigoni prepared for a second
expedition against Thebes, to avenge the death of
their fathers, the oracle promised them success and
victor}', if they chose Alcmaeon their leader. He
was at first disinclined to undertake the command,
as he had not yet taken vengeance on his mother,
according to the desire of his father. But she,
who had now received from Thersander, the sou
of Polyneices, the pcplus of Hanuonia also, in-
duced him to join the expedition. Alcmaeon dis-
tinguished himself greatly in it, and slew Laoda-
mus, the son of Eteocles. (Apollod. iii. 7. § 2, &c. ;
comp. Diod. iv. 66.) When, after the fall of
Thebes, he learnt the reason for which his mother
had urged him on to take part in the expedition,
he slew her on the advice of an oracle of Apollo,
and, according to some traditions, in conjunction
with his brother Amphilochus. For this deed he
became mad, and was haunted by the Erinnyes. He
first came to Oi'cleus in Arcadia, and thence went
to Phegeus in Psophis, and being purified by the
latter, he married his daughter Arsinoe or Alphe-
siboea (Pans. viii. 24. § 4), to whom he gave the
necklace and peplus of Hannonia. But the coun-
try in which he now resided was visited by scar-
city, in consequence of his being the murderer of
his mother, and the oracle advised him to go to
Achelous. According to Pausanias, he left Psophis
because his madness did not yet cease. Pausanias
and Thucydides (ii. 102 ; comp. Pint. De Exil. p.
602) further state, that tlie oracle commanded
him to go to a country which had been formed
subsequent to the murder of his mother, and was
therefore under no curse. The country thus point-
ed out was a tract of land which had been recently
formed at the mouth of the river Achelous. Apol-
lodorus agrees with this account, but gives a de-
tailed history of Alcmaeon's wanderings until he
reached the mouth of Achelous, who gave hira his
daughter Calirrhoe in marriage. Calirrhoe had a

ALCMAEON.

I desire to possess the necklace and peplus of Har-
monia, and Alcmaeon, to gratify her wish, went to
Psophis to get them from Phegeus, under the pre-
text that he intended to dedicate them at Delphi
in order to be freed from his madness. Phegeus
complied with his request, but when he heard that
the treasures were fetched for Calirrhoe, he sent
his sons Pronous and Agenor (Apollod. iii. 7. §6)
or, according to Pausanias (viii. 24. § 4), Temenus
and Axion, after him, with the command to kill
him. This was done, but the sons of Alcmaeon by
Calirrhoe took bloody vengeance at the instigation
of their mother. (Apollod. Pans. IL cc. ; Ov. Met.
ix. 407, &c.)

The story about Alcmaeon furnished rich mate-
rials for the epic and tragic poets of Greece, and
their Roman imitators. But none of these poems
is now extiint, and we only know from ApoUo-
dorus (iii. 7. § 7), that F)uripides, in his tragedy
" Alcmaeon," stated that after the fall of Thebea
he married Manto, the daughter of Teiresias, and
that he had two children by her, Amphilochus and
Tisiphone, whom he gave to Creon, king of Co-
rinth, to educate. The wife of Creon, jealous of
the extraordinary beauty of Tisiphone, afterwards
sold her as a slave, and Alcmaeon himself bought
her, without knowing that she was his daughter.
(Diod. iv. QQ; Pans. vii. 8. § 1, ix. 33. § 1.)
Alcmaeon after his death was worshipped as a
hero, and at Thebes he seems to have had an altar,
near the house of Pindar {Pitth. viii. 80, &c.), who
calls him his neighbour and the guardian of his
property, and also seems to suggest that prophetic
powers were ascribed to him, as to his father Am-
phiaraus* At Psophis his tomb was shewn, sur-
rounded with lofty and sacred cypresses. (Pans,
viii. 24. § 4.) At Oropus, in Attica, where Am-
phiaraus and Amphilochus were worshipped, Alc-
maeon enjoyed no such honours, because he was a
matricide. (Pans. i. 34. § 2.) He was represented
in a statue at Delphi, and on the chest of Cypse-
lus. (x. 10. § 2, V. 17. § 4.) [L. S.J

ALCMAEON (A/\»C;uaia>i/), son of the Megacles
who was guilty of sacrilege with respect to the fol-
lowers of Cimon, was invited by Croesus to Sardia
in consequence of the services he had rendered to
an embassy sent by Croesus to consult the Delphic
oracle. On his arrival at Sardis, Croesus made
him a present of as much gold as he could carry
out of the treasury. Alcmaeon took the king at
his word, by putting on a most capacious dress,
the folds of which (as well as the vacant space of
a pair of very wide boots, also provided for the
occasion) he stuffed with gold, and then filled his
mouth and hair with gold dust. Croesus laughed
at the trick, and presented him with as much again
(about 590 B. c). The wealth thus acquired is said
to have contributed greatly to the subsequent pros-
perity of the Alcmaeonidae. (Herod, vi. 125.)

Alcmaeon was a breeder of horses for chariot-
races, and on one occasion gained the prize in a
chariot-race at Olympia. (Herod. /. c; Isocrates,
de Bk/is, c. 10. p. 351.) We are informed by
Plutarch {Solon, c. 11), that he commanded the
Athenians in the Cirrhaean war, which began
B. c. 600. [P. S.J

ALCMAEON ('AA/c^iwi'), one of the most
eminent natural philosophers of antiquity, was a
native of Crotona in Magna Graecia. His father's
name was Pirithus, and he is said to have been a
pupil of Pythagoras, and must therefore have lived

th

ALCMAEON.

latter half of the sixth century before Christ

ALCMAEON I DAE.

105

( Ding. Laert. viii. iVi.) Nothing more is known of the
e\ents of his life. His most celebrated anatomical
discovery has been noticed in the Diet, of Ant. p.
7.')(), a ; but whether his knowledge in this branch
of science was derived from the dissection of ani-
mals or of human bodies, is a disputed question,
which it is difficult to decide. ChjUcidius, on
wiiose authority the fact rests, merely says {Com-
iiieiit. in Plat. " Tim.'''* p. 368, ed. Fabr.), " qui
prinms exsectionem aggredi est ausus," and the
word iw^edio would apply equally well to either
case. lie is said also (Diog. Laert. I.e.; Cle-
mens Alexandr. Slroiu. i. p. 308) to have been the
rii"st person who wrote on natural philosophy
((pvcriKoi/ \uyov), and to have invented fables {/a-
Lula^, Isid. On//, i. 39). He also wrote several
other medical and philosophical works, of which
nothing but the titles and a few fragments have
been preserved by Stobaeus (^Eclog. Pkt/s.), Plu-
tarch {De Phys. Philos. Deer.), and Galen. (ITislor.
J'/iilos()]>h.) A further account of his philosophical
opinions may be found in Menage's Notes to Dio-
genes Laertius, viii. 83, p. 387 ; Le Clerc, Ilixt. de
la Med.; Alfons. Ciacconius ap. Fabric. BUdioth.
Oruec. vol. xiii. p. 48, ed. vet. ; Sprengel, Hist, de
lu Med. vol. i. p. 239 ; C. G. Kiihn, De PMiosoph.
aide Hippocr. Afedicitiae Cultor. Lips. 1781, 4to.,
reprinted in Ackermann's Opusc. ad Iliator. Medic.
Pcrlineniia., Norimb. 1797, 8vo., and in Kiihn's
Opu^c. Acad. Med. et PhUol. Lips. 1827-8, 2 vols.
8vo. ; Isensee, Gesdi, der Medicin. [W. A. G.]

Although Alcmaeon is termed a pupil of Pytba-
goras, there is great reason to doubt whemcr he
was a Pythagorean at all ; his name seems to have
crept into the lists of supposititious Pythagoreans
given us by later writers. (Brandis, Geschiclde
der Philosophic, vol. i. p. 507.) Aristotle {Meta-
phys. A. 5) mentions him as nearly contemporary
with Pythagoras, but distinguishes between the
(rToix^la of opposites, imder which the Pythago-
reans included all things, and the double principle
of Alcmaeon, according to Aristotle, less extended,
although he does not explain the precise differ-
ence. Other doctrines of Alcmaeon have been pre-
served to us. He said that the human soul was
immortal and partook of the divine nature, because
like the heavenly bodies it contained in itself ii
principle of motion. (Arist. de Aniina, i. 2, p.
405; Cic. de Nat. Dear. i. 11.) The eclipse of
the moon, Avhich was also eternal, he supposed to
arise from its shape, which he said was like a boat.
All his doctrines which have come down to us,
relate to physics or medicine ; and seem to have
arisen partly out of the speculations of the Ionian
school, with which rather than the Pythagorean,
Aristotle appears to connect Alcmaeon, partly from
the traditionary lore of the earliest medical science.
(Brandis, vol. i. p. 508.) [B. J.]

ALCMAEO'NIDAE (AA/c^owWSoj), a noble
family at Athens, members of which fiU a space in
Grecian history from 1100 to 400 B. c. The fol-
lowing is a genealogical table of the family.

1. Alcmaeon, founder of the family, 1100 B. c.

2. (Megacles), Gth perpetual archon.

3. (Alcmaeon), last perpetual archon. (b. c. 755 — 753.)

4. Megacles, archon in B. c. 012.

5. Alcmaeon, about 590 B. c. (See Alcmaeon.)

6. I^legacles, the opponent=y=Agariste, daughter of Cleisthcnes,

of Peisistratus. | tyrant of Sicyon.

10. Alcibiades. His pa-
rentage is unknown,
Imt he was said to be
an Alcmaeonid on
the father's side. ( De~
mooth. itiMki. p. 56 1 .)

Cleisthencs, (the re-
former. See Cleis-

TIIENKS.)

11. Megacles, victor
in the Pythian
games. ( Pind.
Pyth. vii. 15.)

8. Hippocrates. (Herod.vi.l31 ;
Schol. Pind. Pyth. vii. 17.)

I

I
9. Coesyra, mar.
to Peisistratus,

12. Megacles.
(Herod, vi.
131.)

13. Agariste.-pXanthippus.
( Herod, vi.
131; Plut.
Peric. 3.)

14.

Axiochus.
I'lat. Eu~
ihvd. p.
265.)

1 5. Cleinias=T=l 6. Deinomache=pHipponicu8, 1 7. Eur}'ptolemus. 1 8. Pericles, 1 9. Ariphron,

commanded
a trireme at
Artemisium
B.C. 480; fell
at Coroneia
n. c. 442.
(Herod, viii.
17; Plut.
Ale. 1.)

(Plat.^/c.
1.)

commanded
at Tanagra
B. c. 246.
(Thuc.iii.91.)
He is thought
by some to
have been
himself an
AlcuKieonid.

HiPI'OMCUS.

(Plut. Cim. 4.)

(the great
states-
man. Pe-
ricles.)

(Plut.^/c
1; Plat.
Protag, p.
320.)

106

ALCMAEONIDAE.

ALCMAN.

20.Alci-21

blades.
(Xcnoph.
Hellcn. i.
2. §13.)

Celinias. 22. Alcibiades, 23.Cleinias.
(Xenoph. (the great (Plat.

Cojifiv. general. Protag.

iv. 12.) Alcibi- p. 320.)

ADES.)

I

>4. Callias.
(The rich
Callias.)

25. Isodice=
(Plut.
Cm. 4.)

28. Alcibiades.
(Alcibiades.)

The Alcmaeonidae were a branch of the family
of the Neleidae. The Neleidae were driven out
of Pylus in Messenia by the Dorians, about 1100
H. c, and went to Athens, where Melanthus, the
representative of the elder brancli of the family be-
came king, and Akmaeon, the representative of the
second branch,became a noble and the ancestor of the
Alcmaeonid.ae. Alcniaeon was the great-grandson
of Nestor. (Pans. ii. 18. § 7.) Among the archons
for life, the sixth is named Megacles, and the last
Alcmaeon. But, as the archons for life appear
to have been always taken from the family of Me-
don, it is probable that these were only Alcmaeo-
iiids on the mother's side. The first remarkable
r.ian among the Alcmaeonids was the archon Me-
gacles, who brought upon the family the guilt of
Kicrilege by his treatment of the insurgents under
Cylon, (b. c. 612.) [Cimon Megacles.] The ex-
pulsion of the Alcmaeonids was now loudly de-
maii.'Ird, and Solon, who probably saw in such an
event an imporUmt step towards his intended re-
forms, advised them to submit their cause to a
tribunal of three hundred nobles. The result was
that they were banished from Athens and retired
to Phocis, probably about 596 or 595 B. c. Their
wealth having been augmented by the liberality of
Croesus to Alcmaeon, the son of Megacles [Alc-
maeon], and their influence increased by the mar-
riage of Megacles, the son of Alcmaeon, to Agaristc,
the daughter of Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, they
took advantjige of the divided state of Athens, smd
by joining the party of Lycurgus, they effected
their return ; and shortly afterwards, by a similar
union, they expelled Peisistratua soon after he had
seized the government, (b. c.559.) [Peisistratus.]
This state of things did not last long ; for, at the end
of five years, ^Megacles gave his daughter Coesyra in
marriage to Peisistratus, and assisted in his restora-
tion to Athens. But a new quarrel immediately
arose out of the conduct of Peisistratus towards his
wife, and the Alcmaeonids once more expelled him.
During the following ten years, Peisistratus col-
lected an army, with which he invaded Attica, j
and defeated the Alcmaeonids, who were now once
more driven into exile. They were, however, still
formidable enemies. After the death of Ilippar-
chus, they took possession of Lipsydicum, a fort-
ress on the frontier of Attica, and made an at-
tempt to restore themselves, but were defeated by
llippias. They had, however, a more important
source of influence. In the year 548 B. c. the
temple of Apollo at Delphi was burnt, and the
Alcmaeonids having contracted with the Araphic-
tyonic council to rebuild it, executed the work in
a style of magnificence which much exceeded their
engagement. They thus gained great popularity
throughout Greece, Avhile they contrived to bring
the Peisistratids into odium by charging them with
having caused the fire. The oracle, besides, fa-

:Cimon. 26.Paralus. 27.Xa»-
(PIat..1/e- thippus.
won, 94;
Proiaq. p.
315; Plut.
Per. 37.)

voured them thenceforth ; and whenever it was
consulted by a Spartan, on whatever matter, the
answer always contained an exhortation to give
Athens freedom ; and the result was that at length
the Sparians expelled Hippias, and restored the
Alcmaeonids. (b. c. 510.) The restored family
found themselves in an isolated position, between
the nobles, who appear to have been opposed to
them, and the popular party which had been hi-
therto attached to the Peisistratids. Cleisthenes,
now the head of the Alcmaeonidae, joined the lat-
ter part}', and gave a new constitution to Athens.
Further particulars respecting the family are
given under the names of its members. (Herod.
\\. 121-131 ; Pindar, Pyth. vii., and Biickh's notes ;
Clinton's F,i.4i, ii. p. 4, 299.) [P. S.]

ALCMAN ('AA/CA^cti/), called by the Attic and
later Greek writers Alcmaeon {'AXK/xaitci/), the
chief lyric poet of Sparta, was by birth a Lydian
of Sardis. His father''s name was Damas or Tita-
rus. He was brought into Laconia as a slave, evi-
dently when very young. His master, whose
name was Agesidas, discovered his genius, and
emancipated him ; and he then began to distinguish
himself as a lyric poet. (Suidas, s. r.; Hcraclid.
Pont. Polif. p. 206 ; Veil. Pat. i. 18; Alcman, fr.
11, Welcker; Epigrams by Alexander Aetolus,
Leonidas, and Antipater Thess., in Jacob's AntM.
Graec. i. p. 207, No. 3, p. 175, No. 80, ii. p. 110,
No. 56; in the Anthol. Palat. vii. 709, 19, 18.)
In the epigram last cited it is said, that the two
continents strove for the honour of his birth ; and
Suidas (/. c.) calls him a Laconian of Messoa,
which may mean, however, that he was enrolled
as a citizen of Messoa after his emancipation. The
above statements seem to be more in accordance
with the authorities than the opinion of Bode, that
Alcman's father was brought from Sardis to Sparta
as a slave, and that Alcman himself was bom at
Messoa. It is not known to what extent he ob-
tained the rights of citizenship.

The time at which Alcman lived is rendered
somewhat doubtful by the difl'erent statements of
the Greek and Armenian copies of Eusebius, and
of the chronographers who followed him. On the
whole, however, the Greek copy of Eusebius ap-
pears to be right in placing him at the second year
of the twenty-seventh Olympiad, (b. c.671.) He
Avas contemporary with Ardys, king of Lydia,
who reigned from 678 to 629, b. c, with Lesches,
the author of the "Little Iliad," and with Ter-
pander, during the later years of these two poets ;
he was older than Stesichorus, and he is said to
have been the teacher of Arion. From these cir-
cumstances, and from the fact which we learn
from himself (F/-.29), that he lived to a great age,
we may conclude, with Clinton, that he flourished
from about 671 to about 631 B.C. (Clinton, Fast.
i. pp. 189, 191, 365 ; Hermann, Autiq. Lacon. pp.

ALCMAN.
76, 77.) He is said to have died, like Sulla, of
the morbus pedicutaris. (Aristot. /fist. Anini. v,
31 or 25 ; Plut. Sulla, 36 ; Plin. //. N. xi. 33.
§ 39.)

The period during which most of Alcman's
poems were composed, was that which followed
the conclusion of the second Messenian war. Dur-
ing this period of quiet, the Spartans began to
cherish that taste for the spiritual enjoyments of
poetry, which, though felt by them long before,
had never Jittained to a high state of cultivation,
while their attention was absorbed in war. In
this process of improvement Alcman was imme-
diately preceded by Terpander, an Aeolian poet,
who, before the year 676 u. c, had removed from
Lesbos to the mainland of Greece, and had intro-
duced the Aeolian lyric into the Peloponnesus.
This new style of poetry was speedily adapted to
the choral form in which the Doric poetry had hither-
to been cast, and gradually supplanted that earlier
style which was nearer to the epic. In the 33rd
or 34th Olympiad, Terpander made his great im-
provements in music. [Terpander.] Hence
arose the peculiar character of the poetry of his
younger contemporary, Alcman, which presented
the choi-al lyric in the highest excellence which
the music of Terpander enabled it to reach. But
Alcman had also an intimate acquaintance with
the Phrygian and Lydian styles of music, and he
was himself the inventor of new forms of rhytlim,
some of which bore his name.

A large portion of Alcman 's poetry was erotic.
In fact, he is said by some ancient writers to have
been the inventor of erotic poetry. (Athen. xiii.
p. 600 ; Suidas, «. v.) From his poems of this
class, which are marked by a freedom bordering on
licentiousness, he obtiiined the epithets of " sweet"
and " pleasant" {y^vKvs, x^^P'^'s)* Among these
poems were many hymeneal pieces. But the Pai'-
ihenia, which form a branch of Alcman's poems,
must not be confounded with the erotic. They
were so called because they were composed for the
purpose of being sung by choruses of virgins, and
not on account of their subjects, which were very
various, sometimes indeed erotic, but often reli-
gious. Alcman's other poems embrace hymns to
the gods. Paeans, Prosodia, songs adapted for diffe-
rent religious festivals, and short ethical or philo-
sophical pieces. It is disputed whether he wrote
any of those Anap.aestic war-songs, or marches,
which were called iixSan/^pia ; but it seems very
unlikely that he should have neglected a kind of
composition which had been rendered so popular
by Tyrtaeus.

His metres are very various. He is said by
Suidas to have been the first poet who composed
any verses but dactylic hexameters. This state-
ment is incorrect ; but Suidas seems to refer to the
shorter dactylic lines into which Alcman broke up
the Homeric hexameter. In this practice, how-
ever, he had been preceded by Archilochus, from
whom he borrowed several others of his peculiar
metres: others he invented himself. Among his
metres we find various forms of the dactylic, ana-
l)aestic, trochaic, and iambic, as well as lines com-
posed of different metres, for example, iambic and
anapaestic. The Cretic hexameter was named
Alcmanic, from his being its inventor. The poems
of Alcman were chiefly in strophes, composed of
lines sometimes of the same metre throughout the
strophe, sometimes of different metres. From their

ALCMENE.

107

choral character we might conclude that they some-
times had an antistrophic form, and this seems to
be confirmed by the statement of Hephaestion
(p. 134, Gaisf), that he composed odes of fourteen
strophes, in which there was a change of metre
after the seventh strophe. There is no trace of an
epode following the strophe and antistrophe, in his
poems.

The dialect of Alcman was the Spartan Doric,
with an intermixture of the Aeolic. The popular
idioms of Laconia appear most frequently in his
more familiar poems.

The Alexandrian grammarians placed Alcman
at the head of their canon of the nine lyric poets.
Among the proofs of his popularity may be men-
tioned the tradition, that his songs were sung,
with those of Terpander, at the first performance
of the gymnopaedia at Sp<irta (b. c. 665, Aelian,
V. H. xii. 50), and the ascertained fact, that they
were frequently afterwards used at that festival.
(Athen. xv. p. 678.) The few fragments which
remain scarcely allow us to judge how far he de-
served his reputation ; but some of them display a
true poetical spirit.

Alcman's poems comprised six books, the ex-
tant fragments of which are included in the col-
lections of Neander, H. Stephens, and Fulvms
Ursinus. The latest and best edition is that of
Welcker, Giessen, 1815.^ [P. S.]

ALCME'NE ('AA/c/uTj^/Tj), a daughter of Elec-
tryon, king of Messene, by Anaxo, the daughter
of Alcaeus. (ApoUod. ii. 4. § 5.) According to
other accounts her mother was called Lysidice
(Schol. ad Find. 01. vii. 49 ; Plut. Thes. 7), or
Eurj'dice. (Diod. iv. 9.) The poet Asius repre-
sented Alcmene as a daughter of Amphiaraus and
Eriphyle. (Pans. v. 17. § 4.) ApoUodorus men-
tions ten brothers of Alcmene, who, with the ex-
ception of one, Licymnius, fell in a contest with
the sons of Pterelaus, who had carried off the cattle
of Electryon. Electryon, on setting out to avenge
the death of his sons, left his kingdom and his
daughter Alcmene to Amphitryon, who, nnin-
tentionally, killed Electryon. Sthenelus there-
upon expelled Amphitryon, who, together with
Alcmene and Licymnius, went to Thebes. Alc-
mene declared that she would marry him who
should avenge the death of her brothers. Amphi-
tryon undertook the task, and invited Creon of
Thebes to assist him. During his absence, Zeus,
in the disguise of Amphitryon, visited Alcmene,
and, pretending to be her husband, related to her
in what way he had avenged the death of her
brothers. (Apollod. ii. 4. § 6 — 8; Ov. Amor. i.
13. 45; Diod. iv. 9; Hygin. Fab. Id \ Lucian,
Dialoy. L>eor. 10.) When Amphitryon himself
returned on the next day and wanted to give an
account of his achievements, she was surprised at
the repetition, but Teiresias solved the mystery.
Alcmene became the mother of Heracles by Zeus,
and of Iphicles by Amphitryon. Hera, jealous
of Alcmene, delayed the birth of Heracles for
seven days, that Eurystheus might be born first,
and thus be entitled to greater rights, according to
a vow of Zeus himself. (Hom. 11. xix. 95, &c. ;
Ov. Met. ix. 273, &c. ; Diod. /. c.) After tho
death of Amphitryon, Alcmene married Rhadaman-
thys, a son of Zeus, at Ocaleia in Boeotia. (ApoUod.
ii. 4. § 11.) After Heracles was raised to the
rank of a god, Alcmene and his sons, in dread of
Eurystheus, fled to Trachis, and thence to Athens,

108

ALCYONE.

anJ wlion Ilyllus had cut off the head of Eurvs-
theus, Alcmene satisfied her revenge by picking
the eyes out of the head. (Apollod. ii. 8. § 1.)
The accounts of her death are verj'^ discrepant.
According to Pausanias (i. 41. § 1), she died in
^legaris, on her way from Argos to Thebes, and
as the sons of Heracles disagreed as to whether
she was to be carried to Argos or to Thebes, she
was buried in the place where she had died, at the
coinmand of an oracle. According to Plutarch,
(Dc Gen. Socr. p, 578,) her tomb and that of Rhada-
manthys were at Haliartus in Boeotia, and hers
was opened by Agesilaus, for the purpose of carry-
ing her remains to Sparta. According to Phere-
cydes {Cup. Anton. Lib. 33), she lived with her
sons, after the death of Eurystheus, at Thebes,
and died there at an advanced age. When the
sons of Heracles wished to bury her, Zeus sent
Hermes to take her body away, and to carry it to
the islands of the blessed, and give her in marriage
there to llhadamanthys. Hcnues accordingly took
lier out of her coffin, and put into it a stone so
lieavj' that the Heraclids could not move it from
the spot. When, on opening the coffin, they found
the stone, they erected it in a grove near Thebes,
■«vhich in later times contained the sanctuary of
Alcmene. (Pans. ix. 16. §4.) At Athens, too,
she was worshipped as a heroine, and an alUir was
erected to her in the temple of Heracles. {Cynosaryes^
Paus. i. 19. § 3.) She was represented on the chest
of Cypselus (Paus. v. 18. § 1), and epic as well as
tragic poets made frequent use of her story, though
no poem of the kind is now extant. (Hes..Si-?/^. Here.
init.; Paus. v. 17. § 4, 18. § 1.) [L. S.]

ALCON or ALCO ("AAffwi/). 1. A son of llip-
pocoon, and one of the C.ilydonian hunters, was
killed, together with his father and brothers, by
Heracles, and had a heroum at Sparta. (Apollod.
iii. 10. § 5 ; Hygin. Fab. 173 ; Paus. iii. 14. § 7,
15. § 3.)

'2. A son of Erechtheus, king of Athens, and
folher of Phalerus the Argonaut. (ApoUon. Rhod.
i. 97 ; Hygin. Fah. 14.) Valerius Flaccus (i. 399,
&c.) represents him as such a skilful archer, that
once, when a serpent had entwined his son, he
shot the serpent without hurting his child. Virgil
{Eclog. V. 11) mentions an Alcon, whom Servius
calls a Cretan, and of whom he relates almost the
same story as that which Valerius Flaccus ascribes
to Alcon, the son of Erechtheus.

Two other personages of the same name occur in
Cicero {de Nat. Deor. iii. 21), and in Hvginus.
(/ai. 173.) [L. S.]

ALCON, a surgeon [vulnerum medicus) at Rome
in the reign of Claudius, A. d. 41-54, who is said
by Pliny (//. N. xxix. 8) to have been banished
to Gaul, and to have been fined ten million of
sesterces : H.S. eeidies cent. mill, (about 78,125/.).
After his return from banishment, he is said to
liave gained by his practice an equal sum within a
few years, which, however, seems so enormous
(compare Ai.BUCius and Arruntits), that there
must probably be some mistake in the text. A
surgeon of the same name, who is mentioned by
jNIartial {Epigr. xi. 84) as a contemporary, may
possibly be the same person. [W. A. G.]

ALCON, a statuary mentioned by Pliny. (H.N.
xxxiv. 14. s. 40.) He was the author of a statue
of Hercules at Thebes, made of iron, as symbolical
of the god's endurance of labour. [C. P. M.]

ALCY'ONE or HALCY'ONE ('AXkvoVtj).

ALE A.

1. A Pleiad, a daughter of Atlas and Pleionc, by
whom Poseidon begot Aethusa, Hyrieus and Hy-
perenor. (Apollod. iii. 10. § 1 ; Hj-gin. Pravf.
Fab. p. 11, ed. Staveren ; Ov. Heroid. xix. 133.;
To these children Pausanias (ii. 30. § 7) adds two
others, Hyperes and Anthas.

2. A daughter of Aeolus and Enarete or Aegiale.
She was married to Ceyx, and lived so happy with
him, thut they were presumptuous enough to call
each other Zeus and Hera, for which Zeus meta-
morphosed them into birds, olKkvwv and /f7)u|.
(Apollod. i. 7. § 3, &c. ; Hygin. Fab. Qb.) Hvginus
relates that Ceyx perished in a shipwreck, that
Alcyone for grief threw herself into the sea, and
that the gods, out of compassion, changed the two
into birds. It was fabled, that during the seven
days before, and as many after, the shortest day of
the year, while the bird aKKvwv was breeding,
there always prevailed calms at sea. An embel-
lished form of the same story is given by Ovid.
{Met. xi. 410, &c. ; comp. Virg. Georn. i. 399.)

3. A surname of Cleopatni, the wife of Melea-
ger, who died with grief at her husband being
killed by Apollo. (Hom. II. ix. 562 ; Eustath.
ad Horn. p. 776 ; Hygin. Fub. 174.) [L. S.]

ALCY'ONEUS {'AKKvovivs). 1. A giant, who
kept possession of the Isthmus of Corinth at the
time when Heracles drove away the oxen of
Geryon. The giant attacked him, crushed twelve
waggons and twenty-four of the men of Heracles
with a huge block of stone. Heracles himself
warded off the stone with his club and slew Alcy-
oneus. The block, with which the giant had at-
tempted the life of Heracles, was shewn on the
Isthmus down to a very late period. (Pind. Nem,
iv. 44, with the Schol.) In another passage {Isth.
vi. 45, &c,) Pindar calls Alcyoneus a Thracian
shepherd, and places the struggle with him in the
Phlegraean plains.

2. One of the giants. [Gigantes.] [L. S.]

ALCYO'NIDES ('AA/fuon'Ses), the daughters
of the giant Alcyoneus (2). After their father's
death, they threw themselves into the sea, and
were changed into ice-birds. Their names are
Phthonia, Anthe, Methone, Alcippe, Pallone,
Drimo, and Asteria. (Eustath. ad Horn. p. 776 ;
Suidas, s. V. 'AAkuoWScj.) [L. S.]

A'LHIA (*AAea), a surname of Athena, under
Avhich she was worshipped at Alea, Mantineia,
and Tegea. (Paus. viii. 23. § 1, 9. § 3, ii. 17. § 7.)
The temple of Athena Alea at Tegea, which was
the oldest, was said to have been built by Aleu.s,
the son of Apheidas, from whom the goddess pro-
bably derived this sumame. (Paus. viii. 4. § 5.)
This temple was bumt down in B. c. 394, and
a new one built by Scopas, which in size and
splendour surpassed all other temples in Pelopon-
nesus, and was surrounded by a triple row of
columns of different orders. The statue of the
goddess, which was made by Endoeus all of ivory,
was subsequently carried to Rome by Augustus to
adorn the Forum Augusti. (Paus. viii. 45. § 4, 46
§ 1 and 2, 47. § 1.) The temple of Athena Alea
at Tegea was an ancient and revered asylum, and
the names of many persons are recorded who saved
themselves by seeking refuge in it. (Paus. iii. 5.
§ 6, ii. 17. § 7, iii. 7. § 8.) The priestess of
Athena Alea at Tegea was always a maiden, who
held her office only until she reached the age of
puberty. (Paus. viii. 47. § 2.) Respecting the
architecture and the sculptures of this temple, see

A LEU AS.

Meyer, Gesch. der hildcnd. Ki'tnstiu ii. p. 99, &c.
On the road from Sparta to Therapiie there was
likewise a statue of Atiieaa Alea. (Puus. iii. 19.
§ 7.) [L. S.]

ALEBION. [Albion.]

ALECTO. [FuRiAE.]

ALECTOR ('AKeKTup). 1. The father of
Lei'tus, the Argonaut. (Apollod. i. 9. § IG.) Ho-
mer (//. xvii. 602) aills hira Alectryon.

2. A son of Anaxagoras and father of Iphis,
king of Argos. He was consulted by Polyneices
as to the manner in which Aniphianvus might be
compelled to take part in the expedition against
Thebes. (Apollod. iii. 6. § 2 ; Paus. ii. 18. § 4.)
Two others of the same name are mentioned in
Homer. (Od. iv. 10; Eustath. ad Horn. pp. 303
and 1598.) [L. S.]

ALE'MON, ALEMO'NIDES. [Myscelus.]

ALE'TES ('AArjTTjs), a son of Hippotes and a
descendant of Heracles in the fifth degree. He is
said to have taken possession of Corinth, and to
have expelled the Sisyphids, thirty years after the
first invasion of Pelopcnnesus by the Heraclids.
His family, sometimes called the Aletidae, main-
fciined themselves at Corinth down to the time of
Bacchis. (Paus. ii. 4. § 3, v. 18. § 2; Strab. viii.
p. 389; Callim. Fraym. 103; Pind. 01. xiii. 17.)
\ elleius Paterculus (i. 3) calls him a descendant
of Heracles in the sixth degree. He received an
oracle, promising hira the sovereignty of Athens, if
during the war, which was then going on, its king
should remain uninjured. This oracle became
known at Athens, and Codrus sacrificed himself
for his country. (Conon, Narrat 26.) [Codrus.]

Other persons of this name are mentioned in
Apollod. iii. 10. § 6 ; Hvgin. Fab. 122, and in
Virg. Aen. i. 121, ix. 462*. [L. S.]

ALEUAS and ALEU'ADAE ('AAeuas and
AAeudSai). Aleuas is the ancestorial hero of the
Thessalian, or, more particularh', of the Larissaean
family of the Aleuadae. (Pind. Pyih. x. 8, with
the Scho!.) The Aleuadae were the noblest and
most powerful among all the families of Thessaly,
whence Herodotus (vii. 6) calls its members ^aai-
Afts. (Comp. Diod. XV. til, xvi. 14.) The first
Aleuas, who bore the surname of TlvppoSy that is,
the red-haired, is called king (here synonymous
with Tagus, see Diet, of Ant. p. 932) of Thessaly,
and a descendant of Heracles through Thessalus,
one of the many sons of Heracles. (Suidas, s. v.
'AAf ua'Stti ; Ulpian, ad Dem. Olynili. i. ; Schol.
ad Apollon. Mod. iii. 1090 ; Vellei. i. 3.) Plutarch
{dc Am. Frat. in fin.) states, that he was hated by
his father on account of his haughty and savage
cliaractor : but his uncle nevertheless contrived to
get him elected king and sanctioned by the god of
Delphi. His reign was more glorious than that of
any of his ancestors, and the nation rose in power
and importance. This Aleuas, who belongs to the
mythical period of Greek history, is in all proba-
bility the same as the one who, according to Hege-
mon (up. AeL Ajiim. viii. 11), was beloved by a
dr.igou. According to Aristotle (a;). Ilarpocrat.
.V. r. TfTpapxli) the division of Thessaly into four
parts, of which tnices remained down to the latest
times, took place in the reign of the first Aleuas.
Huttmann places this hero in the period between
the so-called return of the Heraclids and the age of
Poisistratus. But even earlier than the time of
l*eisistratus the family of the Aleuadae appears to
have become divided into two branches, the Aleu-

ALEUAS.

109

I adac and the Scopadae, called after Scopas, proba-
bly a son of Aleuas. (Ov. lOis, 512.) The Sco-
padae inhabited Crannon and perhaps Pharsalus
also, while the main branch, the Aleuadae, remain-
ed at Larissa. The influence of the families, how-
ever, was not confined to these towns, but extended
more or less over the greater part of Thessaly.
They formed in reality a powerful aristocratic
party (jSao-jAeij) in opposition to the great body of
the Thessalians. (Herod, vii. 172.)

The earliest historical person, who probably be-
longs to the Aleuadae, is Eurj-lochus, who teimi-
nated the war of Cirrha .about B.C. 590. (Strab. ix.
p. 418.) [EuRYLOCHUs.] In the time of the post
Simonides we find a second Aleuas, who was a
friend of the poet. He is called a son of Echecra-
tides and Syris (Schol. ad Theocrit. xvi, 34); but
besides the suggestion of Ovid {llns., 22.5), that he
had a tragic end, nothing is known about him.
At the time when Xerxes invaded Greece, three
sons of this Aleuas, Thoiax, Eurypylus, and Thra-
sydaeus, came to him as ambassadors, to request
him to go on with the war, and to promise hira
their assistance. (Herod, vii. 6.) [Thorax.]
When, after the Persian war, Leotychides was
sent to Thessaly to chastise those who had acted
as traitors to their country, he allowed himself to
be bribed by the Aleuadae, although he might
have subdued all Thessaly. (Plerod. vi. 72 ; Paus.
iii. 7. § 8.) This foct shews that the power of the
Aleuadae was then still as great as before. About
the year B. c. 460, we find an Aleuad Orestes, son
of Echeci-atides, who came to Athens as a fugitive,
and persuaded the Athenians to exert themselves
for his restoration. (Thuc. i. 111.) He had
been expelled either by the Thessalians or more
probably by a faction of his own famil}-, who
wished to exclude him from the dignity of fiacriKivs
(i. e. probably Tagiis), for such feuds among the
Aleuadae themselves are frequently mentioned.
{Xen.Anab.i. 1. § 10.)

After the end of the Peloponnesian war, another
Thessalian family, the dynasts of P heme, gradually
rose to power and influence, and gave a great shock
to the power of the Aleuadae. As early as B.C.
375, Jason of Pherae, after various stmggles, suc-
ceeded in raising himself to the dignity of Tagus.
(Xen. IleUen. ii. 3. § 4 ; Diod. xiv. 82, xv, 60.)
When the dynasts of Pherae became tyrannical,
some of the Larissaean Aleu.idae conspired to put
an end to their rule, and for this purpose they invited
Alexander, king of Macedonia, the son of Amyntas.
(Diod. XV. 61.) Alexander took Larissa and
Crannon, but kept them to himself. Afterwards,
Pelopidas restored the original state of things in
Thessaly; but the dynasts of Pherae soon reco-
vered their power, and the Aleuadae ag-ain solicited
tlie assistance of Macedonia against them. Philip
willingly complied with the request, broke the
power of the tyrants of Pherae, restored tiie towns
to an appearance of freedom, and made the Aleua-
dae his faithful friends and allies. (Diod. xvi. 14.)
In what manner Philip used them for his purposes,
and how little he spared them when it was his
interest to do so, is sufficiently attested. (Dem.
do Cor. p. 241 ; Polyaen. iv. 2. § 11; Ulpian, /.c.)
Among the tetrarchs whom he entrusted with the
administration of Thessaly, there is one Thrasy-
daeus (Theopomp. ap.Atlten. vi. p. 249), who un-
doubtedly beIon«;ed to the Aleuadae, just as the
Thessalian Medius, who is mentioned as one of

no

ALEXANDER.

ALEXANDER.

ith the Aleuadae, cannot be ascertained.

the companions of Alexander the Great. (Plut. De
Tranguil. 13; comp. Strab. xi. p. 530.) The fa-
mily now sank into insignificance, and the last
certain trace of an Aleuad is Thorax, a friend of
Antigonus. (Plut. Demetr. 29.) Whether the

sculptors Aleuas, mentioned by Pliny (//. A^. xxxiv. i following genealogical table of the Aleuadae.
8), and Scopas of Paros, were in any way con

nected

See Boeckh's Commentary on Find. Pyth. x. ;
Schneider, on Aristot. Polit. v. 5, 9; but more parti-
cularly Buttmann, Von dem Geschleeld der Aleuadeuy
in his Mytliol. ii. p. 246, &c., who has made out the

Aleuas ITyppos,
King, or Tagus, of Thkssaly.

Mother Archedice.

01. 40. Echecratides.
„ 45.
« 50.

55.

70.

Eurvlochi

Echecratides.

I wife Dyseris.

Antiochus, Tagns.

Sunus.
Aleuas IL

Scopas I.
Creon. Diactorides.

I

Scopas IL

Thorax, Eurypylus, Thrasydaeus.

„ 80. Orestes.

85.
90.
95.

Eurvlochus.

Medius.

Aristippus.

Scopas III., Tagus.

100.
105.
110.
115.

Hellanocrates.
Eurylochns. Eudicus, Simus. Thrasydaeus.
IMedius.

ALEUAS, an artist who was famous for his
statues of philosophers. (Plin. //. A', xxxiv. 8. s.
19, 26.) [C. P. M.]

A'LEUS i^A\f6s), a son of Apheidas, and

[L. S.]

ALEXA'NDER ('AA^Cai'Spos), a saint and
martyr, whose memory is celebrated by the Romish
church, together with the other martyrs of Lyons
and Vienne, on the second of June. He was a

grandson of Areas. He was king of Tegea in I native of Phrj-gia, and a physician by profession

Arcadia, and married to Neaera, and is said to
have founded the town of Alea and the first tem-
ple of Athena Alea at Tegea. (Pans. viii. 23. § 1,
4. § 3, &c.; Apollod. iii. 9. § 1.) [Alea.] [L.'S.]

ALEXA'AIENUS ('AXelojuej/os), was general
of the Aetolians, b. c. 196 (Polyb. xviii. 26), and
was sent by the Aetolians, in B. c, 192, to obtain
possession of Lacedaemon. He succeeded in his
object, and killed Nabis, the tyrant of Lacedae-
mon ; but the Lacedaemonians rising against him
shortly after, he and most of his troops were killed.
(Liv. xxxv. 34 — 36.)

ALEXA'MENUS (' AA f^oMevo's), of Teos,
was, according to Aristotle, in his work upon
poets (Trepl TrotTjTwi'), the first person who wrote
dialogues in the Socratic style before the time of
Plato. (Athen. xi. p. 505, b. c; Diog. Laert. iii. 48.)

ALEXANDER. [Pauls.]

ALEXANDER ('AAe'laj/Spos), the defender of
men, a surname of Hera under which she was
worshipped at Sicyon. A temple had been built
there to Hera Alexandres by Adrastus after his
flight from Argos. (Schol. ad Find. Nein. ix. 30 ;
comp. Apollod. iii. 12. § 5.) [L. S.]

ALEXANDER ('AAeiavSpos), a man whom
Mithridates is charged by Sulla with having sent
to assassinate Nicomedes. (Appian, De Bell. Alifhr.
57.) He seems to be the same person as Alexan-
der the Paphlagonian, who is afterwards (76, Sic.)
mentioned as one of the generals of Mithridates,
and was made prisoner by LucuUus, wlio kept him
to adorn his triumph at Rome. [L. S.J

and was put to death, a. d. 177, during the perse-
cution that raged against the churches of Lyons
and Vienne under the emperor Marcus Aurelius.
{Epist. Eccles. Lugdun. et Viejin. apud Euseb. IJiat.
Ecd. V. 1 . p. 1 63.) He was condemned, together with
another Christian, to be devoured by wild beasts
in the amphitheatre, and died (as the historian
expresses it) "neither uttering a groan nor a syl-
lable, but conversing in his heart with God.'*
(Bzovius, Nomcnclutor Siincturum Profesdone j\Ie-
dieorum; Martyrol. Roman, ed. Baron.; Ada Sanc-
torum., June 2.) [W. A. G.]

ALEXANDER, an Acarnanian, who had
once been a friend of Philip III. of Macedonia,
but forsook him, and insinuated himself so much
into the favour of Antiochus the Great, that he
was Jidmitted to his most secret deliberations. He
advised the king to invade Greece, holding out to
him the most brilliant prospects of victory over the
Romans, b. c. 192. (Liv. xxxv. 18.) Antiochus
followed his advice. In the battle of CyTioscephalae,
in which Antiochus was defeated by the Romans,
Alexander was covered with wounds, and in this
state he carried the news of the defeat to his king,
who was staying at Thronium, on the Maliac gulf.
When the king, on his retreat from Greece, had
reached Cenaeum in Euboea, Alexander died and
was buried there, B. c. 191. (xxxvi. 20.) [L. S.]

ALEXANDER of AEGAE ('AAe|av5pos Ai"-
yalos), a peripatetic philosopher, who flourished at
Rome in the first century, and a disciple of the
celebrated mathematician Scsigenes, whose calcula"

ALEXANDER.

tions were used by Julius Cticsiir for his correction
of the year. He was tutor to the emperor Nero.
(Suidas, s. V. 'A\4^au?ipns Alyaios ; Suet. Tid. 57.)
Two treatises on the writings of Aristotle are attri-
buted to him by some, but are assigned by others
to Alexander Aphrodisiensis. I. On the Meteoro-
logy of Aristotle, edited in Greek by F. Asulanus,
Ven. 1527, in Latin by Alex. Piccolomini, 1540,
fol. IL A commentary on the Metaphysics. The
Greek has never been published, but there is a
Latin version bv Sepulveda, Rom. 1527. [B. J.]

ALEXANDER AEGUS. [Alexander IV.,
King of Mackdonia.]

ALEXANDER {'A\i^audpos\ a son of Aeme-
Tus, was one of the commanders of the Macedo-
nian xw^'foc^'^f s in the anny of Antigonus Doson
during the battle of Sellasia against Cleomenes III.
of Sparta, in B. c. 222. (Polyb. ii. 66.) [L. S.]

ALEXANDER AEMILIANUS. [Aemili-

ANUS, No. ,3.]

ALEXANDER ('AAe^ai/Spos), son of Akro-
pus, a native of the Macedonian district called
Lyncestis, whence he is usually called Alexander
Lynccstes. Justin (xi. 1) makes the singular
mistake of calling him a brother of Lyncestas,
while in other passages (xi. 7, xii. 14) he uses the
correct expression. He was a contemporary of
Philip of Macedonia and Alexander the Great.
He had two brothers, Heromenes and Arrhabaeus ;
all three were known to have been accomplices in
the murder of Philip, in B. c. 33G. Alexander
the Great on his accession put to death all those
who had taken part in the murder, and Alexander
the Lyncestian was the only one that was par-
doned, because he was the first who did homage to
Alexander the Great as his king. (Arrian, Afiah.
i. 25 ; Curtius, vii. 1 ; Justin, xi. 2.) But king
Alexander not only pardoned him, but even made
him his friend and raised him to high honours,
lie was first entrusted with the command of an
army in Thr.ice, and afterwards received the com-
mand of the Thessalian horse. In this capacity
lie accompanied Alexander on his eastern ex-
pedition. In B. c. 334, when Alexander was
staying at Phaselis, he was informed, that the
Lyncestian was carrying on a secret correspondence
with king Darius, and that a large sura of money
was promised, for which he was to murder his
sovereign. The bearer of the letters from Darius
was taken by Parmenion and brought before Alex-
ander, and the treachery was manifest. Yet
Alexander, dreading to create any hostile feeling
in Anti pater, the regent of Macedonia, whose
daughter was married to the Lyncestian, thought
it advisable not to put him to death, and had him
merely deposed from his office and kept in cus-
tody. In this manner he was dragged about for
three years with the army in Asia, until in B. c.
330, when, Philotas having been put to death for
a similar crime, the Macedonians demanded that
Alexander the Lyncestian should likewise be tried
and punished according to his desert. King Alex-
ander gave way, and as the traitor was unable to
exculpate himself, he was put to death at Proph-
thasia, in the country of the Drangae. (Curtius,
/. c, and viii. 1 ; Justin, xii. 14 ; Diod. xvii. 32, 80.)
The object of this traitor was probably, with the
aid of Persia, to gain possession of the throne of
Miicedonia, which previous to the reign of Amyn-
tas II. had for a time belonged to his fiimily. [L.S.]

ALEXANDER (*AA6|ovSpos), an Aktolian,

ALEXANDER.

ill

who, in conjunction with Dor^nnachus, put himself
in possession of the town of Aegeira in Achaia,
during the Social war, in B. c. 220. But the con-
duct of Alexander and his associates was so inso-
lent and rapacious, that the inhabitants of the
town rose to expel the small band of the Aetolians.
In the ensuing contest Alexander was killed while
fighting. (Polyb. iv. 57, 58.) [L. S.]

ALEXANDER AETO'LUS ('AAe'^ai'S/jos 6
AtTwAos), a Greek poet and grammarian, who lived
in the reign of Ptolemaeus Philadelphus. He was
the son of Satyrus and Stratocleia, and a native of
Pleuron in Aetoliii, but spent the greater part of
his life at Alexandria, where he was reckoned one
of the seven tragic poets who constituted the tragic
pleiad. (Suid. s.v.; Eudoc. p. 62 ; Paus. ii. 22. § 7;
Schol. ad Horn. IL xvi. 233.) He had an office
in the libmry at Alexandria, and was commis-
sioned by the king to make a collection of all the
tragedies and satyric dramas that were extant.
He spent some time, together with Antagoras and
Aratus, at the court of Antigonus Gonatas. (Ara-
tus, Flutenomena et Diosem. ii. pp. 431, 443, &c.
446, ed. Buhle.) Notwithstanding the distinction
he enjoyed as a tragic poet, lie appears to have had
greater merit as a writer of epic poems, elegies,
epigrams, and cynaedi. Among his epic poems,
we possess the titles and some fragments of three
pieces : the Fisherman (ciAjeus, Athen. vii. p. 296),
Kirka or Krika (Athen. vii. p. 283), which, how-
ever, is designated by Athenaeus as doubtful, and
Helena. (Bekker, Anecd. p. 96.) Of his elegies,
some beautiful fragments are still extant. (Athen,
iv. p. 170, xi. p. 496, xv. p. 899 ; Strab. xii. p. 556,
xiv. p. 681 ; Parthen. Erot. 4 ; Tzetz. ad. Lycophr.
266; Schol. and Eustath. ad IL iii. 314.) His
Cynaedi, or ^Iwviko. Troi-qfiara, are mentioned by
Slrabo (xiv. p. 648) and Athenaeus. (xiv. p. 620.)
Some ana{>aestic verses in praise of Euripides are
preserved in Gellius. (xv. 20.)

All the fragments of Alexander Aetolus are col-
lected in ''Alexandri Aetoli fragmenta coll. ct ill.
A. Capellmann," Bonn, 1829, 8vo. ; comp. Welc-
ker, Die Griech. Tmifodien, p. 1263, &c.; Dlintzer,
Die Fragm. der Episch. Puesie der Griechen^ von
Aleaund. dein Grossen^ ^r. p. 7, &c. [L. S.]

ALEXANDER ('AAe'lafSpos), (ST.,) of Alex-
andria, succeeded as patriarch of that city St.
Achillas, (as his predecessor, St. Peter, had pre-
dicted. Martyr. S. Petri, ap. Surium,vol. vi. p. 577,)
A. D. 312. He, " the noble Champion of Apostolic
Doctrine," (Theodt. Hid. Eccl. i. 2,) first laid bare
the irreligion of Arius, and condemned him in his
dispute with Alexander Baucalis. St. Alexander
was at the Oecumenical Council of Nicaea, a. n.
325, with his deacon, St. Athanasius, and, scarcely
five months after, died, April 17th, a. d. 326.
St. Epiphanius {adv. Ilaeres. 69. § 4) says he wrote
some seventy circular epistles against Arius, and
Socrates (//. E. i. 6), and Sozomen {II. E. i. 1),
that he collected them into one volume. Two
epistles remain; 1. to Alexander, bishop of Con-
stantinople, written after the Council at Alexan-
dria which condemned Arius, and before the other
circular letters to the various bishops. (See Theodt.
//. E. i. 4 ; Galland. liiU. Pair. vol. iv. p. 441.)
2. The Encyclic letter announcing Arius's depo-
sition (Socr. //. E. i. 6, and Galland. Lc. p. 451),
with the subscriptions from Gelasius Cyzicen.
{Hist. Con. Nicaen. ii. 3, ap. Mans. Concilia, vol. ii.
p. 801.) There remains, too, Tlie Deposition of

112 ALEXANDER.

Aii'tis and his, i. e. an Address to the Priests and
Deacons, desiring their concurrence therein (ap.
S. Athanas. vol. i. Ps. 1. p. 39G, Paris, 1698 ; see
Galhuul. /. c. p. 455). Two fragments more, apud
Galland. (/. c. p. 456.) St. Athanasius also gives
the second epistle. (/. c. p. 397.) [A. J. C]

ALEXANDER ('A\4^av5pos), commander of
the horse in the army of Antiuonus Doson dur-
ing the war against Cleomencs III. of Sparta.
(Polyb. ii. 66.) He fought against Philopoemen,
then a young man, whose prudence and valour
forced him to a disadvantageous engagement at
Sellasia. (ii. 68.) This Alexander is probably the
same person as the one whom Antigonus, as the
guardian of Philip, had appointed commander of
Philip's body-guard, and who was calunniiated by
Apelles. (iv. 87.) Subsequently he was sent by
Philip as ambassador to Thebes, to persecute Me-
galeas. (v. 28.) Polybius states, that at all times
he manifested a most extraordinaiy attivchment to
his king. (vii. 12.) [L. S.]

ALEXANDER (*AAe|oj/5pos), of Antiochia,
a friend of M. Antonius, who being acquainted
with tlie Syriac language, acted twice as interpreter
between Antonius and one Mithridates, who be-
trayed to him the plans of the Parthians, to save
the Romans. This happened in B. c. 36. (Pseudo-
Appian, J'arlL pp. 93, 96, ed. Sch weigh.) [L. S.]

ALEXANDER ('AAe'^af 5pos), son of Anto-
nius, the triumvir, and Cleopatra, queen of Egypt.
He and his twin-sister Cleopatra were born n. c.
40. Antonius bestowed on him the titles of " He-
lios," and " King of Kings," and called his sister
" Selene." He also destined for him, as an inde-
pendent kingdom, Armenia, and such countries as
might yet be conquered between the Euphrates
and Indus, and wrote to the senate to have his
grants confirmed; but his letter was not sulfered
to be read in public, (b. c. 34.) After the con-
quest of Annenia Antonius betrothed Jotape, the
daughter of the Median king Artavasdes, to his
Bon Alexander. Wiien Octavianus made himself
master of Alexandria, he spared Alexander, but
took him and his sister to Rome, to adorn his
triumph. They were generously received by Oc-
tavia, the wife of Antonius, who educated them
with her own children. (Dion Ciissius, xlix. 3'_',
40, 41, 44, 1. 25, Ii. 21 ; Plut. Anton. 36, 54, 87;
Uv.Epit.]-i],]32.) [C. P. M.]

ALEXANDER {'AXtlavdpos), bishop of Apa-
WEA, sent with liis namesake of Hierapolis by
John of Antioch to the Council of Ephesus. A
letter by him is extant in Latin in the Nova Col-
lecHo Conciliorum h Stephan. Baluzio, p. 834. c.
132. fol. Paris, 1683. [A. J. C]

ALEXANDER APHRODISIENSIS ('AAt'^
av^pos ^AcppoSicrifvs), a native of Aphrodisias in
Caria, who lived at the end of the second and the
beginning of the third century after Christ, the most
celebrated of the commentators on Aristotle. He
was the disciple of Herniinus and Aristocles the
Messenian, and like them endeavoured to free the
Peripatetic pliilosophy from the syncretism of Am-
monias and others, and to restore the genuine in-
terpretation of the writings of Aristotle. The title
6 e^7j77jT7/s was the testimonj'- to the extent or the
excellence of his commentaries. About half his
voluminous works were edited and translated into
Latin at the revival of literature ; there are a few
more extant in the original Greek, which have
never been printed, and an Arabic version is pre-

ALEXANDER.

served of several others, whose titles may be seen
in the Bibliotheca of Casiri. (Vol. i. p. 243.)

If we view him as a philosopher, his merit can-
not be rated highly. His excellencies and defects
are all on the model of his great master ; there is
the sjmie perspicuity and power of analysis, united
with almost more than Aristotelian plainness of
stj'le ; everywhere "a flat surface," Avith nothing
to interrupt or strike the attention. In a mind so
thoroughly imbued with Aristotle, it cannot be ex-
pected there should be nmch place for origiucil
thought. His only endeavour is to adapt the
works of his master to the spirit and language of
his owii age ; but in doing so he is constantly re-
called to the earlier philosophy, and attacks by-
gone opinions, as though they had tiie same living
power as when the Avritings of Aristotle were di-
rected against them. (Ritter, Gcschichle der Fhilo-
soplm, vol. iv. p. 255.)

The Platonists and earlier Stoics are his chief
opponents, for he regarded the Epicureans as too
sensual and unphilosophical to be worth a serious
answer. Against the notion of the first, that tiie
world, {vlthough created, might yet by the will of
God be made imperishable, he urged that God could
not alter the nature of things, and quoted tlie
Platonist doctrine of the necessary coexistence of
evil in all corruptible things. (Ritter, p. 262.)
God himself, he said, was the very form of
things. Yet, however difficult it may be to
enter into this abstract notion of God, it would
be unjust, as some have done, to charge him with
atheism, as in many passages he attributes mind
and intelligence to the divine Being. This is
one of the points in which he has brought out
the views of Aristotle more clearly, from his living
in the light of a later age. God, he says {in Mefu-
p/it/s. ix. p. 320), is "properly and simply one, tlie
self-existent substance, the author of motion him-
self unmoved, the great and good Deity, witliout
beginning and without end:" and again {in Mctuiih.
xii. p. 381) he asserts, that to deprive God of pro-
vidence is the same thing as depriving honey of
sweetness, fire of warmth, snow of whiteness and
coolness, or the soul of motion. The providence of
God, howjever, is not directed in the same way to
the sublunar}- world and the rest of the universe :
the latter is committed not indeed to fate, but to
general laws, while the concerns of men are the
immediate care of God, although he find not in
the government of them the full perfection of his
being. {Quued. Nat. i. 25, ii. 21 .) He saw no incon-
sistenc}-, as perhaps there v,-as none, between these
high notions of God and the materialism with
which the}'- were connected. As God was the
foi-m of all things, so the human soul was likewise
a form of matter, which it was impossible to con-
ceive as existing in an independent state. He
seems however to have made a distinction between
the powers of reflection and sensation, for he says
{deJnima, i. p. 138), that the soul needed not the
body as an instrument to take in objects of thought,
but was sufficient of itself; unless the latter is to
be looked upon as an inconsistency into which he
has been led by the desire to hannonize the early
Peripateticism with the purer principle of a later
philosophy. (Rnicker, vol. ii. p. 481.)

The most important treatise of his which has
come down to us, is the "De Fato," an inquiry
into the opinions of Aristotle on the subject of
Fate and Freewill. It is probably one of his latest

ALEXANDER.

works, and must have been written between the
years 199-"211, because dedicated to the joint em-
perors Severus and Caracalla. Here the earlier
Stoics arc his opponents, who asserted that all
things arose from an eternal and indissoluble chain
of causes and effects. The subject is treated
practically rather than speculatively. Universal
opinion, the common use of language, and internal
consciousness, are his main arguments. That fate
has a real existence, is proved by the distinction
we draw between fate, chance, and possibility, and
between free and necessary actions. It is another
word for nature, and its workings are seen in the
tendencies of men and things (c. 6), for it is an all-
pervading cause of real, but not absolute, power.
The fatalism of the Stoics does away with free-
will, and 80 destroys responsibility : it is at vari-
ance with every thought, word, and deed, of our
lives. The Stoics, indeed, attempt to reconcile
necessity and freewill ; but, properly speaking,
they use freewill in a new sense for the necessary
co-operation of our will in the decrees of nature :
moreover, they cannot expect men to carry into
practice the subtle distinction of a will necessaril}'
yet freely acting ; and hence, by destroying the
eccountableness of man, they destroy the founda-
tion of morality, religion, and civil government,
(c. 12 — 20.) Supposing their doctrine true in
theory, it is impossible in action. And even spe-
culatively their argument from the universal chain
is a confusion of an order of sequence with a series
of causes and effects. If it be said again, that the
gods have certain foreknowledge of future events,
and what is certainly known must necessarily be,
it is answered by denying that in the nature of
things there can be any such foreknowledge, as fore-
knowledge is proportioned to divine power, and is a
knowledge of what divine power can perform. The
Stoical view inevitably leads to the conclusion, that
all the e.xisting ordinances of religion are blasphe-
mous and absurd.

This treatise, which has been edited by Orelli,
gives a good idea of his style and method. Upon
the whole, it must be allowed that, although with
Ritter we cannot place him high as an independent
thinker, he did much to encourage the accurate
study of Aristotle, and exerted an influence which,
according to Julius Scaliger, was still felt in his
day. (Brucker, vol. ii. p. 480.)

The following list of his works is abridged from
Harles's Fabricius. (Vol. v. p. 650.) I. Ilepl
fi/jLapfxhTji Kal Tov f^' i^fuv, De Faio, deque eo
quod in nostra potestate est: the short treatise
mentioned above, dedicated to the emperors Se-
verus and Caracalla ; first printed by the suc-
cessors of Aldus Manutius, 1534, folio, at the end
of the works of Themistius : translated into Latin
by Grotius in the collection entitled "Veterum
Philos. Sententiae de Fa to," Paris, 1648, 4to.,
Loud. 1688, 12mo., and edited by Orelli, Zurich,
1824, 8vo., with a fragment of Alexander Aphrodis.
De Fortuna,a.nd. treatises of Ammonius, Plotinus,&c.
on the same subject. II. Commentanus(^tir6ixvT}fxa)
inprimum librum Analyticorum P riorum A ristotelis^
Venet. Aldi, 1520, fol.; Floren. 1521, 4to., with a
Latin translation by J. Bap. Felicianus. III. Com-
vientarius in VIII libros Topicoru7n, Ven. Aldi,
1513 ; with a Latin version by G. Dorotheus, Ven.
1526 and 1541 , and Paris, 1 542, folio ; and another
by Rasarius, Ven. 1563, 1573, folio. IV. Cojn-
ment. in Eiencluis Scphi-iticos ; Graece, Ven. Aldi,

ALEXANDER. Ua

1520, fol. ; Flor. 1520, fol. : translated into Latin by
J. B. Rasarius. V. Comment, in Metaphysicorum
XII libros; ex versione J. G. Sepulvedae, Rom.
1527, Paris, 1536, Ven. 1544 and 1561. The
Greek text has never been printed, although it
exists in the Paris library and several others.
VI. /n liltrum deSensu et lis quae sub sensum cadunt;
the Greek text is printed at the end of the com-
mentary of Simplicius on the De Aniraa, Ven. Aldi,
1 527, folio ; there is also a Latin version by Luci-
Hus Philothaeus, Ven. 1544, 1549, 1554, 1559,
1573. VII. In Aristotelis Meterologica ; Ven.
Aldi, ] 527 ; supposed by some not to be the
work of Alexander Aphrod. VIII. DeMistione;
bound up in the same edition as the preceding.
IX. De Anima lihri duo (two distinct works),
printed in Greek at the end of Themistius : there
is a Latin version by Hieronymus Donatus, Ven.
1502, 1514, folio. X. Physica Scholia, dubitationes
et solutiones; in Greek, Ven. Trincavelli, 1536,
folio ; in Latin, by Hieronymus Bagolinus, Ven.
1541, 1549, 1555, 559, 1563. XL 'larpiKcL
*AiropT\fiaTa Kal ^vaihi Ilpo€\r)fjuiTa, Quaesiiones
Medicae et Problemata Physica. XII. Ilep! Ilupf-
Twf, Libellus de Fehribus. The last two treatises
are attributed by Theodore Gaza and many other
writers to Alexander Trallianus. They are spoken
of below.

His commentaries on the Categories, on the lat-
ter Analytics (of the last there was a translation
by St. Jerome), on the De Anima and Rhetorical
works, and also on those ire/Ji yeveafoos Koi (pdopds^
together with a work entitled Liber I de Theologia,
probably distinct from the Commentaries on the
Metaphysics, are still extant in Arabic. A Com-
mentary on the prior Analytics, on the De Inter-
pretatione, a treatise on the Virtues, a work enti-
tled irepl 5aiiJ.6vwv A070S, a treatise against Zeno-
bius the Epicurean, and another on the nature and
qualities of Stones, also a book of Allegories from
mythological fables, are all either quoted by others
or referred to by himself. [B. J.]

Besides the works universally attributed to
Alexander Aphrodisiensis, there are extant two
others, of which the author is not certainly kno\\'n,
but which are by some persons supposed to belong
to him, and which commonly go under his name.
The first of these is entitled 'larpiKa 'Airop^fiaTa
Kal ^va-iKoL npo§ATjjUOTO, Quaestiones Medicae et
Problemata Physica, which there are strong reasons
for believing to be the work of some other writer.
In the first place, it is not mentioned in the list of
his works given by the Arabic author quoted by
Casiri {Biblioth. Arabico-Hisp. Escuru.1l. vol. i.
p. 243) ; secondly, it appears to have been written
by a person who belonged to the medical profession
(ii. pfaef. et § 11), which was not the case with
Alexander Aphrodisiensis ; thirdly, the writer re-
fers (i. 87) to a work by himself, entitled 'AAAtj-
yopial TVP ety Qeovs 'AvanKaTTo/xevup Tlidavtoy
'IffTopioiv, Allegoriae Historiarum Credibilium de
Diis Fabricatarum, which we do not find mention
ed among Alexander's works ; fourthly, he more
than once speaks of the soul as immortal (ii. praeC
et § 63, 67), which doctrine Alexander Aphrodi-
siensis denied ; and fifthly, the style and language
of the work seem to belong to a later age. Several
eminent critics suppose it to belong to Alexander
Trallianus, but it does not seem likely that a
Christian writer would have composed the mytho-
logical work mentioned above. It consists of two

J14

ALEXANDER.

"books, and contains several interesting medical ob-
Bervations along with much that is frivolous and
trifling. It was first published in a Latin transla-
tion by George Valla, Venet. 1488, fol. The
Greek text is to be found in the Aldine edition of
Aristotle's works, Venet. fol. 1495, and in that by
Sylburgius, Francof. 1585, 8vo. ; it was published
with a Latin translation by J. Davion, Paris. 1540,
1541, Ifirao.; and it is inserted in the first volume
of Ideler^'s Pliysid et Medici Graeci Minores^ Bercd.
1841, 8vo.

The other work is a short treatise, IlepJ Tlvp^raiv,
De Fehrihus, which is addressed to a medical pupil
whom the author offers to instruct in any other
branch of medicine ; it is also omitted in the
Arabic list of Alexander''s works mentioned above.
For these reasons it docs not seem likely to be the
work of Alexander Aphrodisiensis, while the whole
of the twelftli book of the great medical work of
Alexander Trallianus (to whom it has also been
.ittributed) is taken up with the subject of Fever,
and he would hardly have written two treatises on
the same disease \vithout making in either the
sliglitest allusion to the other. It may possibly
belong to one of the other numerous physicians of
the name of Alexander. It was first published in
a Latin translation by George Valla, Venet. 1498,
fol., which was several times reprinted. The Greek
text first appeared in the Cambridge Museum
Criticum, vol. ii. pp. 359 — 389, transcribed by De-
metrius Schinas from a manuscript at Florence ; it
was published, together with Valla's translation, by
Franz Passow, Vratislav. 1822, 4to., find also in
Passow's Opuscula Academuxt^ Lips. 1835, 8vo.,
p. 521. The Greek text alone is contained in the
first volume of Ideler's Physici et Medici Graeci
Minores, Berol. 1841, 8vo. [W. A. G.]

ALEXANDER ('AAe'^aj/Spoj), the eldest son of
Aristobulus II., king of Judaea, was taken pri-
soner, with his father and brother, by Pompey, on
the capture of Jerusalem (b. c. 63), but made his
escape as they were being conveyed to Rome. In
B. c. 57, he appeared in Judaea, raised an army of
10,000 foot and 15O0 horse, and fortified Alexan-
dreion and other strong posts. Hyrcanus applied
for aid to Gabinius, who brought a large anny
against Alexander, and sent M. Antonius with a
body of troops in advance. In a battle fought
near Jerusalem, Alexander was defeated with great
Ipss, and took refuge in the fortress of Alexan-
dreion, which was forthwith invested. Through
the mediation of his mother he was permitted to
depart, on condition of surrendering all the for-
tresses still in his power. In the following year,
during the expedition of Gabinius into Eg}^)!,
Alexander again excited the Jews to revolt, and
collected an army. He massacred all the Romans
who fell in his way, and besieged the rest, who had
taken refuge on Mount Gerizim. After rejecting
the terms of peace which were offered to him by
Gabinius, he was defeated near Mount Tabor with
the loss of 10,000 men. The spirit of his ad- :
herents, however, was not entirely crushed, for in
B. c. 53, on the death of Crassus, he again collected
some forces, but was compelled to come to terms by
Cassius. (b. c. 52.) In b. c. 49, on the breaking
out of the civil war, Caesar set Aristobulus at
libert}'-, and sent him to Judaea, to further his in-
terests in that quarter. He was poisoned on the
journey, and Alexander, who was preparing to
support him, was seized at the command of Pompey,

ALEXANDER.

and beheaded at Antioch. (Joseph. Ant. Jud.
xiv. 5—7 ; Bell. Jud. i. 8, 9.) [C. P. M.]

ALEXANDER, of Athens, a comic poet, the
son of Aristion, whose name occurs in an inscrip-
tion given in Bockh {Corp. Jnscr. i. p. 765), who
refers it to the 145th Olympiad, (b. c. 200.) There
seems also to have been a poet of the same name
who was a writer of the middle comedy, quoted
by the Schol. on Homer (//. ix. 216), and Aristoph.
{Ra7i. 864), and Athen. (iv. p. 170, e. x. p. 496, c;
Meineke, Fragm. Cum. vol i. p. 487.) [C P. M.J

ALEXANDER ('AA€|ai/5pos), an ambassador
of king Attalus, sent to Rome in b. c. 198, to
negotiate peace with the Roman senate. (Polyb.
xvii. 10.) [L. S.]

ALEXANDER BALAS (^kxilav^pos BaAas),
a person of low origin, usurped the throne of
the Greek kingdom of Syria, in the year 150,
b. c, pretending that he was the son of Antiochus
Epiphanes. His claim was set up by Heracleides,
who had been the treasurer of the late king Antio-
chus Epiphanes, but had been banished to Rhodes
by the reigning king, Demetrius Soter ; and he
was supported by Ptolemy Philometor, king of
Egypt, Ariarthes Philopator, king of Cappadocia,
and Attalus Philadelphus, king of Pergamus.
Heracleides also, having taken Alexander to Rome,
succeeded in obtaining a decree of the senate in
his favour. Furnished with forces by these allies,
Alexander entered Syria in 152, B. c, took pos-
session of Ptolemais, and fought a battle with
Demetrius Soter, in which, however, he was de-
feated. In the year 150 B. c. Alexander again
met Demetrius in battle witli better success. The
army of Demetrius was completely routed, and he
himself perished in the flight. No sooner had
Alexander thus obtained the kingdom than he
gave up the administration of affairs to his minis-
ter Ammonius, and himself to a life of pleasure.
Ammonius put to death all the members of the late
royal family who were in his power ; but two sons
of Demetrius were safe in Crete. The elder of
them, who was named Demetrius, took the field in
Cilicia against the usurper. Alexander applied
for help to his father-in-law, Ptolemy Philometor,
who marched into Syria, and then declared him-
self in favour of Demetrius. Alexander now re-
turned from Cilicia, whither he had gone to meet
Demetrius, and engaged in battle with Ptolemy at
the river Oenoparas. In this battle, though
Ptolemy fell, Alexander was completely defeated,
and he was afterwards murdered by an Arabian
emir with whom he had taken refuge, (b. c. 146.)
The meaning of his surname (Balas) is doubtful.
It is most probably a title signifying " lord" or

"' king." On some of his coins he is called
" Epiphanes" and " Nicephorus" after his pre-
tended father. On others " Euergetes " and
" Theopator." (Polyb. xxxiii. 14, 16 ; Li v. Epil.
1. liii. ; Justin, xxv.; Appiaiiy;. >Symca, c. Q1\ 1

ALEXANDER.

Maccab. x. 11 ; Joscpli. Ant. xiii. 2. § 4 ; Euseb.
Chronicon; Clinton, Fasti^ iii. p. 324.) [P. S.]

ALEXANDER, of Beroea; he and Thyrsis
puffocated Demetrius, the son of Philip HI. of
Macedonia, at Ileracleia, in B. c. 179. (Liv. xl. 24 ;
corap. Demetrius, son of Philip.) [L. S.]

ALEXANDER ('AA6|oj/5pos), at first bishop
in Capp.adocia, flourished A. D. 212. On the
death of Severus, A. D. 211, he visited Jerusalem,
and was made coadjutor of the aged Narcissus,
bishop of tliat city, whom he afterwards succeeded.
lie founded an ecclesiastical library at Jerusalem,
of which Eusebius made great use in writing his
History. After suffering under Severus and Cara-
calla, he was at last thrown into prison at Caesarea,
and, after witnessing a good confession, died a. d.
250. Eusebius has preserved fragments of a letter
written by liim to the Antino'ites ; of another to
the Antiochenes {Hist. Eccl. vi. 11); of a third
to Origen (vi. 14); and of another, written in con-
junction with Theoctistus of Caesarea, to Deme-
trius of Alexandria, (vi. 19.) [A. J. C]

ALEXANDER, ^ CARBONARIUS ("AA^^
avSpos 6 'AvBpaKevs), flourished in the third
centurj'. To avoid the dangers of a hand-
some person, he disguised himself and lived as
a coal-heaver at Curaae, in Asia Minor. The see
of this city being vacant, the people asked St.
Gregory Thaumaturgus to come and ordain them a
bishop. He rejected many who were offered for
consecration, and when he bade the people prefer
virtue to rank, one in mockery cried out, " Well,
then ! make Alexander, the coal-heaver, bishop ! "
St. Gregory had him summoned, discovered his
disguise, and having arrayed him in sacerdotal
vestments, presented him to the people, who, with
surprise and joy, accepted the appointment. He
addressed them in homely but dignified phrase,
and ruled the church tiU the Decian persecution,
when he was burnt, A. D. 231. (S. Greg. Nyssen.
V>t. S. Greg. T/taumaturg. §§ 19, 20, ap. Galland.
LMoth. Pair. vol. iii. pp. 457—460.) [A. J. C]

ALEXANDER ('AKilavSpos), third son of
CassandeR, king of Macedonia, by Thessalonica,
sister of Alexander the Great. In his quarrel
with his elder brother Antipater for the govern-
ment [Antipater], he called in the aid of
Pyrrhus of Epinis and Demetrius Poliorcetes.
To the fonner he was compelled to surrender, as
the price of his alliance, the land on the sea-coast
of Macedonia, together with the provinces of Am-
bracia, Acamania, and Amphilochia. (Plut.
Pyrrh. p. .38(), b.) Demetrius, according to Plu-
tarch {PyrrL 386, d., Demelr. 906, a.), arrived
after Pyrrhus had retired, and when matters,
through his mediation, had been arranged between
the brothers. Demetrius, therefore, was now an
unwelcome visitor, and Alexander, while he re-
ceived him with all outward civility, is said by
Plutarch to have laid a plan for murdering him at
a banquet, which was baffled, however, by the
precaution of Demetrius. {Demetr. 906, a. b.)
The next day Demetrius took his departure, and
Alexander attended him as far as Thessaly. Here,
at Larissa, he went to dine with Demetrius, and
(taking no guards with him by a fancied refine-
ment of policy) was assassinated, together Avith his
friends who attended him, one of whom is said to
have exclaimed, that Demetrius Avas only one day
beforehand Avith them. (Plut. JJcinetr. p. 906,
C. d. ; Just. xvi. I ; Diod. xxi. E.xc. 7.) [E. E.]

ALEXANDER.

115

ALEXANDER ('AAe^o^Spos), emperor of Con-
STANTiNoi'LE, was the third son of the emperor
Basilius and Eudocia. He was bom about a. «.
870, and, after his father's death, he and his bro-
ther Leo, the philosopher, bore the title of imperator
in common. Leo died on the 11th of May, 911,
and Alexander received the imperial crown, toge-
ther Avith the guardianship of his brother's son,
Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, whom he would
have mutilated so as to render him unfit to goA-em,
had he not been prevented. The reign of Alex-
ander, which lasted only for one year and some
days, Avas one uninteiTupted series of acts of
cruelty, debauchery, and licentiousness; for the
restraints which he had been obliged to put on
himself during the lifetime of his brother, were
thrown off immediately after his accession, and
the Avorthiest persons were removed from the court
while the ministers to his lusts and passions were
raised to the highest honours. He involved his
empire in a war with Simeon, king of the Bulga-
rians, but he did not live to see its outbreak. He
died on the 7th of June, 912, in consequence of a
debauch, after which he took violent exercise on
horseback. (Constant, in Basil. 26 ; Scylitz. pp.
569, 608 ; Zonaras, xvi. 15, &c.) [L. S.]

ALEXANDER (ST.), patriarch of Constanti-
nople, [Arius.]

ALEXANDER CORNE'LIUS {'AX^lavSpos
Kopj/^Aios), sumamed Polyhistor (IIoAuio-Twp),
a Greek writer and contemporary of Sulla. Accord-
ing to Suidas he was a native of Ephesus and a
pupil of Crates, and during the Avar of Sulla in
Greece was made prisoner and sold as a slave to
Cornelius Lentulus, who took him to Rome and
made him the paedagogus of his children. After-
wards Lentulus restored hira to freedom. From
Suidas it Avould seem as if he had received the
gentile name Cornelius from Lentulus, Avhile Ser-
vius {ad Aen. x. 388) says, that he received the
Roman franchise from L. Cornelius Sulla. He
died at Laurentum in a fire which consumed his
house, and as soon as his Avife heard of the cala-
mity, she hung herself. The statement of Suidas
that he was a native of Ephesus is contradicted by
Stephanus Byzantius {s. v. Korideoy), Avho says
that he Avas a native of Cotiaeum in Lesser Phrygia,
and a son of Asclepiades, and Avho is borne out by
the Etymologicum Magnum {s. vv. 84SoiKa and
TvepipprjSrjs), where Alexander is called Koriacus.
The surname of Polyhistor Avas given to him on
account of his prodigious learning. He is said to
have Avritten innumerable Avorks, but the greatest
and most important among them Avas one consisting
of 42 books, Avhich Stephanus Byzantius calls
nai/ToSaTT^s "TAtjs A6yoi. This Avork appears to
have contained historical and geographical accounts
of nearly all countries of the ancient Avorld. Each
of the forty books treated of a separate country,
and bore a corresponding title, such as Phrygiaca,
Carica, Lyciaca, A:c. But such titles are not al-
Avays sure indications of a book forming only a
part of the great work ; and in some cases it is
manifest that particular countries Avere treated of
ill separate Avorks. Thus we find mention of the
first book of a separate Avork on Crete (Schol. ad
Apollo7i. Rhod. iv. 1492), and of another on the
" Tractus lUyricus." (Val. Max. viii. 13, ext. 7.)
These geugraphico-historical Avorks are referred to
in innumerable passages of Stephanus Byzantius
and Pliny. A separate Avork on the Phrygian

I 2

116

ALEXANDER.

musicians is mentioned by Plutarch (De Mus. 5),
and there is every probability that Alexander Poly-
histor is also the author of the work AtoSoxoI
^i\o(T6(puv^ which seems to be the groundwork of
Diogenes Laertius. [Alkxander Lvchnus.] A
work on the symbols of the Pythagoreans is men-
tioned by Clemens Alexandrinus(5'/ro7«. i. p. 131)
and Q,Yn\\a% {adv. Julian, ix. p. 133). He also
wrote a history of Judaea, of which a considerable
fragment is preserved in Eusebius. {Praep. Evang.
ix. 17; comp. Clem. Alexand. Strom, i. p 143;
Steph. Byz. s. v. 'lovSoda.) A history of Rome in five
books is mentioned by Suidas, and a few fragments
of it are preserved in Servius. (Ad Aen. viii. 330,
X. 388.) A complete list of all the known titles
of the works of Alexander Polyhistor is given in
Vossius, De Hist. Graec. p. 187, &c., ed. Wester-
mann. [L. S.]

ALEXANDER L IL, kings of Egj-pt. [Pto-

LKMAEUS.]

ALEXANDER ('AAe|ai/Spos) I., king of Epi-
Rus, was the son of Neoptolemus and brother of
01}Tnpias, the mother of Alexander the Great.
He came at an early age to the court of Philip of
Macedonia, and after the Grecian fashion became
the object of his attachment. Philip in requital
made him king of Epinis, after dethroning his cou-
sin Aeacidcs. When Olympias was repudiated
by her husband, she went to her brother, and en-
deavoured to induce him to make war on Philip.
Philip, however, declined the contest, and formed
a second alliance with him by giving him his
daughter Cleopatra in marriage, (u. c. 336.) At
the wedding Philip was assassinated by Pausanias.
In B. c. 3^2, Alexander, at the request of the
Tarentines, crossed over into Italy, to aid them
against the Liicanians and Bruttii. After a victory
over the Samnites and Lucanians near Paestum
lie mcide a treaty with the Romans. Success still
followed his arms. He took lleraclea and Consen-
tia from the Lucanians, and Terina and Sipontum
from the Bruttii. But in B.C. 326, through the
treachery of some Lucanian exiles, he was com-
pelled to engage under unfavourable circumstances
near Pandosia, on the banks of tlie Acheron, and
fell by the hand of one of the exiles, as he was
crossing the river; thus accomplishing the prophecy
of the oracle of Dodona, which had bidden him be-
ware of Pandosia and the Acheron. He left a son,
Neoptolemus, and a daughter, Cadmea. (Justin,
viii. 6, ix. 6, 7, xii. 2, xvii. 3, xviii. 1, xxiii. 1 ;
Liv. viii. 3, 1 7, 24 ; Diod. xvi. 72.) The head on
the annexed coin of Alexander I. represents that
of Jupiter. [C. P. iM.]

ALEXANDER II., king of Epirus, was the
son of Pyrrhus and Lanassa, the daughter of tlie
Sicilian tyrant Agathocles. He succeeded his fa-
ther in B. c. 272, and continued the war which his
father had begun with Antigonus Gonatas, whom
he succeeded in driving from the kingdom of
Macedon. He was, however, dispossessed of both

ALEXANDER.

Macedon and Epirus by Demetrius, the son of
Antigonus ; upon which he took refuge amongst
the Acamanians. By their assistance and that of
his o\\Ti subjects, who entertained a great attach-
ment for him, he recovered Epirus. It appears
that he was in alliance with the Aetolians. He
married his sister Ol^-mpias, by whom he had two
sons, Pyrrhus and Ptolemaeus, and a daughter,
Plithia. On the death of Alexander, Olympias
assumed the regency on behalf of her sons, and
married Phthia to Demetrius. There are extant
silver and copper coins of this king. The former
bear a youthful head covered with the skin of an
elephant's head, as appears in the one figured be-
low. The reverse represents Pallas holding a spear
in one hand and a shield in the other, and before
her stands an eagle on a thunderbolt. (Justin, xvii.
1, xxvi. 2, 3, xxviii. I ; Polyb. ii. 45, ix. 34;
Pint. Pyrrh. 9.) [C. P. M.]

ALEXANDER ('AX6|oj/Spos), a Greek Gram-
marian, who is mentioned among the instructors
of the emperor M. Antoninus. (Capitol. M. Ant. 2 ;
M. Antonln. i. § 10.) We still possess a Koyos
4mrd(pios pronounced upon him by the rhetorician
Aristeides. (Vol. i. Orat. xii. p. 142, &c.) f L. S.]

ALEXANDER, son of Herod. [Herodes.]

ALEXANDER ('AAe|aj/Spos). 1. Bishop of
HiERAFOLis in Phrygia, flourished A. d. 233. He
was the author of a book entitled, On the new things
introduced bif Christ into the world ri kuivov fla-q-
veyKe Xpiards (Is t6v koct^ov. K€<p. 6' ; not extant.
(Suid.)

2. Bishop of Tlierapolis, A. n. 431. He was
sent by John, bishop of Antioch, to advocate the
cause of Nestorius at the Council of Ephesus. His
hostilitj' to St. Cyril was such, that he openly
charged him with Apollinaranism, and rejected
the communion of John, Theodoret, and the other
Eastern bishops, on their reconciliation with him.
He appealed to the pope, but was rejected, and
was at last banished by the emperor to Famothis
in Egypt. Twenty- three letters of his are extant in
Latin in the Si/nodicon adversus Tragoediain Irenaei
ap. Novam Colleciionem Conciliorum a Baluzio, p.
670, &c. Paris, 1683. [A. J. C]

ALEXANDER {'A\4Zavdpos\ ST., HIERO-
SOLYMITANUS, a disciple, first, of Pantaenus,
then of St. Clement, at Alexandria, where he be-
came acquainted with Origen, (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vi.
14,) was bishop of Flaviopolis, (Tillemont, Hist.
Eccl. iii. 415,) in Cappadocia. (S. Hier. Vir. III.
§ 62.) In the persecution under Severrs he was
thrown into prison, (circ. a.d, 204, Euseb. vi. 11,)
where he remained till Asclepiades succeeded
Serapion at Antioch, a.d. 211, the beginning of
Caracalla's reign. (See [a] the Epistle St. Alex-
ander sent to the Antiochenes by St. Clement of
Alexandria. Euseb. H.E.y'i. 11.) Eusebius re-

ALEXANDER.

latcs (/. c), that by Divine revelation he be-
came coadjutor bishop to Narcissus, bishop of
Aelia, i.e. Jerusalem, a. n. 212. (See Euseb.
H. E. vi. 8; Chrojiic. ad A. D. 228, and Alexan-
der's [/3] Epistle to the Antinoites ap. Euseb. //. E.
vi, 11.) During his episcopate of nearly forty
years (for he continued bishop on the death of
St. Narcissus), he collected a valuable library of
Ecclesiastical Epistles^ which existed in the time of
Eusebius. (//.^. vi. 20.) He received Ori gen when
the troubles at Alexandria drove him thence, a. d.
216, and made him, though a layman, explain the
Scriptures publicly, a proceeding which he justified
in [7] an epistle to Bishop Demetrius, of Alexandria,
(ap. Euseb. H. E. vi. 19,) who, however, sent
some deacons to bring Origen home. As Origen
was passing through Palestine, on some necessary
business, St. Alexander ordained him priest,
(S. Hier. I. c. §§ 54, 62,) which caused great dis-
turbance in the church. [Origen.] A fragment of a
[SJ letter from St. Alexander to Origen on the sub-
ject exists, ap. Eitseb. H. E. vi. 14. St. Alexander
died in the Decian persecution, a. d. 251, in prison
(S. Dion. Alex. ap. Euseb. H. E. vi. 46) after great
sufferings (Euseb. vi. 39), and is commemorated in
the Eastern church on r2th December, in the West-
em on 16th March. Mazabanes succeeded him.
St. Clement of Alexandria dedicated to him his JJe
Canone Ecclesiastico about the observance of Easter.
{H.E.y\. 13.) His fragments have been men-
tioned in chronological order, and are collected
in Gallandi, DM. Pair. ii. p. 201, and in llouth's
lielifjuiae Sacrae, ii. p. 39. [A. J. C]

ALEXANDER, JANNAEUS ('AAeia./Spos
'larvatos), was the son of Johannes Hyrcanus, and
brother of Aristobulus L, whom he succeeded, as
King of the Jews, in B. c. 104, after putting to
death one of his brothers, who laid claim to the
crown. He took advantage of the unquiet state of
Syria to attack the cities of Ptolemais (Acre),
Dora, and Gaza, which, with several others, had
made themselves independent. The people of
Ptolemais applied for aid to Ptolemy Lathyrus,
then king of Cyprus, who came with an anny of
thirty thousand men. Alexander was defeated on
the banks of the Jordan, and Ptolemy ravaged the
country in the most barbarous manner. In b. c.
102, Cleopatra came to the assistance of Alexan-
der with a fleet and army, and Ptolemy was com-
pelled to return to Cyprus, (b. c. 101.) Soon af-
terwards Alexander invaded Coele Syria, and re-
newed his attacks upon the independent cities. In
B. c. QQ he took Gaza, destroyed the city, and
massacred all the inhabitants. The result of these
undertakings, and his having attached himself to
the party of the Sadducees, drew upon him the
hatred of the Pharisees, who were by far the more
numerous party. He was attacked by the people
in b. c. 94, while officiating as high-priest at the
feast of Tabeniacles ; but the insurrection was put
down, and six thousand of the insurgents slain. In
the next year (b. c. 93) he made an expedition
against Arabia, and made the Arabs of Gilead and
the Moabites tributary. But in B. c. 92, in a
campaign against Obedas, the emir of the Arabs of
Gaulonitis, he fell into an ambush in the moun-
tains of Oadara ; his army was entirely destroyed,
and he himself escaped with difficulty. The Pha-
risees seized the opportunity thus afforded, and
broke out into open revolt. At first they were
successful, and Alexander was compelled to fly to

ALEXANDER,

117

the mountains (b. c. 88) ; but two years after-
wards he gained two decisive victories. After the
second of these, he caused eight hundred of the
chief men amongst the rebels to be crucified, and
their wives and children to be butchered before
their eyes, while he and his concubines banqueted
in sight of the victims. This act of atrocity pro-
cured for him the name of '' the Thracian." It
produced its effect, however, and the rebellion was
shortly afterwards suppressed, after the war had
lasted six years. During the next three years
Alexander made some successful campaigns, reco-
vered several cities and fortresses, and pushed his
conquests beyond the Jordan. On his return to
Jerusalem, in B. c. 81, his excessive drinking
brought on a quartan ague, of which he died three
years afterwards, while engaged in the siege of
Ragaba in Gerasena, after a reign of twenty-seven
years. He left his kingdom to his wife Alexandra.
Coins of this king are extant, from which it ap-
pears that his proper name was Jonathan, and that
Alexander was a name which he assumed accord-
ing to the prevalent custom. (Josephus, Ant. Jud.
xiii. 12-15.) [C. P. M.]

ALEXANDER ('AA€|ai/5pos), suraamed Isius,
the chief commander of the Aetolians, was a man
of considerable ability and eloquence for an Aeto-
lian. (Liv. xxxii. 33 ; Polyb. xvii. 3, &c.) In
B. c. 198 he was present at a colloquy held at
Nicaea on the Maliac gulf, and spoke against Phi-
lip III. of Macedonia, saying that the king ought
to be compelled to quit Greece, and to restore to
the Aetolians the towns which had formerly been
subject to them. Philip-, indignant at such a de-
mand being made by an Aetolian, answered him
in a speech from his ship. (Liv. xxxii. 34.) Soon
after this meeting, he was sent as ambassador of
the Aetolians to Rome, where, together with other
envoys, he was to treat with the senate about
peace, but at the same time to bring accusations
against Philip. (Polyb. xvii. 10.) In B. c. 197,
Alexander again took part in a meeting, at which
T. Quinctius Flamininus with his allies and king
Philip were present, and at which peace with Phi-
lip was discussed. Alexander dissuaded his friends
from any peaceful arrangement with Philip. (Po-
lyb. xviii. 19, &c. ; Appian, Maced. vii. 1.) In
B. c. 195, when a congress of all the Greek states
that were allied with Rome was convoked by T.
Quinctius Flamininus at Corinth, for the purpose
of considering the war that was to be undertaken
against Nabis, Alexander spoke against the Athe-
nians, and also insinuated that the Romans were
acting fraudulently towards Greece. (Liv. xxxiv.
23.) When in b. c. 189 M. Fulvius Nobilior,
after his victory over Antiochus, was expected to
march into Aetolia, the Aetolians sent envoys to
Athens and Rhodes ; and Alexander Isius, toge-
ther with Phaneas and Lycopus, were sent to
Rome to sue for peace. Alexander, now an old
man, was at the head of the embassy ; but he and
his colleagues were made prisoners in Cephalenia
by the Epeirots, for the purpose of extorting a heavy
ransom. Alexander, however, although he was
very wealthy, refused to pay it, and was accord-
ingly kept in captivity for some days, after which
he was liberated, at the command of the Romans,
without any ransom. (Polyb. xxii. 9.) [L. S.]

ALEXANDER {^ hKf^av^pos\ sumamed Lych-
Nus (Auxi'os), a Greek rhetorician and poet. He
was a native of Ephesus, whence he is sometimes

18

ALEXANDER.

called Alexander Ephesius, and must have lived
shortly before the time of Strabo (xiv. p. 642),
who mentions him among the more recent Ephesian
authors, and also states, that he took a part in the
political affairs of his native city. Strabo ascribes
to him a history, and poems of a didactic kind,
viz. one on astronomy and another on geography,
in Avhich he describes the great continents of the
world, treating of each in a separate work or book,
which, as we learn from other sources, bore the
name of the continent of which it contained an
account. What kind of history it was that Strabo
alludes to, is uncertain. The so-called Aurelius
Victor {de Orig. Gent. Rom. 9) quotes, it is tme,
the first book of a history of the Marsic war by
Alexander the Ephesian ; but this authority is
more than doubtful. Some writers have supposed
that this Alexander is the author of the history of
the succession of Greek philosophers {at rwu (pi\o-
a6<pe>)v SiaSoxai), which is so often referred to by
Diogenes Laertius (i. 116, ii. 19, 106, iii. 4, 5,
iv. 62, vii. 179, viii. 24, ix. 61); but this work
belonged probably to Alexander Polyhistor. His
geographical poem, of which several fragments are
still extant, is frequently referred to by Stephanus
Byzantius and others. (Steph. Byz. s. vv. AaTrrjfloy,
TawpoSdvT], Awpos, 'TpKcwol, McAtrafa, &c.; comp.
Eustath. ad Dioiiys. Perieg. 388, 591.) Of his
astronomical poem a fragment is still extant, which
has been erroneously attributed by Gale {Addend,
ad Parthen. p. 49) and Schneider {ad Viiruv. ii.
p. 23, &c.) to Alexander Aetolus. (See Naeke,
Scliedae Crilicae, p. 7, &c.) It is highly probable
that Cicero {ad Ait. ii. 20, 22) is speaking of
Alexander Lychnus when he says, that Alexander
is not a good poet, a careless writer, but yet pos-
sesses some information. [L. S.]

ALEXANDER LYCOPOLI'TES {'AX^^avSpos
AuKoiroA.iT7js), was so called from Lycopolis, in
Egypt, whether as born there, or because he was
bishop there, is uncertain. At first a pagan, he
was next instructed in Manicheeism by persons
acquainted with Manes himself. Converted to the
faith, he wrote a confutation of the heresy ( Trac-
iatus de Placitis Maniduveorum) in Greek, which
was first published by Combefis, witli a Latin
version, in the Aitctarium Novissimum Dibl. ss.
Pair. Ps. ii. pag. 3, &c. It is published also by
Gallandi, Dibl. Pair. vol. iv. p. 73. He was bishop
of Lycopolis, (Phot. Epitome de Munich, ap.
Mo7itfaiicon. Bibl. Coislin. p. 354,) and probably
immediately preceded Meletius. (Le Quien, Orie?is
Xnus. vol. ii. p. 597.) [A. J. C]

ALEXANDER (*AAe|aj/Spos), the son of Lysi-
MACHUS by an Odrysian woman, whom Pol3-aenus
(vi. 12) calls Macris. On the murder of his
brother Agathocles [see p. 65, a] by command of
his father in B. c. 284, he fled into Asia with the
widow of his brother, and solicited aid of Seleucus.
A war ensued in consequence between Seleucus
and Lysimachus, which terminated in the defeat
and death of the latter, who was slain in battle in
B. c. 281, in the plain of Coros in Phrygia. His
body was conveyed by his son Alexander to tlie
Chersonesus, and there buried between Cardia and
Pactj-a, where his tomb was remaining in the time
of Pausanias. (i. 10. § 4, 5 ; Appian, Syr. 64.)

ALEXANDER I. {'A\4^avdpos), the tenth king
of Macedonia, was the son of Amyntas I. When
Megabazus sent to Macedonia, about b. c. 507, to
demand earth and water, as a token of submission

ALEXANDER.

to Darius, Amyntas was still reigning. At a ban-
quet given to the Persian envoys, the latter de-
manded the presence of the ladies of the court, and
Amyntas, through fear of his guests, ordered them
to attend. But when the Persians proceeded to
offer indignities to them, Alexander caused them
to retire, under pretence of arraying them more
beautifully, and introduced in their stead some
Macedonian youths, dressed in female attire, who
slew the Persians. As the Persians did not re-
turn, Megabazus sent Bubares with some troops
into Macedonia ; but Alexander escaped the dan-
ger by giving his sister Gygaea in marriage to the
Persian general According to Justin, Alexander
succeeded his father in the kingdom soon after
these events. (Herod, v. 17 — 21, viii. 136;
Justin, vii. 2 — 4.) In B. c. 492, Macedonia
was obliged to submit to the Persian general Mar-
donius (Herod, vi. 44) ; and in Xerxes' invasion
of Greece (b. c. 480), Alexander accompanied the
Persian army. He gained the confidence of Mar-
donius, and was sent by him to Athens after the
battle of Salamis, to propose peace to the Athe-
nians, which he strongly recommended, under the
conviction that it was impossible to contend with
the Persians. He was unsuccessfid in his mis-
sion; but though he continued in the Persian
army, he was always secretly inclined to the cause
of the Greeks, and informed them the night before
the battle of Plataeae of the intention of Mardonius
to fight on the following day. (viii. 136, 140 —
143, ix. 44, 45.) He was alive in B. c. 463,
when Ciraon recovered Thasos. (Plut. Cim. 14.)
He was succeeded by Perdiccas II.

Alexander was the first member of the royal
family of Macedonia, who presented himself as a
competitor at the 01}Tnpic games, and was admit-
ted to them after proving his Greek descent.
(Herod, v. 22; Justin, vii. 2.) In his reign
Macedonia received a considerable accession of ter-
ritory. (Thuc. ii. 99.)

ALEXANDER II. {'A\4^au^pos), the six-
teenth king of Macedonia, the eldest son of
Amyntas II., succeeded his father in B. c. 369,
and appears to have reigned nearly two years,
though Diodorus assigns only one to his reign.
While engaged in Thessaly in a war with Alexan-
der of Pherae, a usurper rose up in Macedonia of
the name of Ptolemy Alorites, whom Diodorus,
apparently without good authority, calls a brother
of the king. Pelopidas, being called in to mediate
between them, left Alexander in possession of the
kingdom, but took with him to Thebes several
hostages; among whom, according to some ac-
counts, was Philip, the youngest brother of Alex-
ander, afterwards king of Macedonia, and father of
Alexander the Great. But he had scarcely left
Macedonia, before Alexander was murdered by
Ptolemy Alorites, or according to Justin (vii, 5),
through the intrigues of his mother, Eurydice.

ALEXANDER.

Demosthenes (de fuls. Jjeg. p. 402) names Apollo-
phanes as one of the murderers. (Diod. xv. 60,
t;i, ()7, 71, 77; Plut. Pelop. 26, 27; Athen. xiv.
p. 629, d. ; Aeschin. defals. Leg. p. 31, 1. 33.)

ALEXANDER.

119

ALEXANDER TIT. ('AAe'loi/Jpos), king of
Macedonia, sumanied the Great, was bom at
l*ella, in the autumn of B. c. 356. He was the
son of Philip II. and Olympias, and he inherited
much of the natural disposition of both of his pa-
rents— the cool forethought and practical wisdom
of his father, and the ardent enthusiasm and un-
governable passions of his mother. His mother
belonged to the royal house of Epeirus, and through
her he traced his descent from the great hero
Achilles. His early education was committed to
Leonidas and Lysimachus, the former of whom
was a relation of his mother's, and the latter an
Acamanian. Leonidas early accustomed him to
endure toil and hardship, but Lysimachus recom-
mended himself to his royal pupil by obsequious
flattery. But Alexander was also placed under
the care of Aristotle, who acquired an influence
over his mind and character, which is manifest to
the latest period of his life. Aristotle wrote for
his use a treatise on the art of govemraent ; and
the clear and comprehensive views of the political
relations of nations and of the nature of government,
which Alexander shews in the midst of all his con-
quests, may fairly be ascribed to the lessons he
had received in his youth from the greatest of phi-
losophers. It is not impossible too that his love
of discoverj^ which distinguishes him from the
herd of vulgar conquerors, may also have been im-
planted in him by the researches of Aristotle. Nor
was his physical education neglected. He was
early trained in all manly and athletic sports ; in
horsemanship he excelled all of his age ; and in
the art of war he had the advantage of his father's
instruction.

At the early age of sixteen, Alexander was en-
trusted with the government of Miicedonia by his
father, while he was obliged to leave his kingdom
to march against Byzantium. He first distinguished
himself, however, at the battle of Chaeroneia
(b. c. 338), where the victory was mainly owing to
his impetuosity and courage.

On the murder of Philip (b. c. 336), just after
he had made arrangements to march into Asia at
the head of the confederate Greeks, Alexander
ascended the throne of Alacedon, and found him-
self surrounded by enemies on every side. Attains,
the uncle of Cleopatra, who had been sent into
Asia by Parmenion with a considerable force, as-
pired to the throne ; the Greeks, roused by De-
mosthenes, threw off the Macedonian supremacy ;
and the barbarians in the north threatened his
dominions. Nothing but the promptest energy
could save him ; but in this Alexander was never
deficient. Attains was seized and put to death.
His rapid march into the south of Greece over-
awed all opposition ; Thebes, which had been
most active against him, submitted when he ap-
peared at its gates ; and the assembled Greeks at

the Isthmus of Corinth, with the sole exception of
the Lacedaemonians, elected him to the command
against Persia, which had previously been bestowed
upon his father. Being now at liberty to reduce
the barbarians of the north to obedience, he
marched (early in B.c. 33.5) across mount Haeraus,
defeated the Triballi, and advanced as far as the
Danube, which he crossed, and received embassies
from the Scythians and other nations. On his
retarn, he marched westward, and subdued the
Illyrians and Taulantii, who were obliged to sub-
mit to the Macedonian supremacy. While en-
gaged in these distant countries, a report of his
death reached Greece, and the Thebans once more
took up arms. But a terrible punishment awaited
them. He advanced into Boeotia by rapid marches,
and appeared before the gates of the city almost
before the inhabitants had received intelligence of
his approach. The city was taken by assault ; all the
buildings, with the exception of the house of Pin-
dar, were levelled with the ground ; most of the
inhabitants butchered, and the rest sold as slaves.
Athens feared a similar fate, and sent an embassy
deprecating his wrath ; but Alexander did not ad-
vance further ; the punishment of Thebes was a
sufficient warning to Greece.

Alexander now directed all his energy to prepare
for the expedition against Persia. In the spring
of B. c. 334, he crossed over the Hellespont into
Asia with an army of about 35,000 men. Of
these 30,000 were foot and 5000 horse ; and of
the former only 12,000 were Macedonians. But
experience had shewn that this was a force whicli
no Persian king could resist. Darius, the reigning
king of Persia, had no military skill, and could
only hope to oppose Alexander by engaging the
services of mercenary Greeks, of whom he obtained
large supplies.

Alexander's first engagement with the Persians
was on the banks of the Granicus, where they at-
tempted to prevent his passage over it. Memnon,
a Rhodian Greek, was in the army of the Persians,
and had recommended them to withdraw as Alexan-
der's army advanced, and lay waste the country ;
but this advice was not followed, and the Persians
were defeated. Memnon was the ablest general
that Darius had, and his death in the following
year (b. c. 333) relieved Alexander from a formid-
able opponent. After the capture of Halicarnassus,
Memnon had collected a powerful fleet, in which
Alexander was greatly deficient ; he had taken
many of the islands in the Aegaean, and threatened
Macedonia.

Before marching against Darius, Alexander
thought it expedient to subdue the chief towns on
the western coast of Asia Minor. The last event
of importance in the campaign was the capture of
Halicarnassus, which was not taken till late in the
autumn, after a vigorous defence by Memnon.
Alexander marched along the coast of Lycia and
Pamphylia, and then northward into Phrygia and
to Ciordium, where he cut or untied the celebrated
Gordian knot, which, it was said, was to be
loosened only by the conqueror of Asia.

In B. c. 333, he was joined at Gordium by re-
inforcements from Macedonia, and commenced his
second campaign. From Gordium he marched
through the centre of Asia Minor into Cilicia to
the city of Tarsus, where he nearly lost his life by
a fever, brought on by his great exertions, or
through throwing himself, when heated, into the"

120

ALEXANDER.

cold waters of the Cydnus. Darius meantime had
collected an immense array of 500,000, or 600,000
men, with 30,000 Greek mercenaries ; but instead
of waiting for Alexander's approach in the wide
plain of Sochi, where lie had been stationed for
some time, and which was favourable to his num-
bers and the evolution of his cavalry, he advanced
into the narrow plain of Issus, where defeat was
almost certain. Alexander had passed through
this plain into Syria before Darius reached it ; but
as soon as he received intelligence of the move-
ments of Darius, he retraced his steps, and in the
battle which followed the Persian army was de-
feated with dreadful slaughter. Darius took to
flight, as soon as he saw his left wing routed, and
escaped across the Euphrates by the ford of Thap-
sacus ; but his mother, wife, and children fell into
the hands of Alexander, who treated them with
the utmost delicacy and respect. The battle of
Issus, which was fought towards the close of B. c.
333, decided the fate of the Persian empire ; but
Alexander judged it most prudent not to pursue
Darius, but to subdue Phoenicia, which was espe-
cially formidable by its navy, and constantly
threatened thereby to attack the coasts of Greece
and Macedonia. Most of the cities of Phoenicia
submitted as he approached ; Tyre alone refused to
surrender. This city was not taken till the mid-
dle of B. c, 332, after an obstinate defence of seven
months, and was fearfully punished by the slaugh-
ter of 8000 Tyrians and the sale of 30,000 into
slavery. Next followed the siege of Gaza, which
again delayed Alexander two months, and after-
wards, according to Josephus, he marched to Jeru-
salem, intending to punish the people for refusing
to assist him, but he was diverted from his purpose
by the appearance of the high priest, and pardoned
the people. This story is not mentioned by Arrian,
and rests on questionable evidence.

Alexander next marched into Egypt, which
gladly submitted to the conqueror, for the Egj^)-
tians had ever hated the Persians, who insulted
their reli^on and •violated their temples. In the
beginning of the following year (b. c. 331), Alex-
ander founded at the mouth of the western branch
of the Nile, the city of Alexandria, which he in-
tended should form the centre of commerce between
the eastern and western worlds, and which soon
more than realized the expectations of its founder.
He now determined to visit the temple of Jupiter
Ammon, and after proceeding from Alexandria
along the coast to Paraetonium, he turned south-
v/ard through the desert and thus reached the temple.
He was saluted by the priests as the son of Ju-
piter Ammon.

In the spring of the same year (b. c. 331),
Alexander set out to meet Darius, who had col-
lected another army. He marched through Phoe-
nicia and Syria to the Euphrates, which he crossed at
the ford of Thapsacus ; from thence he proceeded
through Mesopotamia, crossed the Tigris, and at
length met with the immense hosts of Darius, said
to have amounted to more than a million of men,
in the plains of Gaugamela. The battle was fought
in the month of October, b. c. 331, and ended in
the complete defeat of the Persians, who suffered
immense slaughter. Alexander pursued the fugi-
tives to Arbela (Erbil), which place has given its
name to the battle, and which was distant about
fifty miles from the spot where it was fought. Da-
rius, who had left the field of battle early in the

ALEXANDER.

day, fled to Ecbatana (Hamadan), in Media*
Alexander was now the conqueror of Asia ; and
he began to assume all the pomp and splendour of
an Asiatic despot. His adoption of Persian habits
and customs tended doubtless to conciliate the
affections of his new subjects ; but these out-
ward signs of eastern royalty were also accom-
panied by many acts worthj-^ only of an eastern
tyrant ; he exercised no controul over his pas-
sions, and frequently gave way to the most violent
and ungovernable excesses.

From Arbela, Alexander marched to Babylon,
Susa, and Persepolis, which all surrendered with-
out striking a blow. He is said to have set fire to
the palace of Persepolis, and, according to some
accounts, in the revelry of a banquet, at the insti-
gation of Thais, an Athenian courtezan.

At the beginning of b. c. 330, Alexander
marched from Persepolis into Media, where Darius
had collected a new force. On his approach,
Darius fled through Rhagae and the passes of the
Elburz mountains, called by the ancients the Cas-
pian Gates, into the Bactrian provinces. After
stopping a short time at Ecbatana, Alexander pur-
sued him through the deserts of Parthia, and had
nearly reached him, when the unfortunate king was
murdered by Bessus, satrap of Bactria, and his as-
sociates. Alexander sent his body to Persepolis, to
be buried in the tombs of the Persian kings. Bessua
escaped to Bactria, and assumed the title of king
of Persia. Alexander advanced into Hyrcania, in
order to gain over the remnant of the Greeks of
Darius's army, who were assembled there. After
some negotiation he succeeded ; they were all par-
doned, and a great many of them taken into his
pay. After spending fifteen days at Zadracarta,
the capital of Parthia, he marched to the frontiers
of Areia, which he entrusted to Satibarzanes, the
former satrap of the country, and set out on his
march towards Bactria to attack Bessus, but had
not proceeded far, when he was recalled by the re-
volt of Satibarzanes. By incredible exertions he
returned to Artiicoana, the capital of the province,
in two days' march : the satrap took to flight, and
a new governor was appointed. Instead of re-
suming his march into Bactria, Alexander seems
to have thought it more prudent to subdue the
south-eastern parts of Areia, and accordingly
marched into the country of the Drangae and
Sarangae.

During the army's stay at Prophthasia, the capi-
tal of the Drangae, an event occurred, which
shews the altered character of Alexander, and re-
presents him in the light of a suspicious oriental
despot. Philotas, the son of his faithful general,
Parmenion, and who had been himself a personal
friend of Alexander, was accused of a plot against
the king's life. He was accused by Alexander
before the army, condemned, and put to death.
Parmenion, who was at the head of an army at
Ecbatana, was also put to death by command of
Alexander, who feared lest he should attempt to
revenge his son. Several other trials for treason
followed, and many Placed onians were executed.

Alexander now advanced through the country
of the Ariaspi to the Arachoti, a people west of
the Indus, whom he conquered. Their conquest
and the complete subjugation of Areia occupied
the winter of this year. (b. c. 330.) In the be-
ginning of the following year (b, c. 329), he
crossed tlie mountains of the Paropamisus (the

ALEXANDER.

Hindoo Coosh), and marched into Bactria against I
Bessus. On the approach of Alexander, Bessus
fled across the Oxiis into Sogdiana. Alexander
followed him, and transported his army across the
river on the skins of the tents stuffed with straw.
Shortly after the passage Bessus was betrayed into
his hands, and, after being cruelly mutilated by
order of Alexander, was put to death. From the
Oxus Alexander advanced as far as the Jaxartes
(the Sir), which he crossed, and defeated several
Scythian tribes north of that river. After
founding a city Alexandria on the Jaxartes, he
retraced his steps, recrossed the Oxus, and returned
to Zariaspa or Bactra, where he spent the winter
of 329. It was here that Alexander killed his
friend Cleitus in a drunken reveh [Cleitus.]

In the spring of B. c. 328, Alexander again
crossed the Oxus to complete the subjugation of
Sogdiana, but was not able to effect it in the year,
and accordingly went into winter quarters at Nau-
taca, a place in the middle of the province. At the
beginn ng of the following year, B. c. 327, he took
a mountain fortress, in which Oxyartes, a Bactrian
prince, had deposited his wife and daughters.
The beauty of Roxana, one of the latter, captivated
the conqueror, and he accordingly made her his
wife. This marriage with one of his eastern sub-
jects was in accordance with the whole of his
policy. Having completed the conquest of Sogdi-
ana, Alexander marched southward into Bactria,
and made preparations for the invasion of India.
While in Bactria, another conspiracy was discov-
ered for the murder of the king. The plot was
formed by HermoUius with a number of the royal
pages, and Callisthenes, a pupil of Aristotle, was
involved in it. All the conspirators were put to
death.

Alexander did not leave Bactria till late in the
spring of B. c. 327, and crossed the Indus, proba-
bly near the modern Attock. He now entered
the country of the Penjab, or the Five Rivers.
Taxilas, the king of the people immediately east
of the Indus, submitted to him, and thus he met
with no resistance till he reached the Hydaspes,
upon the opposite bank of which Porus, an Indian
king, was posted with a large army and a consider-
able number of elephants. Alexander managed to
cross the river unperceived by the Indian king,
and then an obstinate battle followed, in which
Porus was defeated after a gallant resistance, and
taken prisoner. Alexander restored to him his
kingdom, and treated him with distinguished
honour.

Alexander remained thirty days on the Hydaspes,
during which time he founded two towns, one on
each bank of the river : one was called Bucephala,
in honour of his horse Bucephalus, who died here,
after carrying him through so many victories ; and
the other Nicaea, to commemorate his victorj-.
From thence he marched to the Acesines (the
Chinab), which he crossed, and subsequently to the
Hydraotes (the Ravee), which he also crossed,
to attack another Porus, who had prepared
to resist him. But as he approached nearer,
this Porus fled, and his dominions were given
to the one whom he had conquered on the
Hydaspes. The Cathaei, however, who also
dwelt east of the Hydraotes, offered a vigorous
resistance, but were defeated. Alexander still
pressed forward till he reached the Hyphasis
(Garm), which he was preparing to cross, when

ALEXANDER.

121

the Macedonians, worn out by long service, and
tired of the war, refused to proceed ; and Alexan-
der, notwithstanding his entreaties and prayers,
was obliged to lead them back. He returned
to the Hydaspes, where he had previously given
orders for the building of a fleet, and then sailed
down the river with about 8000 men, while the
remainder marched along the banks in two divi-
sions. This was late in the autumn of 327. The
people on each side of the river submitted with-
out resistance, except the Malli, in the conquest
of one of whose places Alexander was severely
wounded. At the confluence of the Acesines
and the Indus, Alexander founded a city, and
left Philip as satrap, with a considerable body
of Greeks. Here he built some fresh ships, and
shortly afterwards sent about a third of the
army, under Craterus, through the country of
the Arachoti and Drangae into Carmania. He
himself continued his voj-age down the Indus,
founded a city at Pattala, the apex of the delta
of the Indus, and sailed into the Indian ocean.
He seems to have reached the mouth of the
Indus about the middle of 326. Nearchus was
sent with the fleet to sail along the coast to
the Persian gulf [Nearchus], and Alexander
set out from Pattala, about September, to return
to Persia. In his march through Gedrosia, his
army suffered greatly from want of water and
provisions, till they arrived at Pura, where they
obtained supplies. From Pura he advanced to
Carman (Kirman), the capital of Carmania, where
he was joined by Craterus, Avith his detachment
of the army, and also by Nearchus, who had
accorapHshed the voyage in safety. Alexander
sent the great body of the army, under He-
phaestion, along the Persian gulf, while he him-
self, with a small force, marched to Pasargadae,
and from thence to Persepolis, where he ap-
pointed Peucestas, a JMacedonian, governor, in
place of the former one, a Persian, whom he
put to death, for oppressing the province.

From Persepolis Alexander advanced to Susa,
which he reached in the beginning of 325. Here
he allowed himself and his troops some rest from
their labours ; and faithful to his plan of forming
his Eiuropean and Asiatic subjects into one people,
he assigned to about eighty of his generals Asiatic
wives, and gave with them rich dowries. He him-
self took a second wife, Barsine, the eldest daugh-
ter of Darius, and according to some accounts, a
third, Parj-satis, the daughter of Ochus. About
10,000 Macedonians also followed the example
of their king and generals, and married Asiatic
women ; all these received presents from the king.
Alexander also enrolled large numbers of Asiatics
among his troops, and taught them the Macedonian
Uictics. He moreover directed his attention to the
increase of commerce, and for this purpose had the
Euphrates and Tigris made navigable, by removing
the artificial obstructions which had been made in
the river for the purpose of irrigation.

The Macedonians, who were discontented with
several of the new arrangements of the king, and
especially at his placing the Persians on an equality
with themselves in many respects, rose in mutiny
against him, which he quelled with some little
ditticulty, and he afterwards dismissed about 10,000
Macedonian veterans, who returned to Europe un-
der the command of Craterus. Towards the close
of the same year (b. c. 325) he went to Ecbatami,

ni

ALEXANDER.

•where he lost his great favourite Hephaestion ; and
his grief for his loss knew no bounds. From Ecba-
tana he marched to Babylon, subduing in his way
the Cossaei, a mountain tribe ; and before he reach-
ed Babylon, he was met by ambassadors from
almost every part of the known world, who had
come to do homage to the new conqueror of Asia.

Alexander reached Babylon in the spring of B.c.
324, about a year before his death, notwithstand-
ing the warnings of the Chaldeans, who predicted
evil to him if he entered the city at that time. He
intended to make Babylon the capital of his empire,
as the best point of communication between his
eastern and western dominions. His schemes were
numerous and gigantic. His first object was the
conquest of Arabia, which was to be followed, it
was said, by the subjugation of Italy, Carthage,
and the west But his views were not confined
merely to conquest. He sent Heracleides to build
a fleet on the Caspian, and to explore that sea,
which was said to be connected with the northern
ocean. He also intended to improve the distribu-
tion of waters in the Babylonian plain, and for
that purpose sailed down the Euphrates to inspect
the canal called Pallacopas. On his return to
Babylon, he found the preparations for the Arabian
expedition ne.irly complete ; but almost immedi-
ately afterwards he was attacked by a fever, pro-
bably brought on by his recent exertions in the
niarsliy districts around Babylon, and aggra-
vated by the quantity of wine he had drunk
at a banquet given to his principal officers. He
died after an illness of eleven days, in the month
of May or June, b. c. 323. He died at the age of
thirty-two, after a reign of twelve years and eight
months. He appointed no one as his successor,
but just before his death he gave his ring to Per-
diccas. Roxana was with child at the time of his
death, and afterwards bore a son, who is known by
the name of Alexander Aegus.

The history of Alexander forms an important
epoch in the history of mankind. Unlike other
Asiatic conquerors, his progress was marked by
something more than devastation and ruin ; at
evciy step of his course the Greek language and
civilization took root and flourished ; and after his
death Greek kingdoms were fonned in all parts of
Asia, which continued to exist for centuries. By
his conquests the knowledge of mankind was in-
creased ; the sciences of geography, natural history
and others, received vast additions; and it was
through him that a road was opened to India, and
that Europeans became acquainted with the pro-
ducts of the remote East.

No contemporary author of the campaigns of
Alexander survives. Our best account comes from
Arrian, who lived in the second century of the
Christian aera, but who drew up his history from
the accounts of Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, and
Aristobulus of Cassandria. The history of Quintus
Curtius, Plutarch's life of Alexander, and the

ALEXANDER.

epitomes of Justin and Diodorus Siculus, were also
compiled from earlier writers. The best modem
writers on the subject are : St. Croix, Ejramen
critique des ancieris Hisloriens rf' A l&.iu7idre le Grand,
Droysen, Geschichte Alcaunders des Grossen; Wil-
liams, Life of Aleocander; Thirl wall. History of
Greece^ vols. vi. and vii.

ALEXANDER IV. ('AAe'^ai/Spos), king of
Macedonia, the son of Alexander the Great and
Roxana, was bom shortly after the death of his
father, in b. c. 323. He was acknowledged as the
partner of Philip Arrhidaeus in the empire, and was
under the guardianship of Perdiccas, the regent,
till the death of the latter in b. c. 321. He was
then for a short time placed under the guardianship
of Pith on and the general Arrhidaeus, and subse-
quently under that of Antipater, who conveyed
him with his mother Roxana, and the king Philip
Arrhidaeus and his wife to Macedonia in 320.
(Diod. xviii. 36, 39.) On the death of Antipater
in 319, the government fell into the hands of
Polysperchon ; but Eurydice, the wife of Philip
Arrhidaeus, began to forai a powerful party in
Macedonia in opposition to Polysperchon ; and
Roxana, dreading her influence, fled with her son
Alexander into Epeiras, where Olympias had lived
for a long time. At the instigation of Olympias,
Aeacides, king of Epeirus, made common cause
with Polysperchon, and restored the young Alex-
ander to Macedonia in 317. [Aeacides.] Eury-
dice and her husband were put to death, and the
supreme power fell into the hands of OljTupias.
(xix. 11 ; Justin, xiv. 5.) But in the following
year Cassander obtained possession of Macedonia,
put Ohnnpias to death, and imprisoned Alexander
and his mother. They remained in prison till the
general peace made in 311, when Alexander's title
to the crown was recognized. Many of his par-
tizans demanded th.it he should be immediately
released from prison and placed upon the throne.
Cassander therefore resolved to get rid of so dan-
gerous a rival, and caused him and his mother
Roxana to be murdered secretly in prison. (b.c.
311. Diod. xix. 51, 52, Q\, 105; Justin, xv. 2;
Pans. ix. 7. ^ 2.)

ALEXANDER ('AAelai/Spos), a Megalopo-
LITAN. He was originally a Macedonian, but had
received the franchise and was settled at Megalo-
polis about B. c. 190. He pretended to be a de-
scendant of Alexander the Great, and accordingly
called his two sons Philip and Alexander. His
daughter Apama was married to Amynander,
king of the Athamanians. Her eldest brother,
Philip, followed her to her court, and being of a
vain character, he allowed himself to be tempted
with the prospect of gaining possession of the
throne of Macedonia. (Liv. xxxv. 47; Appian, Si/r,
13; comp. Philip, son of Alexander.) [L, S.]

ALEXANDER ('AAelai/S^os), brother of Molo.
On the accession of Antiochus III., afterwards
called the Great, in b. c. 224, he entrusted Alex-
ander with the government of the satrapy of Persis,
and Molo received ]\Iedia. Antiochus was theu
only fifteen years of age, and this circumstance,
together with the fact that Hermeias, a base flat-
terer and crafty intriguer, whom every one had to
fear, was all-powerful at his court, induced the two
brothers to form the plan of causing the upper
satrapies of the kingdom to revolt. It was the
secret Avish of Hermeias to see the kin^r involved in
as many difiiculties as possibh^, and it was on hi.'i

ALEXANDER.

advice that the war against the rebels was entrust-
ed to men without courage and ability. In B. c.
220, however, Antiochus himself undertook the
command. Molo was deserted by his troops, and
to avoid falling into the hands of the king, put an
end to his own life. All the leaders of the rebel-
lion followed his example, and one of them, who
escaped to Porsis, killed Molo's mother and chil-
dren, persuaded Alexander to put an end to his
life, and at last killed himself upon the bodies of
his friends. (Polyb. v. 40, 41, 43, 54.) [L. S.]

ALEXANDER the Monk ('AAe'lai/Spos fiova-
X^'s), perhaps a native of Cyprus. All we know
of his age is, that he lived before Michael Glycas,
A. D. 11 '20, who quotes him. Two orations by him
are ext;mt. 1. A Paneg}-ric on St. Barnabas, ap.
JioUandi Acta Sanctorum, vol. xxi. p. 43G. 2. Con-
cerning the Invention of the Cross, ap. Gretser. de
Grace Cliristi, 4to. Ingolst. IGOO. [A. J. C]

ALEXANDER {'AK^iavZpos) of Myndus in
Caria, a Greek writer on zoology of uncertain date.
His works, which are now lost, must have been
considered very valuable by the ancients, since
they refer to them very frequently. The titles of
his works are : Kttjx/wi' 'Icnopia, a long fragment
of which, belonging to the second book, is quoted
by Athenaeus. (v. p. 221, comp. ii. p. 65 ; Aelian,
Hist. An. iii. 23, iv. 33, v. 27, x. 34.) This work
is probably the same as that which in other pas-
sages is simply called Uipl Zcowi/, and of which
Athenaeus (ix. p. 392) likewise quotes the second
book. The work on birds (Oepl TIttivcHv, Plut.
Mar. 17; Athen. ix. pp. 387, 388, 390, &c.) was
a separate work, and the second book of it is quot-
ed by Athenaeus. Diogenes Laertius (i. 29) men-
tions one Alexon of Myndus as the author of a
work on m.yths, of which he quotes the ninth book.
Tills author being otherwise unknown. Menage
proposed to read 'A\e'|ai/8pos 5 MiivSios instead of
'AAeloi/. But everything is uncertain, and the
conjecture at least is not very probable. [L. S.]

ALEXANDER NUME'NIUS ('AXe'|aj/Spos
No u/litJ vios, or 0 NovjUTji/ioi;, as Suidas calls him), a
Greek rhetorician, who lived in the reign of Ha-
drian or that of the Antonines. About his life
nothing is known. We possess two works which
are ascribed to him. The one which certainly is
his work bears the title Ilepl raiv rT\s Aiavoias Koi
Ae'lews 2xt?,""'''«'', i. e. " De Figuris Sententiarum
et Elocutionis." J. Rufinianus in his work on the
same subject (p. 195, ed. Ruhnken) expressly states
that Aquila Roraanus, in his treatise " De Figuris
Sententiarum et Elocutionis," took his materials
from Alexander Numenius' work mentioned above.
The second work bearing the name of Alexander
Numenius, entitled Ucpl 'EiriSeiKTiKwv, i. e. " On
Show-speeches," is admitted on all hand's not to be
his work, but of a later grammarian of the name of
Alexander ; it is, to speak more correctly, made up
very clumsily from two distinct ones, one of which
was written by one Alexander, and the other by
Menander. (Vales, ad EujivL Hist. Eccles. p. 28.)

The first edition of these two works is that of
Aldus, in his collection of the Rlietores Grand.,
Venice, 1508, fol., vol. i. p. 574, &c. They are
also contained in Walz's Klielarcs Graeci, vol. viii.
Tlie genuine work of Alexander Numenius has
also been edited, together with Minucianus and
Phoebammon, by L. Nermann, with a Latin trans-
lation and useful notes, Upsala, 1G90, Bvo. (See
Ruhnken, (t</ ylfy/«7. Rom. p. 139, &c. ; Westcr-

ALEXANDER.

12.?

mann, Gesch. der Griech. Beredisamkeit, § 9.>, «. 1 3,
§ 104, n. 7.) [L. S.]

ALEXANDER, an Athenian painter, one of
whose productions is extant, painted on a marble
tablet which bears his name. ( Winckelmann,
vol. ii. p. 47, V. p. 120, ed. Eiselein.) There was
a son of king Perseus of this name, who was a
skilful toreutes. (Plut. Aemil. Paul. 37.) There
was also a M. Lollius Alexander, an engraver,
whose name occurs in an inscription in Doni, p.
319, No. 14. [C. P. M.]

ALEXANDER ("AX4^avSpos\ the Paphlago-
NiAN, a celebrated impostor, who flourished about
the beginning of the second century (Lucian.^/e<r.
6), a native of Abonoteichos on the Euxine, and
the pupil of a friend of Apollonius Tyanaeus. His
history, which is told by Lucian with great na'ivefje,
is chiefly an account of the various contrivances by
which he established and maintained the credit of
an oracle. Being, according to Lucian's account, at
his wit's end for the means of life, with many
natural advantages of manner and person, he de-
termined on the following imposture. After rais-
ing the expectations of the Paphlagonians with a
reported visit of the god Aesculapius, and giving
himself out, under the sanction of an oracle, as a
descendant of Perseus, he gratified the expectation
which he had himself niised, by finding a serpent,
which he juggled out of an egg, in the foundations
of the new temple of Aesculapius. A larger ser-
pent, which he brought with him from Pella, was
disguised with a human head, until the dull Paph-
lagonians really believed that a new god Glycon
had appeared among them, and gave oracles in the
likeness of a serpent. Dark and crowded rooms,
juggling tricks, and the other arts of more vulgar
magicians, were the chief means used to impose
on a credulous populace, which Lucian detects
with as much zest as any modem sceptic in the
marvels of animal magnetism. Every one who
attempted to expose the impostor, was accused of
being a Christian or Epicurean ; and even Lucian,
who amused himself with his contradictory ora-
cles, hardly escaped the effects of his malignity.
He had his spies at Rome, and busied himself
with the aflfairs of the whole world : at the time
when a pestilence was raging, many were executed
at his instigation, as the authors of this calamity.
He said, that the soul of Pythagoras had migrated
into his body, and prophesied that he should live
a hundred and fifty years, and then die from the
fall of a thunderbolt : •unfortunately, an ulcer in
the leg put an end to his imposture in the seven-
tieth year of his age, just as he was in the height
of his glory, and had requested the emperor to
have a medal struck in honour of himself and the
new god. The influence he attained over the
populace seems incredible ; indeed, the narrative
of Lucian would appear to be a mere romance,
were it not confirmed by some medals of Antoninus
and M. Aurelius. [B. J.]

ALEXANDER ('AA6|a%os) of Paphius, a
Greek writer on mythology of uncertain date.
Eustathius {ad Horn. Od. x. pp. 1658, 1713) refers
to him as his authority. [L. S.]

ALEXANDER ('AAeloi/Spos), sumamed Pklo-
platon ( riTjAoirAoTajv), a Greek rhetorician of the
age of the Antonines, was a son of Alexander of
Seleucia, in Cilicia, and of Soloucis. (Philostr.
Vit. So})h. ii. 5. § 1, compared with J^pist. Apollon.
Tiian. 13, where the father of Alexander Pelopla-

124

ALEXANDER.

ton is called Straton, which, however, may be a
mere surname.) His father was distinguished as
a pleader in the courts of justice, by which he ac-
quired considerable property, but he died at an age
when his son yet wanted the care of a father.
His place, however, was supplied by his friends,
especially by Apollonius of Tyana, who is said to
have been in love with Seleucis on account of her
extraordinary beauty, in which she was equalled
by her son. His education was entnisted at first
to Phavorinus, and afterwards to Dionysius. He
spent the property which his father had left him
upon pleasures, but, says Philostratus, not con-
temptible pleasures. "When he had attained the
age of manhood, the town of Seleucia, for some
reason now unknown, sent Alexander as ambassa-
dor to the emperor Antoninus Pius, who is said to
have ridiculed the young man for the extravagant
care he bestowed on his outward appearance. He
spent the greater part of his life away from his
native place, at Antiochia, Rome, Tarsus, and tra-
velled through all Egypt, as far as the country of
the rv/jLvoi. (Ethiopians.) It seems to have Ijeen
during his stay at Antiochia that he was appointed
Greek secretary to the emperor M. Antoninus,
who was carrying on a war in Pannonia, about
A. D. 174. On his journey to the emperor he
made a short stay at Athens, where he met the
celebrated rhetorician Herodes Atticus. He had
a rhetorical contest with him in which he not only
conquered his famous adversary, but gained his
esteem and admiration to such a degree, that
Herodes honoured him with a munificent present.
One Corinthian, however, of the name of Sceptes,
when asked what he thought of Alexander, ex-
pressed his disjippointment by saying that he had
found " the clay (n^Aos), but not Plato." This
Raying gave rise to the surname of Peloplaton.
The place and time of his death are not known.
Philostratus gives the various statements which he
found about these points. Alexander was one of
the greatest rhetoricians of his age, and he is
especially praised for the sublimity of his style and
the boldness of his thoughts ; but he is not known
to have written anything. An account of his life
is given by Philostratus ( Vii. Soph. ii. 5), who has
also preserved several of his siiyings, and some of
the subjects on which he made speeches. (Comp.
Suidas, s. V. *A\4^avSpos Aiyalos in fin. ; Eudoc.
p. 52.) [L. S.]

ALEXANDER {'AXe^avdpos), son of Perseus,
king of Macedonia, was a child at the conquest of
his father by the Romans, and after the triumph
of Aemilius PauUus in B. c. 167, was kept in cus-
tody at Alba, together with his father. He be-
came skilful in the toreutic art, learned the Latin
language, and became a public notary. (Liv. xlv.
4-2 ; Plut. Aem. Paul. 37.)

ALEXANDER ('AXe|oi/5pos), tyrant of Phk-
RAE. The accounts of his usurpation vary some-
what in minor points ; Diodorus (xv. 6 1 ) tells us
that, on the assassination of Jason, B. c. 370, Po-
lydorus his brother ruled for a year, and was then
poisoned by Alexander, another brother. Accord-
ing to Xenophon {Hell. vi. 4. § 34), Polydorus
was murdered by his brother Polyphron, and Poly-
phron, in his turn, B. c. 369,* by Alexander — his
vepJiew, according to Plutarch, who relates also that

* This date is at variance \\'ith Pausanias (vi.
5) ; but, see Wesseling on Diod. (xv. 75.)

ALEXANDER.

Alexander worshipped as a god the spear with
which he slew his uncle. (Plut. Pelop. p. 293, &c.;
Wess. cul Diod. I. c.) Alexander governed tyran-
nically, and according to Diodorus (7. c), differently
from the former rulers, but Polyphron, at least,
seems to have set him the example. (Xen. /. c.)
The Thessalian states, however, which had ac-
knowledged the authority of Jason the Tagua
(Xen. Hell. vi. 1. § 4, 5, &c.; Diod. xv. 60), were
not so willing to submit to the oppression of Alex-
ander the tyrant, and they applied therefore (and
especially the old family of the Aleuadae of La-
rissa, who had most reason to fear him) to Alex-
ander, king of Macedon, son of Amyntas II,
The tynmt, with his characteristic energy, pre-
pared to meet his enemy in Macedonia, but the
king anticipated him, and, reaching Larissa, was
.admitted into the city, obliged the Thessalian Alex-
ander to flee to Pherae, and left a garrison in La-
rissa, as well as in Cranon, which had also come
over to him. (Diod. xv. 61.) But the Macedonian
having retired, his friends in Thessaly, dreading
the vengeance of Alexander, sent for aid to Thebes,
the policy' of which state, of course, was to check a
neighbour who might otherwise become so formid-
able, and Pelopidas was accordingly despatched to
succour them. On the arri\al of the latter at La-
rissa, whence according to Diodorus {x\. 67) he
dislodged the Macedonian garrison, Alexander pre-
sented himself and offered submission ; but soon
after escaped by flight, alarmed by the indignation
which Pelopidas expressed at the tales he heard of
his cruelty and tyrannical profligacy. (Diod. /. c. ;
Plut Pelop. p. 291, d.) These events appear to
be referable to the early part of the year 368. In
the summer of that year Pelopidas was again sent
into Thessaly, in consequence of fresh complaints
against Alexander. Accompanied hy Ismenias, he
went merely as a negotiator, and without any mi-
litary force, and venturing incautiously within the
power of the tyrant, was seized by him and
thrown into prison. (Diod. xv. 71; Plut. Pel. p.
292, d; Polyb. viii. 1.) The language of De-
mosthenes (c. Aristocr. p. 660) will hardh'
support Mitford's inference, that Pelopidas was
taken prisoner in battle. (See .Mitford, 6V. Hii^t.
ch. 27. sec. 5.) The Thebans sent a large army
into Thessaly to rescue Pelopidas, but thej' could
not keep the field against the superior cavalry of
Alexander, who, aided by auxiliaries from Athens,
pursued them with great slaughter; and the de-
struction of the whole Theban army is said to have
been averted only by the ability of Epaminondas,
who was serving in the campaign, but not as ge-
neral.

The next year, 367, was signalized by a speci-
men of Alexander's treacherous cruelty, irr the
massacre of the citizens of Scotussa (Plut. Pel. p.
293; Diod. xv. 75; Paus. vi. 5); and also by an-
other expedition of the Thebans under Epaminon-
das into Thessaly, to effect the release of Pelopidas.
According to Plutarch, the tyrant did not dare to
offer resistance, and was glad to purchase even a
thirty days' truce by the delivery of the prisoners.
(Plut. Pel. pp. 293, 294 ; Diod.'xv. 75.) During
the next three years Alexander would seem to
have renewed his attempts against the states of
Thessah', especially those of Magnesia and Phthio-
tis (Plut. Pel. p. 295, a), for at the end of that
time, B. c. 364, we find them again applying to
Thebes for protection against him. The army ap-

ALEXANDER.

pointed to march under Pelopidas is Siiid to liave
heen dismayed by an eclipse (June 13, 364), and
Pelopidas, leaving it behind, entered Thessaly at
the head of three liundred volunteer horsemen and
some mercenaries. A battle ensued at Cynosce-
phalae, wherein Pelopidas was himself slain, but
defeated Alexander (Plut. Pel. pp. 295, 296 ;
Diod. XV. 80) ; and this victory was closely fol-
lowed by another of the Thebans under Malcitcs
and Diogiton, who obliged Alexander to restore to
the Thc'ssalians the conquered towns, to confine
himself to Pherae, and to be a dependent ally of
Thebes. (Plut. PeL p. 297, &c.; Diod. xv. 80;
comp. Xen. HeU.\'\\. 5. § 4.)

The death of Epaminondas in 362, if it freed
Athens from fear of Thebes, appears at the siuue
time to have exposed her to annoyance from Alex-
ander, who, as though he felt that he had no fur-
ther occasion for keeping up his Athenian alliance,
made a piratical descent on Tenos and others of
the Cyclades, plundering them, and making slaves
of the inhabitants. Peparethus too he besieged,
and "even landed troops in Attica itself, and
seized the port of Panormus, a little eastward of
Sunium." Leosthenes, the Athenian admiral, de-
feated him, and relieved Peparethus, but Alexan-
der delivered his men from blockade in Panormus,
took several Attic triremes, and plundered the
Peiraeeus. (Diod. xv.95; Polyaen. vi. 2; Demosth.
c. Po/yc/. pp. 1207, 1208; irefA (Tre<p. ttJs rpnijp.
p. 1330 ; Thirl wall, Gr. Hist vol. v. p. 209 : but
for another account of the position of Panoiinus,
see Wess. ad Diod. I. c.)

The murder of Alexander is assigned by Diodo-
rus to B. c. 367. Plutarch gives a detailed ac-
count of it, containing a lively picture of a semi-
barbarian palace. Guards watched throughout it
all the night, except at the tyrant's bedchamber,
which was situated at the top of a ladder, and at
the door of which a ferocious dog was chained.
Thebe, the wife and cousin of Alexander, and
daughter of Jason (Plut. Pel. p. 293, a), concealed
her three brothers in the house during the day,
caused the dog to be removed when Alexander had
retired to rest, and having covered the steps of the
ladder with wool, brought up the young men to
her husband's chamber. Though she had taken
away Alexander's sword, they feared to set about
the deed till she threatened to awake him and dis-
cover all : they then entered and despatched him.
His body was cast forth into the streets, and
exposed to every indignity. Of Thebe's motive
for the murder different accounts are given. Plu-
tirch states it to have been fear of her husband,
together with hatred of his cniel and brutal cha-
racter, and ascribes these feelings principally to
the representations of Pelopidas, when she vi-
sited him in his prison. In Cicero the deed is
ascribed to jealousy. (Plut. Pel. pp. 293, b, 297, d;
Diod. xvi. 14; Xen. Hell. vi. 4. $ 37; Cic. de Of.
ii. 7. See also Cic. de Inv. ii. 49, where Alex-
ander's murder illustrates a knotty point for spe-
cial pleading ; also Aristot. ap. Cic. de Div. i. 25 ;
the dream of Eudemus.) [E. E.]

ALEXA'NDER PHILALE'THES ('AAe'lav-
Spos *»\aAr)97js), an ancient Greek physician, who
is called by Octavius Horatianus (iv. p. 102, d. ed.
Argent. 153r2), Alejrander Amafor Fen, and who
is probably the same person who is quoted by
Caelius Aurelianus (De Morb. Acut. ii. 1, p. 74)
under the name of Alexander Laodicensis. He

ALEXANDER.

125

lived prol»aljly towards the end of the first century
before Christ, as Strabo speaks of him (xii. p. 580)
as a contemporary ; he was a pupil of Asclepiades
(Octav. Horat. I. c), succeeded Zeuxis as head of
a celebrated Herophilean school of medicine, esta-
blished in Phrygia between Laodicea and Carura
(Strab. /. c), and was tutor to Aristoxenus and
Demosthenes Philalethes. (Galen. De Differ. Puis.
iv. 4, 10, vol. viii. pp. 727, 746.) He is several
times mentioned by Galen and also by Soranus
{De Arte Obsietr. c. 93, p. 210), and appears to
have written some medical works, which are no
longer extant. [W. A. G.]

ALEXANDER ('AAcloj/S/ws), was appointed
governor of Phocis by Philip III. of Macedonia.
The Phocian town of Ph<vnoteus was commanded
by Jason, to whom he had entrusted this post. In
concert with him he invited the Aetolians to come
and take possession of the town, promising that it
should be opened and surrendered to them. The
Aetolians, under the command of Aegetas, accord-
ingly entered the town at night ; and when their
best men were within the walls, they were made
prisoners by Alexander and his associate. This
happened in B.C. 217. (Polyb. v. m.) [L. S.]

ALEXANDER POLYHISTOR. [Alexan-
der Cornelius.]

ALEXANDER ('AAe^ai/Spos), son of Polys-
PERCHON, the Macedonian. The regent Anti-
pater, on his death (b. c. 320), left the regency to
Polysperchon, to the exclusion and consequent dis-
content of his own son, Cassander. (Diod. xviii.
48 ; Plut. Phoc. p. 755, f.) The chief men, who had
been placed in authority by Antipater in the gar-
risoned towns of Greece, were favourable to Cas-
sander, as their patron's son, and Polysperchon's
policy, therefore, was to reverse the measures of
Antipater, and restore democracy where it had been
abolished by the latter. It was then, in the pro-
secution of this design, that his son Alexander was
sent to Athens, b. c. 318, with the alleged object
of delivering the city from Nicanor, who by Cas-
sander's appointment commanded the garrison
placed by Antipater in Munychia, (Plut. Phoc
755, f. 756, e. ; Diod. xviii. 65.) Before his arrival,
Nicanor, besides strengthening himself with fresh
troops in Munychia, had also treacherously seized the
Peiraeeus. To occupy these two ports himself soon
appeared to be no less the intention of Alexander,
— an intention which he had probably formed
before any communication with Phocion, though
Diodorus (/. c.) seems to imply the contrary. The
Athenians, however, looked on Phocion as the au-
thor of the design, and their suspicions and anger
being excited by the private conferences of Alex-
ander with Nicanor, Phocion was accused of trea-
son, and, fleeing with several of his friends to
Alexander, was by him despatched to Polysper-
chon. (Diod. xviii. 66 ; Plut. Phoc. 756, f. 757, a.)
Cassander, arriving at Athens soon after and occu-
pying the Peiraeeus, was there besieged by Poly-
sperchon with a large force ; but the supplies of
the latter being inadequate, he was obliged to with-
draw a portion of his anny, with which he went to
attempt the reduction of Alegalopolis, while Alex-
ander was left in command of the remainder at
Athens. (Diod. xviii. 68.) Here he appears to
have continued without effecting anything, till the
treaty and capitulation of Athens with Cassander
(Paus. i. 25 ; Diod. xviii. 74) giwe the city to the
power of the latter.

12G

ALEXANDER,

Wlien Poh'sperchon, baffled at Megalopolis (Diod.
xviii. 7 '2), withdrew into Macedonia, his son seems
to have been left with an army in Peloponnesus,
•where, as we read in Diodorus (xix. 35), the field
was left open to him, and the friends of oligarchy
were greatly alarmed by the departure of Cassander
into Macedon on the intelligence of the murder of
Arrhidaeus and Eurydice by Olympias, B. c. 317.
(Paus. i. 11 ; Diod. xix. 11.) Daring his absence,
Alexander succeeded in bringing over to himself
several cities and important places in the Pelopon-
nesus (Diod. xix. 53) ; but, on Cassander's return
to the south, after crushing Olympias in Macedon,
he in vain attempted to check him by his fortifica-
tion of the Isthmus, for Cassander, passing to
Epidaurus by sea, regained Argos and Hermione,
and afterwards also the Messenian towns, with the
exception of Ithome. (Diod. xix. 54.)

In the next year, 315, Antigonus (whose am-
bition and successes in the east had united against
him Cassander, Lysimachus, Asander, and Ptolemy
Soter), among other measures, sent Aristodemus
into the Peloponnesus to form a league of amity
with Polysperchon and Alexander ; and the latter
was persuaded by Aristodemus to pass over to Asia
for a personal conference with Antigonus. Finding
liim at Tyre, a treaty was made between them, and
Alexander returned to Greece with a present of
500 talents from Antigonus, and a multitude of
magnificent promises. (Diod. xix. 60, 61.) Yet,
in the very same year, we find him renouncing his
alliance with Antigonus, and bribed by the title of
governor of the Peloponnesus to reconcile himself to
Cassander. (Diod. xix. 64.)

In the ensuing year, 314, we read of him as en-
gaged for Cassander in the siege of Cyllene, which
however was raised by Aristodemus and his
Aetolian auxiliaries. After the return of Aristo-
demus to Aetolia, the citizens of Dyme, in Achaia,
having besieged the citadel, which was occupied by
one of Cassander's garrisons, Alexander forced his
way into the city, and made himself master of it,
punishing the adverse party with death, imprison-
ment, or exile. (Diod. xix. 66.) Very soon after
this he was murdered at Sicyon by Alexion, a
Sicyonian, leaving the command of his forces to
one who proved herself fully adequate to the task,
— his wife Cratesipolis. (b. c. 314, Diod. xix.
C7.) fE. E.]

ALEXANDER ('AAelavSpoj), a Rhodian. In
the war against Cassius he was at the head of the
])opular party, and was raised to the office of pry-
tanis, B. c. 43. (Appian, de Dell. Civ. iv. 66.) But
soon after, he and the Rhodian admiral, Mnaseas,
were defeated by Cassius in a sea-fight off Cnidus.
(Appian, de Bell. Civ. iv. 71.) [L. S.]

ALEXANDER (ST.), bishop of Rome, a. d.
l!^9— 119. (Euseh. Hist. Eccl. iv. 4.) There are
th.-ee JiJpistles falsely ascribed to him by Isidore
J.{ercator, as well as a decree, according to Gratian.
(Mansi, Concilia, vol. i. pp. 643 — 647.) Heracleon
is said (in the book Fraedesiinattcs, ap. Sirmond.
Op]\ vol. i. p. 470) to have broached his heresy in
Sicily in the time of St. Alexander, and to have
been confuted by him. But Heracleon was not,
perhaps, yet bom. [A. J. C]

ALEXANDER, who assumed the title of Em-
PKROR OF Rome in a. d. 31 1, was, according to some
accounts, a Phrygian, and according to others a
Pannonian. Pie was appointed by !Maxentiu8
governoi of Africa, but discovering that Maxen-

ALEXANDER.

tins was plotting against his life, he assumed the
purple, though he was of an advanced age and
a timid nature. Maxentius sent some troops
against him under Rufius Volusianus, who put
down the insurrection without difficulty. Alex-
ander was taken and strangled. (Zosimus, ii. 12,
14; Aur. Vict. deCaes.AO, Epit. 40.) There are
a few medals of Alexander. In the one annexed
we find the words Imp. Alexander. P. F. Aug.;
the reverse represents Victory, with this inscrip-
tion, Victoria Alkxandri Aug. N., and at
the bottom, P. K.

ALEXANDER OF SELEUCIA. [Alex-
ander Peloplaton.]

ALEXANDER, I. II., kings of Syria. [Alex-
ander Balas and Zebina.]

ALEXANDER, TIBE'RIUS (TiSepLos 'AAe'f
av^pos), was bom at Alexandria, of Jewish parents.
His father held the office of Alabarch in Alexandria,
and his uncle was Philo, the well-known writer.
Alexander, however, did not continue in the faith
of his ancestors, and was rewarded for his apostacy
by various public appointments. In the reign of
Claudius he succeeded Fadius as procurator of
Judaea, about A. D. 46, and was promoted to the
equestrian order. He was subsequently appointed
by Nero procurator of Egj^pt ; and by his orders
50,000 Jews were slain on one occasion at Alex-
andria in a tumult in the city. It was apparently
during his govemment in Egj^jt that he accom-
panied Corbulo in his expedition into Amienia,
A. D. 64 ; and he was in this campaign given as
one of the hostages to secure the safety of Tiridates,
when the latter visited the Roman camp. Alex-
ander was the first Roman governor who declared
in favour of Vespasian ; and the day on which he
administered the oath to the legions in the name of
Vespasian, the Kalends of July, a, d. 69, is re-
garded as the beginning of that emperor's reign.
Alexander afterwards accompanied Titus in the war
against Judaea, and was present at the taking
of Jerusalem. (Joseph. Aid. Jicd. xx. 4. § 2 ;
Bell. Jud. ii. 11. § 6, 15. § 1, 18. § 7, 8, iv. 10.
§ 6, vi. 4. § 3 ; Tac. Ann. xv. 28, Hist. Ill, ii*
74, 79 ; Suet. Vesp. 6.)

ALEXANDER TRALLIA'NUS(*AA€'|a%os
0 TpaXkiavos), one of the most eminent of the an-
cient physicians, was born at Tralles, a city of
Lydia, from whence he derives his name. His
date maj"- safely be put in the sixth century after
Christ, for he mentions Aetius (xii. 8, p. 346),
who probably did not write till the end of the
fifth or the beginning of the sixth century, and
he is himself quoted by Paulus Aegineta (iii. 28,
78, vii. 5, 11, 19, pp. 447, 495, 630, 660, 687),
who is supposed to have lived in the seventh ; be-
sides which, he is mentioned as a contemporary by
Agathias {Hist. v. p. 149), who set about writing
his History in the beginning of the reign of Justin
the younger, about a. d. 565. He had the ad-
vantage of being brought up under his father,
Stephanus, who was himself a physician (iv. 1,

ALEXANDER.

p. 19n), ami also under anotlier person, vvliosc
iiiuue he does not mention, but to whose son
Cosnias lie dedicates his chief work (xii. i. p. 313),
which he wrote out of gratitude at liis request.
He was a man of an extensive practice, of a very-
long experience, and of great reputation, not only
at Rome, but wherever he travelled in Spain,
(iaul, and Italy (i. 15, pp. 15G, 157), whence he
was cjilled by way of eminence " Alexander the
Physician." Agathias speaks also with great praise
of his four brothers, Anthemius, Dioscorus, Metro-
dorus, andOlympius, who were all eminent in their
several professions. Alexander is not a mere com-
piler, like Actius, Oribasius, and others, but is an
author of quite a different stamp, and has more the
air of an original writer. He wrote his great work
(as he tells us himself, xii. 1, p. 313) in an extreme
old age, from the results of his own experience,
when he could no longer bear the fatigue of prac-
tice. His style in the main, says Freind, is very
good, short, clear, and (to use his own term, xii. 1,
p. 313) consisting of common expressions; and
though (through a mixture of some foreign words
occasioned perhaps by his travels) not always per-
fectly elegant, yet very expressive and intelligible.
Fabricius considers Alexander to have belonged to.
the sect of the Methodici, but in the opinion of
Freind this is not proved sufficiently by the pas-
sages adduced. The weakest and most curious
part of his practice appears to be his belief in
charms and amulets, some of which may be quoted
as specimens. For a quotidian ague, " Gather
an olive leaf before sun-rise, write on it with com-
mon ink Ka^ poi, a, and hang it round the neck"
(xii. 7, p. 339) ; for the gout, " Write on a thin
plate of gold, during the waning of the moon, /xei,
3p€u, juop, <p6p^ T€u|, ^d, fwc, &e, \ou, XP'', '>f, fe,
wu, and wear it round the ankles ; pronouncing also
iaf, d^v(p, ^ucov, SpeiJ^, ^alv, x^co/f" (xi. 1, p. 313),
or else this verse of Homer (//. )8. 95),

Terp^X^ ' S' dyoprj, viro 8' eiTTOi/ox'feTO yaia,
while the moon is in Libra ; but it is much better
if she should be in Leo." (Ibid.) In exorcising
the gout (ibid. p. 314) he says, " I adjure thee by
the great name *lcuo 2aga«0," that is, ^^H*^
nih?!l!i> {"i<l a little further on, " I adjure thee

T

by the holy names 'law, 2agaoJ0, ^ASwvat, 'EAwt',"

that is, >rfti^ *>yi^ m's'i^ ni'n'' ; from

T v: T -; T : t ;

which he would appear to have been either a Jew
or a Christian, and, from his frequently prescribing
swine's flesh, it is most probable that he was a
Christian. His chief work, entitled BiSKia 'larpiKci
AvoKaiSeKO, Libri Duodecim de lie Hfedica, first
appeared in an old, barbarous, and imperfect liatin
translation, with the title Aleocandri Yutros Prac-
iica, (^c.y Lugd. 1 504, 4to., which was several times
reprinted, and corrected and amended by Albanus
Torinus, Basil. 1533, fol. It was first edited in
Greek by Jac. Goupylus, Par. 1548, fol., a beauti-
ful and scarce edition, containing also Rhazae de
Pestilentia Libellus ex Syrorum Lingua in Graecavi
iranslatus. It was published in Greek with a new
Jjatin translation by Jo. Guinterus Andemacus,
Basil. 1556, 8vo., which is a rare and valuable
edition. Quinter's translation has been several
times reprinted, and is inserted by II. Stephens in
his Afedicae Artis Princi]x:s,f Paris, 1567, fol.; it
also forms pjirt of Haller's Collection of Medical
Writers, Lausann, 1772, 8vo. 2 vols. The other

ALEXANDER.

127

work of Alexander's that is still extant is a short
treatise, Tltpl 'EXfiivdwv, De Lumlyricis, which was
first published in Greek and Latin by Hieron. Mer-
curialis, Venet. 1 570, 4to. It is also inserted in his
work De A forbis Puerorum, Francof. 1584, 8vo,,and
in the twelfth volume of the old edition of Fabricius,
BiblioUuaa Graeca ; the Latin . translation alone is
included in Haller's Collection mentioned above.
An Arabic translation is mentioned by Dr. Sprenger
in his dissertation De Originibus Afedicinae AraU-
cue siib Khali/atu, Lugd. Bat. 1840, 8vo. ; and
also by J. G. Wenrich, De Auctorum Graecorum
Versio7iibus et Commentariis S/iriads, Arcd/icif,
Armeniacis, Persicisqiie^ Lips. 1842, 8vo.

Alexander seems also to have written several
other medical works which are now lost. He ex-
presses his intention of writing a book on Fractures,
and also on Wounds of the Head. A treatise on
Urine written by him is alluded to by Joannes
Actuarius (De Urin. Differ, c. 2. p. 43), and he
himself mentions a work of his on Diseases of the
Eyes, which was translated into Arabic. (Sprenger,
Wenrich, Z.c.) The other medical treatise on Pleu-
risy, which is said to have been also translated into
Arabic, was probably only the sixth book of his
great work, which is entirely devoted to the con-
sideration of this disease. A very full account of
the life and works of Alexander Trallianus was
published at London, 1734, 8vo., by Edward Mil-
ward, M. D,, entitled " Trallianus Reviviscens ; or,
an Account of Alexander Trallian, one of the Greek
Writers that flourished after Galen : shewing that
these Authors are far from deserving the imputa-
tion of mere compilers," &c. Two other medical
works which are sometimes attributed to Alexander
Trallianus (viz. a Collection of Medical and Physi-
cal Problems, and a treatise on Fevers) are noticed
under Alexander Aphrodisiensis. (Freind's
Hist, c/ Physic^ whose words have been sometimes
borrowed ; Fabricius, Bibl. Grace, vol. xii. p. 593,
sq. ed. vet.; Haller, Bibliotheca Medicinae Practi-
cae, torn. i. ; Sprengel, Hisl, de la Med. tom. ii. ;
Isensee, Geschichte der Mcdicin ; Choulant, Iland-
buch der Biiclicrkunde fur die Aeltere Medicin.)

[W. A. G.]

ALEXANDER ('AAelai/Spos), of Trichonium
in Aetolia, was commander of the Aetolians in
B.C. 218 and 219. He attacked the rear of the
army of Philip on his return from Thermus, but
the attempt was unsuccessful, and many Aetolians
fell. (Polyb. V. 13.) [L. S.]

^ ALEXANDER ZEBINA or ZABINAS
('AAe'^at'Spos ZagiVas), the son of a merchant
named Protarchus, was set up by Ptolemy Physcon,
king of Egypt, as a pretender to the crown of the
Greek kingdom of Syria shortly after the death of
Antiocluis Sidetes and the return of Demetrius
Nicjitor from his captivity among the Parthians.
(B.C. 128.) Antioch, Apamea, and seversd other
cities, disgusted with the tyranny of Demetrius,
acknowledged the authority of Alexander, who
pretended to have been adopted by Antiochus
Sidetes ; but he never succeeded in obtaining
power over the whole of S}Tia. In the earlier
part of the year 125 he defeated Demetrius, who
fled to Tyre and was there killed ; but in the mid-
dle of the same year Alexander's patron, the king
of Egypt, set up ag:iinst him Antiochus Gr}-pus, a
son of Demetrius, by whom he was defeated in
battle. Alexander fled to Antioch, where he
attempted to plunder the temple of Jupiter, in order

128 ALEXIAS.

to pay liis troops ; but the people rose against him
aiid drove him out of the city. He soon fell into
the hands of rol:)bers, who delivered him up to
Antiochus, by whom he was put to death, B. c. 122.
He was weak and effeminate, but sometimes gene-
rous. His surname, Zebina, which means " a
purchased slave," was applied to him as a term of
reproach, from a report that he had been bought
by Ptolemy as a slave. Several of his coins are
extant. In the one figured below Jupiter is re-
presented on the reverse, holding in the right hand
a small image of victory.

(Justin, xxxix. 1, 2 ; Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 9, 10 ;
Clinton, Fastis iii. p. .334.) [P. S.]

ALEXANDRA. [Cassandra.]

ALEXANDRIDES ('AAe^at/SpiSijs) of Delphi,
a Greek historian of uncertain date. If we may
judge from the subjects on which his history is
quoted as an authority, it would seem that his
work was a history of Delphi. (Plut. Li/sand. 18 ;
Schol. cul Eurip. Alcest. 1, where undoubtedly the
same person is meant, though the MS. reading is
Anaxandrides ; Schol. ad Aristoph. Plut. 926.)

[L. S.]

ALEXA'NOR (^kKtl&vwp), a son of Machaon,
and grandson of Aesculapius, Avho built to his sire
a temple at Titane in the territory of Sicyon. He
himself too was worshipped there, and sacrifices
were offered to him after sunset only. (Paus. ii.
23. §4, 11. §6, &c.) [L. S.]

A LEX ARCH US ('AXe'lapxov), a Greek his-
torian, who wrote a work on the history of Italy
('IraAi/fa), of which Plutarch {Parallel. 7) quotes
the third book. Servius {ad Aen. iii. 334) men-
tions an opinion of his respecting the origin of the
names Epeirus and Campania, which unquestion-
ably belonged to his work on Italy. The writer
of this name, whom Plutarch mentions in another
passage {De Is. et Os. p. 365), is probably a different
person. [L. S.]

ALEXARCHUS {' hxilapxos). 1. A brother
of Cassander of Macedonia, who is mentioned as
the founder of a town called Uranopolis, the site
of which is unknown. Here he is said to have
introduced a number of words of his own coinage,
which, though very expressive, appear to have
been regarded as a kind of slang. ( Athen. iii. p. 98.)

2. A Corinthian, who, while the Lacedaemo-
nians were fortifying Deceleia in Attica, a d 413,
and were sending an expedition to Sicilyj was
entrusted with the command of 600 hoplites, with
whom he joined the Sicilian expedition. (Thucyd.
viL19.) ^ [L. S.J

ALE'XIAS ('AAelioy), an ancient Greek physi-
cian, who was a pupil of Thrasyas of Mantinea,
and lived probably about the middle of the fourth
century before Christ. Theophrastus mentions
him as haA-ing lived shortly before his time {Hist.

ALEXIS.

Plant, ix. 16. § 8), and speaks highly of his abili-
ties and acquirements. [W. A. G.]

ALEX rC AC US ('AA€|t/coKoj), the averter of
evil, is a surname given by the Greeks to several
deities, as — Zeus (Orph. De Lapid. Prooem. i.), —
to Apollo, who was worshipped under this name
by the Athenians, because he was believed to have
stopped the plague which raged at Athens in the
time of the Peloponnesian war (Paus. i. 3. § 3,
viii. 41. § 5), — and to Heracles. (Lactant. v. 3.)

[L. S.]

ALEXICLES ('AXf|wA7js), an Athenian gene-
ral, who belonged to the oligarchial or Lacedaemo-
nian party at Athens. After the revolution of B. c.
411, he and several of his friends quitted the city
and went to their friends at Deceleia. But he was
afterwards made prisoner in Peiraeeus, and sen-
tenced to death for his participation in the guilt of
PhrjTiichus. (Thucyd. viii. 92 ; Lvcurg. in Leocr.
p. 164.) ' [L. S.]

ALEXICRATES('AXe4»KpoT77?),a Pythagorean
philosopher who lived at the time of Plutarch, and
whose disciples continued to observe the ancient
diet of the Pythagoreans, abstaining from fish alto-
gether. (Plut. Si/mjws. viii. p. 728.) Another
person of this name occurs in Plutarch, Pyrrh. 5.)

iL.S.]

ALE'XIDA ('AAf^tST?), a daugliter of Amphi-
araus, from whom certain divinities called Elasii
( 'EAoo-Jo/, i. e. the averters of epih^ptic fits) were
believed to be descended. (Plut. Quaest. Gr. 23.)

[L. S.]

ALEXl'NUS ('AAfirj/oy), a philosopher of the
Dialectic or Megarian school and a disciple of Eu-
bulides [Euclides], from his eristic propensities
facetiously named *EAe7^i'o$, who lived about the
beginning of the third century before Christ. He
was a native of Elis, and a contemporary of Zeno.
From Elis he went to Olympia, in the vain hope,
it is said, of founding a sect which might be called
the Olympian ; but his disciples soon became dis-
gusted with the unhealthiness of the place and
their scanty means of subsistence, and left him
with a single attendant. None of his doctrines
have been preserved to us, but from the brief men-
tion made of him by Cicero {Acad. ii. 24), he
seems to have dealt in sophistical puzzles, like
the rest of his sect. Athenaeus (xv. p. 696, e.)
mentions a paean which he wrote in honour of
Craterus, the Macedonian, and which was sung at
Delphi to the sound of the lyre. Alexinus also
wrote against Zeno, whose professed antagonist he
was, and against Ephorus the historian. Diogenes
Laertius has preserved some lines on his death,
which was occasioned by his being pierced with
a reed while swimming in the Alpheus. (Diog.
Laert. ii. 109, 110.) [B. J.]

ALE'XION^ an ancient physician, who was pro-
bably (judging from his name) a native of Greece ;
he was a friend of Cicero, who praises his medical
skill, and deeply laments his sudden death, b. c.
44. (JrfJ^^vii.2,xiii.25, XV. I.d2.) [W.A.G.]

ALEXI'PPUS ('AAe'CiTnros), an ancient Greek
physician, who is mentioned by Plutarch {Alex.
c. 41) as having received a letter from Alexander
himself, to thank him for having cured Peucestas,
one of his officers, of an illness, probably about b. c.
327. [W. A. G.J

ALEXIS ("AAelis). 1. A comic poet, bom at
Thurii, in Magna Graecia (Suidas s. v. "AA.), but
admitted subsequently to the privileges of an

ALEXIS.

Athenian citizen, and enrolled in the deme OToj',
belonging to the tribe Leontis. (Stcph. Byz. s.v.)
He was the uncle and instructor of Menander.
(Suidas .v. r. "AAe^ts; Proleg. Aristoph. p. xxx.)
\Vhcn he was born we are not expressly told, but
he lived to the age of 106 (Plut. Defect. Orac.
p. 420, e.), and was living at least as late as
B. c. 288. Now the town of Thurii was de-
stroyed by the Lucanians about b. c. 3.90. It is
therefore not at all unlikely that the parents of
Alexis, in order to escape from the threatened de-
Btniction of their city, removed shortly before with
their little son to Athens. Perhaps therefore we
may assign about b. c. 394 as the date of the
birth of Alexis. He had a son Stephanus, who
also wrote comedies. (Suidas /. c.) He appears
to have been rather addicted to the pleasures of
the table. (Athen. viii. p. 344.) According to
Plutarch (De Setiis Administ. Reipubl. p. 785, b.),
he expired upon the stage while being crowned as
victor. By the old grammarians he is commonly
called a writer of the middle comed}-, and frag-
ments and the titles of many of his plays confiiin
this statement. Still, for more than 30 years he
was contemporary with Philippides, Philemon, Me-
nander, and Diphilus, and several fragments shew
that he also wrote pieces which would be classed
with those of the new comedy. He was a re-
markably prolific writer. Suidas says he wrote
245 plays, and the titles of 113 have come down
to us. The MepoTTis, ^AyKuhiwv, *0A u/x7rtdS wpos,
and UapdaiTos, in which he ridiculed Plato, were
probably exhibited as early as the 104th Olym-
piad. The 'Ayaivis, in which he ridiculed Mis-
golas, was no doubt written while he was alive,
and Aeschines (c. Timarch. pp. 6 —8) in B. c. 345,
Bpeaks of him as then living. The 'AdeXcpoi and
2TooTi«Ti7y, in which he satirized Demosthenes,
were acted shortly after B. c. 343. The "Ittttos,
in which he alluded to the decree of Sophocles
against the philosophers, in b. c. 316. The
Uvpavvos in b. c. 312. The ^ap/jLaKO-rrcih-n and
"ro§o\iij.aios in B. c. 306. As might have been
expected in a person w^ho wrote so much, the same
passage frequently occurred in several plays ; nor
did he scniple sometimes to borrow from other
poets, as, for example, from Eubulus. (Athen. i.
p. 25, f.) Carystius of Pergamus {ap. Athen. vi.
p. 235, e.) says he was the first who invented the
part of the parasite. This is not quitfe correct, as
it had been introduced before him by Epicharmus ;
but he appears to have been the first who gave it
the fonn in wliicli it afterwards appeared upon the
stage, and to have been very happy in his exhibi-
tion of it. His wit and elegance are praised by
Athenaeus (ii. p. 59, f.), whose testimony is con-
firmed by the extant fragments. A considerable
list of peculiar words and forms used by him is
given by Meineke. His plays were frequently
translated by the Roman. comic writers. (Gell. ii.
23.) The fragments we possess of his plays have
been preserved chiefly by Athenaeus and Stobaeus.
(Meineke, Fragm. Com. vol. i. pp. 374—403;
Clinton, Fasti HeUcnici., under the years above
given ; Fabricius, Bill. Gr. vol. ii. p. *406, &c.)

2. A writer mentioned by Athenaeus (x. p. 418)
as the author of a treatise ircpi AurapKetay,

3. A Samian, the author of an historical work
called Mixioi"^ Cipoi ov'^Cipoi l.aixiaKol {Samian An-
nals), which Athenaeus quotes, (xiii. p. 572, f.,
xii. p. 540, d.) [C. P. M.] I

ALEXIS.

12»

ALEXIS ("AAelis), a sculptor and statuary,
mentioned by Pliny (xxxiv. 8. s. 19) as one of
the pupils of Polycletus. Pausanias (vi. 3. § 3)
mentions an artist of the same name, a native of
Sicyon, and father of the sculptor Cantharus. It
cannot be satisfactorily settled whether these are
the same, or different persons. Pliny's account
implies that he had the elder Polycletus in view,
in which case Alexis could not have flourished
later than 01. 95 (b. c. 400), whereas Eutychides,
under whom Cantharus studied, flourished about
01. 120, B. c. 300, (Pliny, //. N. xxxiv. 8. s.
19.) If the two were identical, as Thiersch
(Epochen der hild. Kunst. p. 276) thinks, we must
suppose either that Pliny made a mistake, and that
Alexis studied under the younger Polycletus, or
else that the Eutychides, whose date is given by
Pliny, was not the artist under whom Cantharus
studied. [C. P. M.]

ALEXIS or ALE'XIUS L COMNE'NUS
("AAe^ts , or 'AAe|jos Ko/wvrji'tJj), emperor of Con-
stantinople, was most probably bom in A. D. 1048.
He Avas the son of John Comnenus, and the
nephew of the emperor Isaac Comnenus, and re-
ceived a careful education from his mother Anna.
He accompanied the emperor Romanus Diogenes
in the war against Alp-Arslan, sultan of the Turks-
Seljuks, and was present at the battle of Malaz-
kerd, where this emperor was made a prisoner by
I the sultan. After the deposition of Romanus Dio-
j genes in 1071, Alexis Comnenus and his elder
1 brother Isaac joined the party of the new emperor,
Michael VII. Ducas, who employed Alexis against
the rebels who had produced great disturbances in
Asia Minor. In this war Alexis distinguished him-
self as a successful general, and shewed that extra-
ordinary shrewdness which afterwards became the
principal feature of his character. He defended
Michael VII. against the rebel Nicephorus Bota-
niates, but the cause of Michael having become hope-
less, he readily joined the victorious rebel, who be-
came emperor under the title of Nicephorus III. in
1077. The authority of Nicephorus III. was disobey-
ed by several rebels, among whom Nicephorus
Bryennius in Epeirus was the most dangerous ; but
Alexis defeated them one after the other, and the
grateful emperor conferred upon him the title of
" Sebastos." Alexis was then considered as the first
general of the Byzantine empire, but his military re-
nown made him suspected in the eyes of the emperor,
who kept him at Constantinople and tried to get
rid of him by base intrigues. But Alexis opposed in-
trigues to intrigues, and as he was not only the most
gallant, but also the most artful among his shrewd
countrymen, he outdid the emperor, who at last
gave orders, that his eyes should be put out.
Alexis now fled to the army on the Danube, and
was proclaimed emperor by the troops. Assisted
by his brother Isaac, who acted with great gene-
rosity, Alexis marched to Constantinople, obtained
possession of the city by a stratagem, deposed the
emperor, and ascended the throne in 1081.

The Byzantine empire was then at the point of
ruin. While Alexis carried on the war against
the rebel Nicephorus Bryennius, and afterwards
during his forced sojourn at Constantinople, and
the time of his differences with Nicephorus III.,
Melek-Shah, the son of Alp-Arslan, and the
greatest prince of the Seljuks, had conquered the
Byzantine part of Asia Minor, Avhich he ceded to
his cousin Soliman. The Bulgarians threatened to

130 ALEXIS.

invade Thrace, and Robert Guiscard, duke of
Apuliii, with a mighty host of Nonnan knighi!>,had
crossed the Adriatic and laid siege to Dunuzu, the
ancient Dyrrachium. In this critical position
Alexis evinced extraordinary activity. He con-
cluded peace with the beljuks, ceding Asia to
them ; he made an alliance with Venice and Henry
1 v., emperor of Germany ; and he sold tne sacred
vessels of the churches to pay liis troops. His
straggle with the Normans was long and bloody,
but famine, diseases, civil troubles, and a powerful
diversion of Henry IV., compelled the Normans to
leave Epeinis in 1084. During this time tlie Sel-
jidcs had recommenced hostilities, and threatened
to block up Constantinople with a fleet constructed
by Greek captives. In this extremity Alexis
implored the assistance of the European princes.

The conquest of Jerusjilem by the Seljuks, the
interruption of the pious pilgrimages to the holy
grave, and the vexations which the Christians in
the East had to endure from the infidels, had pro-
duced an extraordinary excitement among the
iijitions in Europe. The idea of rescuing the town
of our Saviour became popular ; the pope and the
princes shewed themselves favourable to such an
expedition, and they resolved upon it after the

ALEXIS.

The life of Alexis has been carefully, though
very partially, described by his daughter, Anna
Conmena, in her Aleaias^ which is the principal
source concerning this emperor. (Comp. Glycas, p.
4; AlbertusAquensis,ii. 9-19; Wilhelmus Tyrensis,
ii. 5, 23 ; comp. S. F. Wilken, " Rerum ab Alexiu
I., Joanne, Manuele et Alexio II. Comnenis gesta-
rum libri quatuor," Heidelberg, 1811.) [W. P.]
^ ALEXIS or ALE'XIUS IE COMNE'NUS
("AAe^ts or 'AKe^ios Kofxin^vos), emperor of Con-
stantinople, the son of the emperor Manuel Com-
nenus, was born in 1167, according to Nicetas.
In 1179, he married Agnes or Anna, the daughter
of king Louis V^II. of France, and succeeded his
father in 1180, under the guardianship of his mo-
ther Mariii, the daughter of Raymond, prince of
Antioch. They both became victims of the ambi-
tion of Andronious Comnenus, who first compelled
the young emperor to sign the death of his mother,
and then put Alexis to death in 1183 ; whereupon
he succeeded him on the throne. (Nicetas, Alexis
AlanueL Comn. ill.; comp. Ducange, Familiae By-
zautimw, p. 188.) [W. P.]

ALEXIS or ALE'XIUS IIL A'NGELUS
("AAe^iS or 'AAe'lios "AryyiXos)^ the brother of the
emperor Isaac II. Angelus, whom he deposed and

ambassadors of Alexis had related to them at | blinded in 1 195. Being a descendant of Alexis I.

Piacenza in 1095 the hopeless state of the Chris-
tians in Asia. The first Crusaders appeared in
Constantinople in 1096. They were commanded

Comnenus by Theodora, the youngest daughter of
the latter, he assumed the family-name of his
great ancestor, and is therefore commonly called

carried on war with Persia and the Seljuks of
Koniah, but his annies were defeated. Being
rapacious, and cruel, he incurred the hatred

base.

by Peter the Hcnnit and Walter the Pennyless, | Alexis Angelus-Comnenus. In 1197 and 1198, he
and were rather a band of viigabonds than an
army. Alexis hastened to send them over to
Asia, where they were massacred by the Turks.
Soon after them came a powerful army, command-
ed by Godfrey of Bouillon, and their continued
stiiy in the neighbourhood of Constantinople gave
occasion to serious differences between the Latins
and the Greeks. However Alexis, by the alternate
use of threats and persuasions, not only succeeded
in getting rid of the dangerous foreigners by carry-
ing them over to Asia, but also managed the pride
of Godfrey of Bouillon and his turbulent barons
with so much dexterity, that they consented to
take the oath of vassalage for those provinces
which they might conquer in Asia, and promised
to restore to the emperor the Byzantine territories,
which had been taken by the Seljuks. In his
turn he promised to assist them in their enterprise
with a strong army, but the dangerous state of the
empire prevented him from keeping his word.
However, in proportion as the Crusaders, in 1097,
advanced into Asia, Alexis followed them with a
chosen body, and thus gradually reunited with his
empire Nicaea, Chios, Rhodes, Smyrna, Ephesus,
Sardes, and finally all Asia Minor. The descend-
ants of Bohemond, prince of Antioch, did homage
to Alexis, to whom they restored Tarsus and
Malmistra. During the latter years of his reign,
Alexis was occupied with consolidating the do-
mestic peace of his empire, which was then often
disturbed by religious troubles. He died in 111 8,
at the age of seventy, and his successor was his
son John, genei^ally called Calo-Joannes.

Alexis was the author of a work entitled
^oyapiKri, which was published in the 4th volume
of the Analecla Graeca., Par. 1688, and also from
a later manuscript by Gronovius at the end of his
work De Sestertiis, Lugd. Bat. 1691. Respecting

and contempt of his subjects, and prepared his
ruin. He lost the crown through his nephew,
Alexis, the son of Isaac II. Angelus, who, having
escaped from Constantinople, succeeded in per-
suading the Crusaders assembled in Venice to
make an expedition against the usurper. Amomit-
ing to 20,000 men, and commanded by Dandoio,
doge of Venice, they attacked Constantinople in
the month of July, 1203; but before they had
tJiken this city, Alexis III. abandoned his palace
and fled to Italy, carrying with him 10,000 pounds
of gold. After his flight, Constantinople was oc-
cupied by the Crusjiders, who recognised as em-
perors the blinded Isaac and his son Alexis.
[Alexis IV,] He afterwards returned to Greece,
and treacherously blinded the emperor Alexis
V, Murzuphlus, who after his deposition in
1204, had fled to Alexis III,, whose daughter
he had married. Meanwhile, Theodore Lascaris
succeeded in making himself independent at Nicaea,
but was involved in a war with Ghayuth-ed-din,
sultan of Koniah, In 1210, Alexis III, fled to
this sultan, and persuaded him to support his
claims to the throne of Byzantium, and to declare
war against Theodore Lascaris. The war proved
fatal for the sultan, who was killed in the battle of
Antioch, and Alexis 111. was made prisoner.
Theodore Lascaris had married Anna Angela-Cora-
nena, the second daughter of Alexis III., but this
circumstance did not prevent him from confining
his father-in-law to a monastery at Nicaea. (1210.)
There Alexis III. died some years after at an
advanced age ; the exact year of his birth is
not known. (Nicetas, Alexis Angelus, laaucius
Angelus, iii, 8, &.C.; Jsaacius et Alejc. Jil. c. 1;

the ecclesiastical edictsof Alexius, several of which Villehardouiu, De Ui, Conqueste de Consta/itinoble,

are extcint, see Fabric. liiU. Graec. vii. p. 729. j Paiis, 1838, c. 51, 56, &c.)

[W. P.]

ALEXIUS.

ALEXIS or ALE'XIUS IV. A'NGELUS
f AAe^is or 'AKi^ios 'AyyeAos), was the son of the
emperor Isaac II. Anselus. It is mentioned under
Alkxjs III. that, after the deposition of this em-
peror, he and his father were placed on the throne
by the Crusiidors. Alexis IV. was crowned toge-
ther with Isaac II. on the 29th of July, 1203,
and, to secure himself on the throne, engaged the
Crusaders to continue at Constantinople. He had
promised them to put an end to the schism of the
Greek Church, but did not do anything for that
purpose, nor did he fulfil his other engagements
towards tlie Crusaders. At the same time, he did
not understand how to mainUiin liis dignity among
the turbulent and haughty barons of Italy, France,
and Flanders, who were assembled in his capital.
Serious differences consequently arose between him
and his deliverers. Alexis Duciis, sumamed Mur-
zuphlus, an ambitious and enterprising man, took
advantage of these troubles, and suddenly seized
the crown. By his order Alexis IV. was put to
death on the 28th of January, 1204 ; Isaac II.
died of grief. (Nicetas, Isaacius Angelus^ iii. c. 8,
&c.; Isaacius et Alexis 0. ; Villehardouin, Ibid. c.
51, 56, 60, &c., I02-i07.) [W. P.]

ALEXIS or ALE'XIUS V. DUCAS CAAe|is
or 'AAe^tos Aoma), surnamed "Murzuphlus," on
account of the close junction of his shaggy eye-
brows, was crowned emperor of Constantinople on
the 8th of Februarj% 1204, after having been pre-
sent at the murder of Alexis IV., who was put to
death by his order. His earlier life is almost un-
known. Nicetas, however, states, that he had
always been rapacious and voluptuous ; on the
other hand, he was a man of great courage and
energy. Immediately after he had usurped the
throne, the Crusaders, who were still assembled
under the walls of Constantinople, laid siege to this
city. Alexia V. disdained to conclude peace with
them on dishonourable conditions, and prepared
for resistance, in which he was vigorously assisted
by Theodore Lascaris. However, courage suddenly
abandoned him, and he fled to the deposed em-
peror Alexis III., whose daughter Eudoxia Angela-
Comnena he had just married. Constantinople
was taken by storm by the Crusaders (12th of
April, 1204), who, after having committed those
horrors, of which Nicetas, an eye-witness, gives
such an emphatical description, chose Baldwin,
count of Flanders, emperor of Constantinople, but
leaving him only the fourth part of the empire.
After being deprived of sight by his father-in-law,
Alexis V. fled to the Morea, but was arrested and
carried to Constantinople, where the Crusaders put
him to death by casting him from the top of the
Theodosian column. (1204.) C^icetas, MurzupJdus;
Inaacius A nyelus et A lex. fil. c. 4, 5 ; Gcsta Fran-
corum, c. 94 ; Villehardouin, Ibid. c. 51, 56., 60,
&c. 98, 106, 113—115, 127, &c.) [W. P.]

ALE'XIUS ARISTE'NUS ('AXe'^'os 'Apio-Tih
vSs), Oeconomus of the Great Church at Constan-
tinople, flourished a. d. 1166, in which year lie
was present at the Council of Constantinople. He
edited a Spiopsis Canonum with scholia, which is
given by Bishop Beveridge in his Pandcctae Cano-
num., Oxon. 1672, fol. vol. ii. post pag. 188, and
vol. i. p. 1, &c. Other works bv him are quoted.
See Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. xi. p. 280. [A. J. C]

ALE'XIUS ('AAe'^ios), Patriarch of Constan-
tinople, a member of the monastery of Studius
(founded a. d. 460), succeeded Eustathius as Pa-

ALIMENTUS.

131

triarch A. d. 1025. In a. d. 1034 he crowned
Michael IV. the favourite of Zoo, who, to make
way for him, procured the death of her husband,
the Emperor Romanus. He thwarted the attempts
of John (the emperor's brother) to gain the patri-
archal see (a. d. 1036), and died A. D. 1043. De-
crees of his are extant, 'ap. Jus Gr. Rom, vol. i.
lib. iv. p. 250, Lcunclav. Francof. 1596. See
Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. xi. p. 558. [A. J. C]

ALE'XIUS('AX€|jos), Metropolitan of Nicaea,
composed a Canon or Hymn on St. Demetrius the
Martyr. It is uncertain when he lived. The
canon is in manuscript. See Lambecius^ Biblioth.
Vindobon. vol. v. p. 599, ed. Kollar. [A. J. C]

ALEXON ('AAe'lwj/), an Achaean who served in
the Carthaginian garrison at Lilybaeum while it
was besieged by the Romans in B. c. 250. During
this siege some of the Gallic mercenaries engaged
in the service of the Carthaginians formed the plan
of betraying the fortress into the hands of the Ra-
mans. But Alexon, who had on a former occasion
saved the town of Agrigentum from a similar
attempt of treacherous mercenaries, now acted in
the same faithful spirit, and gave information of the
plot to the Carthaginian commander Himilco. He
also assisted him in inducing the mercenaries to
remain faithful and resist the temptations offered by
their comrades. (Polyb. i. 43, ii. 7.) [L. S.]

ALEXON MYNDIUS. [Alexander Myn-

DIUS.]

ALFE'NUS VARUS. [Varus.]
A'LFIUS FLAVUS. [Flavus.]
ALGOS (''AA70S), is used by Hesiod {Theog.
227) in the plural, as the personification of sorrows
and griefs, which are there represented as the
daughters of Eris. [L. S.]

ALIACMON. [Palaestinus.]
L. ALIE'NUS, plebeian aedile b. c. 454, ac-
cused Veturius, the consul of the former year, on
account of selling the booty which had been gained
in war, and placing the amount in the aerarium.
(Liv. iii. 31.)

ALIE'NUS CAECI'NA. [Caeoina.]
ALIMENTUS, L. CI'NCIUS, a celebrated
Roman annalist, antiquary, and jurist, who was
praetor in Sicily, B. c. 209, with the command
of two legions. He wrote an account of his im-
prisonment in the second Punic war, and a history
of Gorgias Leontinus ; but these works probably
fonned part of his Annales. (Liv. xxi. 38.) He is
frequently cited by Festus, and the fragments which
have been thus preserved were collected by Wasse,
and may be found appended to Corte's Sallust.

Niebuhr (i. p. 272) praises Alimentus as a
really critical investigator of antiquity, who threw
light on the history of his country by researches
among its ancient monuments. That he possessed
eminent personal qualities, such as strike a great
man, is clear, inasmuch as Hannibal, who used to
treat his Roman prisoners very roughly, made a
distinction in his behalf, and gave him an account
of his passage through Gaul and over the Alps,
which Alimentus afterwards incorporated in his
histon,'. It is only in his fragments that we find
a distinct statement of the earlier relation between
Rome and Latium, which in all the annals has
been misrepresented by national pride. The point,
however, upon which Niebuhr lays most stress, is
the remarkable difference between Alimentus and
all other chronologers in dating the building of the
city about the fourth year of the 1 2th Olympiad.

1S2

A. ALLIENUS.

This diiFcrence is tlie more important in an histo-
rical view, from Alimentus having written on the
old Roman calendar and having carefully ex-
amined the most ancient Etruscan and Roman
chronology. It is ingeniously accounted for by
Niebuhr, by supposing our author to have re-
duced the ancient cyclical years, consisting of
ten months, to an equivalent number of common
years of twelve months. Now, the pontiffs
reckoned 132 cyclical years before the reign of
Tarquinius Priscus, from which time, according to
Julius Gracchanus, the use of the old calendar was
discontinued. The reduction makes a difference

of 22 years, for 132- i££-^=22, and 22 years,

added to the era of Polybiiis and Nepos, viz. 01.

7. 2, bring us to the very date of Alimentus, 01.

12. 4.

Alimentus composed a treatise De Officio Jurts-
consu'ti, containing at least two books ; one book
De Verbis priscis^ one De Constdum Potesiate, one
De Comitiis^ one De Fastis, two, at least, Mystago-
fficnn, and several De Be Militari. In the latter
work he handles the subjects of military levies, of
the ceremonies of declaring war, and generally of
the Jus Fccide. (GeU. xvi. 4 ; Voss. Hist. Gr. iv.

13, fin.. Hist. Lat. i. 4; F. Lachmann, de Fontib.
Histor. Tit. Livii Com.\. 17, 4to. 1822; Zimmem,
R6m. Rechts-gesch. i. § 73.) [J. T. G.]

ALIMENTUS, M. CI'NCIUS, tribune of the
plebs B. c. 204, proposed in his tribuneship the law
known by the name of Cincia IjCX de Donis et
Muneribris, or Aluneralis Lex. (Liv. xxxiv. 4 ;
Cic. Cato, 4, de Orat. ii. 71, ad Att. i. 20; Festus,
e. V. Afuneralis.) This law was confirmed in the
time of Augustus. {Did. of Ant. $. v. Cincia Lex.)
ALIPHE'RUSorHALIPHE'RUSCAAi'i^pos),
one of the sons of Lycaon, killed by Zeus with a
flash of lightning for their insolence. (Apollod. iii.

8. § 1.) The town of Aliphera or Alipheira in
Arcadia was believed to have been founded by
him, and to have derived its name from him.
(Pans. viii. 3. § 1, 26. § 4 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AKi-
<pfipa.) ' [L. S.]

ALITTA or ALILATCAXitto or'AAiXar), the
name by which, according to Herodotus (i. 131, iii,
8), the Arabs called Aphrodite Urania. [L. S.]

ALLKCTUS, was raised to the highest digni-
ties in Britain during the dominion of Carausius ;
but the crimes which he committed, and the fear
of punishment on account of them, led him in a. d.
293 to murder Carausius and assume the impe-
rial title in Britain for himself. He enjoyed his
honours for three years, at the end of which Con-
stantius sent Asclepiodotus with an anny and fleet
against him. AUectus \vas defeated in a. d. 296,
and Britain was thus cleared of usurpers. (Aurel.
Vict, de Caes. 39 ; Eutrop. ix. 14.) On the an-
nexed coin the inscription is Imp. C. Allectus.
P. F. Aug. [L. S.]

A. ALLIE'NUS. ^ 1. A friend of Cicero's, who
3B spoken of by him in high terms. He was the
legate of Q. Cicero in Asia, B. c. 60 (Cic. ad Qu.

ALOEIDAE.

Fr. i. I. § 3), and praetor in B. c. 49. {Ad Att. x.
15.) In the following year, he had the province
of Sicily, and sent to Caesar, who was then in
Africa, a large body of troops. He continued in
Sicily till B. c. 47, and received the title of pro-
consul. Two of Cicero's letters are addressed to
him. (Hirt. Bell. Afr. 2, 34 ; Cic. ad Fani. xiii.
78, 79.) His name occurs on a coin, which has
on one side C. Caes. Imp. Cos. Iter., and on the
other A. Allienvs Procos.

2. Was sent by Dolabella, B. c. 43, to bring to
him the legions which were in Egj-pt. On his re-
turn from Egypt with four legions, he was sur-
prised by Cassius in Palestine, who was at the
head of eight legions. As his forces were so infe-
rior, AUienus joined Cassius. (Appian, B. C. iii.
78, iv. 59 ; Cic. Phil. xi. 12, 13 ; Cassius, ap. Cic.
ad Fain. xii. 11, 12.) This AUienus may perhaps
be the same person as No. 1.

ALLU'CIUS, a prince of theCeltiberi, betrothed
to a most beautiful virgin, who was taken prisoner
by Scipio in Spain, b. c. 209. Scipio generously
gave her to Allucius, and refused the presents her
parents offered him. The story is beautifully told
in Livy (xxvi. 50), and is also related bv other
writers. (Polyb. x. 19 ; Val. Max, iv. 3. /l; Sil.
Ital. XV. 268, &c.)

ALMO, the god of a river in the neighbourhood
of Rome, who, like Tiberinus and others, were
prayed to by the augurs. In the water of Alrao
the statue of the mother of the gods used to be
washed. (Cic. de A'at. Deor. iii. 20 ; comp. Varro,
de Ling. Lat. v. 71, ed. MUller.) [L, S.]

ALMOPS {"AK/xuip), a giant, the son of Poseidon
and Helle, from whom the district of Almopia and
its inhabitants, the Almopcs in Macedonia, were
believed to have derived their name. (Steph. Byz.
s. V. 'AXfiunrla.) [L. S.]

^ ALOEIDAE, ALOI'ADAE, or ALO'ADAE
('AAwetSai, AAcotctSoj or 'AAwaSot), are patronymic
fonns from Aloeus, but are used to designate the
two sons of his wife Iphiraedeia by Poseidon : viz.
Otus and Ephialtes. The Aloeidae are renowned
in the earliest stories of Greece for their extraor-
dinary' strength and daring spirit. Wlien they
were nine years old, each of their bodies measured
nine cubits in breadth and twenty-seven in height.
At this early age, they threatened the Olympian
gods with Avar, and attempted to pile mount Ossa
upon Olympus, and Pelion upon Ossa, They
would have accomplished their object, says Homer,
had they been allowed to grow iip to the age of
manhood ; but Apollo destroyed them before their
beards began to appear, {Od. xi. 305, &c.) In
the Iliad (v. 385, &c.; comp. Philostr. de Vit. Soph.
ii. 1. § 1) the poet relates another feat of their
early age. They put the god Ares in chains, and
kept him imprisoned for thirteen months ; so tiiat
he would have perished, had not Hermes been in-
formed of it by Eriboea, and secretly liberated the
prisoner. The same stories are related by Apollo-
dorus (i. 7. § 4), who however does not make them
perish in the attempt upon Olympus. According
to him, they actually' piled the mountains upon
one another, and threatened to change land into
sea and sea into land. They are further said to
have grown every year one cubit in breadth and
three in height. As another proof of their daring,
it is related, that Ephialtes sued for the hand of
Hera, and Otus for that of Artemis. But this led
to their destruction in the island of Naxos. (Comp.

ALOPK.

Find. Pyth. iv. 156, &c.) Here Artemis appeared
to them in the form of a stag, and ran between
the two brothers, who, both aiming at the animal
at the same time, shot each other dead. Hyginus
{Fab. 28) relates their death in a similar manner,
but makes Apollo i»end the fatal stag. (Comp.
Callira. Hi/mn. in Dian. 264; Apollon. Rhod. i.
484, with the Schol.) As a punishment for their
presumption, they were, in Hades, tied to a pillar
with serpents, with their faces turned away from
each other, and were perpetually tormented by
the shrieks of an owl. (Munck, arf /fy^jw. /. c. ;
Virg. Aeii. vi. 582.) Diodorus (v. 50, &c.), who
does not mention the Homeric stories, contrives to
give to his account an appearance of history. Ac-
cording to him, the Aloeidae are Thessalian heroes
who were sent out by their father Aloeus to fetch
back their mother Iphimedeia and her daughter
Pancratis, who had been carried off by Thracians.
After having overtaken and defeated the Thracians
in the island of Strongyle (Naxos), they settled
there as rulers over the Thracians. But soon after,
they killed each other in a dispute which had
arisen between them, and the Naxians worshipped
them as heroes. The foundation of the town of
Aloium in Thessaly was ascribed to them. (Steph.
Byz. s. V.) In all these traditions the Aloeidae are
represented as only remarkable for their gigantic
physical strength ; but there is another story which
places them in a different light. Pausanias (ix.
29. § 1) relates, that they were believed to have
been the first of all men who worshipped the
Muses on mount Helicon, and to have consecrated
this mountain to them ; but they worshipped only
three Muses — Melete, AIneme, and Aoide, and
founded the town of Ascra in Boeotia. Sepulchral
monuments of the Aloeidae were seen in the time
of Pausanias (ix. 22. § 5) near the Boeotian town
of Anthedon. Later times fabled of their bones
being seen in Thessaly. (Philostr. i. 3.) The in-
terpretation of these traditions by etymologies from
ciflfCB and oAwa, which has been attempted by
modem scholars, is little satisfactory. [L. S.]

ALO'EUS ('AAwevs). 1. A son of Poseidon
and Canace. He married Iphimedeia, the daugh-
ter of Triops, who was in love with Poseidon, and
used to walk by the sea-side, take her hands full
of its water, and sprinkle her bosom with it. The
two sons whom she had by Poseidon were called
Aloeidae. (Hom. //. v. 385, Od. xi. 305 ; Apollod.
i. 7. § 4.) [Aloeidae.]

2. A son of Helios by Circe or Antiope, who
received from his father the sovereignty over the
district of Asopia. (Paus. ii. I. § 6, 3. § 8.) [L.S.]

A'LOPE ('AXJn-Tj), a daughter of Cercyon,
who was beloved b}' Poseidon on account of her
great beauty, and became by him the mother of
a son, whom she exposed immediately after his
birth. But a mare came and suckled the child
until it was found by shepherds, who fell into a
dispute as to who was to have the beautiful kingly
attire of the boy. The case was brought before
Cercyon, who, on recognising by the dress whose
child the boy was, ordered Alope to be imprisoned
in order to be put to death, and her child to be ex-
posed agtiin. The latter was fed and found in the
same manner as before, and the shepherds called
him Hippothous. f Hippothous.] The body of
Alope was changed by Poseidon into a well, which
bore the same name. (Hygin. Fab. 187 ; Paus. i.
6. § 2; Aristoph. Av. 533.) The town of Alope,

ALPIIEIUS.

133

in Thessaly, was believed to have derived its name
from her. (Pherecyd. ap. Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AKomj^
where, however, Philonides speaks of an Alope as
a daughter of Actor.) There was a monument of
Alope on the road from Eleusis to Megara, on the
spot where she was believed to have been killed
by her father. (Paus. i. 39. § 3.) [L. S.]

ALO'PECUS. [ASTRABACUS.]

ALORCUS, a Spaniard in Hannibal's army,
who was a friend and hospes of the Saguntines,
went into Saguntura, when the city was reduced
to the last extremity, to endeavour to persuade the
inhabitants to accept Hannibal's terms. (Liv. xxi.
12, &c.)

ALPHAEA, ALPHEAEA, or ALPHEIU'SA
(*A\(pa7a, *AA(|)€oio, or 'A\(peiov<Ta), a surname of
Artemis, which she derived from the river god
Alpheius, who loved her, and under which she
was worshipped at Letrini in Elis (Paus. vi. 22. §
5 ; Strab. viii. p. 343), and in Ortygia. (Schol.
ud Find. Pyth. ii. 12, Nem. i. 3.) [L.S.]

ALPHEIAS, a name by which Ovid {Met. v.
487) designates the nymph of the Sicilian well
Arethusa, because it was believed to have a sub-
terraneous communication with the river Alpheius,
in Peloponnesus. [L. S.]

ALPHEIUS or A'LPHEUS {'AK<pu6s or
'AA(^6os), the god of the river Alpheius in Pelo-
ponnesus, a son of Oceanus and Thetys. (Pind.
Nem. i. 1 ; Hes. Theog. 338.) According to
Pausanias (v. 7. § 2) Alpheius was a passionate
hunter and fell in love with the nj-mph Arethusa,
but she fled from him to the island of Ortygia
near Syracuse, and metamorphosed herself into a
well, whereupon Alpheius became a river, which
flowing from Peloponnesus under the sea to Or-
tygia, there united its waters with those of the
well Arethusa. (Comp. Schol. ad Pind. Nem. i.
3.) This story is related somewhat differently by
Ovid. {Alet. v. 572, &c.) Arethusa, afairnymph,
once while bathing in the river Alpheius in Arca-
dia, was surprised and pursued by the god ; but
Artemis took pity upon her and changed her into
a well, which flowed under the earth to the island
of Ortygia. (Comp. Serv. ad Vira. Ekl. x. 4 ;
Virg. Aen. iii. 694 ; Stat. Silv. i. 2, 203 ; Tluh.
i. 271, iv. 239 ; Lucian, Dial. Marin. 3.) Artemis,
who is here only mentioned incidentally, was, ac-
cording to other traditions, the object of the love of
Alpheius. Once, it is said, when pursued by him
she fled to Letrini in Elis, and here she covered
her face and those of her companions (nymphs) with
mud, so that Alpheius could not discover or
distinguish her, and was obliged to return. (Paus.
vi. 22. § 5.) This occasioned the building of a
temple of Artemis Alphaea at Letrini. According
to another version, the goddess fled to Ortygia,
where she had likewise a temple under the name
of Alphaea. (Schol. ad Phid. Pyth. ii. 12.) An
allusion to Alpheius' love of Artemis is also con-
tjiined in the fact, that at Olympia the two divini-
ties had one altar in common. (Paus. v. 14. § 5 ;
Schol. ad Pind. 01. v. 10.) In these accounts
two or more distinct stories seem to be mixed up
together, but they probably originated in the
popular belief, that there was a natural subterra-
neous communication between the river Alpheius
and the well Arethusa. For, among several other
things it was believed, that a cup thrown into the
Alpheius would make its reappearance in the well
Arethusa in Ortygia. (Strab. vl p. 270, viii. p.

134

ALTHAEA.

343 ; Senec. Quacst. Nat. iii. 26 ; Fulgent. Myth.
iii. 12.) Plutarch {de Fluv. 19) gives an account
which is altogether unconnected with those men-
tioned above. According to him, Alpheius was a
son of Helios, and killed his brother Cercaphus in
a contest. Haunted by despair and the Erinnyes
he leapt into the river Nyctimus which hence re-
ceived the name Alpheius. [L. S.]
ALPHE'NOR. [NioBE.]
ALPHE'NUS VARUS. [Varus]
ALPHESIBOEA ('AAc^eo-igora). 1. The mo-
ther of Adonis. [Adonis.]

2. A daughter of Phegeus, who married Alc-
maeon. [Alcmaeon.]

3. According to Theocritus (iii. 45) a daughter
of Bias, and the wife of Pelias. The latter, how-
ever, is usually called Anaxibia.

4. An Indian nymph, who was passionately
loved by Dionysus, but could not be induced to
yield to his wishes, until the god changed himself
into a tiger, and thus compelled her by fear to
allow him to carry her across the river Sollax,
which from this circumstance received the name of
Tigris. (Plut. de Fluv. 24.) [L. S.]

ALPHEMJS MYTILENAEUS CA\<peios Mv-
riXriva7os\ the author of about twelve epigrams
in the Greek Anthologj', some of which seem to
point out the time when he wrote. In the seventh
epigram (Jacobs) he refers to the state of the Ro-
man empire, as embracing almost all the known
world ; in the ninth he speaks of the restored and
nourishing city of Troy ; and in the tenth he al-
ludes to an epigram by Antipator Sidonius, Now
Antipater lived under Augustus, and Troy had re-
ceived great favours from Julius Caesar and Au-
gustus. (Strab. xiii. p. 889.) Hence it is not
improbable that Alpheus wrote under Augustus.
It is true that in the fourth epigram he addresses
a certain Macrinus, but there is no reason to sup-
pose that this was the emperor Macrinus. Ano-
ther difficulty has been started, on the ground that
the eleventh epigram was inscribed, as we learn
from Pausanias (viii. 52. § 3"), on the statue of
Philopoemen in Tcgea, and that it is very impro-
bable that such a statue should have stood without
an inscription till the time of Alpheus, But the
simple fact is, that no reason can be discovered for
attributing this epigram to Alpheus. (Jacobs, An-
thoL a rare. xiii. p. 839.) [P. S.]

ALPHIUS AVPTUS. [Avixus.]

ALPl'NUS, a name which Horace {Sat. i. 10.
36) gives in ridicule to a bombastic poet. He pro-
bably means M. Furius Bibaculus. [Bibaculus.]

ALPl'NUS MONTA'NUS, one of the Treviri,
the most powerful of the Belgic people, and the
commander of a cohort in the army of Vitellius,
was sent into Germany after the battle of Cremona,
A. D. 70. Together with his bcother, D. Alpinus,
he joined Civilis in the next year. (Tac. Hist. iii.
35, iv. 31, v. 59.) [Civilis.]

ALTHAEA ('AAflaio), a daughter of the Aeto-
lian king Thestius and Eurythemis, and sister of
Leda, Hypennnsstra, Iphiclus, Euippus, &c. She
was married to Oeneus, king of Calydon, by whom
she became the mother of Troxeue, Thyreus, Cly-
menus, and Meleager, and of two daughters, Gorge
and Deianeira. (ApoUod. i. 7. § 10, 8. § 1.)
ApoUodorus states, that according to some, Mele-
ager was regarded as the fruit of her intercourse
with Ares, and that she was mother of Dei-
aneira by Dionysus. (Comp. Hygin. Fub. 129,

ALYATTES.

171, 174.) Althaea is especially celebrated in
ancient story on account of the tragic fate of her
son Meleager, who also became the cause of her
death. Some say that she hung herself, others
that she killed herself with a dagger. (Apollod. i.
8. § 3 ; Ov. Met. viii. 445, &c.) [L. S.]

ALTHE'MENES or ALTHAE'MENES ('AA-
dr}ij.evr)s or 'AXfiaj/ici'Tjs), a son of Catreus, king of
Crete. In consequence of an oracle, that Catreus
would lose his life by one of his children, Althe-
menes quitted Crete together with his sister Ane-
mosyne, in order to avoid becoming the instrument
of his father's death. He landed in Rhodes at a
place which he called Cretenia, and in remembrance
of the god of his own native island, he erected on
mount Atabyrus an altar to Zeus Atabyrius. His
sister was seduced in Rhodes by Hermes, but
Althemenes, disbelieving her account, killed her
by kicking her with his foot. When Catreus had
become advanced in years, he had an invincible
desire to see his only son once more, and to place
his crown in his hands. He accordingly sailed to
Rhodes. On his landing there, he and his com-
panions were attacked by shepherds, who mistook
them for pirates. During the ensuing struggle,
Althemenes came to the protection of his subjects,
and shot his own father dead. When he became
aware of what he had done, he prayed to the gods,
and was swallowed up by the earth. This is the
account of ApoUodorus (iii. 2. § 1, &c.), with
which Diodorus (v. 59) agrees in the main points,
except that he represents Althemenes as wander-
ing about after the murder, and at last dying with
grief. He adds, that the Rhodians subsequently
worshipped him as a hero. [L. S.]

ALTHE'PUS CAXerjTTos), a son of Poseidon
and Leis, a daughter of Orus, king of Troezen.
The territory of Troezen was called after him
Althepia. In his reign Pidlas and Poseidon dis-
puted the possession of the country with each
other. (Pans. ii. 30. § 6.) [L. S.J

ALYATTES ('AAvaxTTjs), king of Lydia, suc-
ceeded his father Sadyattes, B. c. 618. Sadyattes
during the last six years of his reign had been en-
gaged in a war with Miletus, which was continued
by his son five years longer. In the last of these
years Alyattes burnt a temple of Athena, and fall-
ing sick shortly afterwards, he sent to Delphi for
advice ; but the oracle refused to give him an an-
swer till he had rebuilt the temple. This he did,
and recovered in consequence, and made peace
with Miletus. He subsequently carried on war with
Cyaxares, king of Media, drove the Cimmerians
out of Asia, took Smyrna, and attacked Clazomenae.
The war with Cyaxares, which lasted for five years,
from B. c. 590 to 585, arose in consequence of
Alyattes receiving under his protection some Scy-
thians who had fled to him after injuring Cyaxares.
An eclipse of the sun, which happened while the
armies of the two kings were lighting, led to a
peace between them, and this was cemented by
the marriage of Astyages,the son of Cyaxares, with
Aryenis, the daughter of Alyattes. Alyattes died
B. c. 561 or 5 CO, after a reign of fifty- seven years,
and was succeeded by his son Croesus, who appears
to have been previously associated with his father in
the government. (Herod, i. 16-22, 25, 73, 74.)

The tomb (a-rjiua) of Alyattes is mentioned by
Herodotus (i. 93) as one of the wonders of Lydia.
It was north of Sardis, near the lake Gygaea, and
consisted of a large mound of earth, raised upon a

ALYPIUS.

foundation of great stones. It was crectod by tlio
tnidespeople, mechanics, and courtezans, and on
the top of it there were five pillars, which Hero-
dotus saw, and on which were mentioned the dif-
ferent portions raised by each ; from this it ap-
peared that the courtezans did the greater part.
It measured six plethra and two stadia in circum-
ference, and thirteen plethi-a in breadth. Accord-
ing to some writers, it was called the "tomb of the
courtezan," and was erected by a mistress of Gyges.
(Clearch. ap. Ai/ien. xiii. p. 573, a.) This mound
still exists. Mr. Hamilton says (Rcsearc/ies in J sia
Minor, vol. i. p. 145), that it took him about ten
minutes to ride round its base, which would give
it a circumference of nearly a mile ; and he also
stjites, that towards the north it consists of the na-
tural rock — a white, horizontally stratified earthy
limestone, cut away so as to appear part of the
structure. The upper portion, he adds, is sand
and gravel, apparently brought from the bed of the
Hermus. He found on the top the remains of a
foundation nearly eighteen feet square, on the
north of which was a huge circular stone ten feet
in diameter, with a flat bottom and a raised edge
or lip, evidently placed there as an ornament on
the apex of the tumulus.

ALY'PIUS ('A\u7rtoj), the author of a Greek
musical treatise entitled elaa-ywyn novaiK-/i. There
are no tolerably sure grounds for identifying him
with any one of the various persons who bore the
name in the times of the later emperors, and of
whose history anj'thing is known. According to
the most plausible conjecture, he was that Alypius
whom Eunapius, in his Life of lamblichus, cele-
brates for his acute intellect (o Sia\eKTtK(vTaTos
'A\vntos) and diminutive stature, and who, being
a friend of lamblichus, probably flourished under
Julian and his immediate successors. This Aly-
pius was a native of Alexandria, and died there at
an advanced .ige, and therefore can hardly have
been the person called by Amrnianus Marcellinus
Aljfpius Antiochensis, who was first prefect of Bri-
tain, and afterwards employed by Julian in his
attempt to rebuild the Jewish temple. Julian
addresses two epistles (29 and 30) to Alypius
{^lovXiavos 'AKirwio) d5c\(p^ Kaiaaplov), in one of
which he thanks him for a geographical treatise or
chart ; it would seem more likely that this was the
Antiochian than that he was the Alexandrian
Alypius as Meursius supposes, if indeed he was
either one or the other. lamblichus wrote a life,
not now extant, of the Alexandrian.

(Meursius, iVot. ad Ah/p. p. 186, &c. c. ; Ju-
lian, Epist. xxix. XXX. and not. p. 297, ed. Heyler ;
Eunapius, Vit. Famblich. and not, vol. ii. p. 63, ed.
Wyttenbach ; Amm. Marcell. xxiii. 1. § 2 ; De
la Borde, Essai sur la Musique, vol. iii. p. 133.)

The work of Alypius consists wholly, with the
exception of a short introduction, of lists of the
symbols used (both for voice and instrument) to
denote all the sounds in the forty-five scales pro-
duced by taking each of the fifteen modes in the
three genera. (Diatonic, Chromatic, Enharmonic.)
It treats, therefore, in fact, of only one (the fifth,
namely) of the seven branches into which the sub-
ject is, as usual, divided in the introduction ; and
may possil)ly be merely a fragment of a larger
work. It would have been most valuable if any
considerable number of examples had been left us
of the actual use of the system of notation de-
»cribed in it ; unfortunately very fev/ remain (see

AMAESIA.

13.->

Bumey, Uisf.nf Music, vol. i. p. 83), and they seem
to belong to an earlier stage of the science. How-
ever, the work serves to throw some light on the
obscure history of the modes. (See Bockh, de
Metr. Find. c. 8. p." 235. c. 9. 12.) The text,
which seemed hopelessly corrupt to Meursius, its
first editor, was restored, apparently with suc-
cess, by the Labours of the learned and indefatiga-
ble Meibomius. (Antiquae Musicae Auctores
Septem, ed. Marc. Meibomius, Amstel. 1652;
Aristoxenus, Nicomachus, Alypius, ed. Joh. Meur-
sius, Lugd. Bat. 1616.) [W. F. D.]

ALY'PIUS ('AAuTTtos), priest of the great
church at Constantinople, flourished A. d. 430.
There is extant an epistle from him to St. Cyril
(in Greek), exhorting him to a vigorous resistance
against the heresy of Nestorius. (See Concilioruni
Nova CoUecHo, a Mansi, vol. v. p. 1463.) [A. J.C]

ALYPUS ("AAuTToj), a statuary, a native of
Sicyon. He studied under Naucydes, the Argive.
His age may be fixed from his having executed
bronze statues of some Lacedaemonians who shared
in the victory of Lysander at Aegospotami. (b c.
405.) Pausanias also mentions some statues of
Olympic victors made bv him. (vi. 1. § 2, x. 9. § 4,
vi. 1. § 2, 8. § 3.) ' [C. P. M.]

ALYZEUS ("AXufeus), a son of Icarius and
brother of Penelope and Leucadius. After his
father's death, he reigned in conjunction with his
brother over Acamania, and is said to have fom^ded
the town of Alvzeia there. (Strab. x. p. 452;
Steph. Bvz. s. V. ''A\v^eia.) [L. S.J

AMA'DOCUS {'Ai^d^oKos) or ME'DOCUS
(M-/i5oKos), a common name among the Thracians.
It was also, according to Ptolemy, the name of a
people and mountains in Thrace. Pausanias (i. 4.
§ 4) speaks of an Amadocus who came from the
Hyperboreans.

1. King of the Odrysae in Thrace, was a friend
of Alcibiades, and is mentioned at the time of the
battle of Aegospotami, B. c. 405. (Diod. xiii. 105.)
He and Seuthes were the most powerful princes in
Thrace when Xenophon visited the country in b. c.
400. They were, however, frequently at variance,
but were reconciled to one another by Thrasybulus,
the Athenian commander, in b. c. 390, and induced
bv him to become the allies of Athens. (Xeii.
Anah. vii. 2. § 32, 3. § 16, 7. § 3, &c.. Hell. iv.
8. § 26; Diod. xiv. 94.) This Amadocus may
perhaps be the same as the one mentioned by Aris-
totle, who, he says, was attacked by his general
Seuthes, a Thracian. (Pol. v. 8, p. 1 82. ed. Giittling.)

2. A Ruler in Thrace, who inherited in con-
junction with Berisades and Cersobleptes the do-
minions of Cotys, on the death of the latter in
B. c. 358. Amadocus was probably a son of
Cotys and a brother of the other two princes,
though this is not stated by Demosthenes. (Dem.
in Af-istocr. p. 623, &c.) [Cersobleptes.] Ama-
docus seems to have had a son of the same name.
(Isocr. Fhilipp. p. 83, d. compared with Harpo-
crat. s. V. 'AiJ.d5oKOS.) a

3. One of the princes of Thrace, who was de-
feated and taken prisoner by Philip, king of
Macedonia. B. c. 184. (Liv xxxix. 35.)

AMAP:'SIA SE'NTIA is mentioned by Vale-
rius Maximus (viii. 3. § 1) as an instance of a
female who pleaded her own cause before the prae-
tor. (About B. c. 77.) She was called Andro-
gjine, from having a man's spirit with a female
form. Compare Afrania and Hortensia,

186 AMALTHEIA.

C. AMAFA'NIUS or AMAFl'NIUS was one
of the earliest Boman writers in favour of the Epicu-
rean philosophy. He wrote several works, which
are censured by Cicero as deficient in arrangement
and style. He is mentiotled by no other writer
but Cicero. (Acad. i. '^j Tusc. iv. 3.)

AMALTHEIA ('A^uoAOejo). 1. The nurse of
the infant Zeus after his birth in Crete. The an-
cients themselves appear to have been as uncertain
about the etymology of the name as about the
real nature of Amaltheia, Hesychius derives it
from the verb o/xaA.0euet»', to nourish or to enrich ;
others from dfid\daKTos, i. e. firm or hard ; and
others again from afxaXrl and flei'a, according to
which it would signify the divine goat, or the
tender goddess. The common derivation is from
diuLiKyfiv, to milk or suck. According to some
traditions Amaltheia is the goat who suckled the
infant Jove (Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 13; Arat.
Phaen. 163; Callim. Hymn, in Jov. 49), and who
was afterwards rewarded for this service by being
placed among the stars. (Comp. Apollod. i. 1. §
6.) [Aega.] According to another set of tra-
ditions Amaltheia was a nymph, and daughter of
Oceanus, Helios, Haemonius, or of the Cretan
king Melisseus (Schol. ad Horn. II. xxi. 1 94 ;
Eratosth. Catast. 13; Apollod. ii. 7. §5; Lac-
tant. Indit. i. 22; Hygin. /. c, and Fab. 139,
where he calls the nymph Adamanteia),and is said
to have fed Zeus with the milk of agoat. When this
goat once broke oflf one of her horns, the nymph
Amaltheia filled it with fresh herbs and fruit and
gave it to Zeus, who transplaced it together with
the goat among the stars. (Ovid, Fast. v. 115,
&c.) According to other accounts Zeus himself
broke off one of the horns of the goat Amaltheia,
gave it to the daughters of Melisseus, and en-
dowed it with such powers that whenever the pos-
sessor wished, it would instantaneously become filled
with whatever might be desired. (Apollod. /. c. ;
Schol. ad Callim. I. c.) This is the story about
the origin of the celebrated horn of Amaltheia,
commonly called the honi of plenty or cornucopia,
which plays such a prominent part in the stories
of Greece, and which was used in later times as
the symbol of plenty in general. (Strab. x. p. 458,
iii. p. loJ ; Diod. iv. 35.) [Achei.ous.] Dio-
dorus (iii. 68) gives an iccount of Amaltheia,
which differs from all the other traditions. Ac-
cording to him the Libyan king Amnion married
Amaltheia, a maiden of extraordinary beauty, and
gave her a very fertile tract of land which had the
form of a bull's horn, and received from its queen
the name of the horn of Amaltheia. This account,
however, is only one of the many specimens of a
rationalistic interpretation of the ancient niythus.
The horn appears to be one of the most ancient
and simplest vessels for drinking, and thus we find
the story of Amaltheia giving Zeus to drink from
a horn represented in an ancient work of art still
extant. (Galeria Giustiniani, ii. p. 61.) The
horn of plenty was frequently given as an attribute
to the representations of Tyche or Fortuna. (Paus.
iv. cO. § 4, vii. 26. § 3; comp. Bottiger, Avial-
tJieia, oder der Cretensische Zeus als Saugliny;
Welcker, Ueber eine Cretissche Coloiiie in T/ieben,
p. 6.)

2. One of the Sibyls (Tibull, ii. 5. 67), whom
Lactantius (i. 6) identifies with the Cumaean
Sibyl, who is said to have sold to king Tarquinius
the celebrated Sibvlline books. The same is stated

AMASIS.

by Servius (ad Aen. vi. 72) and by Lydus {dti
Mens. iv. 34) ; comp. Klausen, Aeneas und die
Penaten, p. 299, &c. [L. S.]

AMANDUS. [Aelianus, p. 28, a.]

AMARANTUS {'AfidpauTos), of Alexandria,
wrote a commentary upon one of Theocritus*
Idyls (Eh/mol. M. p. 273. 40, ed. Sylb.), and a
work entitled Trepi (TKTjvrjs. Respecting his time,
we only know that he lived subsequently to Juba,
king of Mauretania. (Athen. viii. p. 343, e., x.
p. 414, f.)

AMARYNCEUS ('AfiapvyKfvs)^ a chief of the
Eleans, and son of Onesimachus or of Acetor.
(Hygin. Fab. 97 ; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 303.) Ac-
cording to Hyginus, Amaryncens himself joined the
expedition against Troy with nineteen ships. Homer,
on the other hand, only mentions his son Diores
(Amarynceides) as partiUring in the Trojan war.
(//. ii. 622. iv. 517.) When Amarynceus died,
his sons celebrated funeral games in his honour, in
which Nestor, as he himself relates (//. xxiii. 629,
&c.), took part. According to Pausanias (v. i. §
8) Amarynceus had been of great service to Augeas
against Ileracles, in return for which Augeas shared
his throne with him. [L. S.]

AMARYNTHUS ('Afxdpvv6os), a hunter of
Artemis, from whom the town of Amarynthus in
Euboea (Steph. Byz. says Euboea itself) was be-
lieved to have derived its name. (Strab. x. p.
448.) From this hero, or rather from the town of
Amarynthus, Artemis derived the surname Ama-
rynthia or Amarysia, inider which she was wor-
shipped there and also in Attica. (Paus. i. 31. §
3, comp. Dii^L rf Ant. s. v. ' hjjuapvvQia.) [L. S.]

AMA'SIS ("A/xao-ts). 1. King of Egypt in
early times, according to Diodorus (i. 60), in
whose reign Egypt was conquered by Actisanea,
king of Ethiopia. [Actisanes.]

2. King of Egypt, succeeded Apries, the last
king of the line of Psammetichus, in b. c. 569.
He was of comparatively low origin (Herodotus,
ii. 172, calls him STj/xorrjs), and was born at
Siuph, a town in the Saitic nome. When the
Egyptians revolted against Apries, Amasis was
sent to quell the insurrection, but went over
to the side of the rebels, and was proclaimed
king by them. He defeated Apries in a battle
near Momemphis, and took him prisoner. He
seemed disposed to treat his captive with great
mildness, but was induced to deliver him up into
the hands of the Egyptians, who put him to death.
It was probably to strengthen himself against a
powerful party formed against him amongst the
warrior-caste, that he cultivated the friendship of
the Greeks. He not only gave up to them the city
of Naucratis, which had hitherto been their only
mart, but opened all the mouths of the Nile to
them, and allowed them to build temples to their
own deities. He contracted an alliance with the
Greeks of Cyrene, and himself married Ladice, a
Cyrenaic lad}*. (Herod, ii. 181.) He removed the
lonians and Carians, who were settled on the
Pelusiac mouth of the Nile, to ^Memphis, and
formed them into a body-guard for himself,
(ii. 154.) He also entered into alliance with
Croesus (i. 77) and with Polycrates, the tyrant
of Samos (iii. 39, 40), who is said to have in-
troduced Pythagoras to him by letter. (Diog.
Laert. viii. 3.) Amasis also sent presents to
several of the Greek cities. (Herod, ii. 182.)
Solon in the course of his travels visited him.

AMASTRIS.

(i. 30; Plut. Solon, 20; Plat. Tima^i.% p. 21.) I
It would appear from Xenophon {Ci/rop. viii. 6. I
§ 20) that, after the overthrow of Croesus by
Cyrus, Amasis was compelled to pivy tribute,
lie strove to win the favour of the priest- caste by
building them temples. During the reign of
Amasis agriculture, commerce, and the arts
flourished greatly. The extension of Egyptian
commerce was much favoured by the conquest of
Cyprus, which he made tributary. His reign was
one of almost uninterrupted peace and prosperity,
which gave him leisure for adorning Egypt with
severjil magniticent buildings and works of art. (ii.
175, 176.) The plans of conquest which Cyrus
had been unable to carry into eifect, were followed
out by Cambyses, who in B. c. 525 led an army
against Egypt. According to the story told by
Herodotus (iii. 1), Cambyses had been incensed
by a deception practised upon him by Amasis,
Avho, pretending to comply with a demand of the
Persian king, that he should send him his daughter
to adorn his harem, substituted the daughter of
Apries for his own. Amasis howe\er did not
live to see the fall of his country. He died be-
fore Cambyses reached the borders, after a reign of
44 years, and was buried at Sais in the tomb
which he had constructed in the temple of Athena,
(iii. 10, ii. 169.) His corpse was afterwards taken
out of the tomb and shamefully insulted by the
order of Cambyses. (iii. 16.) As a governor he
exhibited great abilities, and was the author of
several useful regulations (ii. 177), but he appears
to have indulged in more familiarity towards those
about him than was altogether consistent with his
kingly dignity. (Herod, ii. 161 — 182, iii. 1 — 16 ;
Diod. i. 68, 95.)

3. A Persian of the tribe of the Maraphii,
who was sent by Aryandes, the governor of
Egypt under Cambyses, at the head of an army,
to assist Pheretime, the mother of Arcesilaus
III., king of Cyrene. He took Barca by strata-
gem and treachery, and made an unsuccessful
attempt upon Cyrene. He was then recalled by
Aryandes. On its march back the Persian army
sutfered severely from the Libyans. (Herod, iv.
167, 201, 203.) [C. P. M.]

AMASTRIS or AMESTRIS CAfiaarrpis or
"AjuTjtf-Tpts). 1. The wife of Xerxes, and mother
of Artaxerxes I. According to Herodotus, she
was the daughter of Otanes, according to Ctesias,
who calls her Amistris, of Onophas. She was
cruel and vindictive. On one occasion she sacri-
ficed fourteen youths of the noblest Persian families
to the god s{iid to dwell beneath the earth. The
tale of her horrible mutilation of the wife of Ma-
sistes, recorded by Herodotus, gives us a lively
picture of the intrigues and cruelties of a Persian
h.irem. She survived Xerxes. (Herod, vii. 61,
114, ix. 108—113; Ctesias, Periic. c. 20. 30. ed.
Lion; Plut. Alcilj. p. 123, c.)

2. A daughter of Artaxerxes XL, whom her fa-
ther promised in marriage to Teribazus. Instead
of fulfilhng his promise, he married her himselfl
(Plut. Artax. c. 27.)

3. Also called Amastrine ('AjuoerrpiCTf), the
daughter of Oxyartes, the brother of Darius, was
given by Alexander in marriage to Craterus.
(Arrian. Anab. vii. 4.) Craterus having fallen in
love with Phila, the daughter of Antipater, Araas-
tris mariied Dionysius, tyrant of Heracleii, in Bi-
thyn'ia, a c. 322. After the death of Dionysius,

AMAZONES.

137

in B. c. 306, who left her guardian of their chil-
dren, Clearchus, Oxyathres, and Amastris, she
married Lysimachus, B. c. 302. Lysimachtis,
however, abandoned her shortly afterwards, and
married Arsinoe, the daughter of Ptolemy Phila-
delphus ; whereupon Amastris retired to Heracleia,
which she governed in her own right. She also
founded a city, called after her own name, on the
sea-coast of Paphlagonia. She was drowned by
her two sons about b. c. 288. (Memnon, c. 4, 5 ;
Diod. XX. 109.) The head figured below probably
represents Amastris: the woman on the reverse
holds a small figure of victory in her hand. (Eck-
hel, ii. p. 421.)

AMA'TA, the wife of king Latinus and mother
of Lavinia, who, when Aeneas sued for the hand
of the latter, opposed him, because she had already
promised Lavinia to Turnus. At the same time
she was instigated by Alecto, who acted according
to the request of Juno, to stir up the war with
Turnus. This story fills the greater part of the
seventh book of Virgil's Aeneid. When Amata
was informed that Turnus had fallen in battle, she
hung herself. (Virg. Aen. xii. 600 ; Dionys. i.
64.) [L. S.]

A'MATHES ('AMa0T7s), a son of Heracles, from
whom the town of Amathus in Cyprus was be-
lieved to have derived its name. According to
some traditions, however, its name was derived
from Amathusa, the mother of Cinyras. (Steph.
Bvz. s. ?'. 'Afxadovs ) [L. S.]

"AMATHU'SIA or AMATHU'NTIA ('A.uo-
dovffia or 'Anadovvria), a surname of Aphrodite,
which is derived from the town of Amathus in
Cyprus, one of the most ancient seats of her wor-
ship. (Tac. Annul, iii. 62 ; Ov. Amor. iii. 15. 15 ;
Virg. Cir. 242 ; Catull. Ixviii. 51.) [L. S.J

AMA'TIUS, surnamed Pseudomarius, a per-
son of low origin, who pretended to be either the
son or grandson of the great Marius. On the
death of Julius Caesar b, c. 44, he came forward
as a popular leader, and erected an altar to Caesjvr
on the spot where his body had been burnt. He
was, however, shortly afterwards seized by the
consul Antony and put to death without a trial.
This illegal act was approved of by the senate in
consequence of the advantages they derived from
it. Valerius Maximus (ix. 15. § 2) says, that his
name was Herophilus. (Appian, Ji. C. iii. 2, 3;
Li v. Epit. 116; Cic. ad Ait. xii. 49, xiv. 6—8,

Fkilipp. 1.

Nicolaus Damascenus, Vit. Aug.

c. 14. p. 258, ed. Coraes.)

AMA'ZONES ('A;uaf'di'6s), a wariike race of
females, who act a prominent part in several of the
adventures of Greek mythology. All accounts of
them agree in the statement, that they came from
the country about the Caucasus, and that their
principal seats were on the river Thermodon, in
the neighbourhood of the modem Trebizond. From
thence they are said to have at different times in-
vaded Thrace, Asia Minor, the islands of the Ae-

138

AMAZONES.

gean, Greece, Syria, Arabia. Egj-pt, and Li])ya.
The country about the Thermodon with its capital
Themiscyra was inhabited only by the Amazons,
who were governed by a queen. The Gargareans,
a race of men, were separated from thera by a
mountain, but once every year tlie Amazons met
the Gargareans in the mountains for the purpose of
propagating their race, and then returned to their
own country. Their children, when of the female
sex, were brought up by the Amazon mothers, and
trained in their customary pursuits of war, riding,
hunting, and cultivating the land ; but each girl
had her right breast cut off: their male children,
on the other hand, were sent to the Gargareans, or
put to death. (Strab. xi. p. 503, &c.; Diod. ii. 45,
&c., iii. 52, &c.; Justin, ii. 4.) The principal gods
they worshipped were Ares and Artemis Tauro-
polos. The four>dation of several towns in Asia
Elinor and in the islands of the Aegean is ascribed
to them, e. g. of Ephesus, Smyrna, Cyme, Myrina,
and Paphos. Strabo doubts the existence of such
a race of females, while Diodorus attempts to give
an account of them, which assumes all the appear-
ance of history. That the Amazons were regarded
as a real historical race down to a late period, is
evident from the tradition, that, when Alexander
the Great approached the country of the Amazons,
their queen Thalestris hastened to him, in order to
become mother by the conqueror of Asia. (Plut.
Ale.r. 46.)

But we confine ourselves here to noticing some
of the mythical adventures with which the Ama-
zons are connected. They are said to have in-
vaded Lycia in the reign of lobatos, but were de-
stroyed by Bellerophontes, who happened to be
staying ai the king's court. (Horn. //. vi. 186, &c.;
Schol. o<iZ,?/co/*A. 17.) [Bellerophontes, Lao-
MEDON.] At the time when Priam was yet a
young man, they invaded Phrj'gia, and fought
with the Phrygians and Trojans. (Horn. //. iii.
189, &c ) The ninth among the labours imposed
upon Heracles by Eurystheus, was to take from
llippolj-te, the queen of the Amazons, her girdle,
the ensign of her kingly power, which she had re-
ceived as a present from Ares. (Apollod. ii. 5. $ 9;
Diod. iv. 16 ; Hygin. Fd). 30 ; Quint. Smym. xi.
244.) [Heracles.] In the reign of Theseus thev
invaded Attica. (Pans. i. 2; Pint. Thes. 31, 33.)
[Theseus.] Towards the end of the Trojan war,
the Amazons, under their queen Penthesileia,
came to the assistance of Priam ; but the queen
was killed bv Achilles. (Quint. Smvm. i. 669 ;
Paus. v. 11. §2 ; Philostr. Her. xix. 19.) [Pen-
thesileia.]

The question as to what the Amazons really
were, or rather, what gave rise to the belief that
there was such a race of women, has been much
discussed by ancient as well as modem writers.
Herodotus (iv. 110) says, that in the Scythian
language their name was Oiorpata, wliich he trans-
lates by dvSpoKTouoi. The Greek name Amazones
is usually derived from jiia^o's, the breast, and is sup-
posed to mean "breastless," or "not brought up by
the breast," "beings with strong breasts," or "with
one breast." (Philostr. I.e.; Eustath. ad Horn. p.
402.) Others derive it from the Circassian word
maza, said to signify the moon, or from Emmetch,
which, according to a Caucasian tradition, is said
to have been their original name. (Sprengel, Apo-
looie des Hippocrates, ii. p. 597; Klaproth, is'me
nach dem Caucasus^ i. p. 655.) Among the various

AMBIORTX.

] ways in which it has been attempted to account
for the origin of the story about the Amazons, two
I deserve to be mentioned. One opinion is, that the
peculiar way in which the women of some of the
Caucasian districts lived, and performed the duties
which in other countries devolve upon men, toire-
ther with the many instances of female bravery
and courage which are noticed as remarkable even
by modem travellers, were conveyed to the inha-
bitants of western Asia and the Greeks in vague and
obscure reports, and thus gave rise to the belief in
the existence of such a warlike race of women, and
that these ramours and reports were subsequently
worked out and embellished bj- popular tradition
and poetry. Others think that the Amazons
were originally priestesses of Artemis (the moon),
whose worship was widely spread in Asia, and
which they are said to have established in various
parts. It is furtlier inferred, from the name Ama-
zones, that these priestesses mutilated their bodies by
cutting off their breasts in a manner similar to that
in which the Galli and other priests mutilated their
bodies, and that thus the Amazons represented tho
male ideal in the female sex, just as the Galli repre-
sented the female ideal in the male sex. But it would
be difficult, in the first place, to prove the existence
of such priestesses, and in the second, to show how
they could have occasioned the belief in a whole
female race of this kind. Neither the poetical nor
historical traditions about the Amazons contain
anything to render this opinion very plausible ;
and, in the absence of all positive evidence, the
first opinion has much more to reconmiend it.
(Comp. Miiller, Orchoin. p. 356, &c.)

The representation of these warlike women oc-
cupied the Greek artists very extensively, and we
still possess a large series of the most beautiful
works of art, such as paintings on vases and walls,
bronzes, reliefs, and gems, in which the Amazons
and their battles with men are represented. The
most celebrated works of this kind in antiquity
wete the battle of the Amazons with the Athenians
in the Poecile at Athens, by Nicon (Paus. i. 15.
5^ 2), on the shield of Athena, and on the foot-
stool of the Oh'mpian Zeus, by Phidias, (i. 17. ^ 2.)
Amazons were also represented by Aicamenes in
the pediment of the temple of Zeus at Olympia.
(v. 10. ^ 2.) Respecting the extant representations
of Amazons and their costumes, see Mliller, Handb.
d. Archdol. ^ 365, 417. [h. S.]

AMAZO'NIUS {^Ajxa^ovios), a surname of
Apollo, under which he was worshipped, and had
a temple at Pyrrhichus in Laconia. The name
was derived eitlier from the belief that the Ama-
zons had penetrated into Peloponnesus as far as
Pvrrhichus, or that thev had founded the temple
there. (Paus. iii. 25. §*2.) [L. S.]

AMBIGA'TUS, king of the Celts in Gaul in
the reign of Tarquinius Priscus. He belonged to
the Bituriges, the most powerful of the Celtic peo
pie. AVhen Anibigatus was advanced in years, ho
sent out r.ellovesus and Sigovesus, the sons of his
sister, with large swarms of his people to seek new
settlements, in consequence of the great number of
the population. Bellovesus and Sigovesus drew
lots as to the course they should take ; the latter
in consequence went to the Hercynian forest and
the former into Italv. (Liv. v. 34.)

AMBI'ORIX, a^ chief of the Eburones, a Gallic
people between the Meuse and the Rhine, who
were formerly tributary to the Aduatici, but were

AM BROS I us.

delivered hy Caesar from the payment of this tri-
bute. In B. c. 54, Caesar placed a legion and five
cohorts, under the command of Q. Titurius Sabinus
and L. Axirunc'ileius Cott.i, in the territories of
the Eburones for the purpose of passing the winter
there. But fifteen days after they had been sta-
tioned in their territories, the Eburones revolted at
the instigation of Ambiorix and Cativolcus, another
chief, besieged the Roman camp, and destroyed
almost all the Roman troops, after they had been
induced by Ambiorix to leave their camp under
promise of a safe-conduct. After their destruction
Ambiorix hastened to the Aduatici and Nervii,
and induced them, in conjunction with the Ebu-
rones, to attack the camp of Q. Cicero, who was
stationed for the winter amopg the Nervii. The
firmness of Cicero, and the defeat of the Gauls on
the arrival of Caesar, compelled Ambiorix to raise
the siege. In the following years Ambiorix con-
tinued to prosecute the war against Caesar, but
though all his plans were thwarted, and the dif-
ferent troops he raised were defeated by Caesar, he
always escaped falling into the hands of the con-
queror. (Caes. B. G. v. 24, 26—51, vi. 5, 29—
43, viii. 24, &c.; Dion Cass. xl. 5—10, 31, &c. ;
Liv. Epit. 106.) According to Florus (iii. 10.
§ 8) he escaped the vengeance of the Romans by
rieeing bevond the Rhine.

L. AMBl'VIUS TU'RPIO. [Turpio.]

AMBOLOGE'RA i^kn.%o\oyi]pa\ from dm-
§d\Xw and '.■rjpas " delaying old age," as a sur-
name of Aphrodite, who had a statue at Sparta
under this name. (Paus. iii. 18. § 1 ; Plut.
Sympos. iii. 6.) [L. S.]

AMBRA'CIA {'AfiepaKia), a daughter of Au-
geas, from whom the town of Anibracia derived its
nanic, (Steph. Byz. s. v.; Eustath. ad Diom/s. Pe-
ricij. 492.) Other traditions represent her as a
grand-daughter of Apollo, and a daughter of Mela-
neus, king of the Dryopes. (Anton. Lib. 4.) A
third account derived the name of the town from
Ambrax, a son of Thesprotus and grandson of
Lvcaon. (Steph. Byz. /. c.) [L. S.]

'AMBRU'SIUS ('AM^poV/os) ALEXANDRI'-
NUS, a nobleman and courtier (S. Epiph. cuh.
Hacr. 64. [44] § 3) flourished a. d. 230. At first
a Valentinian (Euseb. H. E. vii. 18) and iMarcionist,
he was won to the faith by Origen, whose con-
stant fellow- student he became (Origen, Ep. ad
Africnn. vol. i. p. 29), and was ordained deacon.
(S. Ilier. Vir. Illnstr. 56.) He plied Origen with
questions, and urged him to write his Com-
mentaries ( ep7o5ia/cT7js ), supplying him Avith
transcribers in abundance. He shone as a Con-
fessor during the persecution of Julius Maximinus
(Euseb. vi. 18) -\. n. 236, and died between a. d.
247 and 253. His letters to Origen ({..aised by
St. Jerome) are lost ; part of one exists ap. Origen,
Lib. de Orat. c. 5. p. 208, a. B. (See Routh's
Reliquiae Sacr. ii. p. 367.) Origen dedicated to
him his Eihortation to Martyrdom ; Books against
Cclsus; Cowmentary on St. Johii's Gospel; ajid On
Prayrr. [A. J. C]

AMBRO'SIUS, ST., bishop of Milan, was
bom probably at Augusta Trevirorum {Treves)^
which was the seat of government for the province
(if Gaul, of which his father was prefect. His
biographers dilfcr as to whether the date of his
birth was 333 or 340 a. d., but the latter is pro-
bably the true date. Circumstances occurred in
his infancy which were understood to portend his

AMBROSIUS.

I3y

future greatness. His father having died, Am-
brose, then a boy, accompanied his mother to
Rome, where he received the education of an advo-
cate under Anicius Probus and Symmachus. He
began pleading causes at Milan, then the imperial
residence, and soon gained a high reputition for
forensic eloquence. This success, together with
the influence of his family, led to his appointment
(about 370 A. D., or a little later) as consular pre-
fect of the provinces of Liguria and Aemilia, whose
seat of government was Milan.

The struggle between the Catholics and Arianu
was now at its height in the Western Church,
and upon the death of Auxentius, bishop of Milan,
in 374, the question of the appointment of his
successor led to an open conflict between the two
parties. Ambrose exerted his influence to restore
peace, and addressed the people in a conciliatory
speech, at the conclusion of which a child in the
further part of the crowd cried out '■'' Ambrosins
episcopus.'''' The words were received as an oracle
from heaven, and Ambrose was elected bishop by
the acclamation of the whole multitude, the bishops
of both parties uniting in his election. It was in
vain that he adopted the strangest devices to alter
the determination of the people; nothing could
make them change their mind (Paulin. Vit.Ambros.
pp. 2, 3) : in vain did he flee from Milan in the
night ; he mistook his way, and found himself the
next morning before the gate of the city. At
length he yielded to the express command of the
emperor (Valentinian I.), and was consecrated on
the eighth day after his baptism, for at the time of
his election he was only a catechumen.

Immediately after his election he gave all his
property to the church and the poor, and adopted
an ascetic mode of life, while the public adminis-
tration of his office was most firm and skilful. He
was a great patron of monasticism : about two
years after his consecration he wrote his three
books "De Virginibus," and dedicated them to his
sister Marcellina. In the Arian controversy he
espoused the orthodox side at his very entrance on
his bishopric by demanding that his baptism should
be performed by an orthodox bishop. He applied
himself most diligently to the study of theology
under Simplician, a presbyter of Rome, who after-
wards became his successor in the bishopric. His
influence soon became very great, both with the
people and with the emperor Valentinian and his
son Gratian, for w^hose instruction he composed his
treatises " De Fide," and " De Spiritu Sancto."
In the year 377, in consequence of an invasion of
Italy by the northern barbarians, Ambrose fled to
lllyricum, and afterwards (in Cave's opinion) visited
Rome. After his return to Milan, he was employed
by the court on important political aflfairs. When
Maximus, after the death of Gratian (383), threat-
ened Italy, Justina, the mother of the young em-
peror Valentinian II., sent Ambrose on an em-
bassy to the usurper, whose advance the bishop
succeeded in delaying. At a later period (387),
Ambrose went again to Treves on a like mission ;
but Iiis conduct on this occasion gave such offence
to Maximus, that he was compelled to return to
Italy in haste.

While rendering these political services to Jus-
tina and Valentinian, Ambrose was at open va-
riance with them on the great religious question of
the age. Justina was herself an Arian, and had
brought up the young emperor in the same tenets.

140

AMBROSIUS.

Her contest with Ambrose began in the year 380,
when she appointed aii Arian bishop to the vacant
Bee of Sirmium ; upon which Ambrose went to
Sirmium, and, a miraculous judgment on an Arian
who insulted him having struck terror into his op-
ponents, he consecrated Anemmius, who was of
the orthodox party, as bishop of Sirmium, and
then returned to Milan, where Justina set on foot
several intrigues against him, but without effect.
In the year 382, Palladius and Secundianus, two
Arian bishops, petitioned Gratian for a general
council to decide the Arian controversy ; but,
through the influence of Ambrose, instead of a
general council, a synod of Italian, lUyrian and
Gallic bishops was assembled at Aquileia, over
which Ambrose presided, and by which Palladius
and Secundianus were deposed.

At length, in the years 385 and 386, Ambrose
and Justina came to open conflict. Justina, in the
name of the emjieror, demanded of Ambrose the
use of at least one of the churches in Milan, for
the performance of divine worship by Arian eccle-
siastics. Ambrose refused, and the people rose up
to take his part. At Easter (385) an attempt was
made by Justina to take forcible possession of the
basilica, but the show of resistance was so great,
that the attempt was abandoned, and the court
was even obliged to apply to Ambrose to quell the
tumult. He answered, that he had not stirred
up the people, and that God alone could still them.
The people now kept guard about the bishop's re-
sidence and the basilica, which the imperial forces
hesitated to attack. In fact, the people were al-
most wholly on the side of Ambrose, the Arian
party consisting of few beyond the court and the
Gothic troops. Auxentius, an Arian bishop, who
was Justina's chief adviser in these proceedings,
now challenged Ambrose to a public disputation in
the emperor's palace ; but Ambrose refused, saying
that a council of the church was the only proper
place for such a discussion. He was next com-
manded to leave the city, which he at once refused
to do, and in this refussd the people still supported
him. In order to keep up the spirits of the peo-
ple, he introduced into the church where they kept
watch the regular performance of antiphonal hymns,
which had been long practised in the Eastern
Church, but not hitherto introduced into the West,
At length, the contest was decided about a year
after its commencement by the miracles which are
reported to have attended the discovery of the
reliques of two hitherto unknown martyrs, Gerva-
sius and Protasius. A blind man was Si'iid to
have been restored to sight, and several demoniacs
dispossessed. These events are recorded by Am-
brose himself, by his secretary Paulinus, and by
his disciple Augustine, who was in Milan at the
time ; but a particular discussion of the truth of
these miracles would be out of place here. They
were denied by the Arians and discredited by the
court, but the impression made by them upon the
people in general was such, that Justina thought it
prudent to desist from her attempt. (Ambros.^pis^.
xii. XX. xxi. xxii. § 2, liii. liv.; Paulin. Vit.Ambros.
§ 14-17, p. 4, Ben,; Augustin. Cortfess. ix. 7. § 14-
16, De Civ. Dei, xxii. 8. § 2, Serw. 318, 286,)

An imperial rescript was however issued in the
same year for the toleration of all sects of Chris-
tians, any offence against Avhich was made liigh
treason (Cod. Theodos. IV. De Fide Catliolica) ;
hut we have uo evidence that its execution was

AMBRY ON.

attempted ; and the state of the parties was quite
altered by the death of Justina in the next year
(387), when Valentinian became a Catholic, and
still more completely by the victory of Theodosius
over Maxiraus (388). This event put the whole
power of the empire into the hands of a prince
who was a firm Catholic, and over whom Ambrose
speedily acquired such influence, that, after the
massacre at Thessalonica in 390, he refused Theo-
dosius admission into the church of Milan for a
period of eight months, and only restored him after
he had performed a public penance, and had con-
fessed that he had learnt the difference between
an emperor and a priest.

Ambrose was an active opponent not only of the
Arians, but also of the Macedonians, Apollinarians,
and Novatians, and of Jovinian. It was probably
about the year 384 that he successfully resisted
the petition of Symmachus and the heathen sena-
tors of Rome for the restoration of the altar of
Victory. He was the principal instructor of Au-
gustine in the Christian faith. [Augustinus.]

The latter years of his life, with the exception
of a short absence from Milan during the usurpa-
tion of Eugenius (392), were devoted to the care
of his bishopric. He died on the 4th of April,
A. D. 397.

As a writer, Ambrose cannot be ranked high,
notwithstanding his great eloquence. His theo-
logical knowledge scarcely extended bej'ond a fair
acquaintance with the works of the Greek fathers,
from whom he borrowed much. His works bear
also the marks of haste. He was rather a man
of action than of letters.

His works are very numerous, though several of
them have been lost. They consist of Letters,
Sennons, and Orations, Commentaries on Scrip-
ture, Treatises in commendation of celibacy and
monasticism, and other treatises, of which the most
important are : " Hexaemeron," an account of the
creation; "De Officiis Ministrorum," which is ge-
nerally considered his best work ; "De Mysteriis;"
"De Sacramentis ;" "De Poenitentia ;" and the
above-mentioned works, "De Fide," and "De Spi-
ritu Sancto," which are both upon the Trinity.
The well-known hymn, "Te Deum laudamus," has
been ascribed to him, but its date is at least a cen-
tury later. There are other hymns ascribed to
him, but upon doubtful authority. He is believed
to have settled the order of public worship in the
churches of Milan in the form which it had till the
eighth century under the names of "Ofticium Am-
brosianum" and "Missa Ambrosiana."

The best edition of his works is that of the
Benedictines, 2 vols, fol., Paris, 1686 and 1690,
with an Appendix containing a life of Ambrose by
his secretary Paulinus, another in Greek, which is
.anonymous, and is chiefly copied from Theodoret's
Ecclesiastical History, and a third by the Benedic-
tine editors. Two works of Ambrose, Ejj>lanatio
Si/iuboli ad iniiiandos, and Epistola de Fide, have
been discovered by Angelo Mail, and are published
by him in the seventh volume of his Scriptorun
Veterum Nova CoUectio. [P. S.]

AMBRO'SIUS, a hearer of Didymus, at Alex-
andria, lived A. D. 392, and was the author of
Comnientaries o?i Job, and a book in verse against
Apollinaris of Laodicea. Neither is extant. (S.
Hieron. de Vir. Illud. § 126,) [A. J. C]

A'MBRYON ('A/igpuwi') wrote a work on
Theocritus the Chian, from which Diogenes Laer-

AMBUSTUS.
tins (v. 1 1 ) quotes an epigram of Theocritus against
Aristotle.

AMBRYSSUS (^A^gpi/trffos), the mythical
founder of the town of Ambryssus or Amphiyssus
in Phocis. (Paus. x. 36. § 2.) [L. S.]

AMBU'LIA, AMBU'LII, and AMBU'LIUS
CAfji.€ou\ia, 'AfiSou\toi, and 'AfiSovKios)^ surnames
under which the Spartans worsliipped Athena, the
Dioscuri, and Zeus. (Paus. iii. 13. § 4.) The
meaning of the name is uncertain, but it has been
supposed to be' derived from dvaSdKXo), and to de-
signate those divinities as the delayers of death.

[L. S,]

AMBUSTUS, the name of a family of the
patrician P'abia Gkns. The first member of the
Fabia gens, who acquired this cognomen, was Q.
Fabius Vibuknus, consul in B. c. 412, who appears
to have been a son of N. Fabius Vibulanus, consul
in B. c. 421. From this time the name Vibulanus
was dropt, and that of Ambustus took its place.
The latter was in its turn supplanted by that of
Maximus, which was first .icquired by Q. Fabius,
son of No. 7 [see below], and was handed down
by him to his descendants.

1. Q. Fabius M. f. Q. n. Vibulanus Ambus-
tus, consul in B. c. 412. (Liv. iv. 52.)

2. M. Fabius Ambustus, Pontifex Maximus
in the year that Rome was taken by the Gauls,
II. c. 390. His three sons [see Nos. 3, 4, and
5] were sent as ambassadors to the Gauls, when
the latter were besieging Clusium, and took part
in a sally of the besieged against the Gauls. The
Gauls demanded that the Fabii should be sur-
rendered to them for violating the law of nations ;
and upon the sen.ite refusing to give up the guilty
parties, they marched against Rome. The three
sons were in the same year elected consular tri-
bunes. (Liv. v. 35, 36, 41 ; Plut. Cam. 17.)

3. K. Fabius M. f. Q. n. Ambustus, son of
No. 2 and brother lo Nos. 4 and 5, was quaestor
in b. c. 409, with three plebeians as his colleagues,
•which was the first time that quaestors were
chosen from the plebs. (Liv. iv. 54.) He was
consular tribune for the first time in 404 (iv. 61),
again in 401 (v. 10), a third time in 395 (v. 24),
and a fourth time in 390. [See No. 2.)

4. N. Fabius M. f. Q. n. Ambustus, son of
No. 2 and brother to Nos. 3 and 5, consular tri-
bune in B. c. 406 (Liv. iv. 58), and again in 390.
[See No. 2.]

5. Q. Fabius M. f. Q. n. Ambustus, son of
No. 2 and brother to Nos. 3 and 4, consular tri-
bune in B. c. 390. [See No. 2.J

6. M. Fabius K. f. M. n. Ambustus, son, as
it appears, of No. 3, was consular tribune in B. c.
381. (liiv. vi. 22.) He had two daughters, of
whom the elder was married to Ser. Sulpicius, and
the younger to C. Licinius Stolo, the author of the
Licinian Rogations. According to the story re-
corded by Livy, the younger Fabia induced her
father to assist her husband in obtaining the con-
sulship for the plebeian order, into which she had
inarried. (vi. 34.) Ambustus was consular tribune
a second time in 369, and took an active part in
support of the Licinian Rogations, (vi. 36.) He
was censor in 363. {Fast. Capitol.)

7. M. Fabius N. f. M. n. Ambustus, son, as
It appears, of No. 4, was consul in B. c. 360, and
carried on the war against the Hernici, whom he
conquered, and obtained an ovation in consequence.
(Liv. vii. 1] ; Fast. Triumph.) He was consul a

AMEIPSIAS.

Mt

second time in 356, and carried on the war against
the Falisci and Tarquinienses, whom he also con-
quered. As he was absent from Rome when the
time came for holding the comitia, the senate, wliich
did not like to entrust them to his colleague,
who had appointed a plebeian dictator, and still
less to the dictator himself, nominated interreges
for the purpose. The object of the patricians was
to secure both places in the consulship for their
own order again, which was effected by Ambustus,
who seems to have returned to Rome meantime.
He was appointed the eleventh interrex, and de-
clared two patricians consuls in violation of the
Licinian law. (Liv. vii. 17.) He was consul a
third time in 354, when he conquered the Tiburtes
and obtained a triumph in consequence, (vii. 18,
19; Fast. Triumph.) In 351 he was appointed
dictator merely to frustrate the Licinian law again
at the comitia, but did not succeed in his object.
(Liv. vii. 22.) He was alive in 325, when his
son, Q. Fabius Maximus RuUianus, was master of
the horse to Papirius, and fled to Rome to implore
protection from the vengeance of the dictator. He
interceded on his son's behalf both with the senate
and the people, (viii. 33.)

8. C. Fabius (C. f. M. n.) Ambustus, consul
in b. c. 358, in which year a dictator was ap-
pointed through fear of the Gauls. (Liv. vii, 12.)

9. M. Fabius M. f. N. n. Ambustus, son ap-
parently of No. 7, and brother to the great Q.
Fabius Maximus RuUianus, was master of the
horse in b. c. 322. (Liv. viii. 38.)

10. Q. Fabius (Q. f. Q. n.) Ambustus, dic-
tator in b. c. 321, but immediately resigned
through some fault in the election. (Liv. ix. 7.)

11. C. Fabius M. f. N. n. Ambustus, son ap-
parently of No. 7, and brother to No. 9, was
appointed master of the horse in b. c. 315 in place
of Q. Aulius, who fell in battle. (Liv, ix. 23.)

AMEINIAS. [Narcissus.]

AMEl'NIAS ('A/ieji/ios), a younger brother of
Aeschylus, of the Attic demos of Pallene accord-
ing to Herodotus (viii. 84, 93), or of that of
Decelea according to Plutarch {Them. 14), distin-
guished himself at the battle of Salamis(B. c. 480)
by making the first attack upon the Persian ships,
and also by his pursuit of Artemisia. He and
Eumenes were judged to have been the bravest on
this occasion among all the Athenians. (Herod.
Pint. //. CO.; Diod. xi. 27.) Aelian mentions
{V. H. V. 19), that Ameinias prevented the con-
demnation of his brother Aeschylus by the Areio-
pagus. [Aeschylus, p. 41, a.]

AMEINOCLES ('Ajtt€ii/o/cA7js), a Corinthian
shipbuilder, who visited Saraos about B. c. 704,
and built four ships for the Samians. (Thuc. i. 13.)
Pliny (//. N. vii. 56) says, that Thucydides men-
tioned Ameinocles as the inventor of the trireme ;
but this is a mistake, for Thucydides merely states
that triremes were first built at Corinth in Greece,
without ascribing their invention to Ameinocles.
Accordin? to SjMicellus (p. 212, c), triremes were
first built at Athens by Ameinocles.

AMEI'PSIAS ('Ajiiet\|/ios), a comic poet of
Athens, contemporary with Aristophanes, whom he
twice conquered in the dramatic contests, gjiining
the second prize with his Kovvos when Aristo-
phanes was third with the *' Clouds" (423 B. c),
and the first with his Kw/iao-ral, when Aristo-
phanes gained the second with the " Birds." (414
B. c. ; Argura. in Aristoph. Nub. et Av.) The

142 AMERIAS.

Kovuos appears to have had the same subject and
aim as the '• Clouds." It is at least certain that
Socrates appeared in the play, and that the Chorus
consisted of ^povTiarai. (Diog. Laert. ii. 28 ;
Athen. v. p. 218.) Aristophanes alludes to
Ameipsias in the " Frogs" (v. 12 — 14), and we
are told in the anonymous life of Aristophanes,
that when Aristophanes first exhibited his plays,
in the names of other poets, Ameipsias applied to
him the proverb TerpaSi yeyovus, which means
" a person who labours for others," in allusion to
Heracles, who was born on the fourth of the
month.

Ameipsias wrote many comedies, out of which
there remain only a few fragments of the follow-
ing : — 'ATroKOTra§i^ovT€S^ KaTfadiuu (doubtful),
Kovvos^ Mot;^oi, ^aircpci, ^(pevSoyq, and of some
the names of which are unknown. Most of his
plays were of the old comedy, but some, in all
probability, were of the middle. (Meineke, Fruc/.
Com.i. p. 19.9, ii. p.70l.) [P. S.]

AMELESA'GORAS {'Af^ehwaySpas) or ME-
LESA'GORAS(M€\J7(ra7o'pas), as he is called by
others, of Chalcedon, one of the early Greek histo-
rians, from whom Gorgias and Eudemus of Naxos
borrowed. (Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. p. 629, a ;
Schol. ad Eurip. Alcest. 2 ; Apollod. iii. 10. § 3,
where Heyne has substituted MeATjo-aYo'pas for
M j/Tjff a7(J pas.) Maxiraus Tyrius (Serin. 38. § 3)
speaks of a Melesagoras, a native of Eleusis, and
Antigonus of Carystus (Hid. Mirah. c. 12) of an
Anielesagoras of Athens, the latter of whom wrote
an account of Attica; these persons are probably
the sjime, and perhaps also the simie as Anielesa-
goras of Chalcedon. (Vossius, de Hist. Graec. p.
22, ed. Westennann.)

AME'LIUS ('A/xeAios), a native of Ap.araea
according to Suidas (s. v. 'Aixe\ios), but a Tuscan
according to Porphyry (vit. Ploti/i.), belonged to
the new Platonic school, and was the pupil of
Plotinus and master of Porphyry. He quoted the
opinion of St. John about the A6yos without men-
tioning the name of the Apostle : this extract has
been preserved by Eusebius. (Praep. Eraiig. xi.
19.) See Suid. Porphyr. Ih cc. ; Syrian, xii,
Metaphi/s. p. 47, a. 61, b. 69, a. 88, a.; Bentley,
Jieinurks on Free-Thinking, p. 182, &:c., Lond.
1743 ; Fabric. BiU. Graec. iii. p. 160.

AMENTES ('A^T^j'TTys), an ancient Greek sur-
geon, mentioned by Galen as the inventor of some
ingenious bandages. {De Fasciis, c. 58, 61, 89,
vol. xii. pp. 486, 487, 493, ed. Chart.) Some
fragments of the works of a surgeon named
Ainyntas (of which name Ameutes is very possibly
a con-uption) still exist in the manuscript Collec-
tion of Surgical "Writers by Nicetas (Fabricius,
Bibl. Gr. vol. xii. p. 778, ed. vet.), and one ex-
tract is preserved by Oribasius {Colt. Medic, xlviii.
30) in the fourth volume of Cardinal Mai's Collec-
tion of Classici Auciores e Valicanis CodicHms, p.
99, Rom. 1831, 8vo. His date is unknown, ex-
cept that he must have lived in or before the second
century after Christ. He may perhaps be the same
})erson who is said by the Scholiast on Theocritus
{Idyll, xvii. 128) to have been put to death by
Ptolemy Philadelphus, about b. c. 264, for plotting
against his life. [W. A. G.]

AME'RIAS ('Ayuepiaj), of Macedonia, a gram-
marian, who wrote a work entitled VKwaaai,
which gave an account of the meaning of words,
and another called 'Pt^oro^i/cos. (Athen. iv. p.

AMMIANUS.

176, c, e, XV. p. 681, f, &c.; ^c\io\. ad ApoU.RIiod.
ii. 384, 1284 ; Kuster, ad Hesych. s. v. *A6ri/jLevos.)

AMERISTUS {'AfiepioTTos), the brother of the
poet Stesichorus, is mentioned by Proclus {ad
Euclid, ii. p. 19) as one of the early Greek geo-
meters. He lived in the latter end of the seventh
century B. c.

AMESTRIS. [Amastris.]

AMIA'NUS, whom Cicero mentions in a letter
to Atticus (vi. 1. § 13), written B.C. 50, was pro-
bablv a debtor of Atticus in Cilicia. '

AMISO'DARUS('A)UKrwSapos),akingofLycia,
who was said to have brought up the monster Chi-
maera. (Horn. //. xvi. 328 ; Eustath, ad Horn. p.
1062; Apollod. ii. 3. § 1 ; Aelian, H.A. ix. 23.)
His sons Atynniius and Maris were slain at Troy
by the sons of Nestor. (//. xvi. 317, &c.) [L. S.]

A'MITON {'AixiTwv), of Eleutherae in Crete,
is said to have been the first person who sung to
the lyre amatory poems. His descendants were
called yl7Ju7ores('AjUtTop€s). (Athen. xiv, p. 638,b.)
There seems some corruption in the text of Athe-
naeus, as the two names A initou and A mitores do
not correspond. Instead of the former we ought
perhaps to read Anietor. (Comp. Etym. M. p. 83.
15, ed. Sylburg.; Hesych, s. v. 'Afir^Topifiai.)

AMMIA'NUS {'A/xfxiavds), a Greek epigram-
matist, but probably a Roman by birth. The
Greek Anthology contains 27 epigrams by him
(Jacobs, iii. pp. 93 — 98), to which must be added
another contiiined in the Vatican MS. (Jacobs,
xiii. p. 693), and another, which is placed among
the anonymous epigrams, but which some MSS.
assign to Ammianus. (Jacobs, iv. p. 127, No. xlii.)
They are all of a facetious character. In the
Planudean MS. he is called Abbianus, which
Wernsdorf supposes to be a Greek form of Avianus
or Avienus. {Poet. Lat. Miji. v. p. ii. p. 675.)

The time at which he lived may be gathered,
with tolerable certjiinty, from his epigrams. That
he was a contemporary of the epigrammatist Lucil-
lius, who lived under Nero, has been inferred from
the circumstance that both attack an orator named
Flaccus. (Ammian. Ep. 2 ; Lucil. Ep. 86, ap.
Jacobs.) One of his epigrams (13) is identical
with the last two lines of one of Martial's (ix. 30),
who is supposed by some to have translated these
lines from Ammianus, and therefore to have lived
after him. But the fact is equally well explained
on the supposition that the poets were contempo-
rary. From two other epigrams of Ammianus
(Jacobs, vol. iv. p. 127, No. 42, and vol. xiii.
p. 125), we find that he was contemporary with
the sophist Antonius Polemo, who flourished under
Trajan and Hadrian. (Jacobs, Anthol. Graec. xi.
pp. 312,313, xiii. p. 840.) [P. S.]

AMMIA'NUS MARCELLI'NUS, "the last
subject of Rome who composed a profane historj'
in the Latin language;" was by birth a Greek, as
he himself frequently declares (xxxi. sub fin.,
xxii. 8. § 33, xxiii. 6. § 20, &c.), and a native of
Syrian Antioch, as we infer from a letter addressed
to him by Libanius. (See Vales, praef. in Ammian.
Marcellin.) At an early age he embraced the pro-
fession of amis, and was admitted among the
proicdores domesiici, which proves that he belonged
to a distinguished family, since none were enrolled
in that corps except j'oung men of noble blood, or
officers Avhose valour and fidelity had been proved
in long service. Of his subsequent promotion no-
thing is known. He was attached to the staff of

AMMIANUS.

Ursicinus, one of the most able among the genemls
ol" (Jonstantius, and accompanied him to the Kast
ill 350. He returned wiih his commander to Italy
lour years afterwards, from thence passed over into
naul, and assisted in the enterpiise against Sylva-
nus, again followed Ursicinus when despatched for
a second time to the East, and appears to have
never quitted him until the period of his final dis-
grace in 3G0, Aunnianus subsequently attended
the emperor Julian in his cinipaign against the
Persians, was present at Antioch in 371, when the
))!ot of Theodorus was detected in the reign of
\'alens, and witnessed the tortures inflicted upon
tlie conspirators. (xxi.\. i. § 24.) Kventualh'
he established himself at Rome, where he com-
posed his history, and during the progress of the
task read several portions publicly, which were
received with great applause. (Liban. Epist.
Dcccci.xxxm. p. 60, ed. Wolf.) The precise date
of his death is not recorded, but it nmst have hap-
]jened later than 390, since a reference occurs to
the consulship of Neoterius, which belongs to that
year.

The work of Ammianus extended from the ac-
cession of Nerva, a. d. dQ^ the point at which the
histories of Tacitus and the biographies of Sueto-
nius terminated, to the death of Valens, a. d. 378,
comprising a period of 282 years. It was divided
into thirty-one books, of which the first thirteen
are lost. The remaining eighteen embrace the acts
of Constantius from a.d. 353, the seventeenth year
of his reign, together with the whole career of
Callus, Julianus, Jovianus, Valentinianus, and
Valens. The portion preserved includes the trans-
actions of twenty-five years only, which proves
that the earlier books must have presented a very
coiuk-nsed abridgment of the events contained in
the long space over which they stretched ; and
hence we may feel satisfied, that what has been
fcaved is much more valuable than what has pe-
rished.

Gibbon (cap. xxvi.) pays a well deserved tri-
bute to the accuracy, fidelity, and impartiality of
Ammianus. We are indebted to him for a know-
ledge of many important facts not elsewhere re-
corded, and for much valuable insight into the
modes of thought and the general tone of public
teeling prevalent in his day. His history must not,
however, be regarded as a complete chronicle of that
era ; tiiose proceedings only are brought forward
prominently in which he himself was engaged, and
nearly all the statements admitted appear to be
founded upon his own observations, or upon the in-
fomiation derived from trustworthy eye-witnesses.
A considerable number of dissertations and digres-
sions are hitroduced, many of them highly interest-
ing and valuable. Such are his notices of the
institutions and manners of the Saracens (xiv. 4),
of the Scythians and Sannatians (xvii. 12), of the
Huns find Alani (xxxi. 2), of the Egyptians and
their country (xxii. 6, 14 — 16), and his geogra-
phical discussions upon Gaul (xv. 9), the Pontus
(xxii. 8), and Thrace (xxvii. 4), although the
accuracy of many of his details has been called in
question by D'Anville. Less legitimate and less
judicious are his geological speculations upon earth-
quakes (xvii. 7), his astronomical inquiries into
eclipses (xx. 3), comets (xxv. 10), and the regu-
lation of the calendar (xxvi. 1), his medical re-
searches into the origui of epidemics (xix. 4), his
zoological theory ou the destruction of lions bv

AMMIANUS.

143

mosquitoes (xviii. 7), and his horticultural eswiy
on the impregnation of palms (xxiv. 3). But in
addition to industry in research and honesty of
purpose, he was gifted with a large measure ot
strong common sense which enabled him in many
points to rise superior to the prejudice of his da^,
and with a clear-sighted independence of spirit
which prevented him from being dazzled or over-
awed by the brilliancy and the terrors which en-
veloped the imperial throne. The wretched
vanity, weakness, and debauchery of Constantius,
rendering him an easy prey to the designs of the
profligate minions by whom he was surrounded,
the female intrigues which ruled the court of
Gallus, and the conflicting elements of vice and
vii'tue which were so strongly combined in the cha-
racter of Valentinian, are all sketched with bold-
ness, vigour, and trutli. But although sufficiently
acute in detecting and exposing the follies of othei-s,
and especially in ridiculing the absurdities of po-
pular superstition, Ammianus did not entirely
esaipe the contagion. The general and deep-
seated belief in magic spells, omens, prodigies, and
oracles, which appears to have gained additional
strength upon tiie first introduction of Christianity,
evidently exercised no small influence over his
mind. The old legends and doctrines of the Pagan
creed and the subtle mysticism which philosophers
pretended to discover lurking below, when mixed
up with the pure and simple but startling tenets of
the new faith, formed a confused mass which few
intellects, except those of the very higliest class,
could reduce to order and harmony.

A keen controversy has been maintained with
regard to the religious creed of our author. (See
Bayle.) There is nothing in his writings which
can entitle us to decide the question positively. In
several passages he speaks with marked respect of
Christianity and its professors (xxi. sub fin., xxii.
11, xxvii. 3 ; compare xxii. 12, xxv. 4); but even
his strongest expressions, which are all attributed
by Gibbon '^ to the incomparable plianc}' of a
polytheist," afford no conclusive evidence that he
was himself a disciple of the cross. On the other
hand he does not scruple to stigmatize with the
utmost severity the savage fury of the contending
sects (xxii. 5), nor fail to reprobate the bloody vio-
lence of Daraasus and Ursinus in the contest for
the see of Home (xxvii. 3) : the absence of all
censure on the apostacy of Julian, and the terms
wliich he employs with regard to Nemesis (xiv.
11, xxii, 3), the Genius (xxi. 14), Mercuiius (xvi.
5, xxv. 4), and other deities, are by many con-
sidered as decisive proofs that he was a pagan.
Indeed, as Heyne justly remarks, many of the
writers of this epoch seem purposely to avoid
committing themselves. Being probably devoid of
strong religious principles, they felt unwilling to
hazard any declaration which might one day ex-
pose them to persecution and prevent them from
adopting the various forms which the faith of the
court might from time to time assume.

Ivittle can be said in praise of the style of Am-
mianus. The melodious flow and simple dignity
of the purer models of composition had long
ceased to be relished, and we too often detect the
harsh diction mid involved periods of an imperfectly
educated foreign soldier, relieved occasionally by the
pompous inflation and flashy glitter of the rhetori-
cal schools. His phraseology as it regaids the sig-
nification, gi-ammatical inflexions, and syntactical

lU

AMMON.

combinations of words, probably represents the cur-
rpnt language of the age, but must be pronounced
full' of barbarisms and solecisms when judged ac-
cording to the standard of Cicero and Livy.

The Editio Princeps of Ammianus Marcellinus,
edited by Angelas Sabinus, was printed at Rome,
in folio, by George Sachsel and Barth. Golsch in
the year 1474. It is verj- incorrect, and contains
1 3 books only, from the 1 4th to the 26th, both
inclusive. The remaining five were first published
by Accorsi, who, in his edition printed in folio at
Augsburg in 1532, boasts that he had corrected
iive thousand errors.

• The most useful modem editions are those of
Gronovius, 4to., Lugd, Bat. 1693 ; of Ernesti, 8vo.
Lips., 1773; but above all, that which was com-
menced by Wagner, completed after his death by
Erfurdt, and published at Leipsic, in 3 vols. 8vo.
1808. [W. R.]

AMMON ("Ayttytiwj/), originally an Aethiopian
or Libyan divinity, whose worship subsequently
spread all over Egypt, a part of the northern coast
of Africa, and many parts of Greece. The real
Egyptian name was Anmn or Ammun (Herod, ii.
42 ; Plut. de Is. et Os. 9) ; the Greeks called him
Zeus Ammon, the Romans Jupiter Ammon, and
the Hebrews Amon, (Jerem. xlvi. 25. ) That in the
countries where his worship was first established
he was revered in certain respects as the supreme
divinity, is clear from the fact, that the Greeks
recognised in him their own Zeus, although the
identity of the two gods in later times rests upon
philosophical speculations, made at a period when
the original character of Ammon was jilmost lost
sight of, and a more spiritual view of him substi-
tuted in its place.

The most ancient seat of his worship appears to
have been Meroe, where he had a much revered
oracle (Herod, ii. 29); thence it was introduced
into Egypt, where the worship took the firmest
root at Thebes in Upper Egypt, which was there-
fore frequently called by the Greeks Diospolis, or
the city of Zeus. (Herod, ii. 42 ; Diod. i. 15.)
Another famous seat of the god, with a celebrated
oracle, was in the oasis of Ammonium (Siwah) in
the Libyan desert ; the worship was also established
in Cyrenaica. (Paus. x. 13. § 3.) The god was
represented either in the form of a ram, or as a
human being with the head of a ram (Herod. /. c;
Sti-ab. xvii. p. 812) ; but there are some represen-
tations in which he appears altogether as a human
being with only the horns of a ram. TertuUian
(de Pull. 3) calls him dives ovium. If we take all
these circumstances into consideration, it seems
clear that the original idea of Ammon was that of
a protector and leader of the flocks. The Aethio-
pians were a nomadic people, flocks of sheep con-
stituted their principal wealth, and it is perfectly
in accordance Avith the notions of the Aethiopians
as well as Egyptians to worship the animal which
is the leader and protector of the flock. This view
is supported by various stories about Ammon.
Hyginus {Poet. Astr. i. 20) whose account is only
a rationalistic interpretation of the origin of the
god's worship, relates that some African of the
name of Ammon brought to Liber, who was then
in )!ossession of Egypt, a large quantity of cattle
In return for this. Liber gave him a piece of land
near Thebes, and in commemoration of the benefits
Le had conferred upon the god, he was represented as
a human being with horns. What Pausanias (iv. 23.

AMMON.

§ 5) and Eustathius {ad Dioiiys. Perieg. 212) re-
mark, as well as one of the many etymologies of the
name of Ammon from the Egyptian word Amoni^
which signifies a shepherd, or to feed, likewise
accord with the opinion that Ammon was originally
the leader and protector of flocks. Herodotus re-
lates a story to account for the ram's head (ii. 42) :
Heracles wanted to see Zeus, but the latter wished
to avoid the interview; when, however, Hericles
at last had recourse to entreaties, Zeus contrived
the following expedient : he cut oflf the head of a
ram, and holding this before his own head, and
having covered the remaining part of his body
with the skin of the ram, he appeared before Hera-
cles. Hence, Herodotus adds, the Thebans never
sacrifice rams except once a year, and on this one
occasion they kill and flay a ram, and with its skin
they dress the statue of Zeus (Ammon) ; by the
side of this statue they then place that of Heracles.
A similar account mentioned by Servius {ad Aen.
iv. 196) may serve as a commentary upon Herodotus.
When Bacchus, or according to others, Heracles,
went to India and led his army through the deserts
of Libya, he was at last quite exhausted with
thirst, and invoked his father, Jupiter. Hereupon
a ram appeared, which led Heracles to a place
where it opened a spring in the sand by scraping
with its foot. For this reason, says Servius,
Jupiter Ammon, whose name is derived from
dfifios (sand), is represented with the horns of a
ram. (Comp. Hygin. Fab. 133, Poet. Astr. i. 20;
Lucan, Pharsal. ix. 511.) There are several other
traditions, with various modifications arising from
the time and place of their origin ; but all agree in
representing the ram as the guide and deliverer of
the wandering herds or herdsmen in the deserts,
either in a direct way, or by giving oracles. Am-
mon, therefore, who is identical with the ram, is
the guide and protector of man and of all his pos-
sessions; he stands in the same relation to man-
kind as the common ram to his flock.

The introduction of the worship of Ammon from
Aethiopia into Egypt was sj-mbolically represented
in a ceremony which was performed at Thebes
once in every year. On a certain day, the image
of the god was carried across the river Nile into
Libya, and after some days it was brought back, as
if the god had arrived from Aethiopia. (Diod. i. 97.)
The same account is given by Eustathius {ad Horn.
II. v. p. 128), though in a somewhat difi'erent form;
for he relates, that according to some, the Aethio-
pians used to fetch the images of Zeus and other
gods from the great temple of Zeus at Thebes.
With these images they went about, at a certain
period, in Libya, celebrated a splendid festival for
twelve days — for this, he adds, is the number of
the gods they worship. This number twelve con-
tains an allusion to the number of signs in the
zodiac, of which the ram {caper) is one. Thus we
arrive at the second phasis in the character of
Ammon, who is here conceived as the sun in the
sign of Caper. (Zeus disguised in the skin of a ram.
See Hygin. Fab. 133, Poet. Astr. i. 20 ; Macrob.
Sat. i. 21. 18 ; Aelian, V. H. x. 18.) This astro-
nomical character of Ammon is of later origin, and
perhaps not older than the sixth century before
Christ. The speculating Greeks of still later tiinea
assigned to Ammon a more spiritual nature. Thus
Diodorus, though in a passage (iii. 68, &c.) he
makes Ammon a king of Libya, describes him (i.
1 1 , &c.) as the spirit pervading the universe, and

A:M:\roNAS.

Rs the author of all life in nature. (Comp. Pint, de
/*•. (^t Os. 9, 21.) The new Platonists perceived
in Amnion their demiurges, that is, the creator and
preserver of the world. As this subject belongs
more especially to the mythology of Egypt, we
caimot here enter into a detailed discussion about
the nature and character which the later Greeks
assigned to him, or his connexion with Dionysus
and Heracles, Respecting these points and the
various opinions of modern critics, as well as the
ditVerent representations of Ammon still extant,
the reader may consult Jablonsky, Pantheon Aegypt;
Bohien, Das alte Imiien, mit bcsonderer Rucksicht
uvf Eyypten, ii. c. 2. § 9 ; J. C. Prichard, Eyyptian
Mytholocfy; J. F. ChampoUion, Pantheon Egyptien^
OH Collection des Personages de I'ancicnne Egypte^ ^c,
Paris, 1823.

The worship of Ammon was introduced into
Greece at an early period, probably through the
medium of the Greek colony in Cyrene, which
must have formed a connexion with the great ora-
cle of Ammon in the Oasis soon after its establish-
ment. Ammon had a temple and a statue, the
gift of Pindar, at Thebes (Pans. ix. 16. § 1), and
another at Sparta, the inhabitants of which, as
Pausanias (iii. 18. § 2) says, consulted the oracle
of Ammon in Libya from early times more than
the other Greeks. At Aphytis, Ammon was wor-
shipped, from the time of Lysander, as zealously as
in Ammonium. Pindar the poet honoured the god
with a hymn. At Megalopolis the god was repre-
sented with the head of a ram (Pans. viii. 32. § 1),
and the Greeks of Cyrenaica dedicated at Delphi a
chariot with a statue of Ammon. (x. 13. § 3.) The
homage which Alexander paid to the god in the
Oasis is well known. [L. S.]

AMMON ("A/Ujuwi'), a geometrician, who made
R measurement of the walls of Rome, about the
time of the first invasion of the Goths, and found
them to be 21 miles in circuit. (Olympiodorus,
up. Phot. Cod. 80, p. G3, ed. Bekker.) [P. S.]

AMMON ("Ayu.ucuj/), ]. Bishop of Hadrianople,
A. D. 400, wrote (in Greek) On the Resurrection
against Origenisni (not extant). A fragment of
Ammon, from this work possibly, may be found ap.
S. Cyril. Alex. Lib. de Recta Fide. (Vol. v. pt. 2, ad
fin. p. 50, ed. Paris. 1638.) He was present at
the Council of Constantinople a. d. 394, held on
occasion of the dedication of Rufinus's church,
near Chalcedon. (Soz. Hist. Eccl. viii. 8. 3 ; Mansi,
Cuncilia. vol. iii. p. 851.)

2. Bishop of Elearchia, in the Thebaide, in
the 4 til and 5th centuries. To hira is addressed
the Canonical Epistle of Theophilus of Alexandria,
ap. Synodicon Beveregii, vol. i. pt. 1, p. 170. Pape-
brochius has published in a Latin version his
Epistle to Theophilus, De Vita et Conversatione
SS. Pacliomii et Theodori (ap. BoUand. Ada Sanc-
torum, vol. xiv. p. 347, &.C.). It contains an
Epistle of St. Antony. [A. J. C]

AMMO'N AS {'AnfioSvas) or AMOUN {'A/Jiovu),
founder of one of the most celebrated monastic
communities in Egypt. Obliged by his relations
to marry, he persuaded his bride to perpetual con-
tinence (Sozom. Hist. Eccl. i. 14) by the authority
of St. Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians. (Socr.
Hist. Eccl. iv. 23.) They lived together thus for
1 8 years, when at her wish, for greater perfection,
they parted, and he retired to Scetis and Mt.
Kitria, to the south of Lake Mareotis, where he
lived 22 years, visiting his sister- wife twice in the

AMMON lUS.

145

year. (Tbid. and Pallad. Hi^t. Laus. c. 7 ; Ruffin.
nt. Patr. c. 29.) He died before St. Antony (from
whom there is an epistle to him, S. Athan. 0pp. vol.
i. pt. 2, p. 959, ed. Bened.), i. e. before A. v. 365,
for the latter asserted that he beheld the soul of
Amoun borne by angels to heaven ( Vit. S. Antonii a
S. Athanas. § 60), and as St. Athanasius's history
of St. Antony preserves the order of time, he died
perhaps about a. d. 320. There are seventeen or
nineteen Rules of Asceticism {K«pa.\aia) ascribed to
him ; the Greek original exists in MS. (Lambecius,
Biblioth. Vindol. lib. iv. cod. 156, No. 6) ; they are
published in the Latin version of Gerhard Vossius
in the Biblioth. PP. Ascetica., vol. ii. p. 484, Paris.
1661. Tiventy-tico Ascetic Institutions of the same
Amoun, or one bearing the same name, exist also
in MS. (Lambec. I.e. Cod. 155, No. 2.) [A.J.C.]

AMMO'NIA (^ Aixfxuvia), a surname of Hera,
under which she was worshipped in Elis. The
inhabitants of Elis had from the earliest times
been in the habit of consulting the oracle of Zeua
Ammon in Libya. (Paus. v. 15. § 7.) [L. S.]

AMMONIA'NUS {^h^ifxwviavSs), a Greek
grammarian, who lived in the fifth century after
Christ. He was a relation and a friend of the phi-
losopher Syrianus, and devoted his attention to
the study of the Greek poets. It is recorded of
him that he had an ass, which became so fond of
poetry from listening to its master, that it neglect-
ed its food. (Damascius, ap. Phot. p. 339, a., ed.
Bekker ; Suid. s. v. 'A/x/xcaviavos and ''Ouos \upas.)

AMMO'N lUS, a favourite of Alexandek
Balas, king of Syria, to whom Alexander entrust-
ed the entire management of public affairs. Am-
monius was avaricious and cruel ; he put to death
numerous friends of the king, the queen Laodice,
and Antigonus, the son of Demetrius. Being de-
tected in plotting against the life of Ptolemy Phi-
lometor, about B. c. 147, the latter required
Alexander to surrender Ammonius to him; but
though Alexander refused to do this, Ammonius
was put to death by the inhabitants of Antioch,
whom Ptolemy had induced to espouse his cause.
(Liv. Epit. 50 ; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 4. § 5 ; Diod.
Em. 29, p. 628, ed. Wess.)

AMMO'NIUS {'Aixfj-oivios) of Alexandria,
the son of Ammonius, was a pupil of Alexander,
and one of the chief teachers in the grammatical
school founded by Aristarchus. (Suid. s. v. 'A/x-
IJLwvios.) He wrote commentaries upon Homer,
Pindar, and Aristophanes, none of which are ex-
tant. (Fabric. bAI. Graec. v. p. 712; Matter,
Essais historiques sur V icole d"* A leicandrey i. pp.
179,233.)

AMMO'NIUS ( *A/ijU(Mi'tos), of Alexandria,
Presbyter and Ooconoraus of the Church in that
city, and an Egyptian by birth, a. d. 458. He
subscribed the Epistle sent by the clergy of Egypt
to the emperor Leo, in behalf of the Council ot
Chalcedon. {Concilia^ ed. Labbei, vol. iv. p. 897,
b.) He wrote (in Greek) On the DijFcrence
betiveen Nature a7id Person, against the Mono-
physite heresy of Eutyches and Dioscorus (not
extant) ; an Exposition of the Book of Acts (ap.
Catena Graec. Patr. in Act. SS. Apostolorum, 8vo.,
Oxon. 1838, ed. Cramer) ; a Commentary on
tlie Psalms (used by Nicetas in his Catena ; see
Cod. 189, Biblioth. Coislin., ed. Montfauc. p
244) ; On the HeuaHmeron (no remains) ; On St.
JohCs Gospel, which exists in the Catena Grae-
corvm Patrum in S. Joan. ed. Corderii, foL,

L

H6

AMMOXIUS.

Antw. 1630. He is quoted in the Catenae on the
History of Susaniiah and on Daniel. {Nova Col-
lect. Script. Vet. ab Angelo Maio, p. lGt>, iVc.vol. i.
A. D. 18-25.) [A. J. C]

AMMONIUS {'Afifjitivios) GRA:\IMATICUS,
professor of grammar at Alexandria, with Helladius,
at the close of the 4th century. lie was also priest
of the Egyptian Ape. On the vigorous overthrow of
idolatry in Egypt by the bishop Theophilus a. d.
389-3&1, Ammonius and Helladius lied to Con-
stantinople and there resumed their profession.
(Socr. Hist. Eccl. v. 16.) Ammonius wrote, in
Greek, On tJie Differences if Words of like Sitjnifica-
iiov {ir^pl ofioiwu kol Siacpopwu h^^cuv), which is
appended to many lexicons, e.g. to that of Scapula.
It was edited by Valckneaer, 4to., Lugd. Bat. 1739,
and with further notes by Chr. Frid. Ammon,
8vo., Erlang. 1787. There is another work by
this Ammonius, irfpl d.Kvpo\oyias, which has not
yet been printed. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. v.
p. 715.) The historian Socrates was a pupil of
Ammonius. {Hist. Eccl. v. 16.) [A. J. C]

AMMONIUS {'Afifxcivios), son of Hermeas,
Btudiel with his brother Heliodorus at Athens
under Proclus (who died A. n. 484), and was the
master of Siniplicius, Asclepius Trallianus, John
Philoponus, and Damascius. His Comrneritaries (in
Greek) on Plato and Ptolemy are lost, as well as
many on Aristotle. His extant works are Coin-
mejitaries on the Isapoqe of PorpJii/ry^ or the Fire
Predicables., first published at Venice in 1500, and
On the Categories of Aristotle^ and De Interpre-
iatione, first published at Venice in 1503. See too
ap. Alexand. Aphrodis. De /tito, p. 180, 8vo.
Lond. 1658. The above-named Commentaries on
Aristotle are also published in the Scholia in
Ar<$tot. ed. Brandis. In MS. are his Commentaries
on Aristotle's Topics and Metaphysics, and his
JMcthodus construendi Astrolabium. (Fal)ric. Bibl.
Graec. vol. v. p. 707.) [A. J. C]

AMMONIUS, of Lamprae, a village of
Attica, a Perijmtetic philosopher, who lived in
the first century of the Christian aera. He was
the instructor of Plutarch, who praises his great
learning {Symp. iiu 1), and introduces him dis-
coursing on religion and sacred rites, (ix. 15.)
Corsini endeavours to shew {in vita Plutarchi^ p. 6),
that Ammonius of Lamprae is really the same per-
son with Ammonius the Egyptian mentioned h\
Eunapius, and concludes that it was from this
source Plutarch obtained the minute knowledge of
Egyptian worship which he has shewn in his trea-
tise on I sis and Osiris.

Ammonius of Lamprae is mentioned by Ammo-
nius, the author of the work De Differentiis Ver-
bonim, under the word )Seij,uos, as having written a
treatise Ilepi Bwixoiv^ or as the fuller title is given
by Athenaeus, Ufpl Ewjucov Koi Qvctikv. (xi. p.
476, f ) Whether the same Ammonius was the
author of another work, Uepl rau 'A6r)vrjfriv
'EraipiSav, mentioned by Athenaes (xiii. p. 567,
a), is uncertain. [B. J.]

AMMO'NIUS C^fifidvios) LITHO'TOMUS,
an eminent surgeon of Alexandria, mentioned by
Celsus {/Je Afed. vii. Praef. p. 137), whose exact
date is not known, but who probably lived in the
reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, b. c. 283—247,
as his name occurs in Celsus together with those
of several other surgeons who lived at that time.
He is chiefly celebrated for having been the first
person who thought of breaking a stone within the

AMMONIUS.

bladder when too large for extraction entire ; on
which account he received the cognomen of
KiGoTOfios. An account of his mode of operation,
as described by Celsus {De Med. vii, 26, p. 161),
is given in ih.e Diet, of Ani. p. 220. Some medical
preparations used by a physician of the same name
occur also in Aetius and Paulus Aegineta, but
whether they all belong to the same person is un-
certain. [W. A. G.]

AMMO'NIUS, the Moxk, flourished a.d. 372.
He was one of the Four Great Brot/wrs (so called
from their height), disciples of Pambo, the monk
of Mt. Nitria"( Vitae Patnan, ii. 23 ; Pallad. Hi^t.
Laus. c 12, ed. Rosweyd. p. 543.) He knew the
Bible by heart, and carefully studied Didymus, Ori-
gcn, and the other ecclesiastical authors. In a. d.
339-341 he accompanied St. Athanasius to Rome.
In A. D. 371-3, Peter II. succeeded the latter, and
when he fled to Rome from his Arian persecutors,
Ammonius retired from Canopus into Palestine.
He witnessed the cruelties of the Saracens against
the monks of !Mount Sinai A. D. 377, and received
intelligence of the sufferings of others near the Red
Sea- On his return to Egypt, he took up his
abode at ]Memphis, and described these distresses
in a book which he wrote in Egyptian. This
being found at Nancratis by a priest, named John,
was by him translated into Greek, and in tlint
form is extant, in Christi Alartyrum Electi tri-
umphi (p. 88, ed. Combefis, 8vo., Par. 1660).
Ammonius is said to have cut off an ear to avoid
promotion to the episcopate. (Socr. iv. 23 ; Pallad.
Hist. Imus. c. 12.) [A. J. C]

AMMO'NIUS {'A/jL/xwuios) the Peripatetic,
who wrote only a few poems and declamations.
He was a different person from Ammonius, the
teacher of Plotinus. (Longin. ap. Porphyr. in
Plotin. fit. c. 20 ; Philostr. ii. 27 ; Ruhnken, Diss.
dc Lonqino.)

AMMO'NIUS CAfx/jLcivios), a Greek Pokt,
who lived in the reign of the emperor Theodosius II.
He wrote an epic poem on the insurrection of the
Goths under Gainas (a. d. 400), which he called
raiWa, and is said to have read in a. d. 438 to the
emperor, who received it with great approbation.
(Socr.it. Hist. Eccles. vi. 6; Nicephor. xii. 6.)
Who this Ammonius was, and whether the lines
quoted in the Etymologicum Magnum {s.v.Mivavros)
from one Ammonius, and the two epigrams in the
Anthologia Graeca (iii. 3, p. 841, ed. Jacobs),
which bear the same name, belong to him, is un-
certain. [L. S.]

AMMO'NIUS or H AMMONIUS, an am-
bassador of Ptolemaeus Auletes, who was sent
to Rome B. c. 56 to seek assistance against the
Alexandrians, who had opposed the king. (Cic.
ad Fam.. i. 1.) He is perhaps the same person as
the Ammonius who is spoken of as one of the
agents of Cleopatra in n. c. 44. {Ad Att. xv. 15.)

AMMO'NIUS, called SACCAS {'A/xfidyios
2aK/cas, i.e. '2,aKKO(p6po^), or sack-carrier, beciiuse
his official employment was carrying the corn, landed
at Alexandria, as a public porter {saccarius., see
Gothofred ad Cod. Theodos. 14, tit. 22), was bom
of Christian parents. Porphyry asserts (lib. 3,
adv. Christian, ap. Euseb. //. E. vi. 19), Eusebius
(/. c.) and St. Jerome ( Vir. III. ^ 55) deny, that
he apostatized from the faith. At any rate he
combined the study of philosophy with Christianity,
and is regarded by those who maintain his apostasy
as the founder of the later Platonic SchooL

AMOR.

Among his disciples are mentioned Longinus, He-
rennius, Plotinus (Amni. Marcel), xxii.), both
Origcns, and St. Herachis. He died a. d. 243, at
the age of more than 80 years. A life of Aristo-
tle, prefixed to the Commentary of his namesake
on the Categories, has been ascribed to him, but it
is probably the work of John Philoponus. The
Pagan disciples of Ammonius held a kind of phi-
losophical theology. Faith was derived by in-
ward perception ; God was threefold in essence^
intellufence, (viz. in knowledge of himself) and
power (viz, in activity), the two latter notions
being inferior to the tirst ; the care of the world
was entrusted to gods of an inferior race, below
those again were daemons, good and bad ; an
ascetic life and theurgy led to the knowledge of
the Infinite, who was worshipped by the vulgar,
only in their national deities. The Alexandrian
physics and psychology were in accordance with
these principles. If we are to consider him a
Christian, he was, besides his philosophy (which
would, of course, then be represented by Origen,
and not by the pagan Alexandrian school as above
described) noted for his writings (Euseb. H. E. vi.
iii), especially on the Scriptures. (Enseb. Epist.
ad Caspian, a Gallandi's Bibf. Pair. vol. iL) He
composed a Diutessuron, or Harmony of the Gospels^
•which exists in the Latin version of Victor, bishop
of Capua (in the 6th cent., who wrongly ascribed
it to Tatian) and of Luscinius. (See Monumenta
Pair. Ortkoilodoyrapha, i. pt. 2, per Grynaeiim, pp.
661-747, foL, Basil, 1569; E Graeco versa per
Ottomar. Luscinium. Aug. Vind. 4to., 1523 ; and
in German, Augsb., 8vo., 1524 ; the version of
Victor, Mogunt., 8vo., 1524; Colon., 8vo., 1532;
in Reg-Imp. et Consist. Monast. B. M. V. de
Salem, 8vo., 1774 ; Bildioth. Pair, a Galland., vol.
ii. p. 531, Venet., 1766 ; where vid. Prolegom.)
Besides the Harmony, Ammonius wrote De Con-
sensu Moysis et Jesu (Euseb. //. E. vi. 19), which
is pniised bv St. Jerome ( Vir. Illustr. % 55), but
is lost. ' [A. J. C]

AMNISI'ADES {^kixvicnA^es or 'Afiviaihis),
the nj-mphs of the river Amnisiis in Crete, who
aie mentioned in connexion with the worship of
Artemis there. (Callim. Hymn, in JJian. 15, 162;
Apollon. Rhod. iii. 881.) [L. S.]

AMOME'TUS ('A;ut^^T7Tos), a Greek writer of
uncertain date, who wrote a work on the people
called Attaci (Plin. H. N'. vi. 17. s, 20), and
another entitled ^AvdnKovs ck Me/jLcpcws. (Ahtigon.
Caryst. Hht. Mir. c. 164 ; comp. Aelian, V. H.
xvii. 6.) We ought probably to read 'Afxa>ix7]Tos
instead of 'Arpo'/tiTjTov in Schol. ad Ajyoll. iii. 179,
and Eudoc. Viol. p. 248.

AMOMPIIA'RETUS {'AfioficpdpcTos), com-
mander of the Pitanatan lochus in the Spartan
anny, who refused to march previously to the
battle of Plataea (b. c. 479) to a part of the plain
near the city, as Paueanias ordered, because he
thought that such a movement was equivalent to a
flight. He at length changed his mind when he
had been left by the other part of the army, and
set out to join Pausanias. He fell in the battle
which followed, after distinguishing himself by his
bravery, and was buried among the Irenes.
(Herod, ix. 53—57, 71, 85; Plut. Arisiid. M.)
As to the meaning of the last word see Diet, of
Ant. s. V. EtpTfy, and Thirl wall, Hist, of Greece, ii.
p. 350.

AMOR, the god of love and harmony. He had

AMPELIUS.

147

no place in the religion of the Romans, who know
and speak of him only from what they had heard
from the Greeks, and translate the Greek name
Eros into Amor. [Eros.] [L. S.]

AMORAEUS('A/iAo;jatoy), king of the Derbicae,
in a war against whom, according to Ctesias
{Persic, c. 6, ed. Lion), Cyrus, the first king of
Persia, fell.

AMORGES ('A|uJp7T)5). 1. A king of the
Sacae, according to Ctesias, whom Cyrus, king of
Persia, conquered in battle, but afterwards re-
leased, when he himself was vanquished and taken
prisoner by Spamithra, the wife of Amorges.
Ctesias represents Amorges as subsequently one of
the firmest allies of Cyrus. {Persic, cc. 3, 4, 7, 8,
ed. Lion.)

2, A Persian commander, killed in Caria, in
the revolt of the province, B. c. 498. (Herod, v.
121.)

3. The bastard son of Pissuthus, who revolted
in Caria about b. c. 413. The Peloponnesians
assisted Tissaphernes in putting down this revolt,
and took lasus, b. c. 412, which was held by
Amorges. The latter fell into their hands on the
capture of the place, and was surrendered by them
to Tissaphernes. (Thuc. viii. 5, 19, 28, 54.)

AMPE'LIUS. We possess a short tract bear-
ing the title Lucii Ampclii Liber Memorialis. It
was first made known by Salmasius, in 1638, from
a MS. in the library of Juretus, and subsequent
editors following his example have generally ap-
pended it to editions of Florus. "We conclude
from internal evidence (cc. 29, 47), that it must
have been composed after the reign of Trajan, and
before the final division of the Roman empire.
Himerius, Ammianus Marcellinus, and Symmachus
make frequent mention of an Ampelius, who en-
joyed the high dignities of raagister officiorum,
proconsul and praefectus urbi under Valentinian
and his immediate successors, and the name occurs
in connexion with thirteen laws of the Theodosian
code. Sidonius Apollinaris also (ix. 301) com-
memorates the learning of an Ampelius, but we
nowhere find any allusion which would enable us to
establish a connexion between the person or persons
spoken of by these writers and the compiler of the
Liber [Memorialis. On the contrary Glaser has
adduced reasons (in JRheiiiisc/ies Museum for 1842,
p. 145), which render it probable that the author
of the Liber Memorialis lived at an earlier time
than the above-mentioned persons. It is stated

in c. 18 of this book, " Sulla primus

invasit imperium, solusque deposuit.'''' Now as
Diocletian and Maximianus resigned the govern-
ment in A. D. 305, and this event is spoken of by
all the historians who treat of that period, the
Liber Memorialis would seem to have been com-
posed at least before that year.

This work, which is dedicated to a certsiin ^la-
crinus or Marinus, equally unknown with the
author himself, is a sort of common-place-book,
containing within a short compass a condensed and
meagre summary, collected from various sources, of
the most striking objects and phaenomcna of the
material universe and the most remarkable events
in the history of the world, the whole classified
systematically under proper heads, and divided
into fifty chapters. It is of little value in any
point of view. Nearly all the facts recorded are
to be found elsewhere in a more detailed and satis-,
factory form, and truth is so blended with false-

l2

148 AMPIIIARAUS.

hood, and the blunders committed so numoroiis,
that it cannot be used with safety for reference.
The style, where it is not a mere catalogue of
names, is simple and unaflFected, but both in the
construction of the sentences and in the use of
particular words, we can detect many traces of
corrupted launity. The commentaries and criti-
cisms of Salmasius, Muretus, Freinsheim, Hein-
sius, Perizonius and other scholars will be found
in the edition of Duker at the end of his Florus.
(Lug. Bat. 1722 — 1744, and reprinted av' Leips.
1832.) Ampelius was first published in a separate
form, with very useful prolegomena, by Tzschucke
(Leips. 1793), and subsequently by Pockwitz
(Llinenb. 1823), and F. A. Beck. (Leips.
1826.) [W. II.]

AMPHTANAX {'Afi(piduaf^), a king of Lycia.
When Proetus was expelled from Argos by his
twin-brother Acrisius, Amphianax received him at
his court, gave him his daughter Anteia (some call
her Stheneboea) in marriage, and afterwards led
him back to Argolis, where his share in the go-
vernment and Tiryns were restored to him. Some
traditions called this Lycian king lobates. (Apol-
lod. ii. 2. § 1 ; Horn. Jl. vi. 157, &c.) [L. S.J

AMPHIA'NUS, a Greek tragic poet at Alex-
andria. (Schol. a4 German. Arat. 332, p. 78, ed.
Buhl.)

AMPHIARAI'DES, a patronymic from Am-
phiaraus, by which Ovid {Fust. ii. 43) calls his
son Alcmaeon. [L. S.]

AMPHIARA'US ('Aiu<^/<£poos), a son of Oicles
and Hypermnestra, the daughter of Thestius.
(Hom. Od. XV. 244 ; Apollod. i. 8. § 2 ; Hygin.
Fub. 73 ; Pans. ii. 21. § 2.) On his father's side
he was descended from the famous seer Melampus.
(Pans. vi. 17. § 4.) Some traditions represented
him as a son of Apollo by Hypermnestra, which,
however, is merely a poetical expression to de-
scribe him as a seer and prophet. (Hygin. Fub.
70.) Amphiaraus is renowned in ancient story as
a brave hero : he is mentioned among the liunters
of the Calydonian boar, which he is said to have
deprived of one eye, and also as one of the Argo-
nauts. (Apollod. i. 8. § 2, 9. § 16.) For a time
he reigned at Argos in common with Adrastus ;
but, in a feud which broke out between them,
Adrastus took to Hight. Afterwards, however, he
became reconciled with Arnphiaraus, and gave him
his sister Eriphyle in marriage [Adrastus], by
whom Amphiaraus became the father of Alcmaeon,
Anipiiilochus, J^urydice, and Demonassa. On
marrying Eriphyle, Amphiaraus had sworn, that
he would abide by the decision of Eriphyle on any
point in which he should diir'er in opinion from
Adrastus. When, therefore, the latter called upon
him to join the expedition of the Seven against
Thebes, Amphiaraus, although he foresaw its un-
fortunate issue and at first refused to take any
part in it, was nevertheless persuaded by his wife
to join his friends, for Eriphyle had been enticed
to induce her husband by the necklace of Harmonia
which Polyneices had given her. Amphiaraus on
leaving Argos enjoined his sons to avenge his
death on their heartless mother. (Apollod, iii. 6.
§ 2; Hygin. Fab. 73; Diod. iv. 65; Hom. Od.
XV. 247, &c.) On their way to Thebes the heroes
instituted the Nemeau games, and Amphiaraus
won the victory in the chariot-race and in throwing
the discus. (Apollod. iii. 6. § 4.) During the
war against Thebes, Amphiaraus fought bravely

AMPHIGRATES.

(Pind. 01. vi. 26, &c.), but still he could not sup-
j)ress his anger at the whole undertaking, and
when Tydeus, whom he regarded as the originator
of the expedition, was severely wounded by Mela-
nippns, and Athena was hastening to render him
immortal, Amphiaraus cut oflf the head of Mela-
nippus, who had in the mean time been slain, and
gave Tydeus his brains to drink, and Athena, struck
with horror at the sight, withdrew. (Apollod. iii.
6. § 8.) When Adrastus and Amphiaraus were
the onl\' heroes who survived, the latter was pur-
sued hy Periclymenus, and fled towards the river
Ismenius. Here the earth opened before he was
overtaken by his enemy, and swallowed up Am-
phiaraus together with his chariot, but Zeus made
him immortal. (Pind. Nem. ix. 57, 01. vi. 21,
iScc. ; Plut. Parall. 6; Cic. de Divin. i. 40.)
Henceforth Amphiaraus was worshipped as a hero,
first at Oropus and afterwards in all Greece.
(Pans. i. 34. § 2 ; Liv. xlv. 27.) He had a sanc-
tuary at Argos (Paus. ii. 23. § 2), a statue at
Athens (i. 8. § 3), and a heroum at Sparta.
(MUller, Orchom. pp. 146, 486.) The departure
of Amphiaraus from his home when he went to
Thebes, was represented on the chest of Cypselus.
(Paus. V. 17. § 4.) Respecting some extant works
of art, of which Amphiaraus is the subject, see
Griineisen, Die alt yrievhisclie Bronze des Ttix'schcn
Kabinetsin Tubingen^ Stuttg. and Tiibing. 1835.

The prophetic power, which Amphiaraus was
believed to possess, was accounted for by his de-
scent from Melampus or Apollo, though there wa-j
also a local tradition at Phlius, according to which
he had acquired them in a night which he spent in
the prophetic house {oIkos fxatniKos) of Phlius.
(Paus. ii. 13. § 6; comp. i. 34. § 3.) He was,
like all seers, a favourite of Zeus and Apollo.
(Hom. Od. XV. 245.) Respecting the oracle of
Amphiaraus see Did. of A ni. s.t\ Oruculum. It
should be remarked here, that Virgil (^e«. vii. 671)
mentions three Greek heroes as contemporaries of
Aeneas, viz. Tiburtus, Catillus, and Coras, tlie first
of whom was believed to be the founder of Tibur,
and is described by Pliny {H. N. xvi. 87) as a son
of Amphiaraus. [L. S.]

AMPHICLEIA {'Ain<piK\eia), the daughter of
Ariston, and the wife of the son of lamblichus, re-
ceived instruction in philosophy from Plotinus.
(Porphvr. vit. Ptotin. c. 9.)

AMPHI'CRATES {'AfLcpiKpaT-ns), king of Sa-
mos in ancient times, in whose reign the Saraians
invaded Aegina. (Herod, iii. 59.)

AMPHI'CRATES {'AfKpiKpdT-ns), a Greek
sophist and rhetorician of Athens. He was a
contemporary of Tigranes (u. c. 70), and being
exiled (we know not for what reason) from Athens,
he went to Seleuceia on the Tigris. The inhabitants
of this place requested him to teach rhetoric in
their city, but he haughtily refused, saying, that
the vessel was too small to contain a dolphin. He
then went to Cleopatra, the daughter of Mithri-
dates, who was married to Tigranes, and who
seems to have become attached to him. Amphi-
crates soon drew suspicions upon himself, and was
forbidden to have any intercourse with the Greeks,
whereupon he starved himself to death. (Plut.
Luadl. 22.) Longinus {de Sublim. p. 54, ed. Toup)
mentions him along with Hegesias and Matris,
and censures him for his affectation of sublimity.
Whether he is the same person as the Amphicrates
who v/rote a work on celebrated men (Trepl evSo'^a-v

AMP II I DAM AS.
avdpwv, Athen. xiii. p. 570'; Diog. Laert. ii. 101),
is uncertain. [L. S,]

AMPIirCRATES, a Greek sculptor, probably
of Athens, since he was the maker of a statue
wliich the Athenians erected in honour of a cour-
tezan, who having learnt from Ilarmodius and
Aristogeiton their conspiracy against Hippias and
Jlippaichus, was tortured to death by the tyrants,
without disclosing the secret. Her name was
Leana (a Uuness) : and the Athenians, unwilling
openly to honour a courtezan, had the statue made
in the form of a liu7iess; and, to point out the act
which it was meant to commemorate, the animal's
tongue was omitted. We know nothing of the
sculptor's age, unless we may infer from the narra-
tive that the statue was made soon after the expul-
sion of the Peisistnitidae. (b. c. 510.) In the
passage of Pliny, which is our sole authorit}'
(xxxiv. 19. § 12), there is a manifest corruption of
the text, and the reading Amphicratis is only a
conjecture, though a most probable one, by Sillig.
{Catu/oifus Artijicum^ s. v.) [P. S.]

AMPHICTYON {'AficpiKrvwu), a son of Deu-
calion and Pyrrha (ApoUod. i. 7. § 2), or according
to others an autochthon, who after having married
Cranae, the daughter of Cranaus, king of Attica,
expelled his father-in-law from his kingdom and
usurped his throne. He ruled for twelve years,
and was then in turn expelled by Erichthonius.
(Apollod. iii. 14. § 5, &c.; Pans. i. 2. § 5.) Ac-
cording to Eustathius {ad Horn. p. 277), he was
married to Chthonopatra, by whom he had a son,
Physcus, the father of Locrus. According to
Stephanus Byzantius (s. v. <^vcrKos), however,
Aetolus was a son and Physcus a grandson of
Amphictyon. He was believed to have been the
first who introduced the custom of mixing wine
with water, and to have dedicated two altars to
Dionysus Orthos and the nymphs. (Eustath. ad
Horn. p. 1815.) Dionysius of Halicarnassus (iv.
25), who calls him a son of Hellen, Pausanias (x.
8. § 1), and others, regard Amphictyon as the
founder of the araphictyony of Thermopylae, and
in consequence of this belief a sanctuary' of Am-
phictyon was built in the village of Anthela on
the Asopus, which was the most ancient place of
meeting of this amphictyony. (Herod, vii. 200.)
But this belief is without any foundation, and
arose from the ancients assigning the establishment
of their institutions to some mythical hero. (Did.
o/Ant. s. V. Amph/dions.) [L. S.]

AMPHICTY'ONIS {'AfxcpiKrvovls), a surname
of Denieter, derived from Anthela, where she was
worshipped under this name, because it was the
place of meeting for the amphictyons of Thermo-
pylae, and because sacrifices were oifered to her at
tiie opening of every meeting, (Herod, vii. 200 ;
Strab. ix. p. 429.) [L. S.]

AMPHl'DAMAS {'AfxcpiSdiuas). 1. A son of
Eycurgus and Cleophile, and father of Antimache,
^^ ho married Eurystheus. (Apollod. iii. 9. §2.)
According to Pausanias (viii. 4. § 6) and Apollo-
nius Rhodius (i. 163) he was a son of Aleus, and
'•onsequently a brother of Lycurgus, Cepheus, and
Auge, and took part in the expedition of the
Ai-gonauts. (Hygin. Fab. 14.)

2. A king of Chalcis in Euboea, after whose
deatli his sons celebrated funeral games, in which
Hesiod won the prize in a poetiaxl contest. It
consisted of a golden tripod, which he dedicated
to the Muses of Helicon. (Hes. Op. el D. 654, &c.)

AMPHILOCHUS.

149

3. The father of Clysonymus, whom Patroclus
killed when yet a child. (Hom. //. xxiii. 87 ;
Apollod. iii. 13. § 8.) Other mythical personages
of this name occur in Apollod. ii. 5. § 11 ; Hygin.
Fob. 14 ; Hom. II. x. 266, &c. [L. S.]

AMPHl'DAMAS or AMPHI'DAMUS ('A/*-
(f.iSdiJ.as, 'Aju</>j5o/tos), general of the Eleans in
B. c. 218, was taken prisoner by Philip, king of
Macedonia, and carried to Olympia, but was set at
liberty on his undertaking to bring over his coun-
trymen to Philip's side. But not succeeding in
his attempt, he went back to Philip, and is spoken
of as defending Aratus against the charges of
Apelles. (Polyb. iv. 75, 84, 86.)

AMPHI'DICUS {'AfKpiSiKos), a Theban who,
in the war of the Seven against his native city,
slew Parthenopaeus. (Apollod. iii. 6. § 8.) Ac-
cording to Euripides {Phoen. 1156), however, it
was Periclymenus who killed Parthenopaeus.
Pausanias (ix. 18. § 4) calls him Asphodicus,
whence some critics wish to introduce the same
name in Apollodorus. [L. S.]

AMPHI'ETES or AMPHIE'TERUS ('A/*-
<^teT77s), a surname of Dionysus. (Orph. Hymn.
52. 1, 51. 10.) It is believed that at Athens,
where the Dionysic'ic festivals were held annually,
the name signified yearly, while at Thebes, where
they were celebrated every third year, it was in-
terpretated to be synonymous with rpterrfs. [L.S."!
AMPHIGYEEIS i^ A^Kpiyvn^is), lame or limp-
ing on both feet, a surname of Hephaestus, given
him because Zeus threw him from Olympus upon
the earth for having wished to support Hera.
(Hom. //. i. 599; corap. Apollod. i. 3. § 5.)
[Hephaestus.] [L. S.]

AMPHl'LOCHUS ('AncpiXoxos), a son of
Amphiaraus and Eriphyle, and brother of Alc-
maeon. (Apollod. iii. 7. § 2 ; Hom. Od. xv. 248.)
When his father went against Thebes, Amphi-
lochus was, according to Pausanias (v. 17. § 4),
yet an infant, although ten years afterwards he is
mentioned as one of the Epigoni, and according to
some traditions assisted his brother in the murder
of his mother. [Alcaiaeon.] He is also men-
tioned among the suitors of Helen, and as having
taken part in the Trojan war. On the return
from this expedition he together with Mopsus,
who was like himself a seer, founded the town of
Mallos in Cilicia. Hence he proceeded to his
native place, Argos. But as he was not satisfied
with the state of afihirs there, he returned to
Mallos. When Mopsus refused to allow him any
share in the government of their common colony,
the two seers fought a single combat in which both
were killed. This combat was described by some
as having arisen out of a dispute about their pro-
phetic powers. Their tombs, which were placed
in such a manner that the one could not be seen
from the other, existed as late as the time of
Strabo, near mount Margasa, not far from Pyra-
mus. (Strab. xiv. p. 675 ; Lycophron, 439, with
the Schol.) According to other traditions (Strab.
xiv. p. 642), Amphilochus and Odchas, on their
return from Troy, went on foot to the celebrated
grove of the Clarian Apollo near Colophon. In
some accounts he was said to have been killed by
Apollo. (Hes. ap. Utrab. xiv. p. 676.) According
to Thucydides (ii. 68) Amphilochus returned from
Troy to Argos, but being dissatisfied there, he
emigrated and founded Argos Amphilochium on
the Ambracian gulf. Other accounts, liowever,

150 AMPHILOCIIIUS.

ascribe the foundation of this town to Alcmaeon
(Strab. vii. p. 326), or to Amphilochus the son of
Alcmaeon. (ApoUod. iii. 7. § 7.) Being a son of
+he seer Amphiaraus, Amphilochus was likewise
believed to be endowed with prophetic powers ;
and at Mallos in Cilicia there was an oracle of
Amphilochus, which in the time of Pausanias (i.
34. § 2) was regarded as the most truthful of all.
{D'ict. of Ant. p. 673.) He was worshipped to-
gether with his father at Oropus ; at Athens he
had an altar, and at Sparta a heroum. (Paus. i.
34. § 2, iii. 15. ^ 6.)

There are two other mythical personages of this
name, one a grandson of our Amphilochus (ApoUod.
iii. 7. § 7), and the other a son of Dryas. (Parthen.
Erot. 27.) [L. S.]

AMPHI'LOCHUS, of Athens, a writer on
agriculture mentioned by Varro (7?. R. i. 1) and
Columella (i. 1). Pliny also speaks of a work of
liis " De Medica et Cytiso." (i/. A^. xviii. 16.
B. 43.)

AMPHILO'CHIUS {'kyi<pi\6xtos\ metropo-
litan of Cyzicus in the middle of the ninth cen-
tury, to whom Photius, the patriarch of Constanti-
nople, wrote several letters, and whose answers
are still extant in manuscript. (Fabric. Bill. Graec.
viii. p. 382.)

AMPHILO'CHIUS, ST., bishop of Iconium,
the friend of St. Basil and St. Gregory of Nazianzus,
was born at Caesareia, and began life as a pleader.
(Basnage, Annal. Politic. Eccl. iii. p. 145, A.; and
Gallandii Bibliotk Patr. vol. vi. Prolegom. ; Epist,
S. Greg. Nax. 9 [159]. Paris. 1840.) He lived
in retirement with his father at Ozizalis in Cappa-
docia, till he was summoned to preside over the
see of Iconium in Lycaonia, or Pisidia 2<*% A. d.
373-4. St. Basil's Congratulatory Epistle on the
occasion is extant. {Ep. 393, al. 161, vol. iii. p.
251, ed. Bened.) He soon after paid St. Basil a
visit, and persuaded him to undertake his work
*'()n the Holy Ghost" (vol. iii. p. 1), which he
finished a. d. 375-6. St. Basil's Canonical Epistles
are addressed to St. Amphilochius {I. c. pp. 268,
290, 324, written a. d. 374, 375). The latter had
received St. Basil's promised book on the Divinity
of the Holy Ghost, when in A. d. 377 he sent a
Bvnodical letter (extant, ap. Mansi's Co?icilia. vol,
iii. p. 505) to certain bishops, probably of Lycia,
infected with, or in danger ot, Macedonianism.
The Arian persecution of the church ceased on the
death of Valens (a. d. 378), and in 381, Amphi-
lochius was present at the Oecumenical Council of
Constantinople. While there, he signed, as a wit-
ness, St. Gregory Nazianzen's will {0pp. S. Greg.
p. 204, A. B.), and he was nominated with Optimus
of Antioch in Pisidia as the centre of catholic com-
munion in the diocese of Asia. In A. D. 383, he
obtained from Theodosius a prohibition of Arian
assemblies, practically exhibiting the slight other-
wise put on the Son of God by a contemptuous
treatment of the young Arcadius. (Fleury's Eccl.
Hid. xviii. c. 27.) This same year he called a
council at Side in Paraphylia, and condemned the
Massalian heretics, who made the whole of religion
consist in prayer. (Theodt. Haeret. FaJ). iv. 11.)
In A. D. 394 he was at the Council of Constanti-
nople [see AmiMON of Hadrianople], which con-
firmed Bagadius in the see of Bostra. This is
the last we hear of him. He died before the per-
secution of St. Chrysostom, probably A. D. 395,
and he is commemorated ou Nov. 23rd. His re-

AMPHIMEDON.

mains (in Greek) have been edited by Combefis,
with those of Methodius of Patara and Andreas of
Crete, fol. Par. 1644. Of Eight Homilies ascribed
to him, some at least are supposititious (Gallandi
gives /?yc among his works, vol. vi. Bihlioth. Pair.),
as is the Life of St. Basil. There is attributed to
him ail iambic poem of 333 verses (in reference
to the Trinit}') addressed to Seleucus, nephew of
St. Olympias (who had herself been brought up by
Theodosia, sister to St. Amphilochius) and grand-
son of the general Trajan, who perished with his
master, Valens, at Hadrianople, a. d. 378. Gal-
landi adds the testimony of Cosmas Indicopleustes
(6th cent.) to that of John Damascene, Zonaras,
and Balsamon, in favour of the authenticity of this
poem. Combefis has collected his fragments (/. c.
pp. 138-154), and Gallandi has added to them (/. c.
p. 497, &c., and Proleg. p. 12). His work on the
Holy Ghost is lost. (St. Jerome, de Script. Eccl. c.
133 ; Fabric. Bill. Graec. vol. viii. pp. 375 — 381.)
St. Gregory Nazianzen states, that " by prayers,
adoration of the Trinity, and sacrifices, he subdued
the pain of diseases." (Carm. ad Vital, vol. ii. pp.
1030, V. 244.) The 9th, 25— 28th, 62nd, 171st,
and 184th Epistles of St. Gregory are addressed
to him. [A. J. C]

AMPHILO'CHIUS, bishop of Side in Pam-
phylia, who was present at the council of Ephesus,
in which Nestorius was condemned, a. d. 421, and
who was probably the author of some homilies
that go under the name of Amphilochius of Ico-
nium. (Phot. Cod. 52, p. 13, a., Cod. 230, p. 283,
a., ed. Bekk. ; Labbeus, de Script Eccl. vol. i. p. 63.)

AMPIIl'LYTUS i'AixcplKvTos), a celebrated
seer in the time of Peisistratus. Plerodotus (i. 62)
calls him an Acamanian, but Plato ( Tlieag. p. 1 24, d)
and Clemens Alexandrinus {Strom, i. p. 333) speak
of him as an Athenian. He may have been ori-
ginally an Acarnanian, and perhaps received the
franchise at Athens from Peisistratus. This sup-
position removes the necessity of Valckenaer's
emendation. {Ad Herod. I. c.)

AMPHl'MACHUS {' hix(pifxaxos). 1. A son
of Cteatus and Theronice, and grandson of Actor
or of Poseidon. He is mentioned among the suit-
ors of Helen, and was one of the four chiefs who
led the Epeians against Troy. (ApoUod. iii. 10. § 8 ;
Paus. V. 3. § 4 ; Hom. II. ii. 620.) He was slain
by Hector. {11. xiii. 185, &c.)

2. A son of Nomion, who together with his bro-
ther Nastes led a host of Carians to the assistance
of the Trojans. He went to battle richly adorned
with gold, but Avas thrown by Achilles into the
Scamander. (Hom. //. ii. 870, &c.) Conon (A^ur-
rat. 6) calls him a king of the Lycians.

Two other mythical personages of this name oc-
cur in ApoUod. ii. 4. § 5, and Paus. v. 3. § 4, [L.S.]

AMPHl'MACHUS {' Kii<pipiaxos), obtained the
satrapy of Mesopotamia, together with Arbelitis, in
the division of the provinces by Antipater in b. c.
321. (Arrian, ap. Phot. p. 71, b., 26, ed. Bekker;
Diod. xviii. 39.)

AMPHl'MEDON {'A/xcpifxe^wv), a son of Me-
laneus of Ithaca, Avith whom Agamemnon had
been staying when he came to call upon Odysseus
to join the Greeks against Troy, and whom he
afterwards recognised in Hades. (Hom. Od. xxiv.
103, &c.) He was one of the suitors of Penelope,
and was slain by Telemachus. {Od. xxii. 284.)
Another mythical personage of this name occurs in
Ovid. {Met. v. 75.) [L. S.]

AMPIIION.

AMPUVSOME {'Afji(piv6fx-n\ the wife of Aeson
and motlier of Jason, When her Im.sband and
her son Promaclms had been slain by Pelias, and
she too was on the point of sharing their fate, she
fled to the hearth of Pelias, that his crime might
be aggravated by nmrdering her on that sacred
spot. She then cursed the murderer of her rela-
tives, and plunged a sword into her own breast.
(Diod. iv. 50 ; Apollon. Ilhod. i. 45.) Two other
mythical personages of this name are mentioned in
Diod. iv. 5.\ and in the I/iud, xviii. 44. [L. S.]

AMPIIl'O.X {'A/x<piwv). 1. A son of Zeus and
Antiope, the ^laughter of Nycteus of Thebes, and
twin-brother of Zethus. (Ov. Met. xi. 110, &c,;
Apollod. iii. 5. § 5.) When Antiope was with
child by the father of the god?, fear of her own father
induced her to flee to Kpopeus at Sicyon, whom
she married. Nycteus killed himself in despair,
but charged his brother Lycus to avenge him on
Epopeus and Antiope. Lycus accordingly marched
agaiiit Sicyon, took the town, slew Epopeus, and
carried Antiope with him to Eleutherae in Boeotia.
Dm-ing her imprisonment there she gave birth to
two sons, Amphion and Zethus, wlio were exposed,
but found and brought up by shepherds. (Apollod.
/. c.) According to Hyginus {Fab. 7), Antiope
was the wife of Lycus, and was seduced by Epo-
peus. Hereupon she was repudiated by her hus-
band, and it was not until after this event that she
was visited by Zeus. Dirce, the second wife of
Lycus, was jealous of Antiope, and had her put in
chains ; but Zeus helped her in escaping to mount
Cithaeron, where she gave birth to her two sons.
According to Apollodorus, she remained in capti-
vity for a long time after the birth of her sons,
who grew up among the shepherds, and did not
know their descent. Hermes (according to others,
Apollo, or the Muses) gave Amphion a lyre, who
henceforth pmctised song and music, while his bro-
ther spent his time in hunting and tending the
flocks. (Herat. Epist i. 18. 41, &c.) The two
brothers, whom Euripides {Phoen. G09) calls "the
Dioscuri with white horses," fortified the town of
Entresis near Thespiae, and settled there. (Steph.
Byz. s. V.) Antiope, who had in the meantime
been very ill- treated by Lycus and Dirce, escaped
from her prison, her chains having miraculouslj-
been loosened ; and her sons, on recognising their
mother, went to Thebes, killed Lycus, tied Dirce
to a bull, and had her dragged about till she too
was killed, and then threw her body into a well,
which was from this time called the well of Dirce.
After having taken possession of Thebes, the two
brothers fortified the town by a wall, the reasons
for which are differently stated. It is said, that
when Amphion played his lyre, the stones not only
moved of their own accord to the place where the}"-
were wantt.'d, but fitted themselves together so as to
form the wall. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 740, 755, with
the Schol. ; Syncell. p. 125, d. ; Horat. ad Pison.
394, &c.) Amphion afterwards married Niobe,
who bore him many sons and daughters, all of
whom were killed by Apollo. (Apollod. iii. 5. § 6;
Gi^Uius, XX. 7 ; Hygin. Fab. 7, 8 ; Horn. Od. xi.
'J()0, <!v:c. ; Pans. ix. 5. § 4 ; comp. NiouE.) As
regards the death of Amphion, Ovid {Met. vi. 271)
relates, that he killed himself with a sword from
grief at the loss of his children. According to
others, he was killed by Apollo because he made
an assault on the Pythian temple of the god. (Hy-
gin. Fab. 9.) Amphion was buried together with

AMPHISSUS.

151

his brother at Thebes (or, according to Stephanus
Byzantius, s. v. T»0opaio, at Tithoraea), and the
Tithoracans believed, that they could make their
own fields more fruitful by tJiking, at a certain
time of the year, from Amphion's grave a piece of
earth, and putting it on the grave of Antiope. For
this reason the Thebans watched the grave of Am-
phion at that particular season. (Paus. ix. 17. § 3,
&c.) In Hades Amphion was punished for his
conduct towards Leto. (ix. 5. § 4.) The following
passages may also be compared : Paus. ii. 6. § 2,
vi. 20. § 8 ; Propert. iii. 13. 29. The punishment
inflicted by Amphion and his brother upon Dirce
is represented in one of the finest works of art still
extant — the celebrated Farnesian bull, the work of
Apollonius and Tauriscus, which was discovered in
1546, and placed in the palace Farnese at Rome.
(Pliny, //. ^V. xxxvi. 4; Heyne, Afdiquar.Ju/satze^
ii. p. 182, &c. ; comp. Miiller, Orchom. p, 227, &c.)

2. A son of Jasus and husband of Persephone,
by whom he became the father of Chloris. (Horn.
6d. xi. 281, &c.) In Homer, this Amphion, king
of Orchomenos, is distinct from Amphion, the hus-
band of Niobe ; but in earlier traditions they seem
to have been regarded as the same person. (Eu-
stath. ad Horn. p. 1684 ; Miiller, Orchom. pp. 231,
370.)

There are three other mythical personages of
this niime, one a leader of the Epeians against
Tro}- (Horn. 11. xiii. 692), the second one of tlie
Argonauts (Apollon. Rhod. i. 176; Orph. Ar(/.2\4;
Ylyg'm. Fab. 14), and the third one of the sons of
Niobe. [NioBK.] [L. S.]

AMPHION ('A/i0jW). I. A sculptor, son of
AcESTOK, pupil of Ptolichus of Corcyra, and teacher
of Piso of Calaureia, was a native of Cnossus, and
flourislied about u. c. 428 or 424. He executed a
group in which Battus, the colonizer of Cyrene,
was represented in a chariot, with Libya crowning
him, and Cyrene as the charioteer. This group
was dedicated at Delphi by the people of Cyrene.
(Paus. vi. 3. §2, x. 15. § 4.)

2. A Greek painter, was contemporary with
Apelles (b. c. 332), who yielded to him in
arrangement or grouping {cedebat Amphioni ditpo'
sitione, Plin. xxv. 36. § 10: but the reading Aiti^
pliioui is doubtful : Melanihio is Brotier's conjec-
ture ; Mklanthius). [P. S.]

AlNIPlllS (^A/j.(pis), an Athenian comic poet, of
the middle comedy, contemporary with the philo-
sopher Plato. A reference to Phryne, the Thes-
pian, in one of his plays (Athen. xiii. p. 591, d.),
proves that he was alive in B. c. 332. We have
the titles of twenty-six of his plays, and a few
fragments of them. (Suidas, s. u. ; Pollux, i. 233 ;
Diog. Laert. iii. 27 ; Athen. xiii. p. 567, f. ; JMei-
neke, i. p. 403, iii. p. 301.) LP- S.]

AiMPHlSSA ("Aak^'cto-o), a daughter of Maca-
reus and grand-daughter of Aeolus, was beloved by
Apollo, and is said to have given the name to the
town of Amphissa in Phocis, where her memory
was perpetuated by a splendid monument. (Paus.
X. 38. §2,&c.) [L.S.]

AMPHISSUS {''AfjL(pi<T(ros), a son of Apollo
and Dryope, is Siiid to have been of extraordinary
strength, and to have built the town of Oeta on
the mountain of the same name. Here he also
founded two temples, one of Apollo and the other
of the Nymphs. At the latter, games were cele-
bi-ated down to a late period. (Anton. Lib. 32.)

[L.S.]

152

AMPHITRITE.

AMPHI'STRATUS (^htKblirrparos) and his
brother Rhecas were the charioteers of the Dios-
curi. They were believed to have taken part in
the expedition of Jason to Colchis, and to have oc-
cupied a part of that country which was called
after them Heniochia, as Tji/toxos signifies a
charioteer. (Strab. xi. p. 495 ; Justin, xlii. 3.)
Pliny (//. N. vi. 5) calls them Amphitus and Thel-
chius. (Comp. Mela, i. 19. § 110; Isidor. Orig.
XV. 1; Ammian. Marcellin. xxii. 8.) [L. S.]

AMPHI'STRATUS ('Auc^iVrpoTos), a Greek
sculptor, flourished about B. c. 324. From the
notices of two of his works by Pliny (xxxvi. 4.
$ 10) and Tatian {Oral, in Grace. 52, p. 114,
Worth.), it is supposed that most of his statues
were cast in bronze, and that many of them were
likenesses. [P. S.]

AMPIII'THEMIS ('An<piefnis), a son of
Apollo and Acactdlis, who became the father of
Nasamon and Caphaurus, or Cephalion, by the
nj-mph Tritonis. (Hvgin. Fab. 14; ApoUon.
Rhod. iv. 1494.) ' [L. S.]

AMPHITRl'TE ('Am<^«tpit7?), according to
Hesiod {Tlieog. 243) and Apollodonis (i. 2. § 7)
a Nereid, though in other places Apollodorus (i. 2.
§ 2, i. 4. § 6) calls her an Oceanid. She is repre-
sented as the wife of Poseidon and the goddess of
the sea (the Mediterranean), and she is therefore
a kind of female Poseidon. In the Homeric
poems she does not occur as a goddess, and Am-
phitrite is merely the name of the sea. The most
ancient passages in which she occurs as a real
goddess is that of Hesiod above referred to and
the Homeric hymn on the Delian Apollo (94),
where she is represented as having been pre-
sent at the birth of Apollo. When Poseidon
sued for her hand, she fled to Atlas, but her
lover sent spies after her, and among them one
Delphinus, who brought about the marriage be-
tween her and Poseidon, and the grateful god
rewarded his service by placing him among the
stars. (Eratosth. Catast. 31 ; Hygin. Pod. Astr.
ii. 17.) When afterwards Poseidon shewed some
attachment to Scylla, Amphitrite's jealousy was
excited to such a degree, that she threw some
magic herbs into the well in which Scylla used to
bathe, and thereby changed her rival into a monster
with six heads and twelve feet (Tzetz. adLycoph.
45, 649.) She became by Poseidon the mother of
Triton, Rhode, or Rhodes, and Benthesicyme.
(Hesiod. TJieog. 930, &c. ; Apollod. i. 4. § 6 ; iii.
15. § 4.) Later poets regard Amphitrite as the
goddess of the sea in general, or the ocean. (Eurip.
Cijd. 702; Ov. Met. i. 14.) Amphitrite was fre-
quently represented in ancient works of art ; her
figure resembled that of Aphrodite, but she was
usually distinguished from her by a sort of net
which kept her hair together, and by the claws of
a crab on her forehead. She was sometimes re-
presented as riding on marine animals, and some-
times as drawn by them. The temple of Poseidon
on the Corinthian isthmus contained a statue of
Amphitrite (Pans. ii. 1. § 7), and her figure ap-
peared among the relief ornaments of the temple of
Apollo at Arayclae (iii. 19. § 4). on the throne of
the Olympian Zeus, and in other places, (v. 2. § 3,
comp. i. 17. § 3, V. 26. § 2.) We still possess a
considerable number of representations of Amphi-
trite. A colossal statue of her exists in the Villa
Albani, and she frequently appears on coins of
Syracuse. The most beautiful specimen extant is

AMPHITRYON.

that on the arch of Augustus at Rimini. (Winc-
kelmann, Alte Denhnaler, i. 36; Hirt, Mi/thol,
BUcIerhuvh, ii. p. 159.) [L. S.]

AMPHl'TRYON or AMPHPTRUO ('Au0*-
Tpucov), a son of Alcaeus, king of Troezen, by
Hipponome, the daughter of Menoeceus. (Apollod.
ii. 4. § 5.) Pausanias (viii. 14. § 2) calls his
mother Laonome. While Electryon, the brother
of Alcaeus, was reigning at Mycenae, the sons of
Pterelaus together with the Taphians invaded his
territory, demanded the surrender of the kingdom,
and drove away his oxen. The sons of Electryon
entered upon a contest with the sons of Pterelaus,
but the combatants on both sides all fell, so that
Electrj-on had only one son, Licymnius, left, and
Pterelaus likewise only one, Eueres. The Ta-
phians, however, escaped with the oxen, which
they entnisted to Polyxenus, king of the Eleans.
Thence they were afterwards brought back to
Mycenae by Amphitryon after he had paid a
ransom. Electryon now resolved upon avenging
the death of his sons, and to make war upon the
Taphians. During his absence he entrusted his
kingdom and his daughter Alcmene to Amphitryon,
on condition that he should not marry her till
after his return from the war. Amphitryon now
restored to Electryon the oxen he had brought
back to Mycenae ; one of them turned wild, and
as Amphitryon attempted to strike it with his
club, he accidentally hit the head of Electryon and
killed him on the spot. Sthenelus, the brother of
Electryon, availed himself of this opportunity for
the purpose of expelling Amphitryon, who together
with Alcmene and Licymnius went to Thebes.
Here he was purified by Creon, his uncle. In
order to win the hand of Alcmene, Amphitryon
prepared to avenge the death of Alcmene's brothers
on the Taphians (Teleboans), and requested Creon
to assist him in his enterprise, which the latter
promised on condition that Amphitryon should de-
liver the Cadmean country from a wild fox which
was making great havoc there. But as it was
decreed by fate that this fox should not be over-
taken by any one, Amphitryon went to Cephalus
of Athens, who possessed a famous dog, which,
according to another decree of fate, overtook every
animal it pursued. Cephalus was induced to lend
Amphitrj^on his dog on condition that he should
receive a part of the spoils of the expedition against
the Taphians. Now when the dog was hunting
the fox, Fate got out of its dilemma by Zeus
changing the two animals into stone. Assisted by
Cephalus, Panopeus, Heleius, and Creon, Amphi-
tryon now attacked and ravaged the islands of the
Taphians, but could not subdue them so long as
Pterelaus lived. This chief had on his head one
golden hair, the gift of Poseidon, which rendered
him immortal. His daughter Comaetho, who was
in love with Amphitryon, cut off this hair, and
after Pterelaus had died in consequence, Amphi-
tryon took possession of the islands ; and having
put to death Comaetho, and given the islands to
Cephalus and Heleius, he returned to Thebes with
his spoils, out of which he dedicated a tripod to
Apollo Ismenius. (Apollod. ii. 4. § 6, 7 ; Paus.
ix. 10. § 4 ; Herod, v. 9.) Respecting the amour
of Zeus with Alcmene during the absence of Am-
phitryon see Alcmenk. Amphitryon fell in a war
against Erginus, king of the Minyans, in which
he and Heracles delivered Thebes from the tribute
which the city had to pay to Erginus as an atone-

AMULTUS.

inent for the murder of Cly menus. (Apollod. ii. 4.
§ 8, &c.) His tomb was shewn at Tliebos in the
time of Pausanias. (i, 41. § 1 ; compare Horn. Od.
xi. 266, &c.; Hes. Seut. Here. init. ; Diod. iv. 9,
«Scc. ; Hygin. F-ilt. 29, 244 ; MUller, Onliom. p.
207, &c.) Aeschylus and Sophocles wrote each a
tragedy of the name of Amphitryon, which are
now lost. We still possess a comedy of Plautus,
the " Amphitruo," the subject of which is a ludi-
crous representation of the visit of Zeus to Alcmene
in the disguise of her lover Amphitryon. [L. S.]
AMPHITRYONI'ADES or AMPHITRYO'-
NIDKS ('A/U(^<Tpua>i/ta5T)$), a patronymic from
Amphitryon, by which Heracles is sometimes
designated, because his mother was married to
Aiiiphitrv'on. (Ov. Met. ix. 140, xv. 49 ; Pind.
01. iii. 2(), Ml. vi. .56.) [L. S.]

A'MPHIUS ("AjLKptos), a son of Merops and
brother of Adrastus. These two brothers took
part in the Trojan war against their father's ad-
vice, and were slain by Diomedes. (Horn. //. ii.
y28, &c., xi. 328, &c.) Another hero of this
name, who was an ally of the Trojans, occurs in
//.v. 612. [L. S.]

AMPHO'TERUS {'Afi<p6T€pos), a son of Alc-
maeon by Calirrhoe, and brother of Acarnan.
[AcARNAN.] A Trojan of this name occurs Horn.
//. xvi. 415. [L. S.]

AMPHO'TERUS ('AiJ.<f>oTfp6s), the brother of
Craterus, was appointed by Alexander the Great
commander of the fleet in the Hellespont, B. c. 333.
Amphoterus subdued the islands between Greece
.nnd Asia which did not acknowledge Alexander,
cleared Crete of the Persians and pirates, and sail-
ed to Peloponnesus B. c. 331, to put down a rising
against the Macedonian power. (Arrian, i. 25, iii.
6 ; Curt. iii. 1, iv. 5, 8.)

T. A'MPIUS BALBUS. [Balbus.]

T. A'MPIUS FLAVIA'NUS. [Flavianus.]

AMPY'CIDES ('A/iTTwtSTjs ), a patronymic

from Ampycus or Ampvx, applied to Mopsus. (Ov.

Met viii. 316, 350. xii'. 456, 524 ; ApoUon. Rhod.

I 1083; comp. Orph. Jrg. 721.) [L. S.]

A'MPYCUS CAiJLirvKos). 1. A son of Pelias,
husband of Chloris, and father of the famous seer
Mopsus. (Hyirin. Fab. 14, 128; Apollon. Rhod.
i. 1083; Ov. Mel. xii. 456.) Pausanias (v. 17.
§ 4, vii. 18. § 4) calls him Ampyx.

2. A son of Japetus, a bard and priest of Ceres,
killed by Pettalus at the marriage of Perseus. (Ov.
jMei. v. 110, &c.) Another personage of this name
occurs in Orph. Jr<;. 721. [L. S.]

AMPYX ("A/xTryl). 1. [Ampycus.] 2. There
are two other mythical personages of this name.
(Ov. Met. v. 184, xii. 450.) [L. S.J

AMU'LIUS. [Romulus.]
AMU'LIUS, a Roman painter, who was chiefly
employed in decorating the Golden House of Nero.
One of his works was a picture of Minerva, which
always looked at tlie spectator, whatever point of
view he chose. Pliny calls him "gravis et severus,
idemque floridus," and adds, that he only painted
for a few hours in the day, and that with such a
regard for his own dignity, that he would not lay
aside his toga, even when employed in the midst
of scaffolding and machinery. (Plin. xxxv. 37 :
Voss, in an emendation of this passage, among
other alterations, substitutes Fabu/lus for Amulius.
His reading is adopted by Junius and Sillig; but
there seems to be no sufficient ground to reject the
old reading.) [P. S J

AMYCUS.

n?^

AMYCLAEUS ('A/iuKAaToj), a surname of
Apollo, derived from the town of Amyclae in La-
conia, where he had a celebrated sanctuary. His
colossal statue there is estimated by Pausanias (iii.
19. § 2) at thirty cubits in height. It appears to
have been very ancient, for with the exception of
the head, hands, and feet, the whole resembled
more a brazen pillar than a statue. This figure of
the god wore a helmet, and in his hands he held a
spear and a bow. The women of Amyclae made
every year a new x*^*^^ ^or the god, iind the place
where they made it was also called the Chiton.
(Pans. iii. 16. § 2.) The sanctuary of Apollo con-
tained the throne of Amyclae, a work of Bathycles
of Magnesia, which Pausanias saw. (iii. 18. § 6,
«&c. ; comp. W'elcker, Zeitsclirift fur Gesch. dcr
aU. Kunst. i. 2, p. 280, &c.) [L. S.]

AMYCLAEUS (^AyLvKhaios), a Corinthian
sculptor, who, in conjunction with Diyllus, exe-
cuted in bronze a group which the Phocians dedi-
cated at Delphi, after their victory over the Thes-
salians at the beginning of the Persian war, b. c.
480. (Paus. X. 1. § 4, 13. § 4; Herod, viii. 27.)
The subject of this piece of sculpture was the con-
test of Heracles with Apollo for the sacred tripod.
Heracles and Apollo were represented as both
having hold of the tripod, while Leto and Arte-
mis supported Apollo, and Heracles was encouraged
by Athene. The legend to which the group re-
ferred is related by Pausanias (x. 13. § 4) ; the
reason for such a subject being chosen by the Pho-
cians on this occasion, seems to be their own con-
nexion with Apollo as guardians of the Delphic
oracle, and, on the other hand, because the Thes-
salian chiefs were Heracleidae, and their war-cry
"Athene Itonia." (Miiller, Arch'dol. der Kuntyt, §
89, an. 3.) The attempt of Heracles to carry off
the tripod seems to have been a favourite subject
with the Greek artists : two or three representa-
tions of it are still extant. (Winckelmann, Werke^
ix. p. 256, ed. 1825; Sillig,s.t7.; compare Diyllus,
Chioms.) [P. S.]

AMYCLAS ('A/xu/fAas), a son of Lacedae-
mon and Sparta, and father of Hyacinthus by
Diomede, the daughter of Lapithus. (Apollod. iii.
10. § 3 ; Paus. x. 9. § 3, vii. 18. § 4.) He was
king of Laconia, and was regarded as the founder
of the town of Amyclae. (Paus. iii. 1. § 3.) Two
other mythical personages of this name occur in
Parthen. Erot. 15, and Apollod. iii. 9. § 1. [L.S.]
AMYCLl'DES, a patronymic fi-om Amyclas,
by which Ovid {Met. x. 162) designates Hyacin-
thus, who, according to some traditions, was a son
of Amyclas. [L. S.]

AMYCLUS ^AfivKXos), or AMYCLAS {'Afi6-
K\as) of Heracleia, one of Plato's disciples. (Diog.
Laert. iii. 46; Aelian, V. H. iii. 19.)

A'MYCUS ("AytiUKos). 1. A son of Poseidon
by Bithynis, or by the Bithynian nymph Meliju
He was ruler of the country of the Bebryces, and
when the Argonauts landed on the coast of his
dominions, he challenged the bravest of them to a
boxing match. Polydeuces, who accepted the
challenge, killed him. (Apollod. i. 9. § 20 ; Hygin.
Fali. 1 7 ; Apollon. Rhod. ii. init.) The Scholiast
on Apollonius (ii. 98) relates, that Polydeuces
bound Amycus. Previous to this faial encounter
with the Argonauts, Amycus had had a feud with
Lycus, king of Mysia, who was supported by He-
racles, and in it Mydon, the brother of Amycus,
fell by the hands of Heracles. (Apollod. ii. 5. § 9 ;

154

AMYNANDEH.

ApoUon. Rhod. ii. 754.) Pliny (//. X. xvi. G9)
relates, that upon the tomb of Auiycus there grew
a species of laurel {laui-us insuna)^ which had the
effect that, when a branch of it was taken on
board a vessel, the crew began to (parrel, and did
not cease until the branch was thrown overboard.
Three other mythical personages of this name oc-
cur in Ov. Met. xii. 245 ; Virg. Aen. x. 705, com-
pared with Horn. II. vi. 289; Virg. Aen. xii. 509,
compared wth v. 297. f L. S.]

AMYMO'NE {'AfjLvfiaivv), one of the daughters
of Danaus and Elephantis. When Danaus arrived
in Argos, the country, according to the wish of
Poseidon, who was indignant at Inachus, was suf-
fering from a drought, and Danaus sent out Amy-
mone to fetch water. Meeting a stag, she shot at
it, but hit a sleeping satyr, who rose and pursued
her. Poseidon appeared, and rescued the maiden
from the satyr, but appropriated her to himself,
and then shewed her the wells at Lerna. (Apollod.
ii. 1. § 4.) According to another fonn of the tra-
dition, Araymone fell asleep on her expedition in
search of water, and was surprised by a satyr.
She invoked Poseidon, who appeared and cast his
trident at the satyr, which however struck into a
rock, so that the Satyr escaped. Poseidon, after
ravishing the maiden, bade her draw the trident
from the rock, from which a threefold spring gush-
ed forth immediately, which was ciiUed after her
the well of Amymone. Her son by Poseidon was
called Nauplius. (Hygin. FuIj. \G9 ; Lucian, Dial.
Murin. 6 ; Paus. ii. 37. § 1.) The story of Amy-
mone was the subject of one of the satyric dnimas
of Aeschylus, and is represented upon a vase which
was discovered at Naples in 1790. (Biittiger,
AmaWtea, ii. p. 275.) [L. S.]

AMYNANDER {'AfiiiucwSpos), king of the
Athamanes, first appears in history as mediator
between Philip of Macedonia and the Aetolians.
(b. c. 208.) When the Romans were about to
wage war on Philip, they sent ambassadors to
Amynander to inform him of their intention.
Un the commencement of the war he came to the
cimp of the Romans and promised them assistance:
the task of bringing over the Aetolians to an
alliance with the Romans was assigned to him.
In B. c. 198 he took the townis of Phoca and
Goniphi, and mvaged Thessaly. He was present
at the conference between Flaminius and Phiiip,
and during the short truce was sent by the former
to Rome. He was again present at the conference
held with Philip after the battle of Cynoscephalae.
On the conclusion of peace he was allowed to re-
tain all the fortresses which he had Uiken from
Philip. In the war which the Romans, supported
by Philip, waged with Antiochus III. Amynander
was induced by his brother-in-law, Philip of
Megalopolis, to side with Antiochus, to whom he
rendered active service. But in b. c. 191 he was
driven from his kingdom by Philip, and fled with
his wife and children to Ambracia. The Romans
required that he should be delivered up, but their
demand was not complied with, and with the
assistance of the Aetolians he recovered his king-
dom. He sent ambassiidors to Rome and to the
Scipios in Asia, to treat for peace, which was
granted him. (b. c. 189.) He afterwards induced
the Ambraciots to surrender to the Romans.

He married Apamia, the daughter of a Megalo-
politan named Alexander. Respecting his death
we have no accounts. (Liv. xxvii. 30, xxix. 12,

AMYNTAS.
xxxi. 28, xxxii. 14, xxxiii. 3, 34, xxxv. 47, xxxri,
7—10, 14, 28, 32, xxxviii. 1, 3, 9 ; Polvb. xvi. 27,
xvii. 1, 10, xviii. 19, 30, xx. 10, xxii. 8, 12;
Appian, 5//r. 17.) [C. P.M.]

AMYNO'MACIIUS('Ajuwo7taxos),the son of
Philocrates, was, together with Timocrates, the
heir of Epicurus. (Diog. Laert. ix. 16, 17; Cic. de
Fin. ii. 31.)

AMYNTAS {'Aixivras) I., king of Macedonia,
son of Alcetas, and fifth in descent from Perdiccas,
the founder of the dynasty. (Herod, viii. 139 ;
comp. Thucyd. ii. 100; Just. vii. I, xxxiii. 2;
Paus. ix. 40.)

It was under him that Macedonia became tri-
butary to the Persians. Megabazus, whom Darius
on his return from his Scythian expedition had
left at the head of 80,000 men in Europe (Herod,
iv. 143), sent after the conquest of Paeonia to re-
quire earth and water of Amyntas, who immedi-
ately complied with his demand. The Persian
envoys on this occasion behaved with much in-
solence at the banquet to which Amyntas invited
them, and were murdered by his son Alexander.
(Seep. 118, b.) After this we find nothing re-
corded of Amyntas, except his offer to the Peisis-
tratidae of Anthemus in Chalcidice, when Hippias
had just been disappointed in his hope of a restora-
tion to Athens by the power of the Spartan con-
federacy. (Herod, v. 94 ; MiiU. Dor. App. i. §
16; Wasse, ad Thuc. ii. 99.) Amyntas died
about 498 b. c. leaving the kingdom to Alexander.
Herodotus (viii. 136) speaks of a son of Bubares
and Gygaea, called Amyntas after his grandfather.

2. 11. king of Macedonia, was son of Philip,*
the brother of Perdiccas II. (Thuc. ii. ^o.)
He succeeded his fiither in his appanage in Upper
Macedonia, of which Perdiccas seems to have
wished to deprive him, as he had before endeav-
oured to wrest it from PJiilip, but had been hin-
dered by the Athenians. (Thuc. i. 57.)

In the year 429 B. c. Amyntas, aided by Si-
talces, king of the Odrysian Thracians, stood
forward to contest with Perdiccas the throne of
Macedonia itself; but the latter contrived to
obtain peace through the mediation of Seuthes, the
nephew of the Thracian king (Thuc. ii. 101);
and Am}nitas was thus obliged to content himself
with his hereditary principalitj'. In the thirty-
fifth year, however, after this, b. c. 394, he ob-
tained the crown by the murder of Paus;inias, sou
of the usurper Aeropus. (Diod. xiv. 89.) It waa
nevertheless contested with him b}' Argaeus, the
son of Pausanias, who was supported by Bardylis,
the Illyrian chief : the result was, that Amyntas
was driven from Macedonia, but found a refuge
among the Thessalians, and was enabled by
their aid to recover his kingdom. (Diod. xiv. 92 ;
Isocr. Archid. p. 125, b. c. ; comp. Diod. xvi.
4; Cic. de Of. ii. 11.) But before his flight,
when hard pressed by Argaeus and the lllyrians,
he had given up to the Olynthians a large tract of
territory bordering upon their own, — despairing,
as it would seem, of a restoration to the throne,
and willing to cede the land in question to Olyn-
thus rather than to his rival. (Diod. xiv. 92, xv.
19.) On his return he claimed back what he pro-

* There is some discrepancy of statement on
this point. Justin (vii. 4) and Aelian (xii. 43)
call Amyntas the son of Menelaus. See, too,
Diod. XV. 60, and Wesseling, ad lor^

AMYNTAS.

fessed to h.ivn entrusted to tliem as a deposit, and
as tliey refused to restore it, he aj)plied to Sparta
for aid. (Diod. xv. 19.) A similar application
was also made, B. c. 382, by the towns of Acanthus
and Apollonia, which had been threatened by
Olvnthus for declining to join her confederacv.
(Xen. Hell. v. 2. § 11, &c.) With the consent of
the allies of SpartJi, the required succour was
given, under the conmiand successively of Euda-
midas (with whom his brother Phoebidas was
associated), Teleutias, Agesipolis, and Poly blades,
by the last of whom Olvnthus was reduced, B. c.
379. (Diod. XV. 19—23 ; Xen. Hell. v. 2, 3.)
Throughout the war, the Spartans were vigorously
seconded by AmynUis, and by Derdas, his kins-
man, prince of Elymia. Besides this alliance with
Sparta, which he appears to have preserved with-
out interruption to his death, Amyntas united
himself also with Jason of Pherae (Diod. xv. 60),
and carefully cultivated the friendship of Athens,
with which state he would have a bond of union
in their common jealousy of Olynthus and pro-
bably also of Thebes. Of his friendship towards
the Athenians he gave proof, 1st, by advocating
their claim to the possession of Amphipolis (Aesch.
Ilepl TlapaiTp. p. 32); and, 2ndly, by adopting
Iphicrates as his son. {Id. p. 32.)

It appears to have been in the reign of Amyntas,
as is perhaps implied by Strabo {Eac vii. p. 330),
that the seat of the oSIacedonian government was
removed from Aegae or Edessa to Pella, though
the former still continued to be the bm-ying-place
of the kings.

Justin (viL 4) relates, that a plot was laid for
liis assassination by his wife Eurydice, who wished
to place her son-in-law and paramour, Ptolemy of
Alorus, on the throne, but that the design was
discovered to Amyntas by her daughter. Diodorus
(xv. 71) calls Ptolemy of Alorus the son of Arayn-
tiis ; but see Wesseling's note ad he, and Thirl-
wall, 6V. Hist. vol. v. p. 162. Amyntas died in
an advanced age, B.C. 370, leaving three legitimate
Bons, Alexander, Perdiccas, and the famous Philip.
(Just. /. c. ; Diod. xv. 60.)

AMYNTAS.

155

COIN OF AMYNTAS II.

3. Grandson of Amyntas II., was left an infant
in nominal possession of the throne of Macedonia,
when his father Perdiccas III. fell in battle against
the lUyrians, B. c. 360. (Diod. xvi. 2.) He was
quietly excluded from the kingly power by his
uncle Philip, B. c. 359, who had at first acted
mereh' as regent (Just. vii. 5), and who felt him-
self so safe in his usurpation, that he brought up
Amyntas at his court, and gave him one of his
daughters in marriage In the first year of the
reign of Alexander the Great, B. c. 336, Amyntas
was executed for a plot against the king's life.
(Thirlw. Gr. Hist. vol. v. pp. 165, 166, 177, vol.
vi. p. 99, and the authorities to which he ref«;rs ;
Just. xiL 6, and Freinsheim, ad Curt. vi. 9, 17.)

4. A Macedonian officer in Alexander's anuy,
son of Andromenes. (Diod. xvii. 45; Curt. v. 1.
§ 40; Arrian, iii. p. 72, f., ed. Stcph.) After the
battle of the Granicus, B.c. 334, when the garrison
of Sardis was quietly surrendered to Alexander,
Amyntas was the officer sent forward to receive it
from the commander, Mithrenes. (Arr. i. p. 17, c ;
Freinsh. Sup. in Curt. ii. 6. § 12.) Two years after,
332, we again hear of him as being sent into Ma-
cedonia to collect levies, while Alexander after the
siege of Gaza advanced to Egypt ; and he returned
with them in the ensuing year, when the king was
in possession of Susa. (Arr. iii. p. 64, c. ; Curt. iv.
6. § 30, V. 1. § 40, vii. 1. § 38.)

After the execution of Philotas on a charge of
treason, B. c. 330, Amyntas and two other sons of
Andromenes (Attains and Simmias) were arrested
on suspicion of having been engaged in the plot.
The suspicion was strengthened by their known
intimacy with Philotas, and by the fact that their
brother Polemo had fled from the camp when the
latter was apprehended (Arr. iii. pp. 72, f., 73, a.),
or according to Curtius (vii. 1. § 10), when he was
given up to the torture. Amyntas defended himself
and his brothers ably (Curt. vii. 1. § 18, &c.), and
their innocence being further established by Polemo's
re-appearance (Curt. vii. 2. § 1, &c.; Arr, iii. p. 73,
a.), they were acquitted. Some little time after,
Amyntas was killed by an arrow at the siege of
a village. (Arr. iii. /. c.) It is doubtful whether
the son of Andromenes is the Amyntas mentioned
by Curtius (iii. 9. § 7) as commander of a portion
of the Macedonian troops at the battle of Issus,
B. c. 333 ; or again, the person spoken of as lead-
ing a brigade at the forcing of the "Persian Gates,"
B. c. 331. (Curt. v. 4. §20.) But "Amyntas"
appears to have been a common name among the
Macedonians. (See Curt. iv. 13. § 28, v. 2. § 5,
viii. 2. § 14, 16, vi. 7. $ 15, vi. 9. § 28.)

5. The Macedonian fugitive and traitor, son
of Antiochus. Arrian (p. 17, f.) ascribes his
flight from Macedonia to his hatred and fear of
Alexander the Great ; the ground of these feel-
ings is not stated, but Mitford (ch. 44. sect. 1)
connects him with the plot of Pausitnias and the
murder of Philip. He took refuge in Ephesus
under Persian protection ; whence, however, after
the battle of the Granicus, fearing the approach of
Alexander, he escaped with the Greek mercenaries
who garrisoned the place, and fled to the court of
Dareius. (Arr. /. c.) In the winter of the same
year, B. c. 333, while Alexander was at Phaselis
in Lycia, discovery was made of a plot against his
life, in which Amyntas was implicated. He ap-
pears to have acted as the channel through whom
Dareius had been negotiating with Alexander the
Lyncestian, and had promised to aid him in mount-
ing the throne of ^lacedonia on condition of his
assassinating his master. The design was disco-
vered through the confession of Asishies, a Persian,
whom Dareius had despatched on a secret mission
to the Lyncestian, and who was apprehended by
Pannenio in Phrygia. (Arr. i. pp. 24, e., 25, b.)

At the battle of Issus we hear again of Amyiitas
as a commander of Greek mercenaries in the Per-
sian service (Curt. iii. 11. $ 18; comp. Arr. ii. p.
40, b.) ; and Plutarch and Arrian mention his ad-
vice vainly given to Darius shortly before, to await
Alexander's approach in the large open plains to
the westward of Cilicia. (Plut. Alea. p. 675, b.,
An-, ii. pp. 33, e., 34, a.)

156 AMYNTAS.

Or. the defeat of the Persians at the battle of
Issus, Amyntas fled with a large body of Greeks
to Tripolis in Phoenicia. Tliere he seized some
ships, with which he passed over to Cyprus, and
thence to Egj'pt, of the sovereignty of which — a
double traitor — he designed to possess himself
The gates of Pelusium were opened to him on his
pretending that he came with authority from Da-
reius : thence he pressed on to Memphis, and being
joined by a large number of Egyptians, defeated in
a battle the Persian garrison under Mazaces. But
this victory made his troops over-confident and in-
cautious, and, while they were dispersed for plun-
der, Mazaces sallied forth upon them, and Amyntas
himself was killed with the greater part of his men.
(Diod. xviL 48 ; ^Vrr. il p. 40, c ; Curt. iv. 1, § 27,
&c., iv. 7. § 1, 2.)

It is possible that the subject of the present arti-
cle may have been the Amyntas who is mentioned
among the ambassadors sent to the Boeotians by
Philip, B. c. 338, to prevent the contemplated
alliance of Thebes with Athens. It 7nay also have
been the son of Andromenes. (Plut. Dem. pp. 849,
854; Diod. xvi. 85.)

6. A king of Galatia and several of the adja-
cent countries, mentioned by Strabo (xii. p. 5()9)
as contemporary with himself. He seems to have
first possessed Lycaonia, where he maintiiined
more than 300 flocks. (Strab. xii. p. 568.) To
this he added the territory of Derbe by the murder
of its prince, Antipiter, the friend of Cicero (Cic.
ad Finn. xiii. 73), and Isaura and Ciippadocia by
Roman favour. Plutarch, who enumerates him
among the adherents of Antony at Actium {Ant.
p. 944, c), speaks probably by anticipation in call-
ing him king of Galatia, for he did not succeed to
that till the death of Deiotarus (Strab. xii. p. 5C7);
and the latter is mentioned by Plutarch himself
(A7it. p. 945, b.) as deserting to Octavius, just be-
fore the battle, together with Amyntas.

While pursuing his schemes of aggrandizement,
and endeavouring to reduce the retractory high-
landers around him, Amyntas made himself master
of Homonada (Strab. xii. p. 569), or Homona
(Plin. H.X. V. 27), and slew the prince of that
place ; but his death was avenged by his widow,
and Ampitas fell a victim to an ambush which
she laid for him. (Strab. I.e.) [E. E.]

COIN OF AMYNTAS, KING OF GALATIA.

AMYNTAS {'AfivvTas), a Greek writer of a
work entitled 'l^radixoi, which was probably an ac-
count of the different halting-places of Alexander
the Great in his Asiatic expedition. He perhaps
accompanied Alexander. (Nake, Choerilns, p. 205.)
From the references that are made to it, it seems
to have contained a good deal of historical informa-
tion. ( Athen. ii. p. 67, a., x. p. 442, b., xi. p. 500, d.,
xii. pp. 5 1 4, f,, 529, e. ; Aelian, H. N. v. 1 4, xviL 17.)

AMYNTAS, surgeon. [Amentes.]

AMYTIIAON.

AIMYNTIA'NUS {"kfivvTiavos), the author of"
a work on Alexander the Great, dedicated to the
emperor M. Antoninus, the style of which Photius
blames. He also wrote the life of Olympias, the
mother of Alexander, and a few other biographies.
(Phot. Cod. 131, p. 97, a., ed. Bekker.) The
Scholiast on Pindar {ad 01. iii. 52) refers to a
work of Amyntianus on elephants.

AMYNTOR ('Ajuui/Twp), according to Homer
(//. X. 266), a son of Ormenus of Eleon in Thessaly,
where Autolycus broke into his house and stole
the beautiful helmet, which afterwards came into
the hands of Meriones, who wore it during the
war against Troy. Amj-ntor was the father of
Grantor, Euaemon, Astydameia, and Phoenix.
The last of these was cursed and expelled by
Amyntor for having entertained, at the instigation
of his mother Cleobule or Hippodameia, an unlaw-
ful intercourse with his father's mistress. (Horn.
//. ix. 434, &c. ; Lycophr. 417.) According to
ApoUodorus (ii. 7. §7, iii. 13. § 7), who states,
that Amyntor blinded his son Phoenix, he was a
king of Ormenium, and was slain by Heracles, to
whom he refused a passjige through his dominions,
and the hand of his daughter Astydameia. (Comp.
Diod. iv. 37.) According to Ovid {Met. viii. 307,
xii. 364, &c.), Amyntor took part in the Calydo-
nian hunt, and was king of the Dolopes, and when
conquered in a war by Peleus, he gave him his son
Grantor as a hostage. [L. S.]

A'MYRIS {"Afivpis), of Sybaris in Italy, sur-
named "the Wise," whose son was one of the
suitors of Agarista, at the beginning of the sixth
century, b. c. Amyris was sent by his fellow-citi-
zens to consult the Delphic oracle. His reputation
for wisdom gave rise to the proverb, ''A/iupis juaiverat,
"the wise man is mad." (Herod, vi. 126 ; Athen. xii.
p. 520, a. ; Suidas. s. v. ; Eustath. ad 11. ii. p. 298 ;
Zenobius, Paroemiogr. iv. 27.)

AMYRTAEUS {^hixvpraios). 1. The name,
according to Ctesias {ap. Pliot. Cod. 72, p. 37,
Bekker), of the king of Egypt who was conquered
by Cambyses. [Psammknitus.]

2. A Saite, who, having been invested with the
title of king of Egypt, was joined with Inarus the
Libyan in the command of the Egyptians when
they rebelled against Artaxerxes Longimanus(B. c.
460). After the first success of the Egyptians,
B. c. 456 [AcHAEMENEs], Artaxerxes sent a
second immense army against them, by which they
were totally defeated. Amyrtaeus escaped to the
island of Elbo, and maintained himself as king in
the marshy districts of Lower Egypt till about the
year 414 B.C., when the Egyptians expelled the
Persians, and Amj'rtaeus reigned six years, being
the only king of the 28th dynasty. His name on
the monuments is thought to be Aomahorte.
Eusebius calls him Amyrtes and Amyrtanus
('A^uprai/os). (Herod, ii. 140, iii. 15; thuc. i.
110 ; Diod. xi. 74, 75 ; Ctesias. ap. Phot. pp. 27,
32, 40, Bekker; Euseb. Chron. Armen. pp. 10 i,
342, ed. Zohrab and Mai; Wilkinson's Aid.
Eijypt. i. p. 205.) [P. S.]

A'MYRUS ("Ajuupos), a son of Poseidon, from
whom the town and river Amyrus in Thessa'y
were believed to have derived their name. (Stepli.
Byz. S.V.; Val. Place, ii. 11.) [L. S.]

AMYTHA'ON ('AAiu0aw«/), a son of Cretheus
and Tyro (Hom, Od. xi. 235, &c.), and brother
of Aeson and Pheres. (Hom. Od. xi. 259.) He
dwelt at Pylos in Messenia, and by Idomene be-

AXACUEON.
tame the father of Bias, Mclanipus, and AeoHa.
(Apollod. i. 9. § 11, 7. § 7.) According to Pindar
(Pi/i/i- iv. -20, &c.), he and several other members
of his family went to lolciis to intercede with
Pelias on behalf of Jason. Pausanias (v. 8. § 1)
mentions him among those to whom the restoration
of the Olympian games was ascribed. [L. S.]

AMYTHAO'iNIUS, a patronymic from Amy-
thaon, by which his son, the seer Melampus, is
sometimes designated. (Virg. Georg. iii. 550 ;
Coluniell. X. 348.) The descendants of Amythaon
in general are called by the Greeks Amythaonidae.
(Strab. viii. p. 372.) [L. S.]

A'MYTIS CA/uvTis). 1. The daughter of As-
t3-ages, the wife of Cyrus, and the mother of Cam-
byses, according to Ctesias. {Pers. c. 2, 10, &c.,
ed. Lion.)

2. The daughter of Xerxes, the wife of Mega-
byzus, and the mother of Achaemenes, who pe-
rished in Egypt, according to Ctesias. {^Pers. c. 20,
22, 28, 30, 36, 39, &c.)
A'iNACES. [Anax, No. 2.]
ANACHARSIS (*Arcixapo-»s), a Scythian of
princely rank, according to Herodotus (iv. 76), the
son of Gnurus, and brother of Saulius, king of
Thrace ; according to Lucian {Scytka) the son of
Daucetas. He left his native country to travel in
pursuit of knowledge, and came to Athens just at
the time that Solon was occupied with his legisla-
tive measures. He became acquainted with Solon,
and by the simplicity of his way of living, his
talents, and his acute observations on the institu-
tions and usages of the Greeks, he excited general
attention and admiration. The fame of his wisdom
was such, that he was even reckoned by some
among the seven sages. Some writers affirmed,
that after having been honoured with the Athenian
franchise, he was initiated into the Eleusinian
mysteries. According to the account in Herodotus,
on his return to Thrace, he was killed by his bro-
ther Saulius, while celebrating the orgies of Cybele
at Hylaea. Diogenes Laertius gives a somewhat
different version — that he was killed by his bro-
ther while hunting. He is said to have written a
metrical work on legislation and the art of war.
Cicero {Tunc. Dis}). v. 32) quotes from one of his
letters, of which several, though of doubtful au-
thenticity, are still extant. Various sayings of his
have been preserved by Diogenes and Athenaeus.
(Herod, iv. 46, 76, 77; Plut. Sol. 5, Cunviv.
Sept. Sapient; Diog. Laert. i. 101, &c.; Strab. vii.
p. 303 ; Lucian, Sci/tha and A?iackarsis ; Athen.
iv. p. 159, X. pp. 428, 437, xiv. p. 613 ; Aelian,
V.H.y.l.) [C. P. M.]

ANA'CREON ('AvoKpewi'), one of the principal
Greek lyric poets, was a native of the Ionian city
of Teos, in Asia Minor. The accounts of his life
are meagre and confused, but he seems to have
spent his youth at his native city, and to have re-
moved, with the great body of its inhabitants, to
Abdera, in Thrace, when Teos was taken by Har-
pagus, the general of Cyrus (about B. c. 540 ; Strab.
xiv. p. 644). The early part of his middle life
was spent at Samos, under the patronage of Poly-
crates, in whose praise Anacreon wrote many
songs. (Strab. xiv. p. 638 ; Herod, iii. 121.) He
enjoyed very high favour with the tyrant, and is
said to have softened his temper by the charms of
music. (Maxim. Tyr. Diss, xxxvii. 5.) After
the death of Polycrates (b. c. 522), he went to
Athens at the invitation of the tyrant Hipparchus,

AXACYNDARAXES.

157

who sent a galley of fifty oars to fetch him. (Plat.
IIi}yparch. p. 22J5.) At Athens he became ac-
quainted with Simonides and other poets, whom
the taste of Hipparchus had collected round him,
and he was admitted to intimacy by other noble
families besides the Peisistratidae, among whom he
especially celebrated the beauty of Critias, the son
of Dropides. (Plat. Cluxrm. p. 157 ; Berghk's
Amicreon^ fr. bb.) He died at the age of 85, pro-
bably about B. c. 478. (Lucian, Mucrob. c. 26.)
Simonides wrote two epitaphs upon him {Ant/iol.
Pal. vii. 24, 25), the Athenians set up his statue
in the Acropolis (Paus. L 25. § 1), and the Teians
struck his portrait on their coins. (Visconti, Icon.
Grecque, pi. iii. 6.) The place of his death, how-
ever, is uncertain. The second epitaph of Simo-
nides appears to say clearly that he was buried at
Teos, whither he is supposed to have returned after
the death of Hipparchus (li. c. 514) ; but there is
also a tradition that, after his return to Teos, lie
fled a second time to Abdera, in consequence of
the revolt of Histiaeus. (b. c. 495 ; Suidas, s. v.
'Avaicpcwv and Tew.) This tradition has, however,
very probably arisen from a confusion with the
original emigration of the Teians to Abdera,

The universal tradition of antiquity represents
Anacreon as a most consummate voluptuary ; and
his poems prove the truth of the tradition. Though
Athenaeus (x. p. 429) thought that their drunken
tone was affected, arguing that the poet must have
been tolerably sober while in the act of writing, it
is plain that Anacreon sings of love and wine with
hearty good will, and that his songs in honour of
Polycrates came less from the heart than the ex-
pressions of his love for the beautiful youths whom
the tyrant had gathered round him. {Anthol. Pal.
vii. 25 ; !Maxim. Tyr. Diss. xxvi. 1.) We see in
him the luxury of the Ionian inflamed by the
fervour of the poet. The tale that he loved Sappho
is very improbable. (Athen. xiii. p. b99.) His
death was worthy of his life, if we may believe the
account, which looks, however, too like a poetical
fiction, that he was choked by a grape-stone.
(Plin. vii. 5; Val. Max. ix. 12. §8.) The idea
formed of Anacreon by nearly all ancient writers,
as a grey-haired old man, seems to have been de-
rived from his later poems, in forgetfulness of the
fact that when his fame was at its height, at the
court of Polj'crates, he was a very young man ; the
delusion being aided by the unabated warmth of
his poetry to tlie very last.

In the time of Suidas five books of Anacreon's
poems were extant, but of these only a few genuine
fragments have come down to us. The ''Odes"
attributed to him are now universally admitted to
be spurious. All of them are later than the time
of Anacreon. Though some of them are very
graceful, others are very deficient in poetical feel-
ing ; and all are wanting in the tone of earnestness
which the poetry of Anacreon always breathed.
The usual metre in these Odes is the Iambic
Dimeter Catalectic, which occurs only once in the
genuine fragments of Anacreon. His favourite
metres are the Choriambic and the Ionic a
Minore.

The editions of Anacreon are very numerous.
The best are those of Brunck, Strasb. 1786; Fischer,
Lips. 1793 ; Mehlhom, Glogau, 1825 ; and
Bergk, Lips. 1834. [P. S.]

ANACYNDARAXES ('Avo/cwSapo^Tjj), the
father of Sardanapalus, king of Assyria. (Arrian,

158

ANANIUS.

An. ii. 5 ; Strab. xiv. p. 672; Athen. viii. p. 335, f.,
xii. pp. 529, e, 530, b.)

AxNADYO'MENE ('AmSuoyue'i/Tj), the goddess
rising out of the sea, a surname given to Aphrodite,
in allusion to the story of her being born from the
foam of the sea. This surname had not much ce-
lebrity previous to the time of Apelles, but his
famous painting of Aphrodite Anadyomene, in
which the goddess was represented as rising from
the sea and drying her hair with her hands, at
once drew great attention to this poetical idea, and
excited the emulation of other artists, painters as
well as sculptors. The painting of Apelles was
made for the inhabitants of the island of Cos, who
set it up in their temple of Asclepius. Its beauty
induced Augustus to have it removed to Rome,
and the Coans were indemnified by a reduction in
their taxes of 100 talents. In the time of Nero
the greater part of the picture had become effaced,
and it was replaced by the work of another artist.
(Strab. xiv. p. 657; Plin. //. N. xxxv. 36. 4?§ 12.
and 15 ; Auson. Ep. 106 ; Paus.ii. I. § 7.) [L. S.]

ANAEA {'Avala), an Amazon, from whom the
town of Anaea in Caria derived its name. (Steph.
Bvz, s.v. ; Eustath. adDionys. Verieg. ^28.) [L. S.]
'ANAGALLIS. [Agallis.]

ANAGNOSTES, JOANNES ('Ift«£«/iajs 'Ara-
•yv(L(TTT]s,\ wrote an account of the storming of his
native city, Thessalonica, by the Turks under
Amurath II. (a. d. 1430), to which is added a
" Monodia," or Lamentation for the event, in prose.
Tiie work is printed, in Greek and Latin, in the
2wu;u«KTo of Leo AUatius, Rom. 1653, 8vo,, pp.
318 — 380. The author was present at the siege,
after which he left the city, but was induced to
return to it by the promises of the conqueror, who
two years afterwards deprived him of all his pro-
perty. (Hanekius, de Hist. Ihjz. Script, i. 38,
p. 636 ; Wharton, Supp to Cave, Hist. Lit. ii.
p. 130.) [P. S.]

ANAI'TIS ('Ai/atrjs), an Asiatic divinity,
•whose name appears in various modifications, some-
times written Anaea (Strab. xvi. p. 738), some-
times Aneitis (Plut. Artcur. 27), sometimes Tanais
(Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 43), or Nanaea. (Maccab.
ii. 1, 13.) Her worship was spread over several
parts of Asia, such as Armenia, Cappadoci.a, Assy-
ria, Persis, &c. (Strab. xi. p. 512, xii. p. 559. xv.
p. 733.) In most places where she was worship-
})ed we find numerous slaves {ifpo^ovKoi) of both
sexes consecrated to her, and in Acilisene these
slaves were taken from the most distinguished
families. The female slaves prostituted them-
selves for a number of years before they married.
These priests seem to have been in the enjoyment
of the sacred land connected with her temples, and
we find mention of sacred cows also being kept at
such temples. (Plut. Luadl. 24.) From this and
other circumstances it has been inferred, that the
worship of Anaitis was a branch of the Indian
worship of nature. It seems, at any rate, clear
that it was a part of the worship so common among
the Asiatics, of the creative powers of nature, both
male and female. The Greek writers sometimes
identify Anaitis with their Artemis (Paus. iii. 16.
§ 6 ; Plut. I. c), and sometimes with their Aphro-
dite. (Clem. Alex. I. c. \ Agathias, i. 2 ; Ammian.
Marc, xxiii. 3 ; Spartian. Curac. 7 ; comp. Creuzer,
Spnbol. ii. p. 22, &c.) [L. S.]

ANA'NIUS {'Ai'dvios), a Greek iambic poet,
contemporary with Hipponax (about 540 B. c.)

ANASTASIUS.
Tlie invention of the satyric iambic verse called
Scazon is ascribed to him as well as to Hipponax.
(Hephaest. p. 30, 11, Gaisf.) Some fragments of
Ananius are preserved by Athenaeus (pp. 78, 282,
370), and all that is known of him has been col-
lected by Welcker. {Hipponactis et Ananii lambo-
graphorum Fragmenta, p. 109, &c.) [P. S.]

ANAPHAS ('Aj/a^as), was said to have been
one of the seven who slew the Magi in B. c. 521,
and to have been lineally descended from Atossa,
the sister of Cambyses, who was the father of the
great Cyrus. The Cappadocian kings traced their
origin to Anaphas, who received the government
of Cappadocia, free from taxes. Anaphas was suc-
ceeded by his son of the same name, and the latter
by Datames. (Diod. xxxi. Ed. 3.)

ANASTA'SIA, a noble Roman lady, who suf-
fered martyrdom in the Diocletian persecution.
(a. d. 303.) Two letters written by her in prison
are extant in Suidas, s. v. xP^f^^yovos. [P. S.]

ANASTA'SIUS {' Auaardaios), the author of
a Latin epigram of eighteen lines .addressed to
a certain Armatus, "De Ratione Victus Salutaria
post Incisam Venam et Emissum Sanguinem,"
which is to be found in several editions of the
Regimen SanitcdisSalcrnitanum. (e.(/. Antverp. 1557,
12mo.) The life and date of the author are quite
unknown, but he was probfvbly a late writer, and
is therefore not to be confounded with a Greek
physician of the same n;mie, whose remedy for the
gout, which was to be taken during a whole year,
is quoted with approbation by Aetius (tetrab. iii.
serm. iv. 47, p. 609), and who must therefore have
lived some time during or before the fifth century
after Christ. [W. A. G.]

ANASTA'SIUS I. II., patriarchs of Antioch.
[Anastasius Sinaita.]

ANASTA'SIUS I. ( 'Amo-Tdcrtos ), emperor
of Constantinople, sumamed Dicorus (At/co-
pos) on account of the different colour of his
eye- balls, was bom about 430 A. D., at Dyrra-
chium in Epeirus. He was descended from an
unknown family, and we are acquainted with
only a few circumstances concerning his life pre-
viously to his accession. We know, however,
that he was a zealous Eutychian, that he was not
married, and that he served in the imperial life-
guard of the Silentiarii, which was the cause of his
being generally called Anastasius Silentiarius. The
emperor Zeno, the Isaurian, having died in 491
without male issue, it was generally believed that
his brother Longinus would succeed him ; but in
consequence of an intrigue carried on during some
time, as it seems, between Anastasius and the em-
press Ariadne, Anastasius was proclaimed emperor.
Shortly afterwards he married Ariadne, but it does
not appear that he had had an adulterous inter-
course with her during the life of her husband.
When Anastasius ascended the throne of the
Eastern empire he was a man of at least sixty, but
though, notwithstanding his advanced age, he
evinced uncommon energy, his reign is one of the
most deplorable periods of Byzantine history, dis-
turbed as it was by foreign and intestine Avars and
by the still greater calamity of religious troubles.
Immediately after his accession, Longinus, the
brother of Zeno, Longinus Magister Officiorum,
and Longinus Selinuntius, rose against him, and
being all natives of Isauria, where they had great
influence, they made this province the centre of
their operations against the imperial troops. This

ANASTASIUS.

war, which is known in history under the name of
thi! I saurian war, lasted till 497, and partly till
4f)8, when it was finished to the advantage of the
emperor by the captivity and death of the ring-
leaders of the rebellion. John the Scythian, John
the Hunchbacked, and under them .lustinus, who
became afterwards emperor, distinguished theni-
sehes greatly as commanders of the armies of
Anastasius. The following years were signalized
by a sedition in Constantinople occasioned by dis-
turbances between the factions of the Blue and the
Green, by religious troubles \fh\oh the emperor
was able to quell only by his own humiliation, by
wars with the Arabs and the Bulgarians, and by
earthquakes, famine, and plague, (a. d. 500.)
Anastasius tried to relieve his people by abolishing
the xpv(rop7upoy, a heavy poll-tax which was paid
jnditVerently for men and for domestic animals.
Immediately after these calamities, Anastasius was
involved in a war with Cabadis, the king of Persia,
who destroyed the Byzantine army commanded by
Ilypacius and Patricius Phrygius, and ravaged
^lesopotamia in a dreadful manner. Anastasius
purchased peace in 505 by paying 1 1 ,000 pounds
of gold to the Persians, who, being threatened
with an invasion of the Huns, restored to the em-
peror the provinces which they had overrun. From
Asia Anastasius sent his generals to the banks of
the Danube, where they fought an unsuccessful but
not inglorious campaign against the East-Goths of
Italy, and tried, but in vain, to defend the passage
of the Danube against the Bulgarians. These in-
defatigable warriors crossed that river in great
numbers, and ravaging the greater part of Thrace,
appeared in sight of Constantinople ; and no other
means were left to the emperor to secure the im-
mediate neighbourhood of his capital but by con-
stnicting a fortified wall across the isthmus of Con-
Btatitinople from the coast of the Propontis to that
of the Pontus Euxinus. (a. d. 507.) Some parts
of this wall, which in a later period proved useful
against the Turks, are still existing. Clovis, king
of the Franks, was created consul by Anastasius.

The end of the reign of Anastasius cannot well
be understood without a short notice of the state
of religion during this time, a more circumstantial
account of which the reader will find in Evagrius
and Theophanes cited below.

As early as 488, Anastasius, then only a Silen-
tiarius, had been active in promoting the Euty-
chian Palladius to the see of Antioch. This act
was made a subject of reproach against him by the
orthodox patriarch of Constantinople, Euphemius,
who, upon Anastasius succeeding Zeno on the
throne, persuaded or compelled him to sign a con-
fession of faith according to the orthodox principles
laid down in the council of Chalcedon. Notwith-
standing this confession, Anastasius continued an
adherent to the doctrines of Eutychius, and in
49G he had his enemy, Euphemius, deposed and
banished. It is said, that at this time Aiiastasius
shewed great propensities to the sect of the Ace-
phali. The successor of Euphemius was Macedo-
iiius, who often thwarted the measures of the em-
peror, and who but a few years afterwards was
driven from his see, which Anastasius gave to the
Euiychian Tiraotheus, who opposed the orthodox
in many matters. Upon this, Anastasius was
anathematized by pope Symmachus, whose succes-
Bor, Hormisdas, sent deputies to Constantinople
for the purpose of restoring peace to the Church of

ANASTASIUS. 159

the East. However, the religious motives of thcae
disturbances were either so intimately connected
with political motives, or the hatred between the
parties was so great, that the deputies did not suc-
ceed. In 514, Vitidianus, a Gothic prince in the
service of the emperor, put himself at the head of
a powerful army, and laid siege to Constantinople,
under the pretext of compelling Anastasius to put
an end to the vexations of the orthodox church.
In order to get rid of such an enemy, Anastasiua
promised to assemble a general council, which was
to be presided over by the pope, and he appointed
Vitalianus his commander-in-chief in Thrace. But
no sooner was the army of Vitalianus disbanded,
than Anastasius once more eluded his promises,
and the predomination of the Eutychians over the
orthodox lasted till the death of the emperor.
Anastasius died in 518, at the age of between
eighty-eight and ninety-one years. Evagrius states,
that after his death his name was erased from the
sacred " Diptychs" or tables.

Religious hatred having more or less guided
modern writers as well as those whom we must
consider as the sources with regard to Anastasius,
the character of this emperor has been described in
a very different manner. The reader will find
these opinions carefully collected and weighed with
prudence and criticism in Tillemont's " Histoire
des Empereurs." Whatever were his vices, and
however avaricious and faithless he was, Anastasius
was far from being a common man. Tillemont,
though he is often misled by bigotry, does not
blame hira for many actions, and praises him for
many others for which he has been frequently re-
proached. Le Beau, the author of the "Histoire
du Bas Empire," does not condemn him; and
Gibbon commends hira, although principally for his
economy. (Evagrius, iii. 29, seq. ; Cedrenus, pp.
354-365, ed. Paris; Theophanes, pp. 115-141, ed.
Paris; Gregor. Turon. ii. 38.) [W. P.]

ANASTA'SIUS II., emperor of Constan-
tinople. The original name of this emperor
was Artemius, and he was one of the ministers
(Protoasecretis) of the emperor Philippicus, who
had his eyes put out by the traitor Rufus, in
the month of June A. D. 713. Artemius, uni-
versally esteemed for his character and his
qualities, was chosen in his stead, and, although
his reign was short and disturbed by troubles,
he gave sufficient proofs of being worthy to reign.
After having punished Rufus and his accomplices,
he appointed the I saurian Leo, who became after-
wards emperor, his general in chief against the
Lazes and other Caucasian nations, and himself
made vigorous preparations against the Arabs, by
whom the southern provinces of the empire were
then continually harassed. He formed the bold
plan of burning the naval stores of the enemy on
the coast of Syria, stores necessary for the con-
struction of a large fleet, with which the Arabs
intended to lay siege to Constantinople. The
commander of the Byzantine fleet was John, who
combined the three dignities of grand treasurer of
the empire, admiral, and dean of St Sophia, and
who left Constantinople in 715. But the expe-
dition failed, and a mutiny broke out on board the
ships, in consequence of which John was mas-
sacred, and Theodosius, once a receiver of the taxes,
proclaimed emperor. It is probable that the rebel
had many adherents in the Asiatic provinces ; for
while he sailed with his fleet to Constantinople,

160 ANASTASIUS.

Anastasius, after having left a strong garrison for
the defence of his capital, went to Nicaea for the
purpose of preventing all danger from that side.
After an obstinate resistance during six months,
Constantinople was taken by surprise in the month
of January 716, and Anastasius, besieged in Nictiea,
surrendered on condition of having his life pre-
served. This was granted to him by the victorious
rebel, who ascended the throne under the name of
Theodosius III. Anastasius retired to a convent
at Thessalonica. In the third year of the reign of
Leo III. Isaurus (7*21), Anastasius conspired
against this emperor at the instigation of Nicetas
Xylonites. They hoped to be supported by Ter-
belis or Terbelius, king of Bulgaria ; but their
enterprise proved abortive, and the two conspirators
were put to death by order of Leo. (Theophanes,
pp.321, &c., 335, ed. Paris ; Zonaras, xiv. 26, &c.;
Cedrenus, p. 449, ed. Paris.) [W. P.]

ANASTA'SIUS, abbot of St. Euthymium in
Palestine, about 741 A. D., wrote a Greek work
against the Jews, a Latin version of which by
Turrianus is printed in Canisii Atiliquar. Led. iii.
pp. 123— 186. The translation is verjMmperfect.
A MS. of the original work is still extant. (Catal.
Vindobon. pt. 1, cod. 307, num. 2, p. 420.) [P. S.]
ANASTA'SIUS, a Graeco-Roman jurist, who
interpreted the Digest He is cited in the Basilica
(ed. Heimbach. ii. p. 10; ed. Fubrot. iv. p. 701,
vii, p. 258), in which, on one occasion, his opinion
is placed in opposition to that of Stephanus. Be-
yond this circumstance, we can discover in his
fragments no very strong reason for supposing him
to have been contemporary with Justinian ; Reitz,
however, considered it certain that he was so, and
accordingly marked his name with an asterisk in
the list of jurists subjoined to his edition of Theo-
philus. {Ejccurs. XX. p. 1234.) The name is so
common, that it would be rash to identify the
jurist with contemporary Anastasii; but it may be
stated, that among more than forty persons of the
name, Fabricius mentions one who was consul a. d.
517. Procopius (de Bell. Pers. ii. 4, 5) relates,
that Anastasius, who had quelled an attempt to
usurp imperial power in his native city Dara, and
had acquired a high reputation for intelligence, was
sent on an embassy to Chosroes, a. d. 540. This
Anastasius was atiirst detained against his will by
Chosroes, but was sent back to Justinian, after
Chosroes had destroyed the city of Sura. [J. T. G.]
ANASTA'SIUS, metropolitan bishop of Nice
(about 520 — 536 a. d.), wrote or dictated, in
Greek, a work on the Psalms, which is still ex-
tant. {Bihl. Coislin. p. 389.) [P. S.]

ANASTA'SIUS I., bishop of Rome, from 398
to his death in 402, took the side of Jerome in his
controversy with Rufinus respecting Origen. He
excommunicated Rufinus and condemned the works
of Origen, confessing, however, that he had never
heard Origen's name before the translation of one
of his works by Rnfinus. (Constant, Epist. Poutif.
Rom. p. 715.) Jerome praises him in the highest
terms. {Epist. 16.) [P. S.]

ANASTA'SIUS II., bishop of Rome from 496
to his death in 498, made an unsuccessful attempt
to compose the quarrel between the Greek and
Latin Churches, which had been excited by Aca-
cius. There are extant two letters which he wrote
to the emperor Anastasius on this occasion, and
one Avhich he wrote to Clovis, king of the Franks,
in Baiuzius, Nov. Collect. Condi, p. 1457. [P.S.]

ANATOLIUS.

ANASTA'SIUS STNAITA {'hva(rTi<nos 2<.
vaiTT]s). Three persons of this name are mentioned
by ecclesiastical writers, and often confounded with
one another.

1. Anastasius I., made patriarch of Antioch
A. D. 559 or 561, took a prominent part in the con-
troversy with the Aphthartodocetae, who thought
that the body of Christ before the resurrection was
incorruptible. He opposed the edict which Justi-
nian issued in favour of this opinion, and was af-
terwards banished by the j'ounger Justin. (570.)
In 593 he was restored to his bishopric at Antioch,
and died in 599.

2. Anastasius II., succeeded Anastasius I. in
the bishopric of Antioch, a. d. 599. He translated
into Greek the work of Gregory the Great, " de
Cura Pastorali," and was killed by the Jews in a
tumult, 609 A. D.

3. Anastasius, a presbyter and monk of Mt.
Sinai, called by later Greek writers "the New Moses"
(MwotJs- vkos\ lived towards the end of 7th cen-
tury, as is clear from the contents of his " Hodegus."

There is some doubt whether the two patriarchs
of Antioch were ever monks of Sinai, and whether
the application of the epithet " Sinaita" to them has
not arisen from their being confounded with the
third Anastasius. The "Hodegus" (0517705), or
"Guide," above mentioned, a work against the
Acephali, and other heretics who recognized only
one nature in the person of Christ, is ascribed by
Nicephorus and other writers to Anastasius I.,
patriarch of Antioch ; but events are mentioned in
it which occurred long after his death. Others
have thought that he was the author of the work
originally, but that it has been greatly interpolated.
It was, however, most probably the production of
the third Anastasius. It was published by Gretser
in Greek and Latin, Ingolstadt, 1606, 4to. It is a
loose, illogical rhapsody, without any graces of
style, and very inaccurate as to facts.

An account of the other writings ascribed to
these three Anastasii, and discussions respecting
their authorship, will be found in Fabricius {Bibl.
Grae^. x. p. 571), and Cave. {Hist. Lit.) [P. S.]

ANATO'LIUS, of Bervtus, afterwards P. P.
{praefectus practorio) of Illyricum, received a legal
education in the distinguished law-school of his
native place, and soon acquired great reputation in
his profession of jurisconsult. Not content, how-
ever, with forensic eminence, from Berytus he pro-
ceeded to Rome, and gained admission to the pa-
lace of the emperor. Here he rapidly obtained
favour, was respected even by his enemies, and
was successively promoted to various honours. He
became comularis of Galatia, and we find him
named vicarius of Asia under Constantius, a. d. 339.
(Cod. Th. 11. tit. 30. s. 19.) A constitution of the
same year is addressed to him, according to the
vulgar reading, with the title vicarius J/ricae ; but
the opinion of Godefroi, that here also the true
reading is Asiae, has met with the approbation of
the learned. (Cod. Th. 12. tit. 1. s. 28.) He ap-
pears with the title P. P. in the years 346 and
349, but without mention of his district. (Cod. Th.
12. tit. 1. s. 38, ih. s. 39.) He is, however, dis-
tinctly mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus as
P. P. of Illyricum, a. d. 359 (Am. Marc. xix.
1 1. § 2), and his death in that office is recorded by
the same author, a. d. 361. (xxi. 6. § 5.) Whether
he were at first praefect of some other district, or
whether he held the same office continuously from

ANAT0LIU3.

A. D. 346 to A. D. 3f)l, cannot now Le detennincd.
His administration is mentioned by M.ircellinus as
an em of unusual improvement, and is also recorded
by Aurelius Victor {Trajaii) as a bright but soli-
tary instance of refonn, which checked the down-
ward progress occasioned by the avarice and op-
pression of provincial governors. He is often
spoken of in the letters of Libanius ; and several
letters of Libanius are extint addressed directly to
Anatolius, and, for the most part, asking favours or
recommending friends. We would refer especially
to the letters 18, 466, 587, as illustrating the cha-
racter of Anatolius. When he received from Con-
stantius his appointment to the praefecture of Hly-
ricum, he said to the emperor, "Henceforth, prince,
no dignity shall shelter the guilty from punishment ;
henceforth, no one who violates the laws, however
high may be his judicial or military rank, shall be
allowed to depart with impunity." It appears that
he acted up to his virtuous resolution.

He was not only an excellent governor, but ex-
tremely clever, of very various abilities, eloquent,
iixlcfatigable, and ambitious. Part of a panegyric
upon Anatolius composed by the sophist Himcrius,
has been preserved by Photius, but little if any-
thing illustrative of the real character of Anatolius
is to be collected from the remains of this panegy-
ric. (Wernsdorff, ad Ilimeriuiii, xxxii. and 'ili?.)
H" we would I'^arn something of the private history
of the man, we must look into the letters of Liba-
jiius and the life of Proaeresius by Eunapius. In
the 1 8th letter of Libanius, which is partly written
in a tone ol pique and persiflage^ it is difficult to say
how far the censure and the praise are ironical.
Libanius seems to insinuate, that his powerful ac-
quaintance was stunted and iU-favoured in person ;
did not scruple to enrich himself by accepting pre-
sents voluntarily offered ; was partial to the Syrians,
his own countrymen, in the distribution of patron-
age ; and was apt, in his prosperity, to look down
upon old friends.

Among his accomplishments it may be mentioned
that he was fond of poetry, and so much admired
the poetic effusions of Alilesius of Smyrna, that he
called him Milesius the Muse. Anatolius himself
received from those who wished to detract from
his reputation the nickname 'hQxrrpiwv, a word
which has puzzled the whole tribe of commentators
and lexicographers, including Faber, Ducange, and
Toup. It is probably connected in some way with
the stage, as Eunapius refers for its explanation to
the KaKoSai/jLcav ruv ^v/xe\cSu x^P^^' He was a
heathen, and clung to his religion at a time when
heathenism was unfashionable, and when the tide
of opinion had begun to set strongly towards Chris-
tianity. It is recorded, that, upon his arrival in
Athens, he rather ostentatiously performed sacri-
fices, and visited the temples of the gods.

An error of importance concerning Anatolius
occurs in a work of immense learning and deserv-
edly high authority. Jac. Godefroi states, in the
Prosopor/raphia attached to his edition of the Theo-
dosian Code, that 1 u letters of St. Basil the Great
(viz. letters 391-406) are addressed to Anatolius.
This error, which we have no doubt originated
from the accidental descent of a sentence that be-
longed to the preceding article on Amphilochius,
has been overlooked in the revision of Ritter.

The Anatolius who was P. P. of lllyricum is
believed by some to have been skilled in agricul-
ture and medicine as well as in law. It is possible

ANATOLIUS. 161

that he was identical with the Anatolius who is
often cited in the Geoponica by one or other of the
three names, Anatolius, Vindanius, (or Vindania-
nus,) Berytius. These names have sometimes
been erroneously supposed to designate three diffe-
rent individuals. (Niclas, Prolc<jom. ad Geopon. p.
xlviii. n.) The work on Agriculture written by
this Anatolius, Photius {Cod. 163) thought the best
work on the subject, though containing some mar-
vellous and incredible things. Our Anatolius may
also be identicjil with the author of a treatise con-
cerniug Symjmthies and A niipathies (irepi liV/xiraOdieu
kolI 'AuTnra0€iav)^ the remains of which may be
found in Fabricius {IJibf. Gr. iv. p. 29) ; but we are
rather disposed to attribute this work to Anatolius
the philosopker, who was the master of lamblichus
(Brucker, Hist. Phil. vol. ii. p. 260), and to whom
Porphyry addressed Homeric Questions. Other
contemporaries of the same name are mentioned
by Libanius, and errors have frequently been com-
mitted from the great number of Anatolii who held
office under the Roman emperors. Thus our Ana-
tolius has been confounded with the viagister offici-
orum who fell in the battle against the Persians at
Maranga, a. d. 363, in which Julian was slain.
(Am. Marc. xx. 9. § 8, xxv. 6. § 5.) [J. T. G.]

ANATO'LIUS, professor of law at Berytus.
In the second preface to the Digest {Const. Tanta.
§ 9), he is mentioned by Justinian, with the
titles vir illustris., viagister^ among those who were
employed in compiling that great Avork, and is
complimented as a person descended from an an-
cient legal stock, since both his father Leontius
and his grandfather Eudoxius " optimam sui me-
moriam in legibns reliquemnt.'''' He wrote notes
on the Digest, and a very concise commentary on
Justinian's Code. Both of these works are cited
in the Basilica. !Matthaens Blastares {in Praef.
Si/ntag.) states, that the " professor (ai'Ti/cevo-wp)
Thalelaeus edited the Code at length ; Theodo-
rus Hemiopolites briefly ; Anatolius still moro
briefly ; Isidonis more succinctly than Thalelaeus,
but more diffusely than the other two." It is pos-
sibly from some misunderstanding or some misquo-
tation of this passage, that Terrasson {Histoire de la
Jurisp. Bom. p. 358) speaks of an Anatolius different
from the contemporary of Justinian, and says that
this younger Anatolius was employed by the emperor
Phocas, conjointly with Theodorus Hermopolites
and Isidonis, to translate Justinian's Code into
Greek. This statement, for which we have been
able to find no authority, seems to be intrinsically
improbable. The Constitution Onmem (one of the
prefaces of the Digest), bears date A. d. 533, and
is addressed, among others, to Theodonis, Isidorus,
and Anatolius. Now, it is very unlikely that
three jurists of similar name should be employed
conjointly by the emperor Phocas, who reigned
A. D. 602 — 610. There was probably some cor^-
fusion in the mind of Terrasson between the em-
peror Phocas and a jurist of the same name, who
was contemporary with Justinian, and commented
upon the Code.

Anatolius held several offices of importance. He
was advocatus flsci^ and was one of the majores ju-
dices nominated by Justinian in Nov. 82. c. 1.
Finally, he filled the office of consul, and was ap-
pointed curator divinae domus et ret privatae. In
the exercise of his official functions he became un-
popular, by appropriating to himself, under coloiu
of confiscations to the emperor, the effects of de-

162 ANAXAGORAS.

ceased persons, to the exclusion of their rightful
heirs. lie perished in a. d. 557, in an earthquake
at Byzantium, whither he had removed his resi-
dence from Berytus. (Agath. ^is^ V. 3.) [J.T. G.]

ANATO'LIUS ('AfoToAios), Patriarch of
Constantinople (a. d, 445), presided at a
synod at Constantinople (a. d. 450) which con-
demned Eutyches and liis followers, and was
present at the general council of Chalcedon (a. d.
451), out of the twenty-eighth decree of which
H contest sprung up between Anatolius and
Leo, bishop of Rome, respecting the relative nmk
of their two sees. A letter from Anatolius to Leo,
wntten upon this sul)ject in a. d. 457, is still ex-
tant. (Cave, IlUit. Lit. A. d. 449.) [P. S.]

ANATO'LIUS ('AwToAtos), BisUop of Lao-
DicEA ( A. D. 270 ), was tin Alexandrian by
birth. Eusebiiis ranks him first among the men of
his age, in literature, philosophj', and science, and
states, that the Alexandrians urged him to open a
school of Aristotelian philosophy. (//. E. vii. 32.)
lie was of great service to the Alexandrians when
they were besieged by the Romans, A. u. 2G2.
From AiexHudria he went into Syria. At Caesaiea
he was ordained by Theotochnus, who destined
him to be his successor in the bishopric, the duties
of which he discharged for a short time as the vicar
of Theotochnus. Afterwards, while proceeding to
attend a council at Antioch, he was detained by
the people of Laodicea, and became their bishop.
()f his subsequent life nothing is known ; but by
Bcme he is said to have suffered martyrdom. He
wrote a work on the chronology of Easter, a large
fnigment of which is preserved by Eusebius. {I. c.)
The work exists in a I*atin translation, which
fiome ascribe to Rufinus, under the title of " Volu-
men de Paschate," or " Canones Paschales," and
which was published by Aegidius Bucherius in his
Doctrina Ti'in^oiiim, Antverp., IG34. He also
wrote a treatise on Arithmetic, in ten books (Hie-
ron. lie Vir. I Must. c. 75), of which some fragments
are preserved in the @(oKoyov}Xiva rijs 'ApiO/jLfTiKTJs.
Some fragments of his mathematical works ai'c
printed in Fabric. JJib. Graec. iii. p. 4G2. [P. S.]

AN AX {"Ai^ai). 1. A giant, son of Uranus
and Gaea, and father of Astcrius. The legends of
Miletus, which for two generations bore the name
of Anactoria, described Anax as king of Anactoria ;
but in the reign of his son the town and territory
were conquered by the Cretan Miletus, who changed
the name Anactoria into Miletus. (Pans. i. 35. § 5,
vii. 2. § 3.)

2. A surname or epithet of the gods in general,
characterizing them as the rulers of tlie world ;
but the plural forms, "Aj/ok^s, or "Avuktcs, or
"Aj'OKes TToTScy, were used to designate the Dios-
curi. (Paus. ii. 22. § 7, x. 38. § 3 ; Cic. c/e Nat.
Deor. iii. 31; Aelian. V. H. v. 4; Plut. Thcs. 33.)
In the second of the passages of Pausanias here
referred to, in which he speaks of a temple of the
"AvoKcs TrarSes at Amphissa, he states, that it was
a doubtful point whether they were the Dioscuri,
the Curetes, or the Cabeiri ; and from this circum-
stance a connexion between Amphissa and Samo-
thrace has been inferred. (Comp. Eustath. ad Horn.
pp. 182, 1598.) Some critics identify the Anaces
with the Enakim of the Hebrews. [L. S.]

ANAXA'GORAS {'Ava^ay6pas), a Greek phi-
losopher, was born at Clazomenae in Ionia about
the year b. c. 499. His father, Hegesibulus, left
him in the possession of considerable property, but

ANAXAGORAS.

as he intended to devote his life to higher ends, he
gave it up to his relatives as something Avliich
ought not to engage his attention. He is said to
have gone to Athens at the age of twenty, during
the contest of the Greeks with Persia, and to have
lived and taught in that city for a period of thirty
years. He became here the intimate friend and
tejvcher of the most eminent men of the time, such
as Euripides and Pericles ; but while he thus gain-
ed the friendship and admiration of the most
enlightened Athenians, the majority, uneasy at
being disturbed in their hereditary superstitions,
soon found reasons for complaint. The principal
cause of hostility towards him must, however, be
looked for in the following circumstance. As he
was a friend of Pericles, the party which was dis-
satisfied with his administration seized upon the
disposition of the people towards the philosopher
as a favourable opportunity for striking a blow at
the gnat statesman. Anaxagoras, therefore, was
accused of iinpiet\'. His trial and its results are
matters of the greatest uncertainty on account of
the different statements of the ancients themselves.
(Diog. Laort. ii. 12, &c.; Plut. rend. 32, A^icius,
23.) It seems probable, however, that Anaxagoras
was accused twice, once on the ground of impiet}',
and a second time on that of partiality to Persia.
In tlhe first case it was only owing to the influence
and eloquence of Pericles that he was not put to
death ; but he was sentenced to pay a fine of five
talents and to quit Athens. The philosopher nov^
went to Lampsacus, and it seems to have been
during his absence that the second charge of
lj.T}^i(Tixds was brought against hijn, in consequence
of which he was condemned to death. He is said
to liave received the intelligence of his sentence
with a smile, and to have died at Lampsacus at
the age of seventy-two. The inhabitants of this
place honoured Anaxagoras not only during his
lifetime, but after his death also. (Diog. Laert. ii.
c. 3 ; Did. of A fit. s. v. 'Ava^ayopeia.)

Diogenes Laertius, Cicero, and other writers,
call Anaxagoras a disciple of Anaximenes ; but
this statement is not only connected with some
chronological difficulties, but is not quite in accord-
ance with the accounts of other writers. Thus
much, however, is certain, that Anaxagoras struck
into a new path, and was dissatisfied with the
systems of his predecessors, the Ionic philosophers.
It is he who laid the foundation of the Attic
philosophy, and who stated the problem which his
successors laboured to solve. The Ionic philoso-
phers had endeavoured to explain nature and its
various phenomena by regarding matter in its
different forms and modifications as the cause of all
things. Anaxagoras, on the other hand, conceived
the necessity of seeking a higher cause^ indepen-
dent of matter, and this cause he considered to be
vovs, that is, mind, thought, or intelligence. This
vovs, however, is not the creator of the world, but
merely that which originally arranged the world
.and gave motion to it ; for, according to the axiom
that out of nothing nothing can come, he supposed
the existence of matter from all eternity, though,
before the vovs was exercised upon it, it was in a
chaotic confusion. In this original chaos there
was an infinite number of homogeneous parts
(ofxoioiuLfpfi) as well as heterogeneous ones. The
povs united the former and separated from them
what was heterogeneous, and out of this process
arose the things we see in this world. This

ANAXANDRIDES.

union and separation, however, were made in such
a manner, that each thing contains in itself parts
of other things or heterogeneous elements, and is
what it is, only on account of the preponderance
of certain homogeneous parts which constitute its
character. The vovs, which thus regulated and
formed the material world, is itself also coijnoscent,
and consequently the principle of all cognition : it
alone can see truth and the essence of things,
while our senses are imperfect and often lead us
into error. Anaxagoras explained his dualistic
system in a work which is now lost, and we know
it only from such fragments as are quoted from it
by later writers, as Plato, Aristotle, Plutarch,
Diogenes Laertius, Cicero, and others. For a
more detailed account see Ritter, Gesch. d. loiiisch.
Philos. p. 203, &c.; Brandis, /if/it'/n. Mm. i. p. 117,
&c., Handb. der Gesch. der Fhilos. i. p. 232, &c. ;
J. T. Ilemsen, Anaxagoras Clazomeniiis., sice de
Vita eius atqne Philosophia, Getting. 1821, 8vo.;
Breier, Die Pldlosophie des A naxayoras von Klazo-
Dien'd nuch Arisioieles, Berlin, 1840. The frag-
ments of Anaxagoras have been collected by
Schaubach : Anaxagoras Fragmenta collegit, i^-c,
Leipzig, 1827, 8vo., and much better by Schorn,
AiKuagorae Fragmenta diapos. et ittustr.^ Bonn,
1829, 8vo. [L.S.J

ANAXA'GORAS {'Ava^ay6pas), of Aegina, a
sculptor, flourished about B. c. 480, and executed
the statue of Jupiter in bronze set up at 01}Tiipia
by the states which had united in repelling the in-
vasion of Xerxes. (Pans. v. 23. § 2.) He is sup-
posed to be the same person as the sculptor men-
tioned in an epigram by Anacreon {Anthul. Graec.
i. p. 55, No. 6, Jacobs), but not the same as the
writer on scene-painting mentioned by Vitruvius.
[Agatharchus.] [P. S.]

AN AX AN DER ('Am'|aj/Spos), king of Sparta,
12th of the Agids, son of Eurycrates, is named by
Pausanias as commanding against Aristoraenes,
and to the end of the second ^lessenian war, b. c.
()68 ; but probably on mere conjecture from the
statement of Tyrtaeus (given by Strabo, viii. p.
3()2), that the grandfathers fought in the first, the
grandsons in the second. (Pans. iii. 3, 14. § 4,
iv. 15. § 1, 16. § 5, 22. § 3; Plut. Apopldh.
Lac.) [A. H. C]

ANAXANDRA (*Am^aV5pa) and her sister
Lathria, twin daughters of Thersander, Heraclide
king of Cleonae, are said to have been married to
the twin-born kings of Sparta, Eurysthenes and
Procles ; Anaxandra, it would seem, to Procles.
An altar sacred to them remained in the time of
Pausanias. (iii. IG. § 5.) [A. H. C]

ANAXANDRA, the daughter of the painter
Nealces, was herself a painter about B. c. 228.
(Didymus, ap. Clem. Alex. Strom, p. 523, b.,
Sylb.) [P.S.]

ANAXA'NDRIDES i^ \valavhpiZns). 1. Son
of Theopompus, the 9th Eurypontid king of Sparta;
himself never reigned, but by the accession of
Leotychides became from the seventh generation
the father of the kings of Sparta of that branch.
(See for bis descendants in the interval Clinton's
Fasti^ ii. p. 204, and Herod, viii. 131.)

2. King of Sparta, loth of the Agids, son of
Leon, reigned from about 5b'0 to 520 b. c. At
the time when Croesus sent his embassy to form
alliance with " the mightiest of the Greeks," t. e.
about 554, the war with Tegea, which in the late
teigns went against them, had now been decided

ANAXARCHUS.

1C3

in the Spartans' favour, under Anaxandrides and
Ariston. Under them, too, was mainly carried
on the suppression of the tyrannies, and with it
the establishment of the Spartan hegemony. Hav-
ing a barren wife whom he would not divorce, the
epiiors, we are told, made him take with her a
second. By her he had Clcomenes ; and after this,
by his lirst wife Doricus, Leonidas, and Cleombrotus.
(Herod, i. 65-G9, v. 39-41; Pans. iii. 3.) Several
sayings are ascribed to him in Pint. Apophth. Lac.
(where the old reading is Alexandridas). With
the reign of Anaxandrides and Ariston commences
the period of certain dates, the chronology of their
predecessors being doubtful and the accounts in
many ways suspicious ; the only certain point be-
ing the coincidence of Polydorus and Theopompus
with the first Messenian war, which itself cannot
be fixed with certainty. (See for all this period
Clinton's FaMi, i. app. 2 and G, ii. p. 205, and
Miiller's Dorians, bk. i. c. 7.) [A. H. C.]

ANAXA'NDRIDESCAmlavSpi'STjs), of Delphi,
a Greek writer, probably the same as Alexandrides.
[Alexandrides, and Plut. Q/uiest. Graec. c. 9.]

ANAXA'NDRIDES ('Am|avSpi57js), an Athe-
nian comic poet of the middle comedy, was the sou
of Anaxander, a native of Cameirus in Rhodes-
He began to exhibit comedies in b. c. 376 {Mann.
Par. Ep. 34), and 29 years later he was present,
and probably exhibited, at the Olympic games
celebrated by Philip at Dium. Aristotle held him
in high esteem. {Rfiet. iii. 10 — 12; Eth. Eud.
vi. 10 ; Nicom. vii. 10.) He is said to have beeu
the first poet who made love intrigues a prominent
part of comed)'. He gained ten prizes, the whole
number of his comedies being sixty-five. Though
he is said to have destroyed several of his plays in
anger at their rejection, we still have the titles of
thirty- three.

Anaxandrides was also a dithyrambic poet, but
we have no remains of his dithyrambs. (Suidas,
S.V.; Athen. ix, p. 374; Meineke ; Bode.) [P. S.]

ANAXARCHUS {'hvaiipxos), a philosopher
of Abdera, of the school of Democritus, flourished
about 340 b. c. and onwards. (Diog. Laert. ix. 58,
p. 667, Steph.) He accompanied Alexander into
Asia, and gained his favour by flattery and wit.
From the easiness of his temper and his love of
pleasure he obtained the appellation of iv^aifjL0viK6s.
When Alexander had killed Cleitus, Anaxarchus
consoled him with the maxim "a king can do no
wrong." After the death of Alexander, Anaxar-
chus was thrown by shipwreck into the power of
Nicocreon, king of Cyprus, to whom he had given
morUil ofl'ence, and who had him pounded to death
in a stone mortar. The philosopher endured his
sufferings with the utmost fortitude. Cicero {Tusc.
ii. 21, de Nat. Deor. iii. 33) is the earliest autho-
rity for this tale. Of the philosophy of Aucixar-
chus we know nothing. Some writers understand
his title ivhaifioviKos as meaning, that he was the
teacher of a philosophy which made the end of life
to be €i)5at/uoi'ia, and they made him the founder
of a sect called eJSat/ioj'i/cot, of which, however,
he himself is the only person mentioned. Strabo
(p. 594) ascribes to Anaxarchus and Callisthenes
the recension of Homer, which Alexander kept in
Darius's perfume-casket, and which is generally
attributed to Aristotle. (Arrian, A nab. iv. 10;
Plut. Alex. 52; Plin. vii. 23; Aelian, V. H. ix.
c. 37 ; Brucker, Hist. Philos. i. p. 1207 ; Dathe»
Prolusio dc Anaxarcho, Lips. 1762.) [P. S.]

M 2

164 ANAXIBIUS.

ANAXA'RETE CAm^aperTj), a maiden of the
island of Cyprus, who belonged to the ancient fa-
milj' of Teucer. She remained unmoved by the
professions of love and lamentations of Iphis, who
at last, in despair, hung himself at the door of her
residence. When the unfortunate j^outh was
going to be buried, she looked with indifference
from her window at the funeral procession ; but
Venus punished her by changing her into a stone
statue, which was preserved at Salamis in Cyprus,
in the temple of Venus Prospiciens. (Ov. McL xiv.
698, &c.) Antoninus Libcralis (39), who relates
the same story, calls the maiden Arsinoe, and her
lover Arceoph on. [L. S.]

ANA'XIAS or ANAXIS (;Ava^lasoT''Ava^is),
a son of Castor and Elaeira or Hilaeira, and bro-
ther of Mnasinus, vdih whom he is usually men-
tioned. The temple of the Dioscuri at Argos con-
tained also the statues of these two sons of Castor
(Paus. ii. 22. § 6), and on the throne of Amyclae
both were represented riding on horseback, (iii.
in. § 7.) [L. S.]

ANAXI'BIA CAva^iSia). I. A daughter of
Bias and wife of Pclias, by whom she became the
mother of Acastus, Peisidice, Pelopia, llippothoe,
and Alcestis. (Apollod. i. 9. § 10.)

2, A daughter of Cratieus, and second wife of
Nestor. (Apollod. i. 9. § 9.)

3. A daughter of Plcisthenes, and sister of Aga-
weninon, married Strophius and became the mo-
ther of Pvlades. (Paus. i. 29. § 4; Schol. ad Eurip.
Orest. 764, 1235.) Hyginus {Fah. 117) calls the
wife of Strophius Astyochca. Eustathins {ad II.
ii. 29(5) confounds Agamemnon's sister with the
daughter of Cratieus, saying that the second wife
of Nestor was a sister of Agamemnon. There is
another Anaxibia in Pint, de Flum. 4. [L. S.]

ANAXTBIUS ('Am^'etos), was the Spartan
ndmiral stationed at Byzantium, to whom the C}--
rcan Greeks, on their arrival at Trapezus on the
Euxine, sent Cheirisophus, one of their generals,
at his own proposal, to obtain a sufficient number
of ships to tninsport them to Europe, (b. c. 400.
Xen. J4«a6. v. 1. § 4.) ^V''hen however Cheiriso-
phus met them again at Siuope, he brought back
nothing from Anaxibius but civil words and a pro-
mise of employment and pay as soon as they came
out of the Euxine. {Anab. vi. 1. § 16.) On their
arrival at Chrysopolis, on the Asiatic shore of the
Bosporus, Anaxibius, being bribed by Pharnabazus
with great promises to withdraw them from his
satrapy, again engaged to furnish them with pay,
and brought them over to B3'zantium. Here he
attempted to get rid of them, and to send them
forward on their march without fuliilling his agree-
ment. A tumult ensued, in which Anaxibius was
compelled to fly for refuge to the Acropolis, and
wliich was quelled only by the remonstrances of
Xenophon. {Aiiah. vii. 1. § 1-32.) Soon after
this the Greeks left the town under the command
of the adventurer Coeratades, and Anaxibius forth-
with issued a proclamation, subsequent!}' acted on
by Aristarchus the Harmost, that all Cyrean sol-
diers found in Byzantium should be sold for slaves.
{Anab. vii. 1. § 36, 2. § 6.) Being however soon
after superseded in the command, and finding him-
self neglected by Pharnabazus, he attempted to re-
venge himself by persuading Xenophon to lead the
army to invade the country of the satrap ; but the
enterprise was stopped by the prohibition and
threats of Aristarchus. {Anab. vii. 2. § 5-14.) In

AXAXILAUS.

the year 389, Anaxibius was sent out from Spatta
to supersede Dercyllidas in the command at Aby-
dus, and to check the rising fortunes of Athens in
the Hellespont. Here he met at first with some
successes, till at length Iphicrates, who had been
sent against him by the Athenians, contrived to
intercept him on his return from Antandrus, which
had promised to revolt to him, and of which he
had gone to take possession. Anaxibius, coming
suddenly on the Athenian ambuscade, and foresee-
ing the certainty of his own defeat, desired his
men to save themselves by flight. His own duty,
he said, required him to die there ; and, with a
small bodv of comrades, he remained on the spot,
fighting till he feU, B. c. 388. (Xen. Hell. iv. 8.
§ 32—39.) [E. E.]

ANAXI'CRATES ('Am^z/cpcfTTjs), a Greek
writer of uncertain date, one of whose statements
is compared with one of Cleitodemus. He wrote
a work on Argolis. (Schol. ad Eurip. Med. 19,
ad Androm. 222.)

ANAX IDA'MUS ('Ayo|t'5aAtoy),king of Sparta,
11th of the Eurypontids, son of Zeuxidamus, con-
temporary with Anaxander, and lived to the con-
clusion of the second Messcnian war, b. c. 668.
(Paus. iii. 7. § 5.) [A. H. C]

ANAX IDA'MUS ('Am^iSajuos), an Achaean
ambassador, sent to Rome in B. c. 1 64, and again
in B.C. 155. (Polyb. xxxi. 6, 8, xxxiii. 2.)

ANA'XILAS or ANAXILA'US ('Ai/a^'\ay,
'Ava^iAaos), an Athenian comic poet of the middle
corned}', contemporary with Plato and Demos-
thenes, the former of whom he attacked in one of
his plays. (Diog. Laert. iii. 28.) We have a few
fragments and the titles of nineteen of his comedies,
eight of which are on mythological subjects. (Pol-
lux, ii. 29, 34 ; x. 190 ; Atheu. pp. 95, 171, 374,
416, 655; Meineke; Bode.) [P. S.]

ANAXILA'US ('Az/o^tAaos), a Greek historian,
of uncertain date. (Dionys. Ant. Rom. i. 1 ; Diog.
Laert. i. 107.)

ANAXILA'US ('AmliAaos), of Byzantium,
one of the parties who surrendered Byzantium to
the Athenians in B.C. 408. He was afterwards
brought to trial at Sparta for this surrender, but
was acquitted, inasmuch as the inhabitants were
almost starving at the time. (Xen. Hell. i. 3. § 19;
Pint. Ale. pp. 208, d., 209, a. ; comp. Diod. xiii.
67, and Wesseling's note ; Polvaen. i. 47. § 2.)

ANAXILA'US i^Kva^iKaos) or ANA'XILAS
('AvaliAos), tyrant of Rhegium, was the son of
Cretines, and of Messenian origin. He was mas-
ter of Rhegium in B. c. 494, when the Samians
and other Ionian fugitives seized upon Zanclc.
Shortly afterwards he drove them out of this town,
peopled it with fresh inhabitants, and changed its
name into Messene. (Herod, vi, 22, 23; Thuc. vi.
4 ; comp. Aristot. Pol. v. 10. § 4.) In 480 he ob-
tained the assistance of the Carthaginians for his
father-in-law, Terillus of Himera, against Theron.
(Herod, vii. 165.) The daughter of Anaxilaus
was man-ied to Hicro. (Schol. ad Find. Pijth. i.
112.) Anaxilaus died in 476, leaving Micythus
guardian of his children, who obtained possession
of their inheritance in 467, but was soon after-
wards deprived of the sovereignty by the people.
(Diod. xi. 48, ^^:)^ 76.) The chronology of Anaxi-
laus has been discussed by Bentley {L>i^s. on Fhor
la?-is, p. 105, &c., ed. of 1777), who has shewn
that the Anaxilaus of Pausanias (iv. 23. § 3) is the
same as the one mentioned above.

ANAXIMANDKR.

ANAXILA'QS ('Ava^iXaos), a physician and
Pythagorean philosopher, was bom at Larissa, but
at which city of that name is not certain. He was
banished by the Emperor Augustus from Rouie
and Italy, u. c. 28, on account of his being ac-
cused of being a magician (Kuseb. Cliruii. ud
Oliimp. clxxxviii.), which charge, it appears, ori-
ginated in his possessing superior skill in natural
philosophy, and thus performing by natural means
certain wonderfid things, which by the ignorant
and credulous were ascribed to magic. These
tricks are mentioned by St. Irenaeus (i. 13. § 1,
p. GO, ed. Paris, 1710) and St. Epiphaniiis i^Adv.
Hueres. lib. i. torn. iii. Hacr. 14, vol. i. p. 232. cd.
Colon. I()ij2), and several specimens are given by
Pliuy (//. A'^ xix. 4, xxv. 95, xxviii. 49, xxxii. 52,
XXXV. 50), which, however, need not be here men-
tioned, as some are quite incredible, and the others
mav be easily explained. (Cagnati, Variae Obserrut.
iii.'lO, p. 213, &c., ed. Rom. 1587.) [W. A. G.]

ANAXI'LIDKS ('Am|iM'877y). a Greek writer,
of uncertain date, the author of a work upon philo-
sophers. (Diog Laert. iii. 2; Hieron. c.Jovhi. 1.)

ANAXIMANDKR {'^va^ifxavopos) of Mile-
tus, the son of Praxiades, born b. c. 610 (Apollod.
ap. Diog. Laert. ii. 1, 2), was one of the earliest
philosophers of the Ionian school, and is commonly
said to have been instructed by his friend and
countr\'man Thales, its first founder. (Cic. Acad.
ii. 37 ; Simplic. in Aristot. Phys. lib. i. fol. 6, a,
ed. Aid.)

He was the first author of a philosophical
treatise in Greek prose, unless Pherecydes of Syrns
be an exception. (Themist. Orut. xxvi.) His
work cousisted, according to Diogenes, of summary
statements of his opinions {ireiroir\Tai KC(pa\aia>Br]
TTjc fKdeaiv)^ and was accidentally found by
Apollodonis. Suidas gives the titles of several
treatises supposed to have been written by him ;
but they are evidently either invented, or derived
from a misunderstanding of the expressions of
earlier writers.

The early Ionian philosophy did not advance
beyond the contemplation of the sensible world.
But it was not in any proper sense experimental ;
nor did it ret<iin under the successors of Thales
the mathematical character which seems to liave
belonged to him individually, and which so re-
markably distinguished the contemporary Italian
or Pythagorean school. (Comp. Cousin, Hist, de la
Phil. Lee. vii.) The physiology of Anaximander
consisted chiefly of speculations concerning the
generation of the existing universe. He first used
tlie word apxr} to denote the origin of things, or
rather the material out of which they were formed :
lie held that this cipx') was the infinite (to aireipov),
everlasting, and divine { Anst. Phi/s. iii. 4), though
not attributing to it a spiritual or intelligent nature;
and that it was the substance into which all things
were resolved on their dissolution. (Simplic. /. c.)

We have sevend more particular accounts of his
opinions on this point, but they differ materially
from each other.

According to some, the d-n-eipov was a single
determinate substance, having a middle nature
between water and air; so that Anaximander's
theory would hold a middle place between those of
Thales and Anaximenes, who deduced everything
from the two latter elements respectively ; and the
three systems would exhibit a gradual progress
from the contemplation of the sensible towards

ANAXIMANDER. 165

that of the intelligible (compare the doctrine of
Anaximenes concerning air, Plut. de Pluc. Phil.
i. 3), the litst step of which was afterwards to be
taken by Anaxagoras in the introduction of vov%.
Rut this opinion cannot be distinctly traced in any
author earlier than Alexander of Aphrodisias
{ap. Simpl. P//7/S. fol. 32, a.), though Aristotle
seems to allude to it (de Cocl. iii. 5). Other ac-
counts represent Anaximander as leaving the nature
of the dnfipov indfiterminatc. (Diog. Laert. /. c. ;
Simplic. P/iJ/s. fol. (), a ; Plut. Plac. PL i. 3.)
l>ut Aristotle in another place {Metaph. xi. 2), and
Theophrastus {ap. Simpl. Phys. fol. 6, b, 33, a),
who speaks very definitely and seerns to refer. to
Anaximander's own words, describe him as resem-
bling Anaxagoras in making the direipou consist of
a mixture of simple unchangeable elements (the
oixoioixepi] of Anaxagoras). Out of this material
all things were organized, not by any change in
its nature, but by the concurrence of homogeneous
particles already existing in it ; a process which,
according to Anaxagoras, was effected by the
agency of intelligence {vovs\ whilst Anaximander
referred it to the conflict laetween heat and cold,
and to the affinities of the particles. (Plut. ap.
Euscb. Praep. Evany, i. 8.) Thus the doctrines of
both philosophers would resemble the atomic
theory, and so be opposed to the opinions ot
Thales, Anaximenes, and Diogenes of Apollonia,
who derived all substances from a single but
changeable principle. And as the elemental water
of Thales corresponded to the ocean, from which
Homer makes all things to have sprung, so the
diTiipou of Anaximander, including all in a con-
fused unorganized state, would be the philosophical
expression of the Chaos of Hesiod. (Ritter, art.
A7ia.rima7ider, in Ersch and Gruber's EncycL)

In developing the consequences of his funda-
mental hypothesis, whatever that may really have
been, Anaximander did not escape the extrava-
gances into which a merel\' speculative system of
physics is sure to. fall. He held, that the earth
was of a cylindrical form, suspended in the middle
of the universe, and surrounded by water, air, and
fire, like the coats of an onion ; but that the ex-
terior stratum of fire was broken up and collected
into masses ; whence the sun, moon, and stars ;
which, moreover, were carried round by the three
spheres in which they were respectively fixed.
(Euseb. I.e.; Plut. de Plac. ii. 15, IG ; Arist. de
Coel.-\x. 13.)

According to Diogenes, he thought that the
moon borrowed its light from the sun, and that
the latter body consisted of pure fire and was not
less than the earth ; but the statements of Plutarch
{dePlac. ii. 20, 25) and Stobaeus {Eel. i. 26, 27)
are more worthy of credit ; namely, that he made
the moon 19 and the sun 28 times as large as the
earth, and thought that the light of the sun issued
through an orifice as large as the earth ; that the
moon possessed an intrinsic splendour, and that its
phases were caused by a motit)n of rotation.

For his theory of the original production of ani-
mals, including man, in water, and their gradual
progress to the condition of land animals, see
Plut. de Pluc. V. 19; Euseb. /. c. ; Plut. Sympos.
viii. 8 ; Orig. Phil. c. 6 ; and compare Died. i. 7.
He held a plurality of worlds, and of gods ; but in
what sense is not clear. (Cic. de Nat. Dear. i. 10;
Plut. de Plac. i. 7.)

The use of the Gnomon was first introduced

166

ANAXIMf^NES.

into Greece by Anaximander or his contemporaries.
(Favorin. ap. Diog. l. c. ; Plin. ii. 8 ; Herod, ii.
109.) The assertion of Diogenes that he invented
this instrument, and also geographical maps, can-
not be taken to prove more than the extent of his
reputation. On the subject of the Gnomon, see
Salraas. Plin. Exercit. p. 445, b, G, ed. Utrecht,
1689, and Schaubach, Geseh. d. Griech.Astronomie,
p. 1 1 9, &c. It probably consisted of a style on a
horizontal plane, and its first use would be to de-
termine the time of noon and the position of the
meridian by its shortest shadow during the day ;
the time of the solstices, by its shortest and longest
meridian shadows ; and of the equinoxes, by the
rectilinear motion of the extremity of its shadow :
to the latter two purposes Anaximander is said to
liave applied it ; but since there is little evidence
that the ecliptic and equinoctial circles were known
in Greece at this period, it must be doubted
whether the equinox was determined otherwise
than by a rough observation of the equality of day
and night. (Schaubach, p. 140, &c.) Anaxi-
mander flourished in the time of Polycrates of
Samoa, and died soon after the completion of his
(J4th year, in 01. Iviii. 2 (b. c. 547), according to
Apollodorus. {lip. Dior;. I. c.) But since Polycrates
began to reign B. c. 532, there must be some mis-
take in the time of Anaximander's death, unless
the elder Polycrates (mentioned by Suidas, s. v.
"iguKor) be meant. (Clinton, Fast. Hell.) (For
the ancient sources of information see Preller,
Hist. Philosojih. Gracco-Romanae ejc fontiuvi locis
conteata.) [W. F. D.]

ANAXI'MENES ('Ava|t;u^i/7js), who is usually
jilaced third in the series of Ionian philosophers,
was bom at Miletus, like Thalcs and Anaximander,
with both of whom he had personal intercourse :
for besides the common tradition which makes him
a disciple of the latter, Diogenes Laertius quotes at
length two letters said to have been written to
Pythagoras by Anaximenes ; in one of which he
gives an account of the death of Thales, speaking
of him with reverence, as the first of philosophers,
and as having been his own teacher. In the other,
he congratuhites Pythagoras on his removal to
Crotona from Samos, while he was himself at the
mercy of the tyrants of jMiletus, and was looking
forward with fear to the approaching war with the
Persians, in which he foresjiw that the lonians
must be subdued. (Diog, Laert. iL 3, &c.)

There is no safe testimony as to the exact pe-
riods of the birth and death of Anaximenes : but
since there is sufficient evidence that he was the
teacher of Anaxagoras, B. c. 480, and he was in re-
pute in B. c, 544, he must have lived to a great age.
(Strab. xiv. p. 645 ; Cic. de Nut. Deor. i. 1 1 ;
Origen, vol. iv. p. 238.) The question is discussed
by Clinton in the Philological Museum. (Vol. L
p. 86, &c.)

Like the other early Greek philosophers, he
employed himself in speculating upon the origin,
and accounting for the phenomena, of the universe :
and as Thales held water to be the material cause
out of which the world was made, so Anaximenes
considered air to be the first cause of all things, the
primary form, as it were, of matter, into wliich the
other elements of the universe were resolvable.
(Aristot. Melaph. i. 3.) For both philosophers
seem to have thought it possible to simplify phj'-
eical science by tracing all material things up to a
single element : while Anaximander, on the con-

ANAXIMEXES.

trar}', regarded the substance out of which the
universe was formed as a mixture of all elements
and qualities. The process by which, according to
Anaximenes, finite things were formed from the
infinite air, was that of compression and rarefaction
produced by motion which had existed from all
eternit}' : thus the earth was created out of air
made dense, and from the earth the sun and the
other heavenly bodies. (Plut. ap. Euseb. Praep.
Evang. i. 8.) According to the same theory, heat
and cold were produced by different degrees of
density of the primal element : the clouds were
formed by the thickening of the air ; and the earth
was kept in its place by the support of the air be-
neath it and by the flatness of its shape. (Plut. de
Pr. Frig. 7, de Plac. Ph. iii. 4 ; Aristot. Metaph.
ii. 13.)

Hence it appears that Anaximenes, like his pre-
decessors, held the eternity of matter : nor indeed
does he seem to have believed in the existence of
anything immaterial ; for even the human soul,
according to his theory, is, like the body, formed
of air (Plut. de Plac. Ph. i. 3) ; and he saw no
necessity for supposing an Agent in the work of
creation, since he held that motion was a natural
and necessary law of the universe. It is therefore
not unreasonable in Plutarch to blame him, as well
as Anaximander, for assigning only the material,
and no efficient, cause of the world in his philoso-
phical system. (Plut. I. c.) [C. E. P.]

ANAXI'MENES ('Aro|j;U€»/7jj) of Lamfsacus,
son of Aristocles, and pupil of Zoilus and Diogenes
the Cynic. He was a contemporary of Alexander
the Great, whom he is said to have instructed, and
whom he accompanied on his Asiatic expedition,
(Suidas, s. V. ; Eudoc. p. 51 ; comp. Diog. Laert. v.
10; Diod. xv. 76.) A pretty anecdote is related
by Pausanias (vi. 18. ^ 2) and Suidas, about the
manner in which he saved his native town from
the wrath of Alexander for having espoused the
cause of the Persians. His grateful fellow-citizens
rewarded him with a statue at Olympia. Anaxi-
menes wrote three historical works : 1. A history
of Philip of Macedonia, which consisted at least of
eight books, (llarpocrat. *. z'. Ko^uAtj, 'AKouvqaos;
Eustratius. ad Aristot. Eih. iii. 8.) 2. A history of
Alexander the Great. (Diog. Laert. ii. 3; Harpo-
crat. s. V. 'AkKifiaxos, who quotes the 2nd book of
it.) 3. A history of Greece, which Pausanias
(vi. 18. §2) calls rci, h "E\\r}(nu dpxcua, which,
however, is more commonly called irpcajai icrTopiai
or TrpccTTj iarupia. (Athen. vi. p. 231 ; Diod. xv.
89.) It comprised in twelve books the history of
Greece from the earliest mythical ages down to the
battle of Mantineia and the death of Eparainondas.
He was a very skilful rhetorician, and wrote a
work calumniating the three great cities of Greece,
Sparta, Athens, and Thebes, which he published
under the name of Theopompus, his personal ene-
my, and in which he imitated the style of the lat-
ter so perfectly, that every one thought it to be
really his work. This production Anaximenes sent
to those cities, and thus created exasperation acainst
his enemy in all Greece. (Pans. vL 8. § 3, Suid.
I.e.) The histories of Anaximenes, of which onl}'
very few fragments are now extant, are censured
by Plutarch \Praec. Pol. 6) for the numerous pro-
lix and rhetorical speeches he introduced in them.
(Comp. Dionys. Hal. De Jsaeo, 19 ; De adm. %•%
die. Demosth. 8.) The fact that we possess so little
of his histories, shews that the ancients did not

ANCAEUS.

think highly of them, and tliat they wM-e more of
n rhetorical than an historical character. He en-
joyed some reputation as a teacher of rhetoric and
as an orator, both in the assembly of the people
and in the courts of justice (Dion vs. Hal. /. c. ;
Pans. /. c), and also wrote speeches for others,
such as the one which Fluthias delivered against
Phrvne. (Aihen. xiiL p* 591; comp. Harpocr. s. v.
Y.vdlas.)

There have been, critics, such as Casaubon (ad
Diog. Jjoert. ii. 3), who thought tliat the rhetori-
cian and the historian Anaximenes were two dis-
tinct persons ; but their identity has been proved
by very satisfactory arguments. What renders
him a person of the highest importance in the his-
tory of Greek literature, is the following fact,
which has been firmly established by the critical
investigations of our own age. He is the only
rhetorician previous to the time of Aristotle whose
scientific treatise on rhetoric is now extant. This
is the so-called 'PTjTopt/cr) irpos ^AXi^avSpoi/, which
is usually printed among the works of Aristotle, to
Avhom, however, it cannot belong, as all critics
agree. The opinion that it is a work of Anaxi-
menes was first expressed by P. Victorius in his
preface to Aristotle's Rhetoric, and has been firmly
established as a fact by Spengel in his Xwaywyii)
rex^dif, "Sive Artium Scriptores ab initiis usque
ad editos Aristotelis de rhetorica libros," Stuttgard,
18-28, p. 182. &c. (Comp. Quintil. iii. 4. § 9 with
the notes of Gesner and Spalding.) This Rhetoric
is preceded by a letter which is manifestly of later
origin, and was probably intended as an introduc-
tion to the study of the Rhetoric of Aristotle.
The work itself is much interpolated, but it is
at any rate clear that Anaximenes extended his
subject beyond the limits adopted by his predeces-
sors, with whose works he was well acquainted.
He divides eloquence into forensic and deliberative,
but also sugaests that a third kind, the epideictic,
should be separated from them. As regards the
plan and construction of the work, it is evident
that its author was not a philosopher : the whole
is a series of practical suggestions how this or that
subject should be treated under various circum-
stances, as far as argumentation, expression, and
the arrangement of the parts of a speech are con-
cerned. (Vossius, de Histor. (Jraec. p. 92, &c., ed.
"W'estemiann ; Ruhnken, Hust. Ciit. Orat. Graec.
p. 86 ; Westermann, Gesch. dev Gricch. Deredtsam-
keit, § m.) ^ [L. S.]

AN AXIPPUS ('AraliTTTTos), an Athenian comic
poet of the new comedy, was contenqwrary with
Antigonus and Demetrius Poliorcetcs, and flourish-
ed about B. c. 303. (Suidas, s. v.) We have the
titles of four of his plays, and perhaps of one more.
(Meineke, i. pp. 4G9-fO.) [P. S.]

AN AX IS (■'Ai'a^js), a Boeotian, wrote a history
of Greece, which was carried down to u. c. 3()0,
the year before the accession of Philip to the king-
dom of Macedonia. (Diod. xv. 95.)

ANAXO ('Ara^aJ). 1. [Alcmkne.] 2. A wo-
man of Troezen, whom Theseus was said to have
carried off. After slaving her sons, he violated her
daughters. (Plut. 77/k 20.) [L. S.]

ANCAEUS {'AyKoios). 1. A son of the Ar-
cadian Lycurgus and Creophile or Eurynome, and
father of Agapenor. (Apollod. i. 8. § 2, iii. 9.
S 2, 10. § 8 ; Hygin.F«6. 173 ; Horn. //. ii. 609.)
Ho was one of the Argonauts and partook in the
Calydoniau hunt, in which he was killed by the

ANCHIALUS.

167

boar. (Apollod. i. 9. §§ 16 and 23; comp. Paus.
viii. 5. § 2, 45. § 2 ; Apollon. Rhod. ii. 894 ; Ov.
Met. Tiii. 400.)

2. A son of Poseidon and Astypalaea or Alta,
king of the Leleges in Samos, and husband of
Samia, the daughter of the river-god Maeander,by
whom he became the father of Perilaus, Enodos,
Samos, Alitherses, and Parthenope. (Paus. vii. 4.
§ 2 ; Callim. Hymn, in Del. 50.) This hero seems
to have been confounded by some mythographers
with Ancaeus, the son of Lycurgus ; for, according
to Ilyginus {Fab. 14), Ancaeus, the son of Posei-
don, was one of the Argonauts, but not the other ;
and Apollonius Rhodius (ii. 867, &c.) relates, that
after the death of Tiphys, Ancaeus, the son of
Poseidon, became the helmsman of the ship Argo,
which is just what Apollodorus relates of An-
caeus, the son of Lycurgus. Lycophron (449),
moreover, in speaking of the death of the son of
Lycurgus by the Cah'donian boar, mentions a pro-
verb, which, according to the Scholiast on Apol-
lonius (i.l85), originated with Ancaeus, the son of
Poseidon. The story of the proverb runs thus:
Ancaeus was fond of agricultural occupations, and
planted many vines. A seer said to him that he
would not live to taste the wine of his vineyard.
When Ancaeus afterwards was on the point of
putting a cup of wine, the growth of his own vine-
yard, to his mouth, he scorned the seer, who, how-
ever, answered, iroKKa jnera^v kvAikos re wai
X6iA«W &Kp(av^ " There is many a slip between
the cup and the lip." At the same instant a
tumult arose, and Ancaeus was informed that a
wild boar was near. He put down his cup, went
out against the animal, and was killed by it.
Hence this Greek phrase was used as a proverb,
to indicate any unforeseen occurrence by which a
man's plans might be thwarted. (See Thirlwall
in Philolop. Museum., vol. i. p. 106, &c.) A tliird
Ancaeus occurs in //. xxiii. 635. [L. S.]

Q. ANCHA'RIUS. 1. A senator, and of
praetorian rank, was killed by ^Marius on the re-
turn of the latter from Africa to Rome in B. c. 87
(Appian, B. C. i. 73.)

2. Tribune of the plcbs in the consulship of
Caesar and Bibulus, b. c. 59. He took an active
part in opposing the agrarian law of Cae«ar, and in
consequence of his services to the aristocratical
party obtained the praetorship in B. c. 5Q. He
succeeded L. Piso in the province of Macedonia in
the following year. (Cic. pro Sest. 53, tw Pison.
36 ; Schol. Bob. pro Sest. p. 304, in Vatin. p. 317,
ed. Orelli.) One of Cicero's letters is written to
him {ad Fam. xiii. 40).

ANCHA'RIUS PRISCUS. [Priscus.]

ANCHE'SMIUS ('A7xe'o'.uior), a surname of
Zeus derived from the hill Arichesmus in Attica,
on which, as on several Attic hi'ls, there was a
statue of the god. (Paus. i. 32. § 2.) [L. S.]

ANCHl'ALE ('A7xiaA.Tj), a daughter of Ja-
petus and mother of Cydnus, who was believed to
have founded the town of Anchiale in Ciiici.'i.
(Steph. Byz. s. v.) Another personage of this
name occurs in Apollon. Rhod. i. 1 1 30. [L. S.]

ANCHI'ALUS ('A7X'aAos). Three mythical
personages of this name occur in Hom. 0(1. i. 180,
viii. 112; //. v. 60. [L. S.]

ANCHI'ALUS, MICHAEL rA7x^«^ov), pa-
triarch of Constantinople from 1 167 to 1 185 A. n.,
was a warm opponent of the union of the Greek
and Roman churches, and an eminent Aristoteli.in

168

ANCHISES.

philosopher. His extant works are, 1. Five synodal
decrees, published in Greek and Latin in the Jius
(Jr. Rom. (iii. p. 227), and 2. A dialogue with the
emperor Manuel Comnenus conceraing the claims
of the Roman pontiff. Of the latter work only
some extracts have been publishad, by Leo Alla-
tius. {De Eccles. Occident, utqite Orient, perpei.
Consens.) [P. S.]

ANCHI'NOE. [AcHiROE.]

ANCHIMO'LIUS {'Ayx^/noKios), the son of
Aster, was at the head of the first expeditioji sent
b}' the Spartans to drive the Peisistratidae out of
Athens ; but he was defeated and killed, about
R. c. 511, and was buried at Alopccae in Attica.
(Herod. V. 63.)

ANCIirSES ('A7x^o'i70"> ^ son of Capys and
Themis, the daughter of llus. His descent is
traced by Aeneas, his son (Horn. //. xx. 208, &c.),
from Zeus himself. (Comp. ApoUod. iii. 1 2. § 2 ;
Tzetz, adLycoph. 1232.) Hyginus {Fub. 94) makes
him a son of Assaracus and grandson of Capys.
Anchises was related to the royal house of Troy
and king of Dardanus on mount Ida. In beauty
he equalled the immortal gods, and was beloved by
Aphrodite, by whom he became the father of
Aeneas. (Hom. //. ii. 820 ; Has. Thcori. 1008 ;
ApoUod. Hygin. //. cc.) According to the Homeric
hymn on Aphrodite (45, &c.), the goddess had
visited him in the disguise of a daughter of the
Phrj'gian king Otreus. On parting from him,
she made herself known, and announced to him
that he would be the father of a son, Aeneas, but
she commanded him to give out that the child was
a son of a nymph, and added the threat that Zeus
would destroy him with a flash of lightning if he
should ever betray the real mother. When, there-
fore, on one occasion Anchises lost controul over
his tongue and boasted of his intercourse with the
goddess, he was struck by a flash of lightning,
wliich according to some traditions killed, but ac-
cording to others only blinded or lamed him.
(Hj^gin. /. c; Serv. ad Am. ii. 648.) Virgil in
his Aeneid makes Anchises survive the capture of
Tro}', and Aeneas carries his father on his shoul-
ders from the burning city, that he might be
assisted by his wise counsel during the voyage, for
"Virgil, after the example of Ennius, attributes pro-
phetic powers to Anchises. {Aen. ii. 687, with
Serv. note.) According to Virgil, Anchises died
soon after the first arrival of Aeneas in Sicil}-, and
was buried on mount Ervx. {^Aen. iii. 710, v.
759, 1^) This tradition seems to have been
firmly believed in Sicily, and not to have been
merelj- an invention of the poet, for Dionysius of
Kalicarnassus (i. 53) states, that Anchises had a
sanctuary at Egesta, and the funeral games cele-
brated in Sicily in honour of Anchises seem to
have continued down to a late period. (Ov. Fast.
iii. 543.) According to other traditions Anchises
died and was buried in Italy. (Dionys. i. 64 ;
Strab. V. p. 229 ; Aurel. Vict. De Oriy. Gent. Rom.
10, &c.) A tradition preserved in Pausanias (viii.
12. § 5) states, that Anchises died in Arcadia, and
was buried there by his son at the foot of a hill,
which received from him the name of Anchisia.
There were, however, some other places besides
which boasted of possessing the tomb of Anchises ;
for some said, that he was buried on mount Ida, in
accordance with the tradition that he was killed
there by Zeus (Eustath. ad Hom. p. 894), and
others, that he was interred in a place on the

ANDOCIDES.

gulf of Thermus near the Hellespont. (Conon, 46.)
According to Apollodorus (iii. 12. § 2), Anchises
had by Aphrodite a second son, Lyrus or Lyrnus,
and Homer (//. xiii. 429) calls Hippodameia the
eldest of the daughters of Anchises, but does not
mention her mother's name. An Anchises of
Sicyon occurs in //. xxiii. 296. [L, S.]

ANCHISl'AUES ('A7xio'ta57js), a patronymic
from Anchises, used to designate his son Aeneas
(Hom. //. xvii. 754; Virg. Aen. vi. 348), and
Echepolus, the son of Anchises of Sicyon. (Hom.
//. xxiii. 296.) [L. S.]

ANCHU'RUS ("Ayxovpos), a son of the Phrj--
gian king Midas, in whose reign the earth opened
in the neighbourhood of the town of Celacnae in
Phrygia. JMidas consulted the oracle in what
manner the opening might be closed, and he was
commanded to throw into it the most precious thing
he possessed. He accordingly threw into it a great
quantity of gold and silver, but when the chasm
still did not close, his son Anchurus, thinking that
life was the most precious of all things, mounted
his horse and leapt into the chasm, which closed
immediately. (Pint. ParalL 5.) [L. S.]

ANGUS MA'RCIUS, the fourth king of Rome,
is said to have reigned twenty-three or twenty-
four years, from about B. c. 638 to 614. Accord-
ing to tradition he was the son of Nunia's daughter,
and sought to tread in the footsteps of his grand-
father by reestablishing the religious ceremonies
which had fallen into neglect. But a war with
the liatins called him from the pursuits of peace.
He conquered the Latins, took many Latin towns,
transported the inhabitants to Rome, and gave
them the Aventine to dwell on. These conquered
Latins, according to Niebuhr's views, formed the
original Plebs. {Diet, of Ant, s. v. Plehs.) It is
related further of Ancus, that he founded a colony
at Ostia, at the mouth of the Tiber ; built a fortress
on the Janiculum as a protection against Etruria,
and united it with the city by a bridge across the
Tiber ; dug the ditch of the Quirites, as it was
called, which was a defence for the open ground
between the Caelian and the Palatine ; and built a
prison to restrain offenders, who were increasing.
(Liv. i. 32, 33; Dionys. iii. 36—45; Cic. deRcp.
ii. 18 ; Pint. A'ujn. 21 ; Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, i.
p. 352, &c.; Arnold, Hist, of Rome, i. p. 19.)

ANDO'BALES. [Indibilis.]

ANDO'CIDES ('Aj/SokiStjs), one of the ten
Attic orators, whose works were contained in the
Alexandrine Canon, was the son of Leogoras, and
was born at Athens in b. c. 467. He belonged to
the ancient eupatrid family of the Ceryces, who
traced their pedigree up to Odysseus and the god
Hermes. (Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p. 834, b., Alcib. 21;
comp. Andoc. de Redit. § 26 ; de Mpter. § 141.)
Being a noble, he of course joined the oligarchical
party at Athens, and through their influence ob-
tained, in b. c. 436, together with Ulaucon, the
command of a fleet of twenty sail, which was to
protect tlie CorcjTaeans against the Corinthians.
(Thuc. i. 51 ; Plut. Vit. X. Orat. I. c.) After this
he seems to have been employed on various occa-
sions as ambassador to Thessaly, ]Macedonia, Mo-
lossia, Thesprotia, Italy, and Sicily (Andoc. c. Al-
cib. § 41); and, although he was frequently at-
tacked for his political opinions {e. Alcib. § 8), he
yet maintained his ground, until in B. c. 415, when
he became involved in the charge brought against
Alcibiades for having profaned the mysteries and

ANDOCIDES.

mutilateil the Ilennae. It appeared tlic more
likfly that AnJocides was an accomplice in the
latter of these crimes, which was believed to be a
preliminary step towards overthrowing the demo-
cratical constitution, since the llenues standing
close to his house in the phylc Aegeis was among
the very few which had not been injured. (Plut.
//. a: ; Nepos, Alcif). .'5 ; Sluiter, Lee. Andoc. c. 3.)
Andocidcs was accordingly seized and thrown into
prison, but after some time recovered his liberty
by a promise that he would reveal the names of
the real perpetrators of the crime ; and on the sug-
gestion of one Charmides or Timaeus {de Myst.
§ 4{> ; Plut. Alcib. l. c), he mentioned four, all of
whom were put to death. lie is said to have also
denounced his own father, but to have rescued
him again in the hour of danger. But as Ando-
cides was unable to clear himself from the charge,
he was deprived of his rights as a citizen, and left
Athens. (Z)<? Red. § 25.) He now travelled about
in various parts of Greece, and was chiefly engaged
in commercial enterprises and in fomiing con-
rexions with powerful and illustrious persons. {De
Myst. § 137; Lys. c. A7idoc. § G.) The means he
employed to gain the friendship of powerful men
were sometimes of the most disreputable kind ;
among which a service he rendered to a prince in
Cyprus is particularly mentioned. (Com p. Plut. I.e.;
Phot. liihl. p. 488, ed. Bekker; Tzetz. Chil. vi.
373, &c.) In B. c. 411, Andocides returned to
Athens on the establishment of the oligarchical
government of the Four Hundred, hoping that a
certain service he had rendered the Athenian ships
at Saraos w^ould secure him a welcome reception.
{De Red. §§ 11, 12.) But no sooner were the
oligarchs informed of the return of Andocides, than
their leader Peisander had him seized, and accused
him of having supported the party opposed to them
at Samos. During his trial, Andocides, who per-
ceived the exasperation prevailing against him,
leaped to the altar which stood in the court, and
there assumed the attitude of a suppliant. This
saved his life, but he was imprisoned. Soon after-
wards, however, he was set free, or escaped from
prison. {De Red. § 15 ; Plut. l. c; Lysias. c. An-
doc. § 29.)

Andocides now went to Cyprus, wliere for a
time he enjoyed the friendship of Evagoras ; but,
by some circumstance or other, he exasperated his
friend, and was consigned to prison. Here again
he escaped, and after the victory of the democra-
tical party at Athens and the abolition of the Four
Hundred, he ventured once more to return to
Athens ; but as he was still suft'ering under the
sentence of civil disfranchisement, he endeavoured
by means of bribes to persuade the prytanes to
allow him to attend the assembly of the people.
The latter, however, expelled him from the city.
(Lys. c. Andoc. § 29.) It was on this occasion,
B. c. 411, tiiat Andocides delivered the speech still
extant "on his Return" (wepl rrjs iavrov KadoSov),
in which he petitioned for permission to reside at
Athens, but in vain. In this his third exile, An-
docides went to reside in Elis (Plut. Vit. X. Orat.
p. 835, a.; Phot. /. r.), and during the time of his
absence from his native city, his house there was
occupied by Cleophon, a manufacturer of lyres,
who had placed himself at the head of the demo-
cratical })arty. {De Myst. § 146.)

Andocides remained in exile till the year B. c.
403, after the overthrow of the tyranny of the

ANDOCIDES.

1C9

Thirty by Thrasybulus, when the general amnesty-
then proclaimed made him hope that its benefit
would be extended to him also. He himself sayg
{de Myst. § 132), that he returned to Athens from
Cyprus, from which we may infer, that although
he was settled in Elis, he had gone from thence to
Cyprus for commercial or other purposes ; for it
appears that he had become reconciled to tho
princes of that island, as he had great influence
and considerable landed property there. {De Red.
§ 20, De Afyst. § 4.) In consequence of the ge-
neral amnesty, he was allowed to remain at Athens,
enjoyed peace for the next three years, and soon
recovered an influential position. According to
Lysias {c. Anduc. § 33, comp. § 11), it was scarcely
ten days after his return that he brought an accu-
sation against Archippus or Aristippus, which,
however, he dropped on receiving a sum of money.
During this period Andocides became a member
of the senate, in which he appears to have pos-
sessed great influence, as well as in the popular
assembly." He was gymnasiarch at the Hephae-
staea, was sent as architheorus to the Isthmian
and Olympic games, and was at last even en-
trusted with the office of keeper of the sacred
treasury. But these distinctions appear to have
excited the envy and hatred of his former ene-
mies ; for in the year B. c. 400, Callias, supported
by Cephisius, Agyrrhius, Meletus, and Epichares,
urged the necessitj^ of preventing Andocides from
attending the assembly, as ho had never been
formally freed from the civil disfranchisement.
But as Callias had but little hope in this case, he
brought against him the charge of having profaned
the mysteries and violated the laws respecting the
temple at Eleusis. (Z>e il^s^. § 110, &c.) The
orator pleaded his case in the oration still extant,
"on the Mysteries" {Trepi twu /jLvcTTqpiwv), and was
acquitted. After this attempt to crush him, he
again enjoyed peace and occupied his former posi-
tion in the republic for upwards of six years, at the
end of whicli, in B. c. 394, he was sent as ambas-
sador to Sparta respecting the peace to be con-
cluded in consequence of Conon's victory off Cni-
dus. On his return he was accused of illegal con-
duct during his embassy {TrapaTrp(c§eias). The
speech " On the peace with Lacedaemon" (Trepl rijs
TTpus AaKedaifjLov^ovs ctpTjvTjs), which is still extant,
refers to this affair. It was spoken in B. c. 393.
(Clinton places it in 391.) Andocides was found
guilty, and sent into exile for the fourth time. He
never returned afterwards, and seems to have
died soon after this blow.

Andocides appears to have left no issue, since at
the age of seventy he had no children {de Myst.
§§146, 148), though the scholiast on Aristophanes
( l^esp. 1262) mentions Antiphon as a son of An-
docides. This was probably owing to his wander-
ing and unsteady life, as well as to his dissolute
character. {De Myst. § 100.) The large fortune
which he had inherited from his fiither, or acquired
in his commercial undertakings, was greatly dimi-
nished in the latter years of his life. {De Myst.
§ 144 ; Lys. c. Andoc. § 31.) Andocides has no
claims to the esteem of posterity, either as a man
or as a citizen. Besides the three orations already
mentioned, which are undoubtedly genuine, there
is a fourth against Alcibiades (/carci 'AAKȤtaSou),
said to have been delivered by Andocides in B. c.
415; but it is in all probability spurious, though
it appears to contain genuine historical matter.

170

ANDRAGATHUS.

Taylor .iscribed it to Phaeux, while others think it
more probable that it is the work of some of the
later rhetoricians, with whom the accusation or de-
fence of Alcibiades was a standing theme. Besides
these four orations Ave possess only a few fragments
and some verj' vague allusions to other orations.
(Sluiter, Led. And. p. 239, &c.) As an orator
Andocides does not appear to have been held in
very high esteem by the ancients, as he is seldom
mentioned, though Valerius Theon is said to have
written a commentary on his orations. (Snidas,
s. V. Qetau.) We do not hear of his having been
trained in any of the sophistical schools of the
time, and he had probably developed his talents in
the practical school of the popular assembly. Hence
his orations have no mannerism in them, and are
really, as Plutarch says, simple and free from all
rhetorical pomp and ornament. (Comp. Dionys.
Hal. de Li/s. 2, de Thuci/d. Jiul. 51.) Sometimes,
however, his style is ditfiise, and becomes tedious
and obscure. The best among the orations is that
on the Mysteries ; but, for the history of the time,
all are of the highest importance. The orations
are printed in the collections of the Greek orators
by Aldus, H. Stephens, Reiske, Bekker, and
others. The best separate editions are those of
C. Schiller, Leipzig, 1835, 8vo., and of Baiter and
Sauppe, Zurich, 1838. The most important works
on the life and orations of Andocides are : J. 0.
Sluiter, Lectiones Andocideae, Leyden, 1804, pp^
1-99, reprinted at Leipzig, 1834, with notes by
C Schiller ; a treatise of A. G. Becker prefixed to
his German translation of Andocides, Quedlinburg,
1832, 8vo. ; Ruhnken, Hist. Crit. Orat. Grace, pp.
47-57 ; Westermann, Gesch. dcr Griech. Beredt-
mm/ceit, g§ 42 and 43. [L. S.]

ANDRAEMON {' At Spaitxuu). 1. The hus-
band of Gorge, the daughter of the Calydonian
king Oeneus, and father of Thoas. Wlien Dio-
medos delivered Oeneus, who had been imprisoned
by the sons of Agrius, he gave the kingdom to
Andraemon, since Ooneus was alreadv too old.
(Apollod. i. 8. §§ 1 and G; Horn. 11. ii. 6'38; Pans.
V. 3. § 5.) Antoninus Liberalis (37) represents
Oeneus as resuming the government after his
liberation. The tomb of Andraemon, together
with that of his wife Gorge, was seen at Amphissa
in the time of Pausanias. (x. 38. § 3.) Apollo-
dorus (ii. 8. § 3) calls Oxylus a son of Andraemon,
which might seem to allude to a different Andrae-
mon from the one we are here speaking of ; but
there is evidently some mistake here ; for Pausa-
nias (/. c.) and Strabo (x. p. 463, &c.) speak of
Oxylus as the son of Haemon, who was a son of
Thoas, so that the Oxylus in Apollodorus must be
a great-grandson of Andraemon. Hence Ileyne
proposes to read A'iaoi'os instead of *Av5 pa' /jlovos.

2. A son of the Oxylus mentioned above, and
husband of Drvope, who was mother of Amphissus
by Apollo. (Ov. Met. ix. 3G3 ; Anton. Lib. 32.)
There are two other mythical personages of this
name, the one a son of Codrus (Paus. vii. 3. § 2),
and the other a Pylian, and founder of Colophon.
(Strab, xiv. p. 633.) [L. S.]

ANDRAEMO'NIDES {'AuSpaifiould-qs), a pa-
tronymic from Andraemon, frequently given to his
son Thoas. (Horn. //. ii.638, vii. 168, &c.) [L.S.]

ANDRA^GATHUS { AvSpdyaeosj Avas left by
Pemetrius in command of Amphipolis, b. c. 287,
Lat treacherously surrendered it to Lvsimachus.
(Polyaen. iv. 12. § 2.)

ANDREAS.

AXDRANODO'RUS, the son-in-law of Hiero,
was appointed guardian of Hieronymus, the grand-
.son of lUero, after the death of the latter. He
advised Hieronymus to break off the alliance with
the Romans, and connect himself with Hannibal.
After the assassination of Hieronymus, Andrano-
dorus seized upon the island and the citadel with
the intention of usurping the royal power ; but
finding difficulties in the way, he judged it more
prudent to surrender them to the Syracusans, and
was elected in consequence one of their generals.
But the suspicions of the people becoming excited
against him, he was killed shortly afterwards,
B. c. 214. (Liv. xxiv. 4—7, 21—25.)

A'NDREAS {'AvSpeas), of uncertain date,
wrote a work on the cities of Sicily, of which the
thirty-third book is referred to by Athenaeus,
(xiv. p. 634, a.)

A'NDREAS ('Aj/Spe'as), of Argos, a sculptor,
whose time is not known. He made a statue of
Lysippus, the Elean, victor in the boys'- wrestling.
(Pans. vi. 16. § 5.) [P. S.]

A'NDREAS {'AvBpias)., the name of several
Greek physicians, whom it is difficult to distinguish
from each other. The Andreas Comes, quoted
several times by Aetius (which title moans Comes
A rchiutroi-um), was cerUiinly the latest of all, and
probably lived shortly before Aetius himself (that
is, in the fourth or fifth century after Christ), as
the title was only introduced under tlie Roman
emperors. (Did. of Ant. s. v. Archiaier.) If,
for want of any positive data, all the other pas-
sages where the name Andreas occurs be supposed
to refer to the same person (which may possibly
be the case), he was a native of Carystus in Eu-
boea (Cassias latros. Problem. Phys. § 58), the
son of Chrysar or Chrysaor (d tou Xpvaapos or
^pvadopos)., if the name be not corrupt (Galen,
Ktp/icut. Vocum Ilippocr. s. v. 'Ii'5i/coi', vol. xix.
p. 105), .and one of the followers of Herophilus.
(Cels. Be Medic, v. Praef. p. 81 ; Soran. J)e
Arte Ohstctr. c. 48. p. 101.) He was physician
to Ptolemy Philopatnr, king of Egypt, and was
killed while in attendance on that prince, shortly
before the battle of Raphia (b. c. 217), by Theo-
dotus the Aetolian, who had secretly entered the
tent with the intent to murder the king. (Polyb.
v. 81.) He wrote several medical works, of which
nothing remains but the titles, and a few extracts
preserved by different ancient authors. He was
probably the first person who wrote a treatise on
hydrophobia, which he called Kwokvaaos. (Cae-
lius Aurel. Da Morb. Acid. iii. 9, p. 218.) In
one of his works Tlep\ ttjs 'laTpiKrjs FivfaKoyias
On Medical Genealogy, he is said bj' Soranus, in
his life of Hippocrates (Hippocr. Opera, vol. iii. p.
851), to have given a false and scandalous account
of that great physician, saying that he had been
obliged to leave his native country on account of
his having set fire to the library at Cnidos ; a
story which, though universally considered to be
totally unfounded, was repeated witli some varia-
tions by Varro (in Pliny, H. X. xxix. 2) and
John Tzetzes (CViil. vii. Hist. 155, in Fabricius,
BibUotk. Graeca, vol. xil. p. 681, ed. vet.), and was
much embellished in the middle ages. (See //i>Y.
of tlie Seven Wine Maslera, in Ellis's Specimens of
Early Enylish Metrical Romances, vol. iii. p. 43.)
Eratosthenes is said to have accused Andreas of
plagiarism, and to have called hiin BiSAiai-v^o-fJoy,
the Aeyislhus (or Adidterer) of Bootes. [E/ymul.

ANDREUS.

Magn. s. v. Bi§\iaiyi(T6os.) The name occurs in
several ancient authors (Pliny, //. iV. xx. 76, xxii.
49, xxxii. 27 ; St. Epiphanius, Jdv. Ilueres. i. 1.
§ 3, p. 3, ed. Colon. 1682 ; Schol. ad Aristoph.
"yf re*," V. 2(57 ; Schol. ad Nicand. " Thcriaca^'''' vv.
684, 823, &c.), but no other facts are related of
liim that need be noticed here. (Lc Clerc, Hist, de
la Med; Fabric. Ihhl. Graec. vol. xiii. p. 57, ed.
vet. ; Haller, DUilioih. Boian., Cldrurg.^ and Medic,
Pract.; Sprenfie], Hist, de la Med. ; Isensee, Ges-
chicIUe der Med.) [W. A. G.]

ANDREAS, bishop of Caesarea in Cappado-
cia, probably about 500 a. d., wrote a Commentary
on the Apocalypse, which is printed in the princi-
pal editions of Chrysostom's works. He also wrote
a work entitled " Therapeutica Spiritualis," frag-
ments of which are extant in the " Eclogae
Asceticae" of John, patriarch of Antioch. (Nessel,
Cul. Vtndof,. Pt.i., cod. 276, No. 1. p. 381.) [P.S.]

ANDREAS, archbishop of Crete, was a native
of Damascus. He was first a monk at Jerusalem,
whence he is called in some ancient writings " of
Jerusalem " ('lepoo-oAf/iiTTjs, o 'UpocroKvixwv), then
a deacon at Constantinople, and lastly archbishop
of Crete. His time is rather doubtful, but Cave
has shewn that he probably flourished as early as
A. D. 635. (Hist. Lit. Sid) ann.) In 680 he was
sent by Theodorus, the patriarch of Jerusalem, to
the 6th council of Constantinople, against the
Monothelitcs, where he Avas ordained a deacon.
Some Iambics are still extant in which he thanks
Agathe, the keeper of the documents, for commu-
nicating to hira the acts of the sj-nod. It seems to
have been soon after this council that he was made
archbishop of Crete. A doubtful tradition relates
that he died on ike 14th of June, 724. (Fabric.
BiU. Grace, xi. p. 64.) The works ascribed to
him, consisting of Homilies, and Triodia and other
hymns, were published by Combefisius, Par. 1644,
fol., and in his Aduar-Nov^ Par. 1648. A "Com-
])utus Paschalis," ascribed to Andreas, was pub-
lished in Greek and Latin by Petavius. (Doctr.
Temp. iii. p. 393.) There is great doubt as to the
genuineness of several of these works. [P. S.]

ANDREAS, bishop of Samosata, about 430
A. I)., took part in the Nestorian controversy
against Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria, in answer
to whose anathemas he wrote two books, of the
first of which a large part is quoted by Cyril, in
his Apol. adv. Orientates, and of the second some
fragments are contained in the Hodegus of Anasta-
sius Sinaita. Though prevented by illness from
K'iiig present at the council of Ephesus (a. d.
4."H), he joined Theodoret in his opposition to
the agreement between Cyril and John, and, like
Theodoret, he changed his course through fear,
but at a much earlier period. About 436 he
yielded to the persuasions of John, and joined in
the condemnation of Nestorius. Eight letters by
him are extant in Latin in the " Epistolae Ephe-
sinae" of Lupus. [P. S.]

ANDREOPU'LUS. [Svntipas.]

ANDREUS ('Ai'5p€us), a son of the river-god
Peneius in Arcadiji, from whom the district about
Orchomenos in Roeotia was called Andreis.
(Paus. ix. 34. § 5.) In another passage (x. 13.
§ 3) Pausanias speaks of And reus (it is, however,
uncertain whether he means the same man as the
former) as the person who first colonized Andros.
According to Diodonis (v. 79) Andreus was one of
the generals of Rhadamantiivs, from ivhom he re-

ANDROCLUS. 171

ccived the island afterwards called Andros as a
present. Stephanus of Ryzantium, Conon (41),
and Ovid {Met. xiv. 639), call this first colonizer
of Andros, Andrus and not Andreus. [L.S.]

ANDRISCUS (*Aj/SptV/cos). 1. A man of low-
origin, who pretended to be a natural son of Per-
seus, king of Macedonia, was seized by Demetrius,
king of Syria, and sent to Rome. He escaped,
however, from Rome, and finding many partizans,
assumed the name of Philip and obtained posses-
sion of Macedonia. His reign, which was marked
by acts of crueltj', did not last much more than a
year. He defeated the praetor Juventius, but was
conquered by Caecilius Metellus, and conducted to
Rome in chains to adorn the triumph of the latter,
B. c. 148. (Liv. Epit. 49, 50, 52 ; Diod. Eocc.
xxxii. p. 590, &c., ed. Wess.; Polyb. xxxvii. JEo-c.
Vatic, edi. Mai ; Flor. ii. 14; Vellei. i. 11; Paus.
vii. 13. §1.)

2. A writer of uncertain date, the author of a
work upon Naxos. (Athen. iii. p. 78, c; Parthen.
c. 9, 19.)

ANDRO. [Androx.]

ANDRO'BIUS, a painter, whose time and
country are unknown. He painted Scyllis, the
diver, cutting awav the anchors of the Persian
fleet. (Plin. xxxv.'40. § 32.) [P. S.]

ANDROBU'LUS, a sculptor, celebrated as a
maker of statues of philosophers. (Plin. xxxiv. 19.
§ 26.) [P. S.]

ANDROCLEIDES ('Ai/5poK\eiSTjs), a Theban,
who was bribed by Timocrates, the emissary of
Tissaphemes in B. c. 395, in order to induce the
Thebans to make war upon the Spartans, and thus
bring back Agesilaus from Asia. (Xen, I fell. iii.
5. § 1 ; Plut. Lys. 27 ; Paus. iii. 9. § 4.) An-
drocleides is mentioned in" b. c. 382 as one of the
leaders of the party opposed to Phoebidas, who
had seized the citadel. (Xen. Hell. v. 2. § 31.)

A'NDROCLES ('Ai'Spo/cA^s), an Athenian de-
magogue and orator. He was a contemporary and
enemy of Alcibiades, against whom he brought
forward witnesses, and spoke very vehemently in
the aftair concerning the mutilation of the Hermae,
B. c. 415. (Plut. Alcib. 19; Andocid. de Myster.
§ 27.) It was chiefly owing to his exertions that
Alcibiades was banished. After this event, Andro-
cles was for a time at the head of the democratical
party; but during the revolution of b. c. 411, in
which the democracy was overthrown, and the
oligarchical government of the Four Hundred was
estiiblished, Androcles was put to death. (Thuc.
viii. 65.) Aristotle {Rhet. ii. 23) has preserved a
sentence from one of Androcles' speeches, in which
he used an incorrect figure. [L. S.]

ANDROCLUS, the slave of a Roman consular,
of whom the following story is related by Aulas
Gellius (v. 14) on the authority of Appion Plisto-
nices, who lived in the reigns of Tiberius and
Caligula, and who affinned that he himself had
been a witness of the scene : — Androclus was sen-
tenced to be exposed to the wild beasts in the
circus ; but a lion which was let loose upon him,
instead of springing upon his victim, exhibited
signs of recognition, and began licking him. Upon
inquiry it appeared that Androclus had been com-
pelled by the severity of his master, while in
Africa, to run away from him. Having one day
taken refuge in a cave from the heat of the sun, a
lion entered, apparently in great pain, and seeing
hira, went up to him and held out his paw. An-

172

ANDROGEUS.

droclui found that a large thorn had pierced it,
which he drew out, and the lion was soon able to
use his paw again. They lived together for some
time in the cave, the lion catering for his benefac-
tor. But at last, tired of this savage life, Androclus
left the cave, was apprehended by some soldiers,
brought to Rome, and condemned to the wild
beasts. He was pardoned, and presented with the
lion, which he used to lead about the cit}-. [C. P. ^I.]

ANDROCY'DES {'AuSpoKriSvs), of Cyzicus, a
Greek painter, a contemporary and rival of Zcuxis,
flourished from 400 to 377 b. c. (Plin. xxxv. 36.
§ 3.) lie painted, partly on the spot and partly
in Thebes, a skinnish of horse which took place
near Plataeae shortly before the battle of Leuctra
(Plut. Pelop. 25), and a picture of Scylla sur-
rounded by fishes. The latter picture was much
praised for the beauty of the fishes, oe which the
artist was supposed to have bestowed the more
pains, on account of his being fond of fish. ( Plut.
Quuest. Conv. iv. 4. § 2; Polcmo, ap. AtJien. viii.
p. 341, a.) [P. S.]

ANDROCY'DES (*Ay5poK»J57js), a Greek phy-
sician, who lived in the reign of Alexander the
Great, B. c, 33G— 323. There is a story told of
him by Pliny {IT. N. xiv. 7), that he wrote a let-
ter to that prince cautioning him against the im-
moderate use of wine, which he called "the blood
of the earth." It is mentioned also by the same
author (xvii. 37. § 10), that he ordered his pa-
tients to eat a radish as a preservative against
intoxication, from having observed (it is said) that
the vine always turned away from a radisli if
growing near it. It is very possible that this An-
drocydes may be the same person who is mentioned
by Theophrastus {Hist. Plant, iv. 16 [al. 20] 20),
and also by Athenaens. (vi. p. 258, b.) [ W. A. G.]

ANDROETAS ('AvSpofTas), of Tenedos, the
author of a Tl(p'ncKovi ttjs UpoTrovTiSos. (Schol. ad
Jpoll. lUiod. ii. 159.)

ANDRO'GEUS ('AvSpc^ycwy), a son of Minos
and Pasiphae, or Crete, who is said to have con-
(|Uored all his opponents in the games of the
Panathenaea at Atliens. This extraordinary good
luck, however, became the cause of his destruction,
though the mode of his death is related differently.
According to some accounts Aegeus sent the man
he dreaded to fight against the Marathonian bull,
•who killed him ; according to others, he was assas-
sinated by his defeated rivals on his road to Thebes,
whither he was going to take part in a solelnn
contest. (ApoUod. iii. 1. § 2, 15. § 7 ; Paus. i.
27. § 9.) According to Diodorus (iv. 60) it was
Aegeus himself who had him murdered near Oenoe,
on the road to Thebes, because he feared lest An-
drogens should support the sons of Pallas against
him. Hyginus {FuL 41) makes him fall in a
battle during the war of his father Minos against
the Athenians. (See some different accounts in
Plut. 77i<3.<. 15; Serv. ad Aen. vi. 14.) But the
common tradition is, that Minos made war on the
Athenians in consequence of the death of his son.
Propertius (ii. 1. 64) relates that Androgens was
restored to life by Aesculapius. He was worship-
ped in Attica as a hero, an altar was erected to
him in the port of Phalerus (Paus. i. 1. § 4), and
games, dvhpoyedvia^ were celebrated in his honour
every year in the Cerameicus. {Did. nf Ant. s. v.
^AvSpoyecjvia.) He was also worshipped under
the name Evpv}'v-)iSy i. e. he who ploughs or pos-
sesses extensive fields, whence it has been inferred

AXDROMACHUS.

that originally Androgens was worshipped as the
introducer of agriculture into Attica. [L. S.]

ANDRO'MACHE (^kvhpopiaxri), a daughter of
Eetion, king of the Cilician Thebae, and one of the
noblest and most amiable female characters in the
Iliad. Her father and her seven brothers were
slain by Achilles at the taking of Thebae, and her
mother, who had purchased her freedom by a large
ransom, was killed by Artemis. She was married
to Hector, by whom she had a son, Scaraandrins
(Astyanax), and for whom she entertained the most
tender love. (ApoUod. iii. 11. § 6.) See t?ie
beautiful passage in Homer, Jl. vi. 390—502,
where she takes leave of Hector when he is going
to battle, and her lamentations about his fall, xxii.
460, &c.; xxiv. 725, &c. On the taking of Troy
her son was hurled from the wall of the city, and
she herself fell to the share of Neoptolemus
(Pyrrhus), the son of Achilles, who took her to
Epeirus, and to whom she bore three sons, Molos-
sus, Pielus, and Pergamus. Here she was found
by Aeneas on his landing in Epeirus, at the mo-
ment she was offering up a sacrifice at the tomb of
her beloved Hector. (V^irg. Aen. iii. 295, &c. ;
comp. Paus. i. 1 1. § 1 ; Pind. Nem. iv. 82, vii. 50.)
After the death of Neoptolemus, or according to
others, after his marriage with Herniione, the
daughter of Menelaus and Helen, Andromache
became the wife of Helenas, a brother of her first
husband, Hector, who is described as a king of
Chaonia, a part of Epeirus, and by whom she be-
came the mother of Cestrinus. (Virg. /. c. ; Paus.
/. c, ii. 23. § 6.) After the death of Helenus,
who left his kingdom to Molossus, Andromache
followed her son Pergamus to Asia. She was sup-
posed to liave died at Pergamu^, where in after
times a heroum was erected to her memory. (Paus.
i. 11. § 2 ; comp. Dictys Cret. vi. 7, &c. ; Eurip.
Andromaclic.) Andromache and her son Scaman-
drius were painted in the Lcsche at Delphi by
Polygnotus. (Paus. x. 25, in fin.) [L. S.]

ANDRO'MACHUS CAv^p.^fiaxos). 1. Com-
mander of the Eleans in B. c. 3G4, was defeated by
the Arcadians and killed himself in consequence.
(Xen. Hell vii. 4. § 19.)

2. Ruler of Tauromenium in the middle of the
fourth century b. c, and the father of the historian
Timaeus, is said to have been by far the best of
the rulers of Sicily at that time. He assisted
Timoleon in his expedition against Dionysius, B.c.
344. (Diod. xvi. 7, 6» ; Plut. Timol. 10.) Re-
specting the statement of Diodorus that he founded
Tauromenium, see Wcsseling, ad Diod. xiv, 59.

3. The commander of the Cyprian fleet at the
siege of Tyre b}' Alexander, B. c. 332. ( Arrian, Anab.
ii. 20.) He may have been the same Androraachu.s
who was shortly afterwards appointed governor of
Coele-Syria, and was burnt to death by the Sa-
maritans. (Curt. iv. 5, 8.)

4. The father of Achaeus [see p. 8, a], and the
brother of Laodice, Avho married Seleucus Caliini-
cus, v.-as detained as a prisoner by Ptolemy at
Alexandria, but was liberated about B. c. 320 on
the intercession of the Rhodians. (Polvb. iv. 51,
viii. 22.)

5. Of Aspendus, one of Ptolemy Philopator's
commanders at the battle of Raphia, in which
Antiochus the Great was defeated, b. c. 217.
After the battle Ptolemy left Andromachus in
command of Coele-Svria and Phoenicia, (Polyb.
V. 64, 83, 85, 87.)

ANDROMKDA.

6. An ambassjidor of Ptolemy Philomctnr, sent
to Konie B. c. 154. (Polyb. xxxiii. 5.)

7. A Greek gramnuuian, quoted in the Scholia
r.pon Homer (//. v. 130), whom Corsini {Fast. Att.
i. Diss. vi. p. u86), without sufficient reasons,
supposed to be the author of the Etymologicum
jMagnum. (Fabric, liibl. Graec. vi. p. 601.)

8. A Greek rhetorician, who taught at Niconie-
ilcia in the reign of Domitian. (Eudoc. p. 58 ;
Suid. s. V. liiftixos.)

ANDRO'.AIACIIUS {'AvdpSfxaxos). 1. Com-
monly called " the Elder," to distinguish him from
his son of the same name, was bom in Crete, and was
physician to Nero, a. d. 54 — G8. He is principally
celebrated for having been the first person on whom
the title of "Archiater" is known to have been
conferred {DicL of A7it. s. v. Archiater), and also
for having been the inventor of a very famous
compound medicine and antidote, which was called
after his name " Theriaca Andromachi,'' which
long enjoyed a great reputation, and which retains
its place in some foreign Phainnacopoeias to the
present day. {^LHct.of Ant. s.v. Theriaca.) An-
dromachus has left us the directions for making
tliis strange mixture in a Greek elegiac poem, con-
sisting of one hundred and seventy-four lines, and
dedicated to Nero. Galen has inserted it entire
in two of his works {DeAntid. i. 6, and De Thcr.
ud Pis. c. 6. vol. xiv. pp. 32 — 42), and says,
that Andromachus chose this form for his re-
ceipt as being more easily remembered than
prose, and less likely to be altered. The poem
has been published in a separate form by Franc.
Tidicaeus, Tiguri, 1G07, 4to., with two Latin
translations, one in prose and the other in verse ;
and again by J. S. Leinker, Norimb. 1754, fol.
it is also inserted in the first volume of Ideler''s
Phijsiciet Medici Graeci Minores., Berol. 8vo. 1841.
There is a German translation in E. W. Weber's
Eleyische Dichter der Hellenen, Frankfort, 1826,
8vo. Some persons suppose him to be the author
of a work on pharmacy, but this is generally attri-
buted to his son, Andromachus the Younger.

2. The Younger, so called to distinguish him from
his father of the same name, was the son of the pre-
ceding, and is supposed to have been also physician
to Nero, A. D. 54 — 68. Nothing is known of the
events of his life, but he is generally supposed to
have been the author of a work on pharmacy in
three books (Galen, De Compos. Medicum. sec.
Uen. ii. 1. vol. xiii. p. 463), which is quoted very
frequently and with approbation by Galen, but of
which oidy a few fragments remain. [W. A. G.]

ANDRO'MEDA {' hvZpoix^ln), a daughter of
the Aethiopian king Cepheus and Cassiopeia. Her
mother boasted of her beauty, and said that she
surpassed the Nereids. The latter prevailed on
Poseidon to visit the country by an inundation,
and a sea-monster was sent into the land. The
oracle of Amnion promised that the people should
be delivered from these calamities, if Andromeda
v/as given up to the monster ; and Cepheus, being
obliged to yield to the wishes of his people, chain-
ed Andromeda to a rock. Here she was found
and saved by Perseus, who slew the monster and
obtained her as his wife. (Apollod. ii. 4. § 3 ;
Hygin. Fab. 64 ; Ov. Met. iv. 663, «&c.) Andro-
meda had previously been promised to Phineus
(Hyginus calls him Agenor), and this gave rise to
the famous fight of Phineas and Perseus at the
-wedding, in which the former and all his associates

ANDRONICUS. 173

were slai.i. (Ov. Met. v. 1, &c.) [PEasKU.s. j
Andromeda thus became the wife of Perseus, and
bore him many children. (Apollod. ii. 4. § 5.)
Athena placed her among the stars, in the form of
a maiden with her arms stretched out and chained
to a rock, to commemorate her delivery by Perseus.
(Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 10, &c.; Eratosth. Caia.'d.
17; Arat Phaen. 198.) Conon {Nurrat. 40)
gives a wretched attempt at an historical interpre-
tation of this mythus. The scene where Andro-
meda was fastened to the rock is placed by some
of the ancients in the neighbourhood of lope in
Phoenicia, while others assign to it a pLice of the
same name in Aethiopia. The tragic poets often
made the story of Andromeda the subject of dramas,
which are now lost. The moment in which she
is relieved from the rock by Perseus is represented
in an anaglyjih still extant. {Les puis beuujc
Mommens de Rome, No. 63.) [L. S.J

ANDRON C'Ai'Spwj'). 1. Of Aiexandn:u
whose work entitled XpoviKa is referred to by
Athenacus. (iv. p. 184, b.)

2. Of Ephesus, who wrote a work on the
Seven Sages of Greece, whicn seems to have been
entitled Tpl-rrovs. (Diog. Laert. i. 30, 119 ; Schol.
ad Pind. Idh. ii. 17; Clem. Alex. Strom, i. p. 332,
b.; Suid. and Phot. s. v. 'Zaixiuv 6 8rJi.i.os ; Euseb.
Pracp. Ev. x. 3.)

3. Of Halicarnassus, a Greek historian, who is
mentioned by Plutarch {T/ies.c.2o) in conjunction
with Hellanicus. (Comp. Tzetzes, ad Ljcophr.
894, 1283 ; Schol. ad Aesch. J'ers. 183.)

4. Of Teos, the author of a TlcpiTTAovs (Schol.
ad Apoll. Rhod. ii. 354), who is probably the same
person as the one referred to by Strabo (ix. pp.
392, 456, 475), Stephanus of Byzantium, and
others. He may also have been the same as the
author of the riepl '2,vyyiviiu3V. (llarpocrat. s. v.
^opSavretov ; Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. ii. 946.)
Comp. Vossius, De Jlistor. Grace, p. 285, ed.
Westermann.

ANDRON ("Au^pwy), a sculptor, whose age
and country are unknown, made a sta;ue of Ilar-
monia, the daughter of Mars and Venus. (Tatian,
Orat. in Graec. 55, p. 119, Worth.) [P. S.]

ANDRON ("AvS/Jcoj/), a Greek physician, who
is supposed by Tiraquellus (De Nobiniate, c. 31),
and after him by Fabricius (Bibl. Gr. vol. xiii.
p. 58, ed. vet), to be the same person as Andreas
of Carystus [Andreas] ; this, however, is a misr
take which has arisen from their reading Andro7i
in Pliny (//. JV. xx. 76) instead oi Atidreas. He
is mentioned by Athenaeus (xv. p. 680, e.), and
several of his medical prescriptions are preserved
by Celsus, Galen, Caelius Aurelianus, Oribasius,
Aetius, Paulus Aegineta, and other ancient writers.
None of his works are in existence, nor is any-
thing known of the events of his life ; and with
respect to his date, it can only be said with cer-
tainty that, as Celsus is the earliest author who
mentions him {De Med. v. 20, vi. 14, 18, pp. 92,
132, 133, 134), he must have lived some time be-
fore the beginning of the Christian era. (Le Clerc,
Ilit't. de la Med. ; C. G. KUhn, Index Mcdic'oruni
Ocidariorum inter Graecos Ruinauos(/::e^ Fascic. i.
p. 4, Lips., 4to., 1829.) [W. A. G.]

ANDRONICIA'NUS (Av5poi/jK..^(Js), wrote
two books against the Eunomiani, (Phot. Cod. 45.)

ANDRONl'CUS {'AvSpovtKus), imibassador of
Attalus, sent to Rome in B. c. 156, to inform the
senate that Prusias had attacked the territories of

174 ANDRONICUS.

Attains. (Polyb. xxxii. 26.) Andronicus was
again sent to Rome in B. c. 149, and assisted Nico-
rnedes in conspiring against his father Prusias.
(Appian, Miihr. 4, &c.)

ANDRONI'CUS ('AvSpoci/cos), an Aetoman,
the son of Andronicus, was put to death by the
Ilomans, in b. c. 167, because he had borne arms
■with his fatlier .against the Romans. (Liv. xlv. 31.)

ANDRONI'CUS I. COMNE'NUS {'AvSpo-
v'lKos Kqjxv7]v6s), emperor of Constantinople,
hon of Isaac, grandson of Alexis I. and first-cousin
of the emperor Manuel Comnenus, was bom in
tlie begiiming of the twelfth century after Christ.
The life of this highly gifted man, wlio de-
serves the name of the Byzantine Alcibiadcs, pre-
sents a series of adventures of so extraordinary a
description, as to appear more like a romance than
a history. Nature had lavished upon him her
choicest gifts. His manly beauty was unparalleled,
and the vigour of his body was animated by an
enterprising mind and an undaunted spirit. En-
dowed with great capacities, he received a careful
education, and the persuasive power of his eloquence
was 80 great, that he was equally dangerous to
kings and queens : three royal princesses were his
concubines. For love and war were his predomi-
nant passions, but they both degenerated into
luxury and cruelty. In everj- deed or mischief,
says (jibbon (ch. 48), he had a heart to resolve, a
head to contrive, and a hand to execute.

In 1141 he was made prisoner by the Turks-
Seljuks, and remained during a year in their cap-
tivity. After being released, he received the com-
mand in Cilicia, and he went there accompanied
by Eudoxia Comnena, tlie niece of the eniporor
Manuel, who lived on a similar footing with lier
sister Theodora. At the close of this war he re-
ceived the government of Naissus, Braniseba, and
Castoria ; but the emperor soon afterwards ordered
Jiim to be imprisoned in Constantinople. He
escaped from captivity after liaving been confined
twelve years, and fled to Jaroslav, grand duke of
Kussia, and at Kiev obtained the pardon of his
offended sovereign. He contrived an alliance be-
tween Manuel and Jaroslav against Hungary, and
at the head of a Russian army distinguished him-
self in the siege of Semlin. Still suspected by
^Manuel, he was again sent to Cilicia. He staid
some time at Antioch, and there seduced Philippa,
the daughter of Raymond of Poitou, prince of
Antioch, and the sister-in-law of the emperor
Manuel, who had married her sister Maria. To
escape the resentment of the emperor, he fled to
Jerdsalem, and thence eloped with Theodora, the
widow of Baldwin III. king of Jerusalem, a Com-
jienian princess v.ho was renowned for her beauty.
They first took refuge at the court of Nur-ed-din,
sultan of Damascus ; thence they went to Baghdad
and Persia, and at length settled among the Tui-ks.
He then proceeded to make war upon the emperor
of Constantinople, and invaded the province of
Trebizond, but the governor of this town succeeded
in taking queen Theodora and the two children
she had bonie to Andronicus, and sent them to
Constantinople. To regain them Andronicus im-
plored the mercy of his sovereign, and after pros-
trating himself laden with chains to the foot of the
pmperor''s throne, he retired to Oenoe, now Unich,
a town on the Black Sea in the present eyaiet of
Trebizond. There he lived quietly till the death
of the emperor Manuel in 11 00.

ANDRONICUS.

Manuel was succeeded by Alexis II., whom
Andronicus put to death in the month of October
1183, and thereupon he ascended the throne.
[Alexis II.] Agnes or Anna, the widow of
Alexis, and daughter of Louis VII. king of France,
a child of eleven years, was compelled to marry
Andronicus, who was then advanced in years.
His reign was short. He was hated by the nobles,
numbers of whom he put to death, but was beloved
by the people. His administration was wise ; and
he remedied several abuses in civil and ecclesias-
tical matters. William II., the Good, king of
Sicily, whom the fugitive Greek nobles had per-
suaded to invade Greece, was compelled by
Andronicus to desist from his attack on Constanti-
nople and to withdraw to his country, after he had
destroyed Thessalonica. Thus Andronicus thought
himself quite sure on the throne, when the im-
prudence of his lieutenant, the superstitious
Hagiochristophorites, suddenly caused a dreadful
rebellion. This officer resolved to put to death Isaac
Angelus, a noble but not a dangerous man ; the
people of Constantinople, however, moved to pity,
took arms for the rescue of the victim, and Isaac was
proclaimed emperor. Andronicus was seized, and
Isaac abandoned liim to the revenge of his most im-
placable enemies. After having been carried through
the streets of the city, he was hanged by the feet be-
tween the statues of a sow and a wolf, and in that
position was put to death by the mob. (12th of
September, 1185.) (Nicetas, Afanuel Comnenus,
i. 1, iii. iv. 1 — 5 ; Alexis Mamielis Comn. Fit. c.
2, 9, &c. ; Andro7iiciis Comnenus; Guilielmus Ty-
rensis, xxi. 13.) [W. P.]

ANDRONI'CUS II. PALAEO'LOGUS, ilw.
Elder (^AvSpov'iKos UaKaioKoyos), emperor of Con-
stantinople, the eldest son of the emperor
^Michael Palaeologus, was born a. d. 1260. At
the age of fifteen ho was associated with his
father in the government, and he ascended the
throne in 1283. ^lichael had consented to a
union between the Greek and Latin churches on
the second general council at Lyon, but Andronicus
was opposed to this measure, and was at length
excommunicated by pope Clement V. in 1307.
During this the Greek armies were beaten by Os-
man, the founder of the Turkish empire, who
gradually conquered all the Byzantine possessions
in Asia. In this extremity Andronicus engaged
the army and the fleet of the Catalans, a numerous
band of warlike adventurers, to assist him against
the Turks. Roger de Flor, or de Floria, the son
of a German noble at the court of the emperor
Frederic II., the commander of these adventureis,
accordingly went to Constantinople with a nu-
merous fleet and an anny of 8000 men. The
emperor appointed him admiral of the empire, and
conferred upon him the title of Caesar. This
famous captain defeated the Turks in several en-
gagements, but his troops ravaged the country of
their allies with as much rapacity as that of their
common enemies, and in order to get rid of them,
the emperor caused Roger to be assassinated at
Adrianople. But the Catalans now turned their
arms against the Greeks, and after having devas-
tated Thr^e and Macedonia, they retired to the
Peloponnesus, where they conquered several dis-
tricts in which they maintained themselves.

Michael, the son of Andronicus, wns associated
with his father in the throne. Michael had two
sons, Andronicus and Manuel. Both loved the

ANDRONICUS.

same woman without knowing that they were
rivals, arid by an unhappy mistake Manuel was
fc'uiin by the hand of his brotlier. Their father,
Michael, died of griff, and the emperor, exasperat-
ed against his grr.ndson, showed sonic intention to
exclude him from the throne. Thus a dreadful
civil war, or rather three wars, arose between the
I'lnperor and his grandson, which lasted from 1321
till lo"2f5, wlien at last the emperor was obliged to
abdicate iu favour of the latter. Andronicus the
elder retired to a convent at Drama in Thessaly,
where he lived as monk under the name of Anto-
iiius. He died in 1332, and his body was buried
in Constantinople. ( Pachyraeres, Andronicus Pa-
la&Aoqus; Nicephorus Gregoras, lib.vi. — x.; Canta-
cuzenus, i. 1, &c.) [W. P.]

ANDItONl'CUS III. PALAEO'LOGUS, the
Yonmjer {^KvZpoviKo^ UoKaioKo'yos), emperor of
CoNSTANTixoi'LE, was bom in 1296, and suc-
ceeded his grandfather in 1328, as has been re-
lated in the preceding article. lie was unsuc-
cessful in his wars with the Turks ; he lost the
battle of Philocrene against sultan Urklian and
his brother Ala-ed-din, who had just organized
the body of the Jannisaries, hy whom Thrace was
ravaged as far as the Maeraus. Equally unsuccess-
ful against the Catalans in Greece, he was more
fortunate against the Bulgarians, the Tartars of
Kiptschak, and the Servians.

He was twice married, first to Agnes or Irene,
the daughter of Henry, duke of Brunswick, and
after her death to Anna, countess of Savoy, by
whom he had two sons, John and Emanuel. At
his death, in 1341, he left them under the
guardianship of John Cantacuzenus, who soon be-
gan to reign in his own name. (Nicephorus
Gregoras, lib. ix. — xi, ; Cantacuzenus, i. c. 58,
&.C., ii. c. 1 — 40 ; Phranzes, i. c. 10 — 13 ; comp.
Pachvmeres, Androtiicus Pakieologns.) [W. P.]

AXDRONl'CUS CYRRHESTES (so called
from his nitive jilace, Cyrrha), was the builder
of the octagoniU tower at Athens, vulgarly called
'• the tower of the winds." Vitruvius (i. 6. § 4),
after stating, that some make the number of
the winds to be four, but that those who have
examined the subject more carefullj' distinguished
eight, adds, '* Especially Andronicus Cyrrhestes,
who also set up at Athens, as a representation
thereof {(wieiupluin\ an octagonal tower of marble,
and on the several sides of the octagon he made
scul])tured images of the several winds, each image
looking towards the wind it represented," (that
is, the figure of the north wind v/as sculptured on
the north side of the building, and so with the
rest), "and above this tower he set up a marble
pillar {mctam). and on the top he placed a Triton
in bronze, holding out a wand in liis right hand :
and this figure was so contrived as to be driven
round by the wind, and always to stand oppo-
sit»! the blowing wind, and to hold the wand
as an index above the imiige of that wind."
varro aills the building " horologium." {Ii. R.
iii. 5. § 17, Schn.) It formed a measure of time
in two ways. On the outer walls were lines which
with gnomons above them, formed a series of
sun-dials, and in the building was a clepsydra,
supplied from the spring called Clcpsydi-a, on
the north-west of the Acropolis. The building,
which still stands, has been described by Stuart
and others. The plain walls are surmounted by
an enuiblature, on the frieze of which are the

ANDRONICUS.

175

figures of the winds in bas-relief. The cntninccH,
of which there are two, on the north-east and tho
north-west, have distyle porticoes of the Corinthian
order. Within, the remains of the clepsydra are
still visible, as are the dial lines on the outer
walls.

The date of the building is uncertain, but the
style of the sculpture and architecture is thought
to belong to the period after Alexander the Great.
The clepsydra also was probably of that improved
kind which was invented by Ctesibius, about 135
B. c. {Did. of Ant. s. v. Iloroloyium.) Mil Her
places Andronicus at 100 B. c. (AUikay in Ersch
and Gruber^'s Encydop. vi. p. 233.)

From the words of Vitruvius it seems probable
that Andronicus was an astronomer. The mecha-
nical arrangements of his "horologium" were of
course his work, but whether he was properly the
architect of the building we have nothing to deter-
mine, except the absence of any statement to the
contrarv. [P. S.]

ANDRONI'CUS, Ll'VIUS, the earliest Roman
poet, as far as poetical literature is concerned ; for
whatever popular poetry there may have existed
at Rome, its poetical literature begins with this
writer. (Quintil. x. 2. § 7.) He was a Greek
and probably a native of Tarentum, and was made
prisoner by the Romans during their wars in
southern Italy. He then became the slave of M,
Livius Salinator, perhaps the same who was consul
in B. c. 219, and again in B. c. 207. Andronicus
instructed the children of his master, but was after-
wards restored to freedom, and received from his
patron the Roman name Livius. {Yi\&von. in Euseb.
Cliron. ad 01. 148.) During his stay at Rome,
Andronicus made liimself a perfect master of the
Latin language, and appears to have exerted him-
self chiefly in creating a taste for regular dramatic
representations. His first drama was acted in b.c.
240, in the consulship of C. Claudius and M. Tudi-
tanus {Q'xc.Brut.. 18, comp. Tusc. Quaest. i. 1, da
Sened. 14 ; Li v. vii. 2; Gellius, xvii. 21) ; but
Avhether it was a tragedy or a comedy is uncertain.
That he wrote comedies as well as tragedies, is
attested beyond all doubt. (Diomedes, iii. p. 486 ;
Flavins Vopisc. Numerian^ 1 3 ; the author of the
work de Couioed. d Trag.) The number of his
dramas was considerable, and we still possess tho
titles and fragments of at least fourteen. The sub-
jects of them were all Greek, and they were little
more than translations or imitations of Greek dni-
mas. (Suet, de lUustr. Grammat. I ; Diomed. I. c.)
Andronicus is said to have died in B c. 221, and
cannot have lived beyond B.C. 214. (Osann, Jku/.
Crit. p. 28.) As to the poetical merit of these
compositions we are unable to form an accurate
idea, since the extant fragments are few and short.
The language in them appears yet in a rude and
undeveloped form, but it has nevertheless a solid
basis for further development. Cicero {Brut. 18)
says, that in his time they were no longer worth
reading, and that the 600 mules in the Clytem-
nestra and the 3000 craters in the Equus Trcjanug
could not afford .iny pleasure upon the stage, {ad
Famil. vii. 1.) In the time of Horace, the poems
of Andronicus were read and explained in schools ;
and Horace, although not an admirer of early
Roman poetry, says, that he should not like to see
the works of Andronicus destroyed. (Horat. Epist.
ii. 1. G^J.)

Besides his dramas, Livius Andronicus wrote :

176

ANDRONICUS.

1. A Latin Odyssey in the Satumian verse (Cic.
Jirut. 18), Ijut it is uncertain whether the poem
was an imitation or a mere translation of tlie Ho-
meric poem. 2. Hymns (Liv. xxvii. 37 ; Fest. s. v.
Scribas\ of which no fragments are extant. The
statement of some writers, that he wrote versified
Annals, is founded upon a confusion of Livius An-
droiiicus and Ennius. (Vossius, de Hist. Lat. p. 8'27.)

The fragments of Livius Andronicus are con-
fined in the collections of the fragments of tlie
Roman dramatists mentioned under Accius. The
fragments of the Odyssca Latina are collected in
H. Duntzer et L. Lersch, de Versa quem vocarit
Saturnino^ pp. 40-48; all the fragments are con-
tained in Diintzer's Livii Andronki Fraguienta
coUecta et ilhisirata, ^c Berlin, 1835, 8vo.; comp.
Osann, Analecta Criiica, c. 1. [L. S.]

ANDRONrCUS('Aj'Spo'viKos),aMACEDONiAN,
is first mentioned in the war against Antiochus,
B.C. 190, as the governor of Ephesus. (Liv. xxxvii.
13.) He is spoken of in b. c. 169 as one of the
generals of Perseus, king of Macedonia, and was
sent by him to burn the dock- yards at Thess<ilonica,
which he delayed doing, wishing to gratify the
Romans, according to Diodorus, or thinking that
the king would repent of his purpose, as Livy
states. He was shortly afterwards put to death
by Perseus. (Liv. xliv. 10; Uiod. Eac. p. 579,
Wess. ; Appian, de Reb. j\fac. 14.)

ANDRONI'CUS {'AvSpoviKos), of Olynthus,
who is probably the same as the son of Agerrhus
mentioned by Arrian {Aiiab. iii. '23), was one of
the four generals appointed by Antigonus to form
the military council of the young Demetrius, in
B. c. 314. He commanded the right wing of De-
metrius' army at the battle of Gaza in 312, and
after the loss of the battle, and the subsequent re-
treat of Demetrius, was left in command of Tyre.
He refused to surrender the city to Ptolemj', who,
however, obtained possession of it, but spared the
life of Andronicus, who fell into his hands. (Diod.
xix. G9, 8G.)

ANDRONTCUS (*Avdp6piKos), a Greek physi-
cian, mentioned by Galen (De Compos. Medicam.
.•'(■c. Locos, vii. 6, vol. xiii. p. 114) and Theodoms
Priscianus {Her. Medic, i, 18, ii. 1, 6, pp. 18, 37,
ed. Argent), who must therefore have lived some
time before the second century after Christ. No
other particulars are known respecting hira ; but it
may be remarked, that the Andronicus quoted
several times by Galen with the epithet Peripa-
tcticus or lihodius, is probably quite another person.
He is called by Tiraquellus [De Nobilitate, c. 31),
and after him by Fabricius (Bibl. Gr. vol. xiii. p.
62, ed. vet.), "Andronicus Ticianus," but this is a
mistake, as Andronicus and Titianus appear to
have been two different persons. [ W. A. G.]

ANDRO'NICUS {'AvSpoviKos), a Greek poet
and contemporary of the emperor Constantius,
about A. D. 3G0. Libanius [Epid. 75 ; comp.
De Vila Sua, p. 68) says, that the sweetness of his
])oetry gained him the favour of all the towns
(probably cf Egypt) as far as the Ethiopians, but
that the full development of his talents was
checked by the death of his mother and the mis-
fortune of his native town (Hermopolis ?). If he is
the same as the Andronicus mentioned by Photius
(Gxi. 279, p. 53G, a. Bekk.) as the author of dramas
and various other poems, he was a native of Her-
mopolis in Egypt, of which town he Avas decurio.
Themistius {Orat. xxix. p. 418, &c.), who speaks

ANDROSTHENES.
of a young poet in Egypt as the author of a
tragedy, epic poems, and dithyrambs, appear*
likewise to allude to Andronicus. In a. d, 359,
Andronicus, with several other persons in the east
and in Egypt, incurred the suspicion of indulging
in pagan practices. He was tried by Paulus,
whom the emperor had despatched for tlie purpose,
but he was found innocent and acquitted. (Am-
mian. !Marccllin. xix. 12.) No fragments of his
works are extant, with the exception of an epigram
in the Greek Anthology, (vii. 181.) [L. S.]

ANDRONI'CUS {'AvSpoviKos), of Rhodes, a
Peripatetic philosopher, who is reckoned as the
tenth of Aristotle's successors, was at the head of
the Peripatetic school at Rome, about b. c, 58, and
was the teacher of Boethus of Sidon, with whom
Strabo studied. (Strab. xiv. pp. 655, 757; Amnion.
in Aristot. Catcg. p. 8, a,, ed. Aid.) We know-
little more of the life of Andronicus, but he is of
special interest in the history of philosophy, from
the statement of Plutarch [Sidl. c. 2G), that he
published a new edition of the works of Aristotle
and Theophrastus, which formerly belonged to the
library of Apellicon, and were brought to Rome by
Sulla with the rest of Apellicon 's library in B.C. 84.
Tyrannio commenced this task, but apparently did
not do much towards it. (Comp. Porphyr. vit. Ple-
tiu. c. 24 ; Boethius, ad Aristot. de Interpret, p. 292,
ed. Basil. 1570.) The arrangement whicli Andro-
nicus made of Aristotle's writings seems to be the
one which forms the basis of our present editions ;
and we are probably indebted to him for the pre-
servation of a large number of Aristotle's works.

Andronicus wrote a work upon Aristotle, the
fifth book of which contained a complete list of the
philosopher's writings, and he also wrote commen-
taries upon the Physics, Ethics, and Categories.
None of these works is extant, for the imraphrase
of the Nicomachean Ethics, which is ascribed to
Andronicus of Rhodes, was written by some one
else, and may have been the work of Andronicus
Callistus of Thessalonica, who was professor at
Rome, Bologna, Florence, and Paris, in the latter
half of the fifteenth century. Andronicus Callistus
was the author of the work HtpJ WaQSiv, which is
also ascribed to Andronicus of Rhodes. The nepi
TiaQCjv was first published by Hoschel, Aug. Vin-
del. 1594, and the Paraphrase by Heinsius, as an
anonymous work, Lugd. Bat. 1 607, and afterwards
by Heinsius as the work of Andronicus of Rhodes,
Lugd. Bat. 1617, with the riepi na0coj/ attached to
it. The two works were printed at Cantab. 1679,
and Oxon. 1809. (Stahr, Aristotelia, ii. p. 129.)

ANDRO'NIDAS {' AvhpooAZas), was with Cal-
licrates the leader of the Roman party among the
Achaeans. In B. c. 146, he was sent by Metellus
to Diaeus, the commander of the Achaeans, to
offer peace ; but the peace was rejected, and An-
dronidas seized by Diaeus, who however released
him upon the payment of a talent. (Polyb.xxix. 10,
XXX. 20, xl. 4, 5.)

ANDRO'STHENES ('Av^poVflevTjs). ]. Of
Thasus, one of Alexander's admirals, sailed with
Nearchus, and was also sent by Alexander to ex-
plore thd coast of the Persian gulf. (Strab. xvi.
p. 766 ; Arrian, Anah. vii. 20.) He v.rote an
account of this voyage, and also a Ttjs ^Iv^acris
irapdirKovs. (Athen. iii. p. 93, b.) Compare Mar-
cian. Heracl. p. 63, Huds.; Theophr. de Cans. Plant.
ii. 5 ; Vossius, deHistor. Grace, p. 98, ed. Westet-
mann.

ANEMOTIS.

2. Of Cyziciis, left by Antiochus tlie Groat in
India, to convey the treasures promised him by
the Indian king Sophagasenus. (Polyb. xi. 34.)

3. Of Corinth, who defended Corinth against
the Romans in n. c. 198, and was defeated in the
following year by the Achaeans. (Liv. xxxii. 23 ;
xxxiii. 14, 15.)

4. Of Thossaly, called by Caesar the praetor of
the countrj' (by which he means merely the mili-
tary commander), shut the gates of Gomphi against
Caesar in B. c. 48, in consequence of the defeat at
Dvrrhachium. (Caes. D. C. iii. 80.)

'ANDRO'STHENES {'Av5po(Te4v7is), an Athe-
nian sculptor, the disciple of Eucadmus, completed
the figures supporting the roof of the temple of
Apollo at Delphi, which had been left unfinished
by Praxias. (Paus. x. 19. § 3.) The time when
lie lived is not exactly known ; it was probably
about 440. b. c. [P. S.]

ANDRO'TION ('AfSpoTW), an Athenian ora-
tor, was a son of Andron, a pupil of Isocrates, and
a contemporary of Demosthenes. (Suid. s. v.) To
which of the political parties of the time he be-
longed is uncertain ; but Ulpian (ad Demosth. c.
Ajidrot. p. 594) states, that he was one of the
leading demagogues of his time. He seems to
have been a particularly skilful and elegant speaker.
(Schol. ad Hermogen. p. 401.) Among the oiations
of Demosthenes there is one against our Androtion,
which Demosthenes delivered at the age of twenty-
seven (Gellius, XV. 28 ; Plut. Dem. 15), and in
which he imitated the elegant style of Isocrates
and Androtion. The subject of the speech is this:
Androtion had induced the people to make a pse-
phisma in a manner contrary to law or custom.
Euctemon and Diodorus came forward to accuse
him, and proposed that he should be disfmnchised,
partly for having proposed the illegal psephisma,
and parti}' for his bad conduct in other respects.
Demosthenes wrote the oration against Androtion
for Diodorus, one of the accusers, who delivered it.
( Liban. A rgnm. ad Demosth. A ndrot. ) The issue of
the contest is not known. The orations of Andro-
tion have perished, with the exception of a frag-
ment which is preserved and praised by Aristotle.
(Wid. iii. 4.) Some modern critics, such as Wes-
seling [ad Diod. i. 29), Coraes {ad Isoa-at. ii. p.
40), and Orelli {ad Isocrat. de Antid. p. 248), as-
cribe to Androtion the Eroticus which is usually
printed among the orations of Demosthenes ; but
tlieir arguments are not satisfactor}'. (VVestermann,
QiHient. Demosth. ii. p. 81.) There is an Androtion,
the author of an Atthis, whom some regard as the
sime person as the orator. (Zosim. Vit. Isocr. p.
xi. ed. Dind.) [L. S.j

ANDRO'TION ('Ai/SportW), the author of an
Atthis, or a work on the history of Attica, which
is frequently referred to by ancient writers. (Paus.
vi. 7. § 2, X. 8. § 1 ; Marcellin. Vit. Thuc. § 28 ;
Plut. Solon, c. 15, &c.) The fragments of this
work have been published with those of Philo-
chorus, by Siebelis, Lips. 1811. (Vossius, de Hist.
Graec. 386, ed. Westermann.)

ANDRO'TION {'AvSporiuv), a Greek writer
upon agriculture, who lived before the time of
Theophrastus. (Theophr. Hist Plant, ii. 8, de Cans,
riant, iii. 15 ; Athen. iii. pp. 75, d., 82, c; Varr.
Ii, i?. i. 1 ; Colura. i. 1 ; Plin. Eleiichus, lib. viii.,&c.)

ANDRUS. [Andreus.]

ANEMO'TIS ('Aj/f/xwTts), the subduer of the
winds, a surname of Athena under which she was

AXGERO>^A.

177

worshipped and had a temple at Mothone in Mc3-
sonia. It was believed to have been built b}'
Diomedos, because in consequence of his prayers
the goddess had subdued the storms which did in-
jury to the country. (Paus. iv. 35. § 5.) [L. S.J
ANERISTUS ('AfTjpjo-Tos), the son of Sper-
thias, a Lacedaemonian ambassador, who was sent
at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, b. c.
430, to solicit the aid of the king of Persia. He
was surrendered by the Athenians, together with
the other ambassadors who accompanied him, by
Sadocus, son of Sitalces, king of Thrace, taken to
Athens, and there put to death. (Herod, vii. 137 ;
Thuc. ii. 67.) The grandfather of Aneristus had
the same name. (Herod, vii. 134.)

ANER0ESTU6 or ANEROESTES ('A^V-
€o-Tos, 'Aj'77/306(rTi7s), king of the Gaesati, a Gallic
people between the Alps and the Rhone, who was
induced by the Boii and the Insubres to make war
upon the Romans. He accordingly invaded Italy
in B. c. 225, defeated the Romans near Faesulae,
but in his return home was intercepted by the con-
sul C. Atilius, who had come from Corsica. A
battle ensued near Pisae, in which the Gauls were
defeated with immense slaughter, but Atilius was
killed. Aneroestus, in despair, put an end to his
own life. (Polyb. ii. 22, 26, &c., 31 ; comp. Eutrop.
iii. 5 ; Oros. iv. 3 ; Zonaras, viii. 20.)

ANESIDO'RA ('Ai/TjcnScJ/ja), the spender of
gifts, a suniame given to Gaea and to Demeter,
the latter of Avhom had a temple under this name
at Phlius in Attica. (Paus. i. 31. § 2; Hesych.
s. v.; Plut. Sympos. p. 745.) [L. S.J

ANGE'LION, sculptor. [Tectaeus.J

A'NGELOS (''A77eAos). 1. A surname of
Artemis, under Avhich she was worshipped at
Syracuse, and according to some acconnts the ori-
ginal name of Hecate. (Hesych. s. v. ; SchoL ad
Tlieocrit. ii. 12.)

2. A son of Poseidon, whom, together with
Melas, he begot by a nymph in Chios. (Paus. viL
4. § 6.) [L. S.J

ANGERO'NA or ANGERO'NIA, a Roman
divinity, of whom it is difficult to form a distinct
idea, on account of the contradictory statements
about her. According to one class of passages she
is the goddess of anguish and fear, that is, the god-
dess who not only produces this state of mind, but
also relieves men from it. (Verrius Flacc. ap,
Macrob. Sat. i. 10.) Her statue stood in the
temple of Volupia, near the porta Romanula, close
by the Forum, and she was represented with her
mouth bound and sealed up {os obligatum et sig-
naticm, Macrob. /. c; Plin. H. N. iii. 9), which
according to Massurius Sabinus {ap. Macrob. Lc.)
indicated that those who concealed their anxiety
in patience would by this means attain the greatest
happiness. Hartung (Die Relig. d. R'6m. ii. p. 247)
interprets this as a symbolical suppression of cries
of anguish, because such cries were always unlucky
omens. He also thinks that the statue of the
goddess of anguish was placed in the temple of the
goddess of delight, to indicate that the latter should
exercise her intluence upon the former, and change
sorrow into joy. Julius ^lodestus (ap. Macrob.
I. c.) and Festus (s.v. Angeronae deae) give an his-
torical origin to the worship of this divinity, for
they say, that at one time men and beasts were
visited by a disease called angina, which disap-
peared as soon as sacrifices were vowed to Ange-
rona. (Comp. Orelli, Inscript. p. 87. No. 116.)

N

178

ANIANUS.

Other accounts state that Angerona was the god-
dess of silence, and that her worship was intro-
duced at Rome to prevent the secret and sacred
name of Rome being made known, or that Ange-
rona was herself the protecting divinity of Rome,
who by laying her finger on her mouth enjoined
men not to divulge the secret name of Rflme.
(Plin. /. c; Macrob. Sai. iii. 9.) A festival, An(/c-
ronalia, was celebx-ated at Rome in honour of
Angerona, every year on the r2th of December, on
which day the pontiffs offered sacrifices to her in
the temple of Volupia, and in the curia Acculeia.
( Varro, d« Ling. Lat. vL 23 ; Plin. and Macrob.
ILcc.) [L.S.]

ANGI'TIA or ANGUI'TIA, a goddess wor-
shipped by the Marsians and Marrubians, who
lived about the shores of the lake Fucinus. She was
believed to have been once a being who actually
lived in that neighbourhood, taught the people
remedies against the poison of serpents, and had
derived her name from being able to kill serpents
by her incantations (from angere or angiiis^ Serv.
ad A«n. vii. 750). According to the account given
by Servius, the goddess was of Greek origiw, for
Angitia, says he, was the name given by the Mar-
rubians to Medea, who after having left Colchis
came to Italy with Jason and taught the people
the above mentioned remedies. Silius It<ilicus
(viii. 498, &c.) identifies her completely with
^ledea. Her name occurs in several inscriptions
(Orelli, p. 87, No. 11 G; p. 335, No. 1846), in one of
which she is mentioned along with Angerona, and
in another her name appears in the plural fonn.
From a third inscription (Orelli, p. 87, No. 115) it
seems that she had a temple and a treasury be-
longing to it. The Silvia Angitia between Alba and
lake Fucinus derived its name from her. (Solin.
c 2.) [L. S.]

ANIA'NUS, the referendarius (Dufresne,
Gloss, s. r.) of Alaric the second, king of the Visi-
goths, and employed in that capacity to authenti-
cate with his subscription the official copies of the
JJreviurium. {Diet, of Ant. s. v. Breviarium.)
In his subscription he used the words Ankinus., vir
niiectabilvi subseripsi et edidi, and it is probable that,
from a misunderstanding of the word edidi, pro-
ceeded the common notion that he was the author
of the Romano-Gothic code, which has thence
sometimes been called Breviarium Aniani. The
subscription took place at Aire {Aduris) in Gas-
coigne, a. d. 506. (Silberrad, ad Heinec. Hist.
Jur. Germ. § 15.) Sigebert {de ecdenasiicis scrip-
ioribus, c. 70, cited by Jac. Godefroi, Prolegomena
in Cod. T/ieodos. § 5) says, that Anianus tmnslated
from Greek into Latin the work of Chrysostom
upon St. Matthew ; but respecting this, see the
following article. No. 2. [J. T. G.]

ANIA'NUS {'Aviavos). 1. An Egyptian monk,
who lived at the beginning of the 5th century after
Christ, and wrote a chronogmphy, in which, accord-
ing to Syncellus, he generally followed Eusebius,
but sometimes corrected errors made by that writer.
It is, however, very doubtful whether Anianus, on
the whole, surpassed Eusebius in accuracy. Syn-
cellus frequently finds fault with him. (Syncell.
Chronogr. pp.7, 16, 17, 34 — 36.)

2. Deacon of Celeda, in Italy, at the begin-
ning of the 5th century, a native of Campania,
was the anianuen«is of Pelagius, and himself
a warm Pelagian. He was present at the synod
of Diospolis (a. t>. 41 5), and wrote on the Pelogian

ANIUS.

controversy against Jerome. (Hieron. Epist. 81.)
He also translated into Latin the homilies of
Chrysostom on the Gospel of Matthew and on
the Apostle Paul, and Chrysostom's Letters to
Neophytes. Of all his works there are only extant
the translations of the first eight of Chrysostom's
homilies on Matthew, which are printed in Mont-
faucon's edition of Chrysostom. The rest of those
homilies were translated by Gregorius(orGeorgius)
Trapezuntius, but Fabricius regards all up to the
26th as the work of Anianus, but interpolated by
Gregory. {BiU. Graec. viii. p. 552, note.) Sigebert
and other writers attribute the translation of
Chrysostom to the jurist Anianus, who lived
under Alaric ; but this is a manifest error, since
the preface to the work is addressed to Orontius,
who was condemned for Pelagianism in the council
of Ephesus. (A. D. 431.) [P. S.J

ANICE'TUS. 1. A freedman of Nero, and
formerly his tutor, commanded the fleet at Misenum
in A. D. 60, and was employed by the emperor to
murder Agrippina. He was subsequently induced
by Nero to confess having committed adultery
with Octavia, but in consequence of his conduct in
this affair was banished to Sardinia, where he died.
(Tac. Ann. xiv. 3. 7, 8, 62; Dion Cass. Ixi. 13;
Suet. Ner. 35.)

2. A freedman of Polemo, who espoused the
party of VitelKus, and excited an insurrection
against Vespasian in Pontus, A. D. 70, It was
however put down in the same year, and Anicetus,
who had taken refuge at the mouth of the river
Cohibus, was surrendered by the king of the Sedo-
chezi to the lieutenant of Vespasian, and put to
death. (Tac. Hist. iii. 47, 48.)

3. A Greek grammarian, who appears to have
written a glossary. ( Athen. xL p. 783, c ; comp.
Alciphr. i. 28, with Bergler's note.)

ANI'CIA GENS. Persons of the name of
Anicius are mentioned first in the beginning of the
second century B. c. Their cognomen was GAiLtfs.
Those whose cognomen is not mentioned ai'e given
under Anicius.

ANI'CIUS. 1. Cn. Anicius, a legate of Paidlus
in the Macedonian war, B c. 168. (Liv. xliv. 46.)

2. T. Anicius, who said that Q. Cicero had
given him a commission to purchase a place in the
suburbs for him, B.c. 54. (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. iii. 1. § 7.)

3. C. Anicius, a senator and a friend of Cicero,
whose villa was near that of the latter. Cicero
gave him a letter of introduction to Q. Comificius
in Africa, when Anicius was going there with the
privilege of a legafio libera {Diet, of A nt. s.v. Legatus)
in B. c. 44. (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. ii. 19, ad Fam. vii.
26, xii. 21.)

ANI'GRIDES ("Avlypidfs), the nj-mphs of the
river Anigrus in Elis. On the coast of Elis, not
far from the mouth of the river, there was a grotto
sacred to them, which was visited by persons
afflicted with cutaneous diseases. They were cured
here by prayers and sacrifices to the nymphs, and
by bathing in the river. (Pans. v. 5. § 6 ; Strab.
viii. p. 346 ; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 880.) [L. S.]

A'NIUS {"AvLos), a son of Apollo by Creusa,
or according to others by Rhoeo, the daughter
of Staphylus, who when her pregnancy became
known was exposed by her angry father in a cliest
on the waves of the sea. The chest landed in
Delos, and when Rhoeo was delivered of a boy she
consecrated him to the service of Apollo, who en-
dowed him with prophetic powers. (DioJ. v, 62 ;

ANNA COMNENA.

Conon, Narrat. 41.) Anius had by Dryope
three daughters, Oeno, Spermo, and Ehiis, to whom
Dionysus gave the power of producing at will any
quantity of wine, corn, and oil, — whence they were
called Oenotropae. When the Greeks on their
expedition to Troy landed in Delos, Anius endeav-
oured to persuade them to stay with him for nine
years, as it was decreed by fivte that they should not
take Troy until the tenth year, and he promised
with the help of his three daughters to supply
them with all they wanted during that period.
(l'horec3'd, ap. Tzctz. ad Lycoph. otiO ; Ov. J\Id.
xiii. ()"J3, &c. ; comp. Pictys Cret. i. 23.) After
the fall of Troy, when Aeneas arrived in Delos, he
was kindly received by Anius (Ov. /. c; Virg. Aen.
iii. 80, with Servius), and a Greek tradition stated
that Aeneas married a daughter of Anius, of the
name of Lavinia, who was, like her father, endowed
with prophetic powers, followed Aeneas to Italy,
and died at Lavinium. (Dionys. Hal. i. 59 ; Aurel.
Vict. De Grig. Gent. Rom. 9 ; comp. Hartung, Die
Helig. d. Rom. i. p. 87.) Two other mythical per-
sonages, one a son of Aeneas by Lavinia, and the
other a king of Etruria, from whom the river Anio
derived its name, occur in Serv. ad Ae?i. iii. 80,
and Plut. Parallel. 40. [L. S.]

ANNA. [Anna Perenna.]

ANNA COMNE'NA ("Awa Kofivn^d), the
daughter of Alexis I. Comnenus, and the empress
Irene, was born in A. n. 1083. She was destined
to marry Constantino Ducas, but he died while she
was still a child ; and she was subsequently mar-
ried to Nicephorus Bryennius, a Greek nobleman
distinguished by birth, talents, and learning. Anna,
gifted by nature with beauty and rare talents, was
instructed in every branch of science, and she tells
us in the preface to her Alexias, that she was
thoroughly acquainted with Aristotle and Plato.
The vanity of a female philosopher was flattered
with the homages she received from the Greek
scholars and artists, and during a long period hers
and her husband's house wms the centre of the
arts and sciences of Constantinople. Her love for
her husband was sincere and founded upon real
esteem, and she and the empress tried, although in
vain, to persuade the dying Alexis to appoint
Lryennius his successor. The throne was inherit-
ed by John, the son of Alexis, (a. d. 1118.)
During his reign Anna persuaded IBryennius to
seize the crown ; but the conspiracy failed at the
moment of its execution, and Anna and Bryennius
were punished with exile and the confiscation of
the greater part of their property. Bryennius
died some time afterwards, and Anna regretted
his loss with deep and sincere affliction. During
her retirement from the world she composed her
"Alexias" ('AAe^tas).

This celebrated work is a biography of her
father, the emperor Alexis I. It is divided into
fifteen books. In the first nine she relates with
great prolixity the youth of Alexis, his exploits
against the Turks, Scljuks, and the Greek rebels
in Asia and Epeirus, his accession, and his wars
against the Normans in Epeirus. The tenth book
is remarkably interesting, containing the relation
of the transactions between Alexis and the
Western princes which led to the first crusade,
and the arrival of the Cnisaders fit Constantinople.
The following three contain the relations of Alexis
with the Crusaders who had then advanced into
Asia, and his last contest with the Norman Bo-

ANNA PERENNA. 17a

liemond, then prince of Antioch, in Greece and
Epeirus. In the fourteenth book are related the
successful wars of Alexis against the Turks after
th(;y had been weakened by the Crusaders ; and
in the fifteenth she gives a rather short relation of
the latter part of the reign of her father. This
division shews that she did not start from a his-
torical but merely from a biographical point of
view.

To write the life of a man like Alexis I. was a
difficult task for his daughter, and this difficulty
did not escape her sagacity. " If I praise Alexis,"
she says in the preface, " the world will accuse mo
of having paid greater attention to his glory than
to truth ; and whenever I shall be obliged to blame
some of his actions, I shall run the risk of being
accused of impious injustice." However, this self-
justification is mere mockery. Anna knew very
well what she would write, and far from deserving
the reproach of " impious injustice," she only de-
serves that of " pious injustice." The Alexias is
history in the form of a romance, — embellished
truth with two purposes, — that of presenting
Alexis as the Mars, and his daughter as the
Minerva of the Byzantines. Anna did not invent
facts, but in painting her portraits she always dips
her pencil in the colour of vanity. This vanity is
threefold, — personal, domestic, and national. Thus
Alexis is spotless ; Anna becomes an oracle ; the
Greeks are the first of all the nations, and the
Latins are wicked barbarians. Bohemond alone is
worthy of all her praise ; but it is said that she
Avas admired by, and that she admired in her turn,
the gallant prince of the Normans.

The style of the author is often affected and
loaded with false erudition ; unimportant details
are constantly treated with as much as and even
more attention than facts of high importance.
These are the defects of the work, but whoever
will take the trouble to discover and discard them,
will find the Alexias the most interesting and one
of the most valuable historical productions of the
Byzantine literature.

The editio princeps of the Alexias was publish-
ed by Hoelschelius, Augsburg, 1610, 4to. This
is only an abridgment containing the fifteen books
reduced to eight. The next is by Possinus, with
a Latin translation, Paris, 1651, fol. Du Cange
has written some valuable notes to the Alexias,
which are contained in the Paris edition of Cin-
namus. ( 1 670,fol.) The best edition is by Schopen
(2 vols. 8vo.), with a new Latin translation, Bonn,
1 839. The translation of Possinus is very bad.
The work was translated into French by Cousin
(le president), and a German translation is con-
tained in the first volume of the " Historische
Memoiren," edited by Fr. von Schiller. [W. P.]
ANNA PERENNA, a Roman divinit)-, the
legends about whom are related by Ovid (Fast. iiL
523, &c.) and Virgil. {Aen. iv.) According to
them she was a daughter of Belus and sister of
Dido. After the death of the latter, she fled from
Carthage to lUily, where she was kindly received
by Aeneas. Here her jealousy of Lavinia was
roused, and being warned in a dream by the spirit
of Dido, she fled and threw herself into the river
Numicius. Henceforth she was worshipped as the
nymph of that river under the name of Perenna,
for previously her name had simply been Anna,
A second story related by Ovid states, that when
the plcbs had seceded to the mons sacer and

n2

180

ANNIA GEKS.

were in want of food, there came from the neigh-
bouring Bovillae an aged woman of the name of
Anna, who distribnted cakes among the hungry
multitude, and after their return to the city the
grateful people built a temple to her. A third
story, likewise related by Ond, tells us that, when
Mars was in love with Minerva, he applied to the
aged Anna to lend him her assistance. She ap-
peared before him herself in the disguise of Minerva,
and when the god took hold of her veil and wanted
to kiss her, she laughed him to scorn. Ovid{Fast.
iii 6.}7, &c.) remarks that Anna Perenna was con-
sidered by some as Luna, by others as Themis,
and by others again as lo, the daeghter of Inachus,
or as one of the nymphs who brought up the infant
Jove. Now as Macrobius {Sat. i. \'2) states, that
at her festiral, which fell on the 15th of March,
and wns celebrated by the Romans with great joy
and merriment, the people prayed ui ammre peren-
nareqiw. commode liccat^ it seems clear that Anna
Perenna was originally an Italian divinity, who
was regarded as the giver of life, health, and
plenty, as the goddess whose powers were most
manifest at the return of spring when her festival
was celebrated. The identification of this goddess
with Anna, the sister of Dido, is undoubtedly of
late origin. (Hartung, Die Relig. d. Rum, ii. p.
229, &c.) [L. S.]

ANNAEUS CORNU'TUS. [Cornutls.J
ANNAEUS FLORUS. [Florus.]
ANNAEUS LUCA'NUS. [Lucanus.]
ANNAEUS MELLA. [Mella.]
ANNAEUS SE'NECA. [Seneca.]
ANNAEUS STA'TIUS. [Statius.]
ANNA'LIS, a cognomen of the Villia Gens,
which was first acquired by L. Villius, tnbune of
the plebs, in B. c. 179, because he introduced a law
fixing the year (anmis) at which it was allowable
for a person to be a candidate for the public offices.
(Liv. xl. 44.) The other persons of this name are :

1. Sex. ViLLirs (Annalis), a friend of Milo's
(Cic. ad Fam. ii. 6), probably the same as the Sex.
Annalis, of whom Quintilian speaks, (vi. 3. § 86.)

2. L. Villius Annalis, praetor in b. c. 43,
was proscribed by the triumvirs, and betraj-ed to
death by his son. He is probably the same as the
Ji. Villius L. F. Annalis mentioned in a letter of
Caelius to Cicero, a c. 51. (ad Fam. viii. 8.) His
eon was killed shortly afterwards in a drunken
brawl by the same soldiers who had killed his father.
(Appian, B. C. iv. 17; Val. Max. ix. 11. § 6.)

M. ANNEIUS, legate of M. Cicero during his
government in Cihcia, B. c. 51. Anneius appears
to have had some pecuniary dealings with the in-
habitants of Sardis, and Cicero gave him a letter of
introduction to the praetor Thermus, that the latter
might assist him in the matter. In Cicero's cam-
paign against the Parthians in B. c. 50, Anneius
commanded part of the Roman troops. (Cic. ad
Fam. xiii. 55, 57, xv. 4.)

A'NNIA. 1. The wife of L. Cinna, who died
B. c. 84, in his fourth consulship. She afterwards
married M. Piso Calpurnianus, whom Sulla com-
pelled to divorce her, on account of her previous
connexion with his enemy Cinna. (Veil. Paterc.
ii. 41.)

2. The wife of C. Papius Celsus, and the mo- i
ther of Milo, the contemporary of Cicero. [MiLO.J j

ANNIA GENS, plebeian, was of considerable j
antiquity. The first person of this name whom
Livy mentions, is the Latin praetor L. Annius of J

ANNICERIS.

Setia, a Roman colony, (b. c. 340.) [Annius
No. 1.] The cognomens of this gens under the
republic are : Asellus, Bellienus, Cimber,
Luscus, jNIilo. Those who have no cognomen
are given under Annius.

According to Eckhel (v. p. 134), the genuine
coins of the Annii have no cognomen upon them.
The one figured below, which represents the head

of a woman, and on the reverse Victory drawn by
a quadrijra, with the inscriptions C. Anni. T. F.
T. N. Procos. Ex. S. C. and L. Fabi. L. F. Hi(sp).
is supposed to refer to C. Annius, who fouglit
against Sertorius in Spain. [Annius, No, 7.] It
is imagined that L. Fabius may have been tho
quaestor of Annius, but nothing is known for cer-
tain.

T. ANMA'NUS, a Roman poet, lived in the
time of Trajan and Hadrian, and was a friend of
A. Gellius, who cays that he was acquainted with
ancient litemture. Among other things, he ap-
pears to have written Fcsccnnine verses, (Gell. vii.
7, ix, 10, XX, 8.)

A'NNIBAL. [Hannibal.]
ANNl'CERIS {'Auv'iKepis), a Cyrcnaic philoso-
pher [Aristii'PUs], of whom the ancients have
left us very vague and contradictory accounts. He
is said to have ransomed Plato for 20 minae from
Dionysius of Syracuse (Diog. Laert, ii. 8G) ; but
we read, on the other hand, that he was a disciple
of Paraebates, whose succession from Aristippus in
the order of discipleship was as follows : — Aristip-
pus, Arete, Aristippus the younger, Antipater,
Epitiraedes, Paraebates. Plato, however, was con-
temporary with the first Aristippus, and therefore
one of the above accounts of Anniccris must bo
false. Hence Menage on Laertius (/. c.) and
Kuster on Suidas (s. v.) have supposed that there
were two philosophers of the name of Anniceris,
the one contemporary with Plato, the other with
Alexander the Great. If so, the latter is the one
of whose system some notices have reached us,
and who forms a link between the Cyrenaic and
Epicurean schools. He was opposed to Epicurus
in two points: (1) he denied that pleasure Avas
merely the absence of pain, for if so death would
be a pleasure ; and (2) he attributed to every
separate act a distinct object, maintaining that
there was no geneml end of human life. In both
these statements he reasserted the principle of
Aristippus. But he diifered from Aristippus, inas-
much as he allowed that friendship, patriotism,
and similar virtues, were good in themselves ; say-
ing that the wise man will derive pleasure from
such qualities, even though they cause him occa-
sional trouble, and that a friend should be chosen
not only for our own need, but for kindness and
natural affection. Again he denied that reason
(o \6yos) alone can secure us from error, main-
taining that haUt (dvKOi^ecrdai) was also necessary.
(Suidas and Diog, Laerf, /, c; Clem. Alex. Strom.
ii, p, 41 7 ; Bnicker, Hist. Grit. Phil, ii, 3 ; Ritter,
Geschidite der Phd. vii, 3.) Aelian ( V. H. ii, 27)

ANTAEUS.

says, that Anniceris (probably the elder of the
tfvo) was distinguished for his skill as a cha-
rioteer. [G. E. L. C]

A'NNIUS. 1. L. Annius, of Setia, a Roman
colony, was praetor of the Latins, b. c. 340, at tlie
time of the great Latin war. He was sent as fim-
bassador to Rome to demand for the Latins perfect
equality with the Romans. According to the Ro-
man story, he dared to say, in the capitol, that he
defied the Roman Jupiter; and as he hurried
down the steps of the temple, he fell from the top
to the bottom, and was taken up dead. (Liv. viii.
3-6.)

•2. Annius, a freedman, the father of Cn. Fla-
vius, who was curule aedile in B. c. 304. (Gell. vi.
9 ; Liv. ix. 46.)

3. T. Annius, a triumvir for founding colonies
in Cisalpine Gaul, was obliged by a sudden rising
of the Boii to take refuge in Mutina, B. c. 218.
(Liv. xxi. 25.)

4. Annius, a Campanian, who is said to have
been sent as ambassador to Rome after th« battle
of Cannae, a. c. 216, to demand that one of the
consuls should henceforth be a Campanian. (Val.
Max. vi. 4. § 1; Liv. xxiii. 6, 22.)

5. L. Annius, tribune of the plebs, B.C. 110,
attempted with P. Lucullus to continue in office
the next year, but was resisted by his other col-
leagues. (Sail. Jug. 37.)

6. P. Annius, tribune of the soldiers, was the
murderer of M. Antonius, the orator, in B. c. 87,
and brought his head to Marius. (Val. Max. ix. 2.
§2; Appian, £. C. i. 72.)

7. C. Annius, sent into Spain by Sulla about
a c. 82 against Sertorius, whom he compelled to
retire to Nova Carthago. (Plut. Sertor. 7.)

8. Q. Annius, a senator, one of Catiline's con-
spirators, B. c. 63. He was not taken with Cethe-
giis and the others, and we do not know his future
tate. (Sail. Cat. 17, 50 ; comp. Q. Cic. dePet. C. 3.)

A'NNIUS BASSUS. [Bassus.]
A'NNIUS FAUSTUS. [Faustus.]
A'NNIUS GALLUS. [Gall us.]
A'NNIUS PO'LLIO. [Pollio.]
ANSER, a friend of the triumvir M. Antonius,
and one of the detractors of Virgil. Ovid calls
him procax. ( Virg. Ed. ix. 36 ; Serv. ad loc. et ad
Ed. vii. 21 ; Prop. ii. 25. 84 ; Ov. 7m/. ii. 435 ;
Cic. Philipp. xiii. 5 ; Weichert, Foetar. Lat. Reli-
quiae, p. 160, &c., L?ps. 1830.)

ANTAEA ("Ai/Tata), a surname of Demeter,
Rhea, and Cybele, probably signifies a goddess
whom man mav approach in prayers. (Orph. Hymn.
40. 1 ; Apollon. i. 1 141 ; Hesych. s. r.) [L. S.]
ANTAEUS ('AvTaros). 1. A son of Poseidon
and Ge, a mighty giant and wrestler in Libya,
whose strength was invincible so long as he re-
mained in contact with his mother earth. The
strangers who came to his country were compelled
to M'restle with him ; the conquered were slain, and
out of their skulls he built a house to Poseidon.
Heracles discovered the source of his strength,
lifted him up from the earth, and crushed him in
the air. (Apollod. ii. 5. § 11 ; Hygin. Vah. 31;
Diod. iv. 17; Pind. Uthn. iv. 87, &c. ; Lucan,
Pluirsul. iv. 590, &c.; Juven. iii. 89 ; Ov. lb. 397.)
The tomb of Antaeus {Antaei col/is), which formed
a moderate hill in the shape of a man stretched out
at full length, was shewn near the town of Tingis
m Mauretania down to a late period (Strab. xvii.
p. 829 i P. Mela, iii. 10. § 35, &c.), and it was be-

ANTALCIDAS.

181

lieved that whenever a portion of the earth cover-
ing it was taken away, it rained until the hole was
filled up again. Sertorius is said to have opened
the grave, but when he found the skeleton of sixty
cubits in length, he was struck with horror and had
it covered again immediately. (Strab. /. c; Plut.
Sertor. 9.)

2. A king of Irasa, a town in the territory of
Cyrene, who was sometimes identified by the an-
cients with the giant Antaeus. He had a daughter
Alceis or Barce, whom he promised to him who
should conquer in the foot race. The prize was
won by Alexidamus. (Pind. Pt/th. ix. 183, &c.,
with the Schol.) A third personage of this name
occurs in Virg. Aen. x. 561 . [L. S.]

ANTA'GORAS {'Avrayopas), of Rhodes, a
Greek epic poet who flourished about the year
B. c. 270. He was a friend of Antigonus Gonatas
and a contemporary of Aratus. (Pans. i. 2. § 3 ;
Plut. Apophth. p. 182, E, Sympos. iv. p. 668, c.)
He is said to have been very fond of good living,
respecting which Plutarch and Athenaeus (viii.
p. 340, &c.) relate some facetious anecdotes.
Antagoras wrote an epic poem entitled Tkebais.
(eT)§ab, Vila Arati, pp. 444, 446, ed. Buhle.)
This poem he is said to have read to the Boeotians,
to whom it appeared so tedious that they could not
abstain from yawning. (Apostol. Proverb. Cent.
v. 82 ; Maxim. Confess, ii. p. 580, ed. Combefisius.)
He also composed some epigrams of which speci-
mens are still extant. (Diog. Laert. iv. 26;
Anthol. Graec. ix. 147.) [L. S.]

ANTA'LCIDAS ('Ai/Ta\/ci5a$), the Spartan,
appears to have been one of the ablest politicians
ever called forth by the emergencies of his country,
an apt pupil of the school of Lysander, and, like
him, thoroughly versed in the arts of courtly diplo-
macy. His father's name, as we learn from PIu-
tai-ch {Artar. p. 1022, a.), was Leou— the same,
possibly, Avho is recorded by Xenophon {Hell. ii.
3. § 10) as Ephor iKcuvvfios in the fourteenth year
of the Peloponnesian war. At one of the most
critical periods for Sparta, when, in addition to a
strong confederacy against her of Grecian states
assisted by Persian money, the successes of Phar-
nabazus and Conon and the restoration of the long
walls of Athens appeared to threaten the re-esta-
blishment of Athenian dominion, Antalcidas was
selected as ambassador to Tiribazus, satrap of
western Asia, to negotiate through him a peace for
Sparta with the Persian king, B. c. 393. {Hell. iv.
8. § 12.) Such a measure would of course deprive
Athens and the hostile league of their chief re-
sources, and, under the pretext of general peace
and independence, might leave Sparta at liberty to
consolidate her precarious supremacy among the
Greeks of Europe. The Athenians, alarmed at
this step, also despatched an embassy, with Conon
at its head, to counteract the efforts of Antalcidas,
and deputies for the same purpose accompanied
them from Thebes, Argos, and Corinth. In con-
sequence of the strong opposition made by these
states, Tiribazus did not venture to close with
Sparta without authority from Artaxerxes, but he
secretly furnished Antalcidas with money for a
navy, to harass the Athenians and their allies, and
drive them into wishing for the peace. iSIoreover,
he seized Conon, on the pretext that he had un-
duly used the king's forces for the extension of
Athenian dominion, and threw him into prison.
[Conon.] Tiribazus was detained at court by tha

182 ANTALCIDAS.

king, to whom he had gone to give a report of his
measures, and was superseded for a time in his
satrapy by Strathas, a warm friend of Athens.
The war therefore continued for some years ; but
in B. c. 388 the state of affairs appeared to give
promise of success if a fresh negotiation with Per-
sia were attempted. Tiribazus had returned to
his former government, Pharnabazus, the opponent
of Spartan interests, had gone up to the capital to
marry Aparaa, the king's daughter, and had en-
trusted his government to Ariobarzanes, with
whom Antalcidas had a connexion of hospitality
(^euos €/c iraXouov). Under these circumstances,
Antalcidas was once more sent to Asia both as
commander of the fleet (vavapxos), and ambassador.
{Hell. V. 1. § 6, 28.) On his arrival at Ephesus,
he gave the charge of the squadron to Nicolochus,
as his lieutenant (iiriaToKevs), and sent him to aid
Abydus and keep Iphicrates in check, while he
himself went to Tiribazus, and possibly proceeded
with him * to the court of Artaxerxcs on the more
important business of his mission. In this he was
completely successful, having prevailed on the king
to aid Sparta in forcing, if necessary, the Athenians
and their allies to accede to peace on the terms
which Persia, acting under Spartan influence,
should dictate. On his return however to the sea-
coast, he received intelligence that Nicolochus was
blockaded in the harbour of Abydus by Iphicrates
and Diotimus. lie accordingly proceeded by land
to Abydus, whence he sailed out with the squad-
ron by night, having spread a report that the
Chalcedonijms had sent to him for aid. Sailing
northward, he stopped at Percope, and when the
Athenians had passed that place in fancied pursuit
of him, he returned to Abydus, where he hoped to
be strengthened by a reinforcement of twenty ships
from Syracuse and Italy. But hearing that Thra-
Bybulus (of Colyttus, not the hero of Phyle) was
advancing from Thrace with eight ships to join the
Athenian fleet, he put out to sea, and succeeded
by a stratagem in capturing the whole squadron.
{Ilell. v. 1. § 2.5-*27; Polj'aen. ii. 4, and Schneider
in loc. Xcn.) He was soon after joined by the ex-
pected ships from Sicily and Italy, by the fleet of
all the Ionian towns of which Tiribazus was mas-
ter, and even by some which Ariobarzanes fur-
nished from the satrapy of Phaniabazus. Antal-
cidas thus commanded the sea, which, together
with the annoyance to which Athens was exposed
from Aegina (llell. v. 1. 1 — 24), made the Athe-
nians desirous of peace. The same wish being also
strongly felt by Sparta and Argos (see the several
reasons in Xen. HeU. v. 1. $ 29), the summons of
Tiribazus for a congress of deputies from such
states as might be willing to listen to tlie terms
proposed by the king, was gladly obeyed by all,
and the satrap then read to them the royal decree.
This famous document, drawn up with a sufficient
assumption of imperial majesty, ran thus : " Arta-
xerxes the king thinks it just that the cities in
Asia should belong to himself, as well as the is-
lands Clazomenae and Cyprus ; but that the other
Grecian cities, both small and great, he should
leave independent, except Leranos and Imbros and
Scyros ; and that these, as of old, should belong to
the Athenians. But whichever party receives not

* If we may infer as much from the expression
which Xcnophon afterwards uses (v. i. 25), 'O Se
AvToX/ciSos Kare'STj jxkv fj-erd TipiSd^ov, k. t. A.

ANTANDER.

this peace, against them will I war, Avith such as
accede to these terms, both by land and by sea,
both with ships and with money." {Hell. v. 1.
§ 31.) To these terms all the parties concerned
readily acceded, if we except a brief and ineffectual
delay on the part of Thebes and the united govern-
ment of Argos and Corinth {Hell. v. 1. § 32—34);
and thus was concluded, B. c. 387, the famous
peace of Antalcidas, so called as being the fruit of
his masterly diplomacy. That the peace effectually
provided for the interests of Sparta, is beyond a
doubt {Hell. v. 1. §36); that it was cordially
cherished by most of the other Greciau states as a
sort of bulwark and charter of freedom, is no less
certain. {Hdl. vi. 3. §§ 9, 12, 18, vi. 5. § 2 ; Paus.
ix. 1.) On the subject of the peace, see Thirl wall,
Gr. Hist, vol iv. p. 445 ; Mitford, ch. 25. sec. 7,
ch. 27. sec. 2.

Our notices of the rest of the life of Antalcidas
are scattered and doubtful. From a passing allu-
sion in the speech of Callistratus the Athenian
{Hell. vi. 3. § 12), we learn that he was then
(b. c. 371) absent on another mission to Persia.
Alight this have been with a view to the negotia-
tion of peace in Greece (see Hell. vi. 3), and like-
wise have been connected with some alarm at the
probable interest of Timotheus, son of Conon, at
the Persian court? (See Diod. xv. 50; Dom.
c. Timoth. p. 1191; Thirhvall, vol. v. p. 63.) Plu-
tarch again {Ages. p. 613, e.) mentions, as a state-
ment of some persons, that at the time of the in-
vasion of Laconia by Epaminondas, b. c. 369,
Antalcidas was one of the ephors, and that, fearii:g
the capture of Sparta, he conveyed his children for
safety to Cythera. The same author informs us
{Arlaa\ p. 1022, d.), that Antalcidas was sent to
Persia for supplies after tho defeat at Leuctra, B. c.
371, and was coldly and superciliously received by
the king. If, considering the general looseness of
statement which pervades this portion of Plutarch,
it were allowable to set the date of this mission
after the invasion of 369, we might possibly con-
nect with it the attempt at pacification on the side
of Persia in 368. {Hell. vii. 1. § 27; Diod. xv. 70.)
This would seem indeed to be inconsistent with
Plutarch's account of the treatment of Antalcidas
by Artaxcrxes ; but that might perhaps be no
overwhelming objection to our hypothesis. (See,
however, Thirhvall, vol. v. p. 123, and note.) If
the embassy in ijuestion took phice immediately
after the battle of Leuctra, the anecdote {Ages.
613, e.) of the ephoralty of Antalcidas in 369 of
course refutes what Plutarch {Artaa;. 1022, d.)
would have us infer, that Antalcidas was driven to
suicide by his failure in Persia and the ridicule of
his enemies. But such a story is on other grounds
intrinsically improbable, and savours much of the
period at which Plutarch wrote, when the conduct
of some later Romans, miscalled Stoics, had served
to give suicide the character of a fashionable re-
source in cases of distress and perplexity. [E. E.]
ANTANDER ("'AfxavSpos), brother of Agatho-
cles, king of Syracuse, was a commander of the
troops sent \>y the Syracusans to the relief of Cro
tona when besieged by the Brutii in B. c. 317.
During his brother's absence in Africa (b. c, 310),
he was left together with Erymnon in command of
Syracuse, and wished to surrender it to Hamilcar.
He appears, however, to have still retained, or at
least regained, tiie confidence of Agathocles, for he
is mentioned afterwards as the instrument of Ins

ANTENOR.
brother's cruelty. (Diod. xix. 3, xx. 16, 72.)
Antander was the autlior of an historical work,
which Diodorus quotes. {Edc xxi. 12, p. 492, ed.
Wess.)

ANTEIA CAvT(ia), a daughter of the Lycian
king lobates, and wife of Proetus of Argos, by
whom she became the mother of Maera. (ApoUod.
ii. 2. § 1 ; Horn. //. vi. 160 ; Eustath, ad I Join. p.
1688.) The Greek tragedians call the wife of
Proetus Stheneboea. Respecting her love for
Bellerophontes, see Belliirophontes. [L. S.]

ANTEIAS or ANTI AS ('Avre/as or 'Aj/t/os),
one of the three sons of Odysseus by Circe, from
whom tlie town of Antek in Italy was believed to
have derived its name. (Dionys. Hal. i. 72 ; Steph.
Byz. s. V. ''Ain-eja.) [L. S.]

P. ANTEIUS was to have had the province of
Svria in a. d. 56, but was detained in the city by
Nero. He was hated by Nero on account of his
intimacy with Agrippina, and was thus compelled
to put an end to his own life in A. d. 57. (Tac.
Ann. xiii. 22, xvi. 14.)

ANTENOR ('Ai/Triwp), a Trojan, a son of
Aesyetes and Cleomestra, and husband of Theano,
by whom he had many children. (Horn. //. vi.
398 ; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 349.) According to the
Homeric account, he was one of the wisest among
the elders at Troy, and received Menelaus and
Odysseus into his house when they came to Tro)"^
as ambassadors. {II. iii. 146, &c., 203, &c.) He
also advised his fellow-citizens to restore Helen to
Menelaus. {IL vii. 348, &c.) This is the sub-
stance of all that is said about him in the Homeric
poems ; but the suggestion contained therein, that
Antenor entertained a friendly disposition towards
the Greeks, has been seized upon and exaggerated
by later writers. Before the Trojan war, he is
said to have been sent by Priam to Greece to claim
the surrender of Hesione, who had been carried off
by the Greeks ; but this mission was not followed
by any favourable result. (Dares Phrj-g. 5.) When
Menelaus and Odysseus came to Troy, they would
have been killed by the sons of Priam, had it not
been for the protection which Antenor afforded them.
(Diet. Cret. i. 11.) Just before the taking of Troy
his friendship for the Greeks assumes the character
of treachery towards his own country ; for when
sent to Agamemnon to negotiate peace, he devised
with him and Odysseus a plan of delivering the
citv, and even the palladium, into their hands.
(Diet. Cret. iv. 22, v. 8 ; Serv. ad Aen. i. 246, 651,
ii. 15; Tzetzps, ad Lycophr. 339; Suidas, s. v.
vaXKddiou.) When Troy was plundered, the skin
of a panther was hung up at the door of Antenor's
house, as a sign for the Greeks not to commit anj'
outrage upon it. (Schol. ad Find. Pyth. v. 1 08 ; Pans.
X. 17 ; Strab. xiii. p. 608.) His history after tliis
event is related differently. Dictys (v. 1 7 ; comp.
Serv. ad Aen. ix. 264) states, that he founded a
new kingdom at Troy upon and out of the rem-
nants of the old one ; and according to others, he
embarked with Menelaus and Helen, was carried
to Libya, and settled at Gyrene (Pind. Pyih. v.
110) ; or he went with the Heneti to Thrace, and
thence to the western coast of the Adriatic, where
the foundation of several towns is ascribed to him.
(Strab. I.e.; Serv. ad Aen. i. 1 ; Liv. i. 1.) An-
tenor with his family and his house, on which the
panther's skin was seen, was painted in the Lesche
at Delphi. (Pans. I. c.) [L. S.]

ANTE'NOR {"AvTrjvwp), the son of Euphranor,

ANTHEAS.

183

an AtheHian scidptor, made the first bronze statues
of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, which the Athe-
nians set up in the Cerameicus. (b. c. 509.) These
statues were carried off to Susa by Xerxes, and
their place was supplied by others made either by
Callias or by Praxiteles. After the conquest of
Persia, Alexander the Great sent the statues back
to Athens, where they were again set up in the
Cerameicus. (Paus. i. 8. § 5 ; Arrian. Anub. iii.
16, vii. 19; Plin. xxxiv. 9; t6. 19. § 10 ; Bockh,
Corp. hiscrip. ii. p. 340.) The return of the
statues is ascribed by Pausanias (/. c.) to one of
the Antiochi, by Valerius Maximus (ii. 10, ext.
§ 1) to Seleucus ; but the account of Arrian, that
they were returned by Alexander, is to be pre-
ferred. (See also Meursii Pisistrat. 14.) [P. S.]

ANTE'NOR ('A>'T7jj/(Mp), a Greek writer of un-
certain date, wrote a work upon the history of Crete,
which on account of its excellence was called
AeAra, inasmuch as, says Ptolemy Hephaestion
{up. Phot. Cod. 190, p. 151, b. Bekk.), the
Cretans called that which is good AfKrov. (Aelian,
//. N. xvii. 35 ; Plut. de Mai. Herod, c. 32.)

ANTENO'RIDES ('AvTTjropt'STjs), a patronymic
from Antenor, and applied to his sons and descend-
ants. (Virg. Aen. vi, 484; Hom. //. xi. 221.)
At Cyrene, where Antenor according to some ac-
counts had settled after the destruction of Troy,
the Antenoridae enjoyed heroic honours. (Pind.
Prjth. V. 108.) [L. S.]

ANTEROS. [Eros.]

ANTEVORTA, also called PORRIMA or
PRORSA (Ov. Fast. i. 633; Gell. xvi. 16), toge-
ther with Postvorta, are described either as the
two sisters or companions of the Roman goddess
Carmenta. (Ov. Z. c; Macrob. ;Sa<. i. 7.) It seems
to be clear, from the manner in which Macrobius
speaks of Antevorta and Postvorta, that originally
they were only two attributes of the one goddess
Carmenta, the former describing her knowledge of
the future and the latter that of the past, analogous
to the two-headed Janus. But that in later times
Antevorta and Postvorta were regarded as two dis-
tinct beings, companions of Carmenta, or as two
Cannentae, is expressly said by Varro {ap. Gell.
I. c), Ovid, and Macrobius. According to Varro,
who also says, that they had two altars at Rome,
they were invoked by pregnant women, to avert
the dangers of child-birth. [L. S.]

ANTHAEUS {^KvQaios) or Antaeus, a physi-
cian, whose ridiculous and superstitious remedy
for hydrophobia is mentioned by Pliny. {H. iV.
xxviii. 2.) One of his prescriptions is preserved
by Galen. {De Compos. Mcdicam. see. Locos, iv. 8.
vol. xii. p. 764.) Nothing is known of the events
of his life, but, as Pliny mentions him, he must
have lived some time iu or before the first century
after Christ. [W.A.G.]

ANT HAS {*Av0ds), a son of Poseidon and Al-
cyone, the daughter of Atlas. He was king of
Troezen, and believed to have built the town of
Antheia, and according to a Boeotian tradition, the
town of Anthedon also. Other accounts stated, that
Anthedon derived its name from a nvmph Anthedon.
(Paus. ii. 30. § 7, &c., ix. 22. § 5.') [L. S.]

A'NTHEAS LI'NDIUS {"Audeas), a Greek
poet, of Lindus in Rhodes, flourished about B.C.
596. He was one of the earliest eminent composers of
phallic songs, which he himself sung at the head of
his phallophori. (Athen, x. p. 445.) Hence he
is rwiked by Athenaeus (/. c.) as a comic poet, but

1«4

ANTHES.

this is not precisely correct, since he lived before
the period when coined}' assumed its proper form.
It is well observed by Bode {Dram. Dichtkunst.
ii. p. 16), that Antheas, with his comus of phallo-
phori, stands in the same relation to comedy as
Arion, with his dithyrambic chorus, to tragedy.
(See also Dkt.of Ant. s. v. Comoedia.) [P. S.]
ANTHEDON. [Anthas.]
ANTHEIA ("Aj/fleja), the blooming, or the
friend of flowers, a surname of Hera, under which
she had a temple at Argos. Before this temple
was the mound under which the women were bu-
ried who had come with Dionysus from the Aegean
islands, and had fallen in a contest with the Ar-
gives and Perseus. (Paus. ii. 22. § 1.) Antheia
was used at Gnossus as a surname of Aphrodite.
(Hesych. s. v.) [L. S.]

ANTHE'LII i^kv^KlOl SatVoi/6s), certain di-
vinities whose images stood before the doors of
houses, and were exposed to the sun, whence they
derived their name. (Aeschyh Jy«7H. 530; Lobeck,
ud Soph Ajac. 805.) [L. S.]

ANTHE'MIUS, emperor of the West, remark-
able for his reign exhibiting the last effort of the
Esistern empire to support the sinking fortunes of
the Western. He was the son of Procopius, and
son-in-lav/ of the emperor Marcian, and on Kicimer
applying to the eastern emperor Leo for a successor
to Majorian in the west, he was in a. d. 4G7
named for the office, in which he was confirmed
at Rome. His daughter was married to Ricimer ;
but a quarrel arising between Anthemius and
Ricimer, the latter acknowledged Olybrius as em-
peror, and laid siege to Rome, which he took by
storm in 473. Anthemius perished in the assault.
His private life, which seems to have been good,
is given in the panegyric upon him by Sidonius
ApoUonius, whom he patronized ; his public life in
Jornandes (delieb. Get. c. 45), ^larcellinus {Chron.\
and Theophanes (p. 101). See Gibbon, Decline
and Fall c. 30. [A. P. S.]

ANTHE'MIUS ('Avfleynios), an eminent mathe-
matician and architect, bom at Tralles, in Lydia,
in the sixth century after Christ. His father's
name was Stephanus, who was a physician (Alex.
Trail, iv. 1, p. 198); one of his brothers was the
celebrated Alexander Trallianus ; and Agathias
mentions {Hist. v. p. 149), that his three other
brothers, Dioscorus, ^letrodorus, and Olyrapius,
Avere each eminent in their several professions.
He was one of the architects employed by the
emperor Justinian in the building of the church of
St. Sophia, A. D. 532 (Procop. in Combefis. Afanip.
Rerum CPol. p. 284; Agath. Hist. v. p. 149,
&c. ; Du Cange, CFolis Christ, lib. iii. p. 11;
Anselm. Bandur. ad Aniiq. CPol. p. 772), and
to him Eutocius dedicated his Commentary on
the Conica of ApoUonius. A fragment of one of
his mathematical works was published at Paris,
4to. by M. Dupuy, 1777, with the title "Frag-
ment d^m Ouvrage Grec d'Anthemius sur des
'Paradoxes de Mecanique;' revu et corrige sur
quatre Manuscrits, avec une Traduction Frantjoise
et des Notes." It is also to be found in the forty-
second volume of the Hist, de VAcud. des Jnscr.
178(), pp. 72, 392—451. [W. A. G,]

ANTHERMUS, sculptor. [Bci-alus.]
ANTHES (''A»'077s), probably only another form
of Anthas. It occurs in Stephanus Byzantius,
who calls him the founder of Anthane in Laconia;
and in Plutarch {Quaest. Gr. 19) who says, that

ANTIAS.

the island of Calauria was originally called, after-
him, Anthedonia. [L. S.]

ANTHEIJS ("Ai/06u's), the blooming, a surname
of Dionysus. (Paus. vii. 21. § 2.) Anthius, a sur-
name which Dionysus bore at Athens, is probably
only a different form for Antheus. (Paus. i. 31. §2.)
There are also two fabulous personages of this
name. (Hj-gin. F'J). 157; Virg. Aen. i. 181, 510,
xii. 443.) [L. S.j

ANTHEUS, a Greek sculptor of considerable
reputation, though not of first-rate excellence,
flourished about 180 b. c. (Plin. xxxiv. 1 9, where
Antheus is a correction for the common reading
Antaeus.) [P. S.]

ANTHIA'NUS (ANTHUS?), FURIUS, a
Roman jurisconsult, of uncertain date. He was
probably not later than Severus Alexander. He
wrote a work upon the Edict, which in the Floren-
tine Index to the Digest is entitled ^lepos e5/«Tcu
fii€\ia 7re/'Te, but there are only three extracts
made from it in the Digest, and all of these are
taken from the first book. This has led many to
hold that the compilers of the Digest possessed
only an imperfect copy of his work. (P. I. Besier,
Diss, de Furio Anthiano^ J. C. ej usque /'raamentis.
Lug. Bat. 1803.) [J. T. G.]

A'NTHIMUS ("Aveinos), bishop of Trapezus
in Pontus, was made patriarch of Constantinople
by the iutluence of the empress Theodora (a. d.
535), and about the same time was drawn over to
the Eutychian heresy by Severus. Soon after his
election to the patriarchate, Agapetus, the bishop
of Rome, came to Constantinople, and obUiined
from the emperor Justinian a sentence of deposi-
tion against Anthimus, which was confinncd by a
synod held at Constantinople under Mennas, the
successor of Anthimus. (a. d. 536 ; Novell. 42 ;
Mansi, Nova Collect. Condi, viii. pp. 821, 869,
1149-1158; Labbe, v. ; Agapetus.) Some frag-
ments of the debate between Anthimus and Aga-
petus in the presence of Justiniiui are preserved in
the Acts of the Councils. [P- S-]

ANTHIPPUS {"AvdnnTos), a Greek comic poet,
a play of whose is cited by Athenaeus (ix. p. 403),
v/here, however, we ought perhaps to read Ava^iir^
•n<fi. [Anaxippus.J [P. S.]

ANTHUS C'Ai'Oos), a son of Autonous and
Ilippodameia, who was torn to pieces by the horses
of his father, and was meUmiorphosed into a bird
which imitated the neiglung of a horse, but always
fled from the sight of a horse. (Anton. Lib. 7 ;
Plin. //. N. X. 57.) [L. S.j

A'NTIA GENS, of which the cognomens are
Briso and Rkstio, seems to have been of con-
siderable antiquity. The only person of this name,
who has no cognomen, is Sp. Antius.

ANTIANEIRA ('Ai/T.ai/etpa). 1. The mother
of the Argonaut Idmon by Apollo. (Orph. Arp.
187.) The scholiast on ApoUonius Rhodius (i.
139), however, calls Asteria the mother of Idmon.

2. A daughter of Menelaus, and motlier of the
Argonauts Eurytus and Echiones, whom she bore
to Hermes. (ApoUon. Rhod. i. 56 ; llvgin. Fab,
14.) ^ ^ ^[L.S.]

A'NTIAS, a cognomen of the Valeria Gens,
derived from the Roman colony of Antium.

1. L. Valerius Antias, was sent with five
ships in b. c. 215 to convey to Rome the Cartha-
ginian ambassadors, who had been captured by the
Romans on tiieir way to Piiilip of Macedonia,
(Liv. xxiiu 34.)

ANTICLEIDES.

2. Q. Valerius Antias, the Roman historian,
was cither a descendant of the preceding, or de-
rived the surname of Antias from his being a
native of Antium, as Pliny sUites. (//. N. Praef.)
He was a contemporary of Quadrigarius, Sisenna,
and Hutilius (Veil. Pat. ii. 9), and lived in the
former half of the first century before Christ.
Krausc, without mentioning his authority, states
that Antias was praetor in a. u. c. 676. (b. c. 68.)
He wrote the history of Rome from the earliest
period, relating the stories of Amulius, Rhea Silvia
and the like, down to the time of Sulla. The
latter period must have been treated at much
greater length than the earlier, since he spoke of
the quaestorship of Ti. Gracchus (b. c. 137)as early
as in the twelfth book (or according to some read-
ings in the twenty-second), and the work extended
to seventy-five books at least. (Gell. vii. 9.)

Valerius Antias is frequently referred to by
Livy, who speaks of him as the most lying of all
the annalists, and seldom mentions his name with-
out terms of reproach. (Comp. iii. 5, xxvi. 49,
xxxvi. 3o.) Gellius (vi. ii, vii. 19) too mentions
cases in which the statements of Antias are op-
posed to those of all other writers, and there can
be little doubt that Livy's judgment is correct.
Antias was in no difliculty about any of the par-
ticulars of the early history : he fabricated the most
circumstantial narratives, and was particulai-ly dis-
tinguished by his exaggerations in numbers.
Plutorch seems to have dmwn much of his earl}^
history from him, and Livy too appears to have de-
rived many of his statements from the same source,
though he was aware of the untrustworthiness of
his authority. It is rather curious that Cicero
never refers to Valerius Antias. (Comp. Kiebulir,
IIu!t. of Rome, i. pp. 207, 501, 525, &c., ii. p. 9,
n. 570, iii. pp. 124, 358; Krause, Vitae et Fragm.
vet. Ilidoric. TmIui. p. 2G6, &c,)

ANTICLEI'A ('AfTi/cAeja), a daughter of Au-
tolycus, wife of Laertes, and mother of Odysseus.
(Ilom. Od. xL 85.) According to Homer she died
of grief at the long absence of her son, who met her
and spoke with her in Hades. {Od. xv. 356, &c.,
xi, 202, &c.) According to other traditions, she
put an end to her own life after she had heard a
report of the death of her son. (Hygin. Fob. 243.)
Hyginus {Fah. 201) also states, that previous to
her marrying Laertes, she lived on intimate tenus
with Sisyphus ; whence Euripides {Iphu/. Aid. 524)
calls Odysseus a son of Sisyphus. (Comp. Sophocl.
J^hil. 417; Ov. Met. xiii. 32 ; Serv. ad Aen. vi.
529.) It is uncertain whether this Anticleia is the
same as the one whose son Periphetes was killed
by Theseus. Of this Periphetes she was the mother
by Hephaestus or by Poseidon. (ApoUod. iii. 16.
§ 1 ; Pans. ii. 1. § 4 ; Hygin. Fab. 38.) Another
mythical personage of this name, who married
Machaon, the son of Asclepius, is mentioned by
Pans. iv. 30. § 2. [L. S.J

ANTICLEIDES ('Aj/Tj/cAetS7js), of Athens
(Athen. xi. p. 446, c), lived after the time of
Alexander the Great (Plut. Alex. 46), and is fre-
quently referred to by later writers. He wrote, 1.
Ilepi NcJo-Twj/, containing an account of the return
of the Greeks from their ancient expeditions.
(Athen. iv. p. 157, f., ix. p. 384, d., xi. p. AQG, c.)
Anticleides' statement about the Pelasgians, which
Strabo (v. p. 221) quotes, is probably taken from
the work on the "iioaToi. 2. ATjAia/cd, an account
of Delos. (Schol. ad Apoll. Mod. i. 1207, 1289.)

ANTIGENES-

18a

3. 'ElTjTTjTiK^s, appears to have been a sort of
Dictionary, in which perhaps an explanation of
those words and phrases was given which occurred
in the ancient stories. (Athen. xi. p. 473, b. c.) 4.
Tlepl 'AXi^dvSpov, of which the second book is
quoted by Diogenes Ljiertius. (viii. 1 1 ; comp. Plut.
Alex. I. c.) Whether these works were all written
by Anticleides of Athens, cannot be decided with
certainty.

ANTI'CRATES ('AvTtKpaTTjs), a Spartan who,
according to Dioscourides (up. Plut. Ages. 35),
killed Epaminondas at the battle of Mantineia.
The descendants of Anticrates are said to have
been called Maxaiplaves by the Lacedaemonians,
on account of his having struck Epaminondas with
a fxaxaipa (Plut. /. c), but Pausanias (viii. 11.
§ 4) mentions Machaerion, a Lacedaemonian or
Mantinean, to whom this honour was ascribed by
some. Others attribute it to Gryllus, the son of
Xenophon. [Gryllus.]

ANTIDAMAS, or ANTIDAMUS, of Hera-
cleia, wrote in Greek a history of Alexander the
Great and moral works, which are referred to by
Fulgentius. (s. v. Vespillones, fahre.)

ANTIDO'RUS ('Ai/Ti5wpos), of Lemnos, de-
serted to the Greeks in the battle of Artemisium,
and was rewarded by the Athenians by a piece of
ground in Salamis. (Herod, viii. 11.)

ANTI'DOTUS ('A;/T iSoTos), an Athenian comic
poet, of whom we know nothing, except that he
was of the middle comedy, which is evident from
the fact that a certain play, the 'Ojuoi'a, is ascribed
both to him and to Alexis. (Athen. xiv. p. 642.)
We have the titles of two other plays of his, and
it is thought that his name ought to be restored in
Athenaeus (i. p. 28, e.) and Pollux (vi. Qd). (See
Meineke, i. p.4lG.) [P- S.]

ANTI'DOTUS, an encaustic painter, the dis-
ciple of Euphranor, and teacher of Nicias the Athe-
nian. His works were few, but carefully executed,
and his colouring was somewhat harsh {severior).
He flourished about B. c. 336. (Plin. xxxv. 40.
§§ 27, 28.) [P. S.]

ANTI'GENES {^XvTL-yivns). 1. A general of
Alexander the Great, also served under Philip,
and lost an eye at the siege of Perinthus. (b. c
340.) After the death of Alexander he obtained
the satrapy of Susiana. He was one of the com-
manders of the Argyraspids {Diet, of Ant. s. v.),
and espoused with his troops the side of Eumenes.
On the defeat of the latter in n. c. 316, Antigenes
fell into the hands of his enemy Antigonus, and
was burnt alive by him. (Plut. Alex.lO ; Arrian,
ap.Fhot. p. 71, b. Bekk.; Diod. xviii. 62, xix. 12,
&c., 44; Plut. Eum. 13.)

2. A Greek historian, who spoke of the Ama-
zon's visit to Alexander. (Plut. Alex. 46.) There
was a grammarian of the same name. (Fabric.
Biil. Graec. iii. p. 34, vi. p. 355.)

ANTI'GENES {'AvTi-yei/ris), the name of at
least three Greek physicians.

1. An inhabitjint of Chios, mentioned in one of
the spurious letters of Euripides (Eurip. Epist. 2.
vol. ii. p. 500, ed. Beck), who (if he ever really
existed) must have lived in the fifth ccntnrj'^ B.C.

2. One of the followers of Clcophantus, who
must have lived about the middle of the third
century B.C., as Alnemon, one of his fellow-pupils,
is known to have lived in tl'.e reign of Ptolemy
Eiu^rgctcs, B. c. 247 — 222. [Clkophantu.s ;
Mneaion.] One of his woiks is (luoled by Caelius

186

ANTIGONE.

Aurelianus {De Morh. Aciit. ii. 10, p. 46), and he
is probably the physician mentioned by Galen
(Comment, in Hippocr. "Z>e Nat. Homy ii. 6, vol.
XV. p. 136), together with several others who lived
about that time, as being celebrated anatomists.

3. One of Galen's contemporaries at Rome in
the second century after Christ, who was a pupil
of Quintus and Marinus, and had an extensive
and lucrative practice. Galen gives an account
(Z>e Praenot. ad Posth. c. 3. vol. xiv. p. 613)
of their differing in opinion as to the probable
result of the illness of the philosopher Eudemus.
(Le Clerc, Hist, de la Mid.; J'abricius, Bibliotk.
Gr. vol. xiii. p. 63, ed. vet. ; Haller, DiLlioth.
Medic Pruct. torn, i.) [W.A.G.]

ANTIGE'NIDAS ('Airrt76i/iSos), a Theban,
the son of Satyrus or Dionj-sius, was a celebrated
flute-player, and also a poet. He lived in the tune
of Alexander the Great. (Suidas and Harpocrat.
s.v. ; Plut. de Alex. fort. p. 355, a., de Music, p.
1138, a.; Cic. Brut. 50; Bode, Gesc/i. d. lyrisdi.
Dichtkunst d. Hellcnen., ii. p. 321, &c.) His two
daughters, Melo and Satyra, who followed the pro-
fession of their father, are mentioned in an epigram
in the Greek Anthologj-. (v. 206.)

ANTIGNO'TUS. '[Antigonus, sculptor.]
ANTI'GONE {^hvTiy6vvy 1. A daughter of
Oedipus by his mother Jocaste. She had two bro-
thers, Eteocles and Polyneices, and a sister Ismene.
In the tragic story of Oedipus Antigone appears as
a noble maiden, with a truly heroic attachment to
her father and brothers. When Oedipus, in des-
pair at the fate which had driven him to murder his
father, and commit incest with his mother, had put
out his eyes, and was obliged to quit Thebes, he
went to Attica guided and accompanied by his
attached daughter Antigone. (ApoUod. iii. 5. § 8,
&c.) She remained with him till he died in Colo-
nus, and then returned to Thebes. Haemon, the
son of Creon, had, according to Apollodorus, died
before this time; but Sophocles, to suit his own
tragic purposes, represents him as alive and falling
in love with Antigone. "When Polyneices, subse-
quently, who had been expelled by his brother
Eteocles, marched against Thebes (in the war of
the Seven), and the two brothers had fallen in
single combat, Creon, who now succeeded to the
throne, issued an edict forbidding, under heavy
penalties, the burial of their bodies.

While every

Antigonus, died b. c. 301.
daughter of Corrhaeus.

ANTIGONIDAE.

one else submitted to this impious command, Anti-
gone alone defied the tyrant, and buried the body
of Polyneices. According to Apollodorus (iii. 7.
§ 1 ), Creon had her buried alive in the same tomb
with her brother. According to Sophocles, she
was shut up in a subterraneous cave, where she
killed herself, and Haemon, on hearing of her
death, killed himself by her side ; so that Creon too
received his punishment. A different account of
Antigone is given by Hyginus. {Fab. 72.) Aes-
chylus and Sophocles made the story of Antigone
the subject of tragedies, and that of the latter, one
of the most beautiful of ancient dramas, is still
extant. Antigone acts a part in other extant dra-
mas also, as in the Seven against Thebes of Aes-
chylus, in the Oedipus in Colonus of Sophocles,
and in the Phoenissae of Euripides.

2. A daughter of Eurytion of Phthia, and wife
of Peleus, by whom she became the mother of
Polydora. When Peleus had killed Eurytion
during the chace, and fled to Acastus at lolcus, he
drew upon himself the hatred of Astydaraeia, the
wife of Acastus. [Acastus.] In consequence of
this, she sent a calumniatory message to Antigone,
stating, that Peleus was on the point of marrying
Sterope, a daughter of Acastus. Hereupon Antigone
hung herself in despair. (Apollod. iii. 13. § 1-3.)

3. A daughter of Laomedon and sister of Priam.
She boasted of excelling Hera in the beauty of her
hair, and was punished for her presumptuous vanity
by being changed into a stork. (Ov. J\Iet. vi. 93.)

4. A daughter of Pheres, married to Pyremus
or Comctes, by whom she became the mother of
the Argonaut Asterion. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 35 ;
Orph. Arg. lai', Hygin. Fab. 14.) [L. S.]

ANTI'GONE ('A1/T170V7J), the daughter of
Cassjinder (the brother of Antipater), was the
second wife of Ptolemy Lagus, and the mother of
Berenice, who married first the Macedonian Philip,
son of Amyntas, and then Ptolemy Soter. (Droy-
sen, Gesch. d. Nachfolgcr Alexanders, p. 418, &c.,
and Tab. viii. 3.)

2. The daughter of Berenice by her first hus-
band Philip, and the wife of Pyrrhus. (Plut.
Pp-rk 4.)

ANTIGO'NIDAE, the descendants of Anti-
gonus, king of Asia. The following genealogical
table of this family is taken from Droysen's Gea-
ckichie dcr Nachfolger Alexanders.

Married Stratonice,

Demetrius I. (Poliorcetes), k. of Macedonia,
Died B. c. 283. Married

1. Phila, d. of Antipater.

2. Eurydice, widow of Ophelias.

3. Deidameia, d. of Aeacides.

4. An Illyrian.

5. Ptolemais, d. of Ptolemy Soter.

6. Lamia, an Hetaira,

Philip, died b. c. 306.

Antigonus Gonatas,

k. of Macedonia.

Died B. c. 239. Married

1. Pliila,d. of Seleucus

Nicator.

2. Demo.

Stratonice.
Married

1. Seleucus.

2. Antiochus.

Corrabus.

Demetrius,
of Cyrene.
Died b. c. 250.
Married Olympias
of Larissa.

Phila.

ANTIG0NU3.

ANTIGONUS.
b

\n

I.
Demetrius II., k. of
Macedonia. Died B. c. 229.
Married

1 . Stratonice, d. of Antio-
chus Soter.

2. Phtlua,d. of Alexander,
the son of Pyrrhus.

Halcyoneufi.

Antigonus Doson, k. of Echecratea,
Macedonia. Died b. c. 221. |

Married Phthia, the widow Antigonus.
of Demetrius II.

Apama.

Philip V. king of Macedonia.
Died B. c. 179.

Perseus, k. of Macedonia.
Conquered by the Romans B. c. 1 68.

ANTI'GONUS {"kvriyovos), a Greek writer
on the history of Ital3\ (Fest. s. v. Romam;
Dionys, Hal. i. 6.) It has been supposed that the
Antigonus mentioned by Plutarch {Romul. 17) is
the same as the historian, but the saying tliere
quoted belongs to a king Antigonus, and not to the
historian. [L. S.]

ANTI'GONUS {'AvTlyovos), son of Alex-
ANDKR, was sent by Perseus, king of Macedonia,
as ambassador into Boeotia, in B. c. 172, and suc-
ceeded in inducing the towns of Coroneia, Thebes,
and Haliartus to remain faithful to the king.
(Polyb. xxvii. 5.) [L. S.]

ANTrCONUS {^Avriyovos), of Alexandria,
a grammarian who is referred to by Erotian in his
Proocmium and his Prenira. He is perhaps the
same person as the Antigonus of whom the Scho-
liast on Nicander speaks, and identical with Anti-
gonus, the commentator of Hippocrates. (Erotian,
p. 13.) [L.S.]

ANTI'GONUS {"Avriyovos), king of Asia,
sumamed the One-eyed (Lucian, Macrob. 1 1 ; Plut.
de Pmror. Educ. 14), was the son of Philip of
Elymiotis. He was bom about B. c. 382, and was
one of the generals of Alexander the Great, and in
the division of the empire {ifter his death (b. c.
323), he received the provinces of the Greater
Plirygia, Lycia, and Pamphylia. Perdiccas, who
had been appointed regent, had formed the plan of
obtaining the sovereignty of the whole of Alex-
ander's dominions, and therefore resolved upon the
ruin of Antigonus, who was likely to stand in the
waj' of his ambitious projects. Perceiving the
danger which threatened him, Antigonus fled with
his son Demetrius to Antipater in Macedonia (321);
but the death of Perdiccas in Egypt in the same
year put an end to the apprehensions of Antigonus.
Antipater was now declared regent ; he restored to
Antigonus his former provinces with the addition
of Susiana, and gave him the commission of carry-
ing on the war against Euraenes, who would not
submit to tlie authority of the new regent. In
this war Antigonus was completely successful ; he
defeated Eumenes, and compelled him to take
refuge with a small body of troops in Noi-a, an
impregnable fortress on the confines of Lycaonia and
Cappadocia ; and after leaving this place closely
invested, he marched into Pisidia, and conquered
Alcetas and Attains, the only generals who still
held out against Antipater (bc. 320). [Alcetas.]

The death of Antipater in the following year
(u. c. 319) was favourable to the ambitious views

of Antigonus, and almost placed within his reach
the throne of Asia. Antipater had appointed Po-
lysperchon regent, to the exclusion of his own son
Cassander, who was dissatisfied with the arrange-
ment of his father, and claimed the regency for
himself. He was supported by Antigonus, and
their confederacy was soon afterwards joined by
Ptolemy. But they found a formidable rival in
Eumenes, who was appointed by Polysperchon to
the command of the troops in Asia. Antigonus
commanded the troops of the confederates, and the
struggle between him and Eumenes lasted for two
years. The scene of the first campaign (b. c. 318)
was Asia Minor and Syria, of the second (b. c. 317)
Persia and Media. The contest was at length
terminated by a battle in Gabiene at the beginning
of B. c. 316, in which Eumenes was defeated. He
was surrendered to Antigonus the next day through
the treachery of the Argyraspids, and was put to
death by the conqueror.

Antigonus was now by far the most powerful of
Alexander's generals, and was by no means dis-
posed to share with his allies the fruits of his vic-
tory. He began to dispose of the provinces as he
thought fit. He caused Pithon, a general of great
influence, to be brought before his council, and
condemned to death on the charge of treachery,
and executed several other officers who shewed
symptoms of discontent. After taking possession
of the immense treasures collected at Ecbatana and
Susa, he proceeded to Babylon, where he called
upon Seleucus to account for the administration of
the revenues of this province. Such an account,
however, Seleucus refused to give, maintaining that
he had received the province as a free gift from
Alexander's anny ; but, admonished by the recent
fate of Pithon, he thought it more prudent to get
out of the reach of Antigonus, and accordingly left
Babylon secretly with a few horsemen, and fled to
Egypt.

The ambitious projects and great power of Anti-
gonus now led to a general coalition against him,
consisting of Seleucus, Ptolemy, Cassander, and
Lysimachus. The war began in the year 315,
and was carried on with great vehemence and al-
ternate success in Syria, Phoenicia, Asia Minor,
and Greece. After four years, all parties became
exhausted with the struggle, and peace was accord-
ingly made, in B. c. 311, on condition that the
Gr(>ek cities should be free, that Cassander should
retain his authority in Europe till Alexmider Ae-
gus came of age, that Lysimachus and Ptolemy

188

ANTIGONUS.

should keep possession of Thrace and Egypt re-
spectively, and that Antigonus should have the
government of all Asia. The name of Seleucus,
strangely enough, does not appear in the treaty.

This peace, however, did not last more than a
year. Ptolemy was the first to break it, under
pretence that Antigonus had not restored to liberty
the Greek cities in Asia Minor, and accordingly
sent a fleet to Cilicia to dislodge the garrisons of
Antigonus from the maritime towns, (a c. 310.)
Ptolem}' was at first successful, but was soon
deprived of all he had gained by the conquests
<.f Demetrius (Poliorcetes), the son of Antigonus.
Meanwhile, however, the whole of Greece was in the
power of Cassandcr, and Demetrius was therefore
sent with a large fleet to effect a diversion in his
father's favour. Demetrius met with little opposi-
tion ; he took possession of Athens in B. c. 307,
where he was received with the most extravagant
flattery. He also obtiined possession of Megara,
and would probably have become master of the
whole of Greece, if ho had not been recalled by
his father to oppose Ptolemy, who had gained the
island of Cyprus. The fleet of Demetrius met that
of Ptolemy off the city of Salamis in Cyprus, and
a battle ensued, which is one of the most memora-
ble of the naval engagements of antiquity. Pto-
lemy was entirely defeated (b. c. 30()), and Anti-
gonus assumed in consequence the title of king,
and the diadem, the symbol of royal power in
Persia, He also conferred the same title upon
Demetrius, between whom and his father the most
cordial friendship and unanimity always prevailed.
The example of Antigonus was followed by Ptole-
my, Lysimachus, and Seleucus, who are from this
time designated as kings. The city of Antigoneia
on the Orontes in Syria was founded by Antigonus
in the preceding yejir (b. c. 307).

Antigonus thought that the time had now come
for cnishing Ptolemy. He accordingly invaded
Kgypt with a large force, but his invasion was as
unsuccessful as Cassander's had been : he was
oldiged to retire with great loss. (b. c. 306.) He
next sent Demetrius to besiege Rhodes, which had
refused to assist him against Ptolemy, and had
hitherto remained neutPcd. Although Demetrius
made the most extraordinary efforts to reduce the
place, he was completely baffled by the energy and
perseverance of the besieged ; and was therefore
glad, at the end of a year's siege, to make peace
with the Rhodians on terms very favourable to the
latter. («. c. 304.) While Demetrius was engaged
against Rhodes, Cassjinder had recovered his for-
mer power in Greece, and this was one reason
that made Antigonus anxious that his son should
make peace with the Rhodians. Demetrius crossed
over into Greece, and after gaining possession of
the principal cities without much difficulty, col-
lected an assembly of deputies at Corinth (b. c.
303), which conferred upon him the Scime title
that had formerly been bestowed upon Philip and
Alexander. He now prepared to march north-
wards against Cassander, who, alarmed at his dan-
gerous position, sent proposals of peace to Antigo-
nus. The proud answer was, "Cassander must
yield to the pleasure of Antigonus." But Cassan-
der had not sunk so low as this : he sent ambas-
sadors to Seleucus and Ptolemy for assistance, and
induced Lysimachus to invade AsiajMinor in order
to mrike an innnediate diversion in his favour.
Antigonus proceeded in person to oppose Lysima-

ANTIGONUS.

chus, and endeavoured to force him to an engage-
ment before the arrival of Seleucus from upper
Asia. But in this he could not succeed, and the
campaign accordingly passed away without a bat-
tle, (b. c. 302.) During the winter, Seleucus
joined Lysimachus, and Demetrius came from
Greece to the assistance of his father. The deci-
sive battle took place in the following year (b. c.
301), near Ipsus in Phrygia. Antigonus fell in
the battle, in the eighty-first year of his age, and
his army was completely defeated. Demetrius
escaped, but was unable to restore the fortunes of
his house. [Demetruts.] The dominions of
Antigonus were divided between the conquerors :
Lysimachus obtained the greater part of Asia
Minor, and Seleucus the countries between the
coast of Syria and the Euphrates, together with a
part of Phrygia and Cappadocia. (Died. lib. yv»ii.-
XX. ; Plut. Eumenes and Demetrius ; Droy*en,
Geschichte der Nachfolger Aleaundcrs; Thirl wall's
Greece^ vol. vii.)

The head on the following coin of Antigonus,
Frohlich supposes to be Neptune's, but Eckhel
thinks that it represents Dionysus, and that the
coin was struck by Antigonus after his naval vic-
tory off C3'prus, in order to shew that he should
subdue all his enemies, as Dionysus had conquered
his in India. (Eckhel, vol. ii. p. 110.)

ANTI'GONUS ('Ai'TtVi/os), of Caryst us, is
supposed by some to have lived in the reign of
Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, and by others in that of
Euergetes. Respecting his life nothing is known,
but we possess by him a work called IcrTopiSju
irapadS^cov (Tvuayfayq (^I [ixtoriae Mirabiles)^ which
consists for the most part of extracts from the
" Auscultationes " attributed to Aristotle, and from
similar works of Callimachus, Timaeus, and others
which are now lost. It is only the circumstance
that he has thus preserved extracts from other and
better works, that gives any value to this compila-
tion of strange stories, which is evidently made
without skill or judgment. It was first edited,
together with Antoninus Liboralis, by Xj-lander,
Basel, 15G8, 8vo. The best editions are those of
Meursius, Lugd. Bat. 1G19, 4to., and of J. Beck-
mann, Leipzig, 1791, 4to. Antigonus also wrote
an epic poem entitled 'Ai/TiTrarpos, of which two
lines are preserved in Athenaeus. (iii. p. 82.) The
Anthologia Graeca (ix. iOG) contains an epigram
of Antigonus. [L. S.]

ANfl'GONUS ('AvTt'yoj'os), of Cumak, in
Asia ]\Iinor, a Greek writer on agriculture, who is
referred to by Pliny {Elench. libb. viii. xiv. xv.
xvii,), Varro {De lie Hud. i. 1), and Columella (i.
1), but whose age is unknown. [L. S.]

ANTI'GONUS DOSON (^Avriyovos Awawv),
so called because it was said he was always about
to give but never did, was the son of Olympias of
Larissa and Demetrius of Cyrene, v.-ho was a son
of Demetrius Poliorcetts and a brother of Aiiti^o-

A NT ICON us.
mis Gonatas. [Antigonidae.] On the death
ot* Demetrius II., n.c. 2-2;), Antigonus was ap-
pointed guardian of his son Philip, whence he
was sometimes designated by the surname 'Eni-
rpoTTos. (Athen. vi. p. 251, d. ; Liv. xl. 54.)
lie married tlie widow of Demetrius, and ahnost
immediately afterwards assumed the crown in
his own nght. At the commencement of his
reign he was engaged in wars against the bar-
barians on the borders of Macedonia, but after-
wards took an active part in the affairs of Greece.
He supported Aratus and tlie Achaean league
against Cleomenes, king of Sparta, and the Aeto-
lians, and was completely successful. He defeated
Cleomenes, and took Sparta, but was recalled to
Macedonia by an invasion of the lllyrians. He
defeated the lllyrians, and died in the same year
(u. c. 220), after a reign of nine years. Polybius
speaks favourably of his character, and commends
him for his wisdom and moderation. He was suc-
» ecded by Philip. V. (Justin, xxviii. 3, 4 ; Pint.
A rat. and Cleom.; Polyb. iL 45, &c., 70; Niebuhr,
Kleine Sckri/ien, p. 232, &c.) [Aratus ; Cleo-

MENES.]

ANTI'GONUS {'Avrlyovoi), son of -Eciiec-
RATES, the brother of Antigonus Doson, revealed
to Philip v., king of Macedonia, a few months
before his death, B. c. 179, the false accusations of
his son Perseus against his other son Demetrius,
in consequence of which Philip had put the latter
to death. Indignant at the conduct of Perseus,
Philip appointed Antigonus his successor ; but on
his death Perseus obtained possession of the throne,
and caused Antigonus to be killed. (Liv. xl. 54-
58.)

ANTI'GONUS GO'NATAS CAvrlyovos Fo-
vards), son of Demetrius Poliorcetes and Phila
(the daughter of Antipater), and grandson of An-
tigonus, king of Asia. [Antigonidae.] When
his father Demetrius was driven out of Mace-
donia by Pyrrhus, in B. c. 287, and crossed
over into Asia, Antigonus remained in Pelopon-
nesus ; but he did not assume the title of
king of Macedonia till after his father's death
in Asia in B. c. 283. It was some years, how-
ever, before he obtained possession of his pa-
ternal dominions. Pyrrhus was deprived of the
kingdom by Lysimachus (b. c. 286); Lysimachus
was succeeded by Seleucus (280), who was mur-
dered by Ptolemy Ceraunus. Ceraunus shortly
after fell in battle against the Gaids, and during
the next three years there was a succession of
claimants to the throne. Antigonus at last ob-
tained possession of the kingdom in 277, notwith-
standing the opposition of Antiochus, the son of
Seleucus, who laid claim to the crown in virtue of
his father's conquests. But he withdrew his
claim on the marriage of his half-sister, Phila,
with Antigonus. He subsequently defeated the
Gauls, and continued in possession of his king-
dom till the return of Pyrrhus from Italy in 273,
who deprived him of the whole of Macedonia,
with the exception of a few places. He recovered
his dominions in the following year (272) on the
death of Pyrrhus at Argos, but was again de-
prived of them by Alexander, the son of Pyrrhus.
Alexander, however, did not retain possession
of the country long, and was compelled to retire
by the conquests of Demetrius, the brother or
son of Antigonus, who now obtained jwrt of
Kpeirus in addition to his paternal dominions. He

ANTIGONUS.

183

subsequently attempted to prevent the formation
of the Achaean league, and died in B. c. 239, at
the age of eighty, after a reign of forty-four years.
He was succeeded by Demetrius II, {V]ut. Vemctr.
51, Pi/rr/ms\ 26; Justin, xxiv. 1, xxv. 1 — 3,
xxvi. 2 ; Polyb. ii. 43, &c. ; Lucian, Afacrolj. c. 1 1 ;
Niebuhr, Kleine Schri/ten, p. 227, &;c.) Antigonus*
surname Gonatas is usually derived from Gonnos
or Gonni in Thessaly, which is supposed to have
been the place of his birth or education. Niebuhr
(I.e.), however, remarks, that Thessaly did not
come into his father's possession till Antigonus
had grown up, and he thinks that Gonatas is a
Macedonian word, the same as the Romaic yoparas,
which signifies an iron plate protecting the knee,
and that Antigonus obtained this surname from
wearing such a piece of defensive annour.

COIN OP ANTIGONUS GONATAS.

ANTI'GONUS ('A1/T170J/0S), king of Judaea,
the son of Aristobulus II. and the last of the Mac-
cabees who s<\t on the royal throne. After his fa-
ther had been put to death by Pompey's party,
Antigonus was driven out of Judaea by Antipater
and his sons, but was not able to obtain any assist-
ance from Caesar's party. He was at length re-
stored to the throne by the Parthians in B. c. 40.
Herod, the son of Antipater, fled to Rome, and
obtained from the Romans the title of king of
Judaea, through the influence of Antony. Herod
now marched against Antigonus, whom he defeated,
and took Jerusalem, with the assistance of the Roman
general Sosius, after a long and obstinate siege.
Antigonus surrendered himself to Sosius, who hand-
ed him over to Antony. Antony had him executed
at Antioch as a common malefactor in B. c. 37.
(Joseph. Aniiq. xiv. 13-16, B. J. i. 13, 14; Diou
Cass. xlix. 22. Respecting the difference in chro-
nology between Josephus and Dion Cassius, see
Wemsdorf, de Fule Librorum Maccah. p. 24, and
Ideler, Chronol. ii. p. 389, &c.)

ANTI'GONUS i^kvriyovos)., a writer on paint- •
ING, mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (vii. 12), is
perhaps the same as the sculptor, whom we know
to have written on statuary. [P. S.]

ANTI'GONUS, a general of Perseus in the
war with the Romans, was sent to Aenia to guard
the coast. (Liv. xliv. 26, 32.)

ANTI'GONUS, a Greek sculptor, and an
eminent writer upon his art, was one of the artists
who represented the battles of Attains and Eumenes
against the Gauls. (Plin. xxxiv. 19. § 24.) He
lived, therefore, about 239 B. c, when Attains I.,
king of Pergamus, conquered the Gauls. A little
further on, Pliny (§ 26) says, "Antigonus et pe-
rixyomenon, tyrannicidasque supra dictos," where
one of the best MSS. has "Antignotus et luctatores,
perixvomenon," &c. [P. S.]

ANTI'GONUS {"hvTiyovos), a Greek army
SURGEON, mentioned by Galen, who must therefore
have lived in or before the second century after
Christ. (Galen, De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos,
ii. 1, vol. xii. pp. 557, 580.) Marcellus Empiricua
quotes a physician of the same name, who may

190

ANTIMACHUS.

very possibl}' be the same person (Marc. Erapir.
Dc Medicam. c, 8. pp. 266, 267, 274) ; and Lucian
mentions an impudent quack named Antigonus,
■who among other things said, that one of his pa-
tients had been restored to life after having been
bmifd for twenty days. (Luc. Philopseudes^ §§2],
25, 26. vol. iii. ed. tauchn.) [W. A. G.]

ANTI'LEON ('Ai/TiAe'wj/), a Greek author who
wrote a work on chronologj' (Tlepl Xpovav)^ the
second book of wliich is referred to by Diogenes
Laertius. (iii. 3.) Whether he is the same per-
son as the Antileon mentioned by Pollux (ii. 4,
151) is uncertain. [L. S.]

ANTl'LOCHUS ('Ai'TtAoxoj), a son of Nestor,
king of Pylos, by Anaxibia (Apollod. i. 9. § 9),
or according to the Odj'sscy (iiu 451), by Eury-
dice. Hyginus {Fab. 252) states, that as an
infant he was exposed on mount Ida, and suckled
by a dog. He is mentioned among the suitors of
Helen. (Apollod. iii. 10. § 8.) According to the
Homeric account, he accompanied his father to
Troy, but Nestor being advised by an oracle to
guard his son against an ICthiopian, gave him
Chalion as his constant attendant (Eustath. ad
Horn. p. 1697.) Antilochus appears in the Ho-
meric poems as one of the youngest, handsomest,
and bravest among the Greeks, .and is beloved by
Achilles. (Or/, iii. 112 ; //. xxiii. 556, 607, xviii.
16.) He fell at Trov by the hands of Memnon,
tlie Ethiopian. (CW."iv/l86, &c , xi. 522; Find.
Pi/th. vi. 32, &c.) Hyginus, in one passage {Fah.
112) states that he was slain by Memnon, and in
another {Fab. 1 13) he makes Hector his conqueror.
The remains of Antilochus were buried by the
Ride of those of his friends Achilles and Patroclus
{Od. xxiv. 78), and in Hades or the island of Leuce
he likewise accompanied his friends. {Od. xxiv.
16; Pans. iii. 19. § 1 1.) Philostratus (//er. iii. 2)
gives a different account of him. When Nestor
went to Troy, his son was yet too young to ac-
company him ; but in the course of the war he
came to Troy and applied to Achilles to soothe the
anger of his father at his unexpected arrival.
Achilles was delighted with the beauty and the
Avarlike spirit of the youth, and Nestor too was
proud of his son, and took him to Agamemnon.
According to Philostratus, Antilochus was not slain
by the Ethiopian Memnon, but by a Trojan of
tliat name. Achilles not only avenged his death
on Memnon, but celebrated splendid funeral games,
and burnt the head and armour of Memnon on the
funeral pyre, (Comp. Biickh, ad Find. p. 299.)
Antilochus was painted by Polygnotus in the Lesche
of Delphi. (Pans. x. 30. § 1 ; Philostr. Icon. ii.
7.) [L. S.]

ANTl'LOCHUS ('Avt/Aoxos), a Greek histo-
rian, who wrote an account of the Greek philoso-
phers from the time of Pythagoras to the death of
Epicurus, whose system he himself adopted. (Clem.
Alex. Strom, i. p. 1 33.) He seems to be the same
as the Antilogus mentioned by Dionj'sius of Hali-
carnassus. {De Comp. Verb. 4 ; comp. Anonym.
Descript. Oli^mp. xlix.) Theodoret {Therap. viii.
p. 908) quotes an Antilochus as his authority for
placing I he tomb of Cecrops on the acropolis of
Athens, but as Clemens of Alexandria {Frotrept.
p. 13) and Amobius {adr. Gent. vi. 6) refer for
the same fact to a writer of the name of Antiochus,
there mav pnssiblv be an error in Theodoret. fL. S.]
ANTIM A'CHIDES. architect. [Antistates.]
ANTl'MACHUS ('A^'Tmax^s), a Trojan, who,

ANTIMACHUS.

when ^lenelaus and Odysseus came to Troy to ask
for the surrender of Helen, advised his countrymen
to put the ambassadors to death. (Hom. 11. xi.
122, &c., 138, &c.) It was Antimachus who
principally insisted upon Helen not being restored
to the Greeks. {11. xi. 125.) He had three sons,
and when two of them, Peisander and Hippolochus,
fell into the hands of Menelaus, they were both
put to death.

There are three other mythical personages of
this name. (Hygin. Fah. 170 ; Schol. ad Find,
hihm. iv. 104 ; Ov. Met. xii. 460.) [L. S.]

ANTl'MACHUS {^ P^mifjiaxos). l.Of Claros,
a son of Hipparchus, was a Greek epic and
elegiac poet. (Cic. Brut. 51 ; Ov. Tri^t. \. 6. 1.)
He is usu.illy called a Colophonian, probably only
because Claros belonged to the dominion of Colo-
phon. He flourished during the latter period of
the Peloponnesiau war. (Diod. xiii. 108.) The
statement of Suidas that he was a disciple of Pan-
3'asis would make him belong to an earlier date,
but the fact that he is mentioned in connexion
with Lysander and Plato the philosopher suffi-
ciently indicates the age to which he belonged.
(Plut. Lysand. 18 ; Proclus, ml Plat. Tim.i. p. 28.)
Plutarch relates that at the Lysandria — for thus
the Samians called their great festival of the Heraea,
to honour Lysander — Antimachus entered upon a
poetical contest with one Niceratus of Heracleia,
The latter obtained the prize from Lj'sander him-
self, and Antimachus, disheartened by his failure,
destroj-ed his own poem. Plato, then a 3'oung
man, happened to be present, and consoled the
unsuccessful poet by saying, that ignorance, like
blindness, was a misfortune to those who laboured
under it. The meeting between Antimachus and
Plato is related differently by Cicero (/. c), who
also places it manifestly at a different time and
probably also at a different place ; for, according to
him, Antimachus once read to a numerous audience
his voluminous poem (Thebais), and his hearers
were so wearied with it, that all gradually left the
place with the exception of Plato, whereupon the
poet said, " I shall nevertheless continue to read,
for one Plato is worth more than all the thousands
of other hearers." Now an anecdote similar to
the one related by Cicero is recorded of Antagoras
the Rhodian [Antagoras], and this repetition of
the same occurrence, together with other improba-
bilities, have led Welcker {Der Episclie Cydus., p.
105, &c.) to reject the two anecdotes altogether as
inventions, made either to show the uninteresting
character of those epics, or to insinuate that, al-
though they did not suit the taste of the multitude,
they were duly appreciated by men of learning
and intelligence.

The only other circumstance of the life of Anti-
machus that we know is, his love for Lyde, who
was either his mistress or his wife. He followed
her to Lj'dia ; but she appears to have died soon
after, and the poet returned to Colophon and
sought consolation in the composition of an elegy
called Lyde, which was very celebrated in an-
tiquity. (Athen. xiii. p. 598 ; Brunck, Anakct. i.
p. 219.) This elegy, which was very long, con-
sisted of accounts of the misfortunes of all the
mvthical heroes who, like the poet, had become
unfortunate through the early death of their be-
loved. {Flxit. Cansol. ad Apollon. -p. 106, h.) It
thus contained vast stores of mythical and anti-
quarian information, and it was chiefly for this and

ANTIMACHUS.

not for any higher or poetical reason, that Agathar-
chides made an abridgment of it. (Phot, liihl.
p. 171, ed. Bekker.)

The principal work of Antiraachus was his epic
poem called Tlwbais (07j§o?s), which Cicero desig-
nates as maf/num illnd volumen. Porphyrias {ad
llurat. vui Pisoju 146) says, that Antimachus had
spun out his poem so much, that in the 24th book
{rolunicn) his Seven Heroes had not yet arrived at
Thel;es. Now as in the remaining part of the
work the poet had not only to describe the war of
the Seven, but also probably treated of the war of
the Epigoni (Schol. ud Aristoph, Pacr, 1268), the
length of the poem must have been immense. It
was, like the elegy Li/de, full of mythological lore,
and all that had any connexion with the subject of
the poem was incorjxjrated in it. It was, of course,
dilficult to control such a mass, and hence we find
it stated bj' Quintilian (x. 1. § 53 ; comp. Dion3\s.
Hid. Z>e t^erb. Compos. 22), that Antimachus was
unsuccessful in his descriptions of passion, that his
works were not graceful, and were deficient in
arrangement. His style also had not the simple
and easy flow of the Homeric poems. He bor-
rowed expressions and phrases from the tragic
writers, and frequently introduced Doric forms.
(Schol. ad Nicand. Theriac. 3.) Antimachus was
thus one of the forerunners of the poets of the
Alexandrine school, who wrote more for the leamed
and a select number of readers than for the public
at large. The Alexandrine grammarians assigned
to him the second place among the epic poets, and
the emperor Hadrian preferred his works even to
those of Homer. (Dion. Cass. Ixix. 4; Spartian.
Hadrian. 5.) There are some other works which
are ascribed to Antimachus, such as a work en-
titled "ApTf/its (Stcph. Byz. s. V. KoTvKaiov), a
second called AeA-ra (Athen. vii. p. 300), a third
called 'laxlvT] (Etymol. M. s. r. 'AgoA^Twp), and
perhaps also a Centauromachia (Natal. Com. vii.
4) ; but as in all these cases Antimachus is
mentioned without any descriptive epithet, it can-
not be ascertained whether he is the Clarian
poet, for there are two other poets of the same
name. Suidas says that Antimachus of Claros was
also a grammarian, and there is a tradition that he
made a recension of the text of the Homeric poems ;
but respecting these points see F. A. Wolf, Pro-
h'.rjom. pp.clxxvii. and clxxxi., &c. The numerous
fragments of Antimachus have been collected bv
C. A. G. Schellenberg, Halle, 1786, 8vo. Some
additional fragments are contained in H. G. Stoll,
Animadv. in Anthnachi Fragm. Giitting. 1841.
Those belonging to the Thebais are collected in
Diintzer's Die Fragm. der Episch. Pocs. der Griedi.
his aiif Aleaund. p. ^9, &c., comp. with NadUrag^
p. 38, &c. See N. Bach, Phildae, Ilcrmesianacti^
t^'c. reliquiae^ ^c. Epimdrum de Antimadii Lyda.,
p. 240 ; Blomtield in the Classical Journal, iv. p.
231 ; Welckcr, Der Epische Cydus, p. 102, &c.

2. Of Teos, an epic poet. Plutarch {Romtd.
1 2) states, that he was said to have known some-
thing about the eclipse which occurred on the day
of the foundation of Rome. Clemens Alexandrinus
{Strom, vi. p. 622, c.) quotes an hexameter verse
from him, which Agias is said to have imitated.
If this statement is correct, Antimachus would
belong to an early period of Greek literature.

3. Of Heliopolis in Egypt, is said by Suidas
to hvive written a poem called Koa-fioiroita, that is,
oil i\vi creation of the universe, consisting of 3780

ANTINOUS.

191

hexameter verses. Tzetzes {ad Lycophr. 245)
quotes three lines from Antimachus, but whether
they belong to Antimachus of Heliopolis, or to
either of the two other poets of the same name,
cannot be ascertained. (Diintzer, Fragm. der
Episdi. Poes. von Alexand.., &c. p. 97.) f L. S.]

ANTi'MACHUS, a sculptor, celebrated for his
statues of ladies. (Plin. xxxiv. 19. § 26.) [P. S.J

ANTIME'NIDAS. [Alcaeus.]

ANTIMOERUS {"AvTl/xotpos), a sophist, was
a native of Mcnde in Thrace, and is mentioned
with praise among the disciples of Protagoras.
(Plat. Prolog, p. 315, a.; Themist. Oral. xxix.
p. 347, d.) fL. S.]

ANTrNOE {'Avriv6v), a daughter of Cepheus.
At the command of an oracle she led the inhabit-
ants of Mantineia from the spot where the old
town stood, to a place where the new town was
to be. founded. She was guided on her way by a
serpent. She had a monument at Alantineia com-
memorating this event. (Pans. viii. 8. § 3, 9.
§ 2.) In the latter of these passages she is called
Antonoe. Two other mythical personages of this
name occur in Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 164;
Pans. viii. 1 1 . § 2. [L. S.]

ANTI'NOUS ('AvTiVous), a son of Eupeithes of
Ithaca, and one of the suitors of Penelope, who
during the absence of Odysseus even attempted to
make himself master of the kingdom and threaten-
ed the life of Telemachus. (Hom. Od. xxii. 48, &c.,
iv. 630, &c., xvi. 371.) When Odysseus after his
return appeared in the disguise of a beggar. Anti-
nous insulted him and threw a foot-sfool at him.
{Od. xviii. 42, &c.) On this account he was the
first of the suitors who fell by the hands of Odys-
seus, (xxii. 8,&c.) [L.S.]

ANTI'NOUS ('Ax/TiVous), a chief among the
Molossians in Epeirus, who became involved,
against his own will, in the war of Perseus, king
of Macedonia, against the Romans. His family
and that of another chief, Cephalus, were connect-
ed with the royal house of ^Nlacedonia by friend-
ship, and although he was convinced that the war
against Rome would be ruinous to Macedonia and
therefore had no intention of joining Perseus, yet
Charops, a young Epeirot, who had been educated
at Rome and wished to insinuate himself into the
favour of the Romans, calumniated Antinous and
Cephalus as if they entertained a secret hostility
towards Rome. Antinous and his friends at first
treated the machinations of Charops with contempt,
but when they perceived that some of their friends
were arrested and conveyed to Rome, Antinous
and Cephalus were compelled, for the sake of their
own safety, openly, though unwillingly, to join the
Macedonian party, and the Molossians followed
their example. After the outbreak of the war
Antinous fell fighting, b. c. 168. Polybius does
not state clearly whether Antinous fell in battle, or
whether he put an end to his own life in despair.
(Polyb. xxvii. 13, xxx. 7.) [L. S.]

ANTI'NOUS, a youth, probably of low origin,
born at Bithynium or Claudiopolis in Bithynia.
On account of his extraordinary beauty he was
taken by the emperor Hadrian to be his page, and
soon became the object of his extravagant affection.
Hadrian took him with him on all his journeys.
It was in the course of one of these that he was
drowned in the Nile. It is uncertain whether his
death was accidental, or whether he threw himself
into the river, either from disgust at the life he led.

192

ANTIOCHUS.

or from a superstitious belief that by so doing he
should avert some calamity from the emperor.
Dion Cassius favours the latter supposition. The
grief of the emperor knew no bounds. He strove
to perpetuate the memory of his favourite by
monuments of all kinds. He rebuilt the city of
Besa in the Thebais, near which Antinous was
drowned, and gave it the name of Antinoopolis.
He enrolled Antinous amongst the gods, caused
temples to be erected to him in Egypt and Greece
(at Mantineia), and statues of hira to be set up in
almost every part of the world. In one of the
sanctuaries dedicated to hira oracles were delivered
in his name. Games were also celebrated in his
hono'.ir. {Did. of Ant. s. v. 'Avrtvoeta.) A star be-
tween the eagle and the zodiac, which the courtiers
of the emperor pretended had then first made its
appearance, and was the soul of Antinous, received
his name, which it still bears. A large number of
works of art of all kinds were executed in his
honour, and many of them are still extant They
have been diffusely described and classified by
Konrad Levezow in his treatise Ueber den A71-
tinous dargeifiellt in den Kunstdenkm'dlern des
AlterUiums. The death of Antinous, which took
place probtibly in a. n. 122, seems to have formed
an era in the history of ancient art. (Dion Cass.
Ixix. 11; Spartian. Hadrian. 14; Paus. viii. 9.
§ 4.) [C. P. M.J

There were various medals struck in honour of
Antinous in the Greek cities, but none at Rome or
in any of the Roman colonies. In the one an-
nexed, which was struck at Bithynium, the birth-
place of Hadrian, the inscription is H IIATPIS
ANTINOON 0EON, that is, " His native country
(reverences) the god Antinous." The inscription
on the reverse is nearly effaced on the medal from
which the drawing was made : it was originally
AAPIANriN BIOYNIEHN. On it Mercury is re-
presented with a bull by his side, which probably
has reference to Apis. (Kckhel, vi. p. 528, &ic.)

ANTrOCHIS ('AfTtox/s). 1- A sister of
Antiochus the Great, married to Xerxes, king of
Armosata, a city between the Euphrates and the
Tigris. (Polyb. viii. 25.)

2. A daughter of Antiochus the Great, married
to Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, bore to her hus-
band two daughters and a son named Mithridates.
(Diod. xxxi. Ed. 3 ; Appian, Syr. 5.)

3. A daughter of Achaeus, married to Attains,
and the mother of Attains I., king of Pergamus.
(Strab. xiii. p. G24.)

ANTl'OCHUS {'hvTi6xos). There are three
mythical personages of this name, concerning whom
nothing of anv interest is related. (Diod. iv. 37;
Paus. i. 5. § 2, X. 10. § 1 ; Apollod. ii. 4. § 5, &c.;
JIvgin. Fah. 170.) [L. S.]

ANTl'OCHUS {'kvTloxos), of Aegae in Cili-
cia, a sophist, or as he himself pretended to be, a
L'-ynic philosopher. He flourished about a. d. 200,

ANTIOCHUS.

during the reign of Severus and Caracalla. He
belonged to a distinguished famil}^ some members
of which were afterwards raised to the consulship
at Rome. He took no part in the political affairs of
his native place, but with his large property, which
was increased by the liberality of the emperors, he
was enabled to support and relieve his fellow-
citizens whenever it was needed. He used to
spend his nights in the temple of Asclepius, partly
on account of the dreams and the communications
with the god in them, and partly on account of the
conversation of other persons who likewise spent
their nights there without being able to sleep.
During the war of Caracalla against the Parthians
he was at first of some service to the Roman array
by his C3'nic mode of life, but afterwards he de-
serted to the Parthians together with Tiridates.

Antiochus was one of the most distinguished
rhetoricians of his time. He was a pupil of Dar-
danus, the Assyrian, and Dionysius, the Milesian.
He used to speak extempore, and his declamations
and orations were distinguished for their pathos,
their richness in thought, and the precision of their
style, which had nothing of the pomp and bombast
of other rhetoricians. But he ajso acquired some
reputation as a writer. Philostratus mentions au
historical work of his {la-ropia) which is praised for
the elegance of its style, but what was the subject
of this history is unknown. Phrynichus (p. 32)
refers to a work of his called 'Ayopd. (Philostr.
Vit. Soph. ii. 4. 5. § 4 ; Dion Cass. Ixxvii. 19;
Suidas, s.v. ; Eudoc. p. 58.) [L. S.]

ANTl'OCHUS CAurioxos), of Ai.kxandkia,
wrote a work on the Greek poets of the middle
Attic comedy. (Athen. xi. p. 282.) Fabricius
thinks that he is, perhaps, the same man as the
mythographer Antiochus, who wrote a work on
mythical traditions arranged according to the places
where they were current. (Ptolem. Hephaest. v.
9 ; Phot. Cod. 190.) Some writers are inclined to
consider the mythographer as the same with
Antiochus of Aegae or Antiochus of Syracuse ; but
nothing certain can be said about tlie matter. [L. S.]

ANTl'OCHUS ('Aj/Woxoy), an Arcawan, was
the envoy sent by his state to the Persian court in
B. c. 367, when embassies went to Susa from most
of the Grecian states. The Arcadians, prol)ab]y
through the influence of Pelopidas, the Theban
ambassador, were treated as of less importance
than the Eleans — an affront which Antiochus re-
sented by refusing the presents of the king. (Xen.
Hel/. vii. 1. § 33, &c.) Xenophon says, that Ai>-
tiochus had conquered in the pancratium ; and
Pausanias informs us (ri. 3. § 4), that Antiochus,
the pancratiast, was a native of Lepreum, and that
he conquered in this contest once in the Olympic
games, twice in the Nemean, and twice in the
Isthmian. His statue was made by Nicodamus.
Lepreum was claimed by the Arcadians as one of
their towns, Avhence Xenophon calls Antiochus an
Arcadian ; but it is more usually reckoned as be-
longing to Elis.

ANTl'OCHUS ('Aj/Ti'oxos), of Ascalox, the
founder, as he is called, of the fifth Academj% was
a friend of LucuUus the antagonist of Mithridates,
and the teacher of Cicero during his studies at
Athens (e. c. 79) ; but he had a school at Alexan-
dria also, as well as in Syria, where he seems to
have ended his life. (Plut. Cic. c. 4, Lucull. c. 42 :
Cic. Acad, ii, 19.) He was a philosopher of con-
siderable reputation in his time, for Sliiibo in de-

ANTIOCHUS.

Bcriliing Ascalon, mentions his birth there as a
mark of distinction for the city (Strab. xiv. p. 759),
and Cicero frequently speaks of him in affectionate
and respectful terms as the best and wisest of the
Academics, and the most polished and acute philo-
sopher of his age. (Cic. AciuL ii. 35, Brul. 91.)

He studied under the stoic Mnesarchus, but
his principal teacher was Philo, who succeeded
Plato, Arccsilas, and Carneades,as thefounder of the
fourth Academy. He is, however, better known as
the adversary than the disciple of Philo ; and Cicero
mentions a treatise called Sosus (Cic. Acad. iv. 4),
written by him against his master, in which he
refutes the scepticism of the Academics. Another
of his works, called ** Canonica," is quoted by
Scxtus Empiricus, and appears to have been a
treatise on logic. (Sext. Emp. vii. 201, see not. in
loc.)

The sceptical tendency of the Academic philoso-
phy before Antiochus, probably had its origin in
Plato's successful attempts to lead his disciples to
abstract reasoning as the right method of discover-
ing truth, and not to trust too much to the impres-
sions of the senses. Cicero even ranks Plato him-
self with those philosophers Avho held, that there
was no such thing as certainty in any kind of
knowledge {Acad. ii. 23); as if his depreciation
of the senses as trustworthy organs of perception,
and of the kind of knowledge which they convey,
invalidated also the conclusions of the reason.
There is, however, no doubt that later philosophers,
either by insisting too exclusively on the uncer-
tainty of the senses (in order like Arcesilas to ex-
acrgerate by comparison the value of speculative
truth), or like Carneades and Philo, by extending
the same fallibilit}- to the reason likewise, had
gradually fallen into a degree of scepticism that
seemed to strike at the root of all truth, theoretical
and practical. It was, therefore, the chief object
of Antiochus, besides inculcating particular doc-
trines in moral philosophy, to exandne the grounds
of our knowledge, and our capacities for discover-
ing truth ; though no complete judgment can be
fonned of his success, as the book in which Cicero
gave the fullest representation of his opinions has
been lost. (Cic. ad Fam. ix. 8.)

He professed to be reviving the doctrines of the
old Academy, or of Plato's school, when he main-
tained, in opposition to Philo and Carneades, that
the intellect had in itself a test by which it could
distinguish truth from falsehood ; or in the lan-
guage of the Academics, discern between the
images arising from actual objects and those con-
ceptions that had no corresponding reality. (Cic.
Acad, ii. 18.) For the argument of the sceptics
was, that if two notions were so exactly similar as
that they could not be distinguished, neither of
them could be said to be known with more cer-
tainty than the other ; and that every true notion
was liable to have a false one of this kind attached
to it : therefore nothing could be certainly known.
(/(/. 13.) This reasoning was obviously over-
thrown by the assertion, that the mind contained
within itself the standard of tnith and falsehood ;
and was also met more generally by the argument
that all such reasoning refutes itself, since it pro-
ceeds upon principles assumed to be true, and then
concludes that there can be no certain ground for
any assumption at all. {Id. 34.) In like manner
Antiochus seems to have taken the side of the
Stoics in defending the senses from the charge of

ANTIOCHUS.

193

utter fallaciousness brought againgt them by the
Academics. {Id. 32.)

It is evident that in such discussions the same
questions were examined which had formerly l)ecn
more thoroughly sifted by Plato and Aristotle, in
analyzing the nature of science and treating of the
different kinds of truth, according as they were
objects of pure intellectual apprehension, or only
of probaljle and uncertain knowledge (to iwia-TrjTdv
and t6 So^aa-rov) : and as the result was an attempt
to revive the dialectic art which the Academics
despised, so the notices extant of Antiochus' moral
teaching seem to shew, that without yielding to
the paradoxes of the Stoics, or the latitudinarian-
ism of the Academics, he held in the main doc-
trines nearly coinciding with those of Aristotle :
as, that happiness consists essentially in a virtuous
life, yet is not independent of external things.
{Id. 42, de Fin. v. 25, Tusc. Quaest. \. 8.) So
he denied the Stoic doctrine, that all crimes were
equal {Acad. ii. 43), but agreed with them in
holding, that all the emotions ought to be sup-
pressed. On "the whole, therefore, though Cicero
inclines to rank him among the Stoics {id. 43), it
appears that he considered himself an eclectic phi-
losopher, and attempted to unite the doctrines of the
Stoics and Peripatetics, so as to revive the old
Academy. (Sext. Empir. i. 235.) [C. E. P.]

ANTl'OCHUS {'Avrioxos), an Astronomer
of uncertain date, whose work 'AiroreXeo'fiaTiKd
still exists in MS. in various libraries, and has not
.yet been printed. (Fabr. liiOl. Gr. iv. p. 1 5 1 .) There
is an introduction to the Tetrabiblus of Ptolemaeus,
of which the original text with a Latin translation
by H. Wolf was published at Basel, 1559, fol., as
the work of an anonymous writer. T. Gale {ad
Iambi, de MysL p. 364) claims this introduction
as the work of Antiochus, whose name, however,
occurs in the work itself. (P. 194.) [L. S.]

ANTl'OCHUS ('Avrroxos), an Athenian,
was left by Alcibiades at Notium in command of
the Athenian fleet, B. c. 407, with strict injunctions
not to fight with Lysander. Antiochus was the
master of Alcibiades' own ship, and his personal
friend ; he was a skilful seaman, but arrogant and
heedless of consequences. His intimacy with Alci-
biades had first arisen upon an occasion mentioned
by Plutarch {Alcih. 10), who tells us, that Alcibiades
in one of his first appearances in the popular assem-
bly allowed a tame quail to escape from under his
cloak, which occurrence suspended the business of
the assembly, till it was caught by Antiochus and
given to Alcibiades.

Antiochus gave no heed to the injunctions of
Alcibiades, and provoked Lysander to an engage-
ment, in which fifteen Athenian ships were lost,
.ind Antiochus himself was slain. This defeat
was one of the main causes that led to the second
banishment of Alcibiades. (Xen. Hell. i. 5. § 11,
&c.; Diod. xiii. 71; Plut. Alcib. 35.)

ANTl'OCHUS I. ('Ai/Ti'oxoy), king of Com-
MAGENE, a small country between the Euphrates
and mount Taunis, the capital of which was Samo-
sata. It formerly formed part of the Syrian king-
dom of the Seleucidae, but probably became an
independent principality during the civil wars of
Antiochus Grypus and his brother. It has been
supposed by some, that Antiochus Asiaticus, the
last king of Syria, is the same as Antiochus, the
first king of Commagene ; but there are no good
reasons for this opinion. (Clinton, F.H. iii. p. 343.)

194 ANTIOCHUS.

This king is first mentioned about b. c. 69, in tho
campaign of Lucullus against Tigranes. (Dion Cass.
Frag. xxxv. 2.)

After Pompey had deposed Antiochns Asiaticus,
the last king of Syria, B. c, 6.'i, he marched against
Antiochus of Commagene, with whom he shortly
afterwards concluded a peace, (b. c. 64.) Pompey
added to his dominions Seleuceia and the conquests
he had made in Mesopotamia. (Appian, Mithr.
106, 114.) When Cicero was governor of Cilicia
(b. c. 51), he received from Antiochus intelligence
of the movements of the Parthians. (Cic. ad Fam.
XV. 1, 3, 4.) In the civil war between Caesar and
Pompey (b. c. 49), Antiochus assisted the latter
with troops. (Caesar, D. C. iii. 5 ; Appian, B. C.
ii. 49.) In b. c 38, Ventidius, the legate of M.
Antonius, after conquering the Parthians, marched
agjxinst Antiochus, attracted by the great treasures
which this king possessed ; and Antonius, arriving
at the army just as the war was commencing, took
it into his own hands, and laid siege to Samosata.
He was, however, unable to take the place, and
was glad to retire after making peace with Antio-
chus. (Dion Cass. xlix. 20-22; Plut.^n^ 34.) A
daughter of Antiochus married Orodes, king of
Parthia. (Dion Cass. xlix. 23.) We do not know
the exact period of the death of Antiochus, but he
must have died before B. c. 31, as his successor
!Mithridatcs is mentioned as king of Commagene in
that year. (Plut. Ant. 61.)

ANTl'OCHUS II. CAKn'oxos), king of Com-
MAdENK, succeeded Mithridates I,, and was sum-
moned to Rome by Augustus and executed in b. c.
29, because he had caused the assassination of an
nml)assador, whom his brother had sent to Rome.
Augustus gave the kingdom to Mithridates II.,
who was then a boy, because his father had been
murdered by the king. (Dion Cass. Iii. 43, liv. 9.)

ANTl'OCHUS III. ('Ai^ioxos), king of Com-
MAGKNE, seems to have succeeded Mithridates II.
AV'e know nothing more of him than that he died
in A. D. 17. (Tac. Ann. ii. 42.) Upon his death,
Commagene became a Roman province (Tac. -4w«.
ii. 56), Jind remivined so till a. d. 38, when Antio-
chus Epiphanes was appointed king bv Caligula.

ANTl'OCHUS IV. ("Ai/tIoxos), king of Com-
magene, sumamed EPIPHANES ('ETTJc^avTjj),
was apparently a son of Antiochus III., and re-
ceived his patenial dominion from Caligula in a. d.
38, with a part of Cilicia bordering on the sea-
coast in addition. Caligula also gave him the
whole amount of the revenues of Commagene dur-
ing the twenty years that it had been a Roman
province. (Dion Cass. lix. 8; Suet. Cal. 16.) He
lived on most intimate terms with Caligula, and
he and Herod Agrippa are spoken of as the in-
structors of the emperor in the art of tyrann}-.
(Dion Cass. lix. 24.) This friendship, however,
was not of very long continuance, for he was
subsequently deposed by Caligula and did not
obtain his kingdom again till the accession of
Claudius in a. d. 41. (Dion Cass. Ix. 8.) In A. d.
43 his son, also called Antiochus Epiphanes, was
betrothed to Drusilla, the daughter of Agrippa.
(Joseph. Ant. xix. 9. § 1.) In a. d. 53 Antiochus
put down an insurrection of some barbarous tribes
in Cilicia, called Clitae. (Tac. Ann. xii. ob.) In
A. D. 55 he received orders from Nero to levy
troops to make war against the Parthians, and in
the year b9 he served imder Corbulo against Tiri-
dates, brother of the Parthian king Vologeses. (xiii.

ANTIOCHUS.
7, 37.) In consequence of his services in this
war, he obtained in the year 61 part of Armenia,
(xiv. 26.) He espoused the side of Vespasian,
when he was proclaimed emperor in A. d. 70 ; and
he is then spoken of as the richest of the tributary
kings. (Tac. Hist. ii. 81.) In the same year he sent
forces, commanded by his son Antiochus, to assist
Titus in the siege of Jerusalem. (Joseph. 5c'//..A«c?.
V. 11. § 3; Tac. Hist. v. I.) Two years after-
wards, A. D. 72, he was accused by Paetus, the
governor of Syria, of conspiring with the Parthians
against the Romans, and was in consequence de-
prived of his kingdom, after a reign of thirty-four
years from his first appointment by Caligula. He
first retired to Lacedaemon, and then to Rome,
where he passed the remainder of his life with his
sons Antiochus and Callinicus, and was treated
with great respect. (Joseph. B. J. vii. 7.) There
are several coins of this king extant, from which
we learn, that the name of his wife was lotape.
In the one annexed he is called BA2IAET2 MEFAS
ANTI0X05. On the reverse a scorpion is repre-
sented, surrounded with the foliage of the laurel,
and inscribed KOMMArHNHN. (Eckhel, iii. p.
255, &c.; comp. Clinton, F. H. iii. p. 343, &c.)

ANTl'OCHUS ('Aj/Tioxos), an Epigrammatic
poet, one of whose epigrams is extant in tlie Greek
Anthology, (xi. 412.) [L. S.]

ANTl'OCHUS HIERAX ('Ai/t/oxos 'I^KX
80 called from his grasping and ambitious character,
was the younger son of Antiochus II., king of
Syria. On the death of his father in b. c. 246,
Antiochus waged war upon his brother Seleucus
Callinicus, in order to obtain Asia Minor for him-
self as an independent kingdom. This war lasted
for many years, but Antiochus was at length en-
tirely defeated, chiefly through the efforts of Atta-
ins, king of Pergamus, who drove him out of Asia
Minor. Antiochus subsequently fled to Egypt,
where he was killed b}' robbers in B. c. 227. He
married a daughter of Zielas, king of Bithjmia.
(Justin, xxvii. 2, 3 ; Polyaen. iv. 17 ; Plut. ~Mor.
p. 489, a.; Euseb. Cliron. Arm. pp. 346, 347;
Clinton, F. H. iii. pp. 311, 312, 413.) Apollo is
represented on the reverse of the annexed coin.
(Eckhel, iii. p. 219.)

COIN OF ANTIOCHUS HIERAX.

ANTIOCHUS.

ANTrOCIIUS, a Jurist, who was at the head
of the commission appointed to compile the Theo-
dosian Code. lie was praefectus pmetono and
consvd. In the 33rd Novell of Theodosius the
Younger (a. u. 444), he is spoken of as a person
deceased, iltustris memoriae Antiochus. He is con-
founded by Jac. Godefroi, in the Prolegomena of
his edition of the Theodosian Code (c. 1. § 5) with
two other persons of the same name ; Antiochus,
mentioned by Marcellinus as living in the year
448, and Antiochus, the eunuch, who wti?, praepo-
silns mudi culiu-uli. This error was pointed out
by Hitter in the 6th volume of his edition of the
Theodosian Code, p. 6. [J. T. G.]

ANTI'OCIIUS ('AvTioxos), of Laodicka, a
sceptic philosopher, and a disciple of Zeuxis, men-
tioned bv Diogenes Laertius. (ix. 106,1 16.) [L. S.]

ANTIOCHUS ('A.n-ioxos), a monk of the
monastery of St. Saba, near Jerusalem, flourished
at the time of the taking of Jerusalem by the Per-
sians, (a. d. 614.) He wrote, besides other works
of little importance, one entitled Traj/SeKrrjs ri}s
dylas ypa(prjs, an epitome of the Christian faith, as
contfiined in scripture, in 1 30 chapters. This work
was first published in Latin by Tilman, Paris,
1543, 8vo., reprinted in the BiUiolheca Pairum,
Paris, 1579 ; Colon. 1618 ; Lugd. 1677. The ori-
ginal Greek was first published by Fronto Ducaeus,
in \\\(i Audarii Bill. Pair. Paris, 1624, reprinted
in Morell's liihl. Pair. Paris, 1644. A considera-
ble fragment of it is printed in Fabricius' BiU.
Onu'c. X. p. 501. [P. S.]

ANTI'OCHUS PA'CCIUS. [Paccius An-
tiochus.]

ANTI'OCHUS PHILOME'TOR {^iKofi-t^Tc^p)
is supposed by some persons to have been a physi-
cifin, or druggist, who must have lived in or before
the second century after Christ ; he is the in-
ventor of an antidote against poisonous reptiles,
AlC, of which the prescription is embodied in a
short Greek elegiac poem. The poem is insert-
ed by Galen in one of his works (De Antid. ii,
14, 17, vol. xiv. pp. 185, 201), but nothing is
known of the history of the author. Others sup-
pose that a physician of this name is not the author
eitiier of the poem or the antidote, but that they
are connected in some way with the Theriaca which
Antiochus the Great, king of Syria, was in the
habit of using, and the prescription for which he
dedicated in verse to Aesculapius (Plin. //. N. xx.
cap. ult.) or Apollo. (Plin. Valer. Dc Re Med. iv.
38,) (See Cagnati Va)-iae Observat. ii. 25, p 174,
ed. Rom. 1587.) [W. A. G.]

ANTI'OCHUS ('Avrfoxos). 1. A physician,
who appears to have lived at Rome in the second
century after Christ. Galen gives a precise account
{De Sanii. Tuenda, v. 5, vol. vi. p. 332) of the
food he used to eat and the way in which he
lived ; and tells us that, by paying attention to his
diet, &c., he was able to dispense with the use of
medicines, and when upwards of eighty years old
used to visit his patients on foot. Aetius (tetrab.
). senn. iii. c. 114. p. 132) and Paulus Aegineta
(vii. 8, p. 290) quote a prescription which may
perhaps belong to this physician, but he is pro-
bably not the person mentioned by Galen under the
name " Antiochus Philometor."

2. The name of two physicians, saints and
martyrs, the first of whom was born of an eques-
trian family in Mauritania. After devoting
some yeiu's to the study of sacred and profane

ANTIOCHUS.

in.5

literature, he finally embraced the medical profes-
sion, not for the sake of gain, but merely that ho
nn'ght be useful to mankind. He spent some time
in Asia Minor, where he exercised his profession
gratuitously', and used to endeavour to convert his
patients to Christianity. He then went to Sardinia
during the persecution against the Christians un-
der Hadrian, about a. d. 120, where he is said to
have been cruelly tortured, and at last miraculously
delivered by being taken up into heaven. His
memory is celebrated by the Romish church on
the 1 3th of December.

3. The other was bom at Sebaste in Armenia,
and was put to death during the persecution under
Diocletian, a. d. 303 — 311. He is said to have
been tortured, and thrown to the wild beasts,
and, when these refused to touch him, at last
beheaded ; it is added that milk, instead of blood,
issued from his neck, upon which the executioner
immediately professed himself to be a Christian,
and accordingly suffered martyrdom with him.
His memory is celebrated by the Greek and Ro-
mish churches on the 1 5th of July. {Martyrolo-
yiuni liomaiium ; Bzovius, Nomendator Sanctorum
Pro/esaione Medicorum ; Ada Sanctorum, Jul. 15,
vol. iv. p. 25 ; dementis, Mcjiohjgium Graecoruiii^
vol, iii. p. 168; Fabricius, BiUioth. Graeca, vol.
xiii. p, 64, ed. vet) [W. A. G.]

ANTI'OCHUS ('Ai/Tioxos), bishop of Ptolk-
MAis in Palestine, was a Syrian by birth. At the
beginning of the 5th century after Christ, he went
to Constantinople, where his eloquent preaching
attracted such attention, that he Avas called by
some another Chrysostom. He afterwards took
part wamdy with the enemies of Chrysostom, and
died not later than 408 A. D. Besides many ser-
mons, he left a large work "against Avarice,"
which is lost, (Gennad. 20 ; Theodoret. Dial. ii. ;
Phot Cod. 288; Act. Condi. Ephes. iii. p. 118,
Labbe; Catal. Codd. Vindoboii. pt i. p. 116, No.
58.) [P. S.J

ANTrOCIIUS ('Arrioxos), an Athenian
SCULPTOR, whose name is inscribed on his statue
of Athene in the Villa Ludovisi at Rome. (Winc-
kelmann's Werke, iv. 375, vi. 252, ed. 1829.) [P.S.]

ANTI'OCHUS ('A;/Ti'oxos), the father of Se-
LEUcus Nicator, the king of Syria, and the grand-
father of Antiochus Soter, was one of Philip's
generals. (Justin, xv. 4.) A genealogical table of
his descendants is given under Selevcidae.

ANTI'OCHUS ('AvTioxos), of Syracuse, a
son of Xenophanes, is called by Dionysius of Hali-
carnassus {Ant. Rom. i. 12) a very ancient histo-
rian. He Kved about the year B. c. 423, and was
thus a contemporary of Thucydides and the Pelo-
ponnesian war. (Joseph. c.Apion. i. 3.) Respect-
ing his life nothing is known, but his historical
works were held in very high esteem by the an-
cients on account of their accuracy. (Dionys. i. 73.)
His two works were : 1. A history of Sicily, in
nine books, from the reign of king Cocalus, t. e.
from the earliest times down to the year u. c. 424
or 425. (Diod. xii. 71.) It is referred to by Pau-
sanias (x. 11. § 3), Clemens of Alexandria {Pro-
trept. p. 22), and Theodoret (P. 115.)— 2. A
iiistory of lt<ily, which is very frequently referred
to by Strabo (v. p. 242, vi. pp. 252, 254, 255,
257, 262, 264, 265, 278), by Dionysius (//. cc.,
and i. 22, 35 ; comp. Steph. Byz. s. v. Bphrios ;
Hesych. s. v. Xdvriv ; Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome^ i.
p. 1 4, &c. The fragments of Antiochus are cou-

o 2

196

ANTIOCIIUS.

tained in C. et T. Miiller, Fracjm. Jlisior. Grace.
Paris, 1841, pp. 181—184.) [L. S.]

ANTI'OCHUS I. ('Ai/Ti'oxos), king of Syria,
suniamed SOTER (2a>T7jp), was the son of Seleucus
Kicator and a Persian lady, Apama. The mar-
riage of his father with Apama was one of those
marriages which Alexander celebrated at Susa in
B. c. 325, when he gave Persian wives to his ge-
nerals. This would fix the birth of Antioclius
about B. c. 324. He was present with his father
at the battle of Ipsus in a. c. 301, which secured
for Seleucus the government of Asia. It is related
of Antiochus, that he fell sick through love of
Stratonice, the young wife of his father, and the
daughter of Demetrius Poliorcetes, and that when
his father learnt the cause of his illness through
his physician Erasistratus, he resigned Stratonice
to him, and gave him the government of Upper
Asia with the title of king. On the murder of his
father in Macedonia in b. c. 280, Antiochus suc-
ceeded to the whole of his dominions, and prose-
cuted liis claims to the throne of Macedonia against
Antigonus Gonatas, but eventually allowed tlie
latter to retain possession of Macedonia on his
marrying Phila, the daughter of Seleucus and
Stratonice. The rest of Antiochus' reign was chiefly
occupied in wars with tlie Gauls, who had invaded
Asia Minor. By the help of liis elephants he gained
a victory over the Gauls, and received in consequence
the surname of Soter (Swttj'p). He was afterwards
defeated by Eumenes near Sardis, and was sub-
sequently killed in a second battle with the Gauls
(b. c. 261), after a reign of nineteen years. By
his wife Stratonice Antiochus had three children :
Antiochus Theos, who succeeded him ; Apama,
Jnarried to Magas; and Stratonice, married to
Demetrius II. of Macedonia. (Appian, S//r. 59-65;
Justin, xvii. 2 : Plut. Demetr. 38, 39 ; Strab. xiii.
p. 623 ; Pans. i. 7; Julian, AIisopr>g. p. 348, a. b. ;
Lucian, Zetutis^ 8 ; Aelian, //. A. vi. 44 ; Plin.
//. A', viii. 42.) Apollo is represented on the re-
verse of the annexed coin. (Eckhel. iii. p. 215.)

ANTIOCHUS.

condition of his putting away his former wife
Laodice and marrying Berenice, a daughter of
Ptolemy. This connexion between Sj'ria and
Egypt is referred to in the book of Daniel (xi. 6),
where by the king of the south we are to under-
stand Egypt, and by the king of the north, Syria,
On the death of Ptolemy two years afterwards
Antiochus recalled Laodice, but she could not for-
give the insult that had been shewn her, and, still
mistrusting Antiochus, caused him to be murdered
as well as Berenice and her son. Antiochus was
killed in b. c. 246, after a reign of fifteen years.
By Laodice he had four children, Seleucus Caliini-
cus, who succeeded him, Antiochus Hierax, a
daughter, Stratonice, married to Mithridates, and
another daughter married to Ariarathes. Phy-
larchus related (Athen. x. p. 438), that Antiochus
was much given to wine. (Appian, Syr. Qo ;
Athen. ii. p. 45 ; Justin, xxvii. 1 ; Polj-aen. viii.
50 ; Val. Max. ix. 14. § 1, extern.; Ilieronj-m. orf
Dan. c. 11.) On the reverse of the coin annexed,
Hercules is represented with his club in his hand.
(Eckhel, iii. p. 2 18.)

CX)1N OF ANTIOCHUS L

ANTIO'CHUS II. ('Avrfoxos), king of Svria,
surnamed THEOS (0eos), a surname which he de-
rived from the Milesians whom he delivered from
their tyrant, Timarchus, succeeded his father in
b. g. 261. Soon after his accession he became in-
volved in war with Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of
Eg}-pt, which lasted for many years and greatly
weakened the Syrian kingdom. Taking advantage
of this weakness, Arsaccs was able to establish
the Parthian empire in B. c. 250 ; and his example
was shortly afterwards followed by Theodotus,
the governor of Bactria, who revolted from Antio-
chus and made Bactria an independent kingdom.
The loss of these provinces induced Antiochus to
bue for peace, which was granted (b. c. 250) on |

COIN OP ANTIOCHUS II.

ANTI'OCHUS III. CAi/rraxoy), king of Syria,
surnamed the Great (M67as), was the son of
Seleucus Callinicus, and succeeded to the throne on
the death of his brother Seleucus Ceraunus, b. c.
223, when he was only in his fifteenth year. His
first cousin Achaeus, who might easily have assum-
ed the royal power, was of great use to Antiochus
at the commencement of his reign, and recovered
for the Syrian monarchy all the provinces in Asia
Minor, Avhich Attains, king of Pergaraus, had ap-
propriated to himself. But Antiochus was not so
fortunate in his eastern dominions. Molo and
Alexander, two brothers, who had been appointed
to the government of Media and Persis respectively,
revolted and defeated the annies sent against them.
They were, however, put down in a second cam-
paign, conducted b}"- Antiochus in person, who also
added to his dominions the province of Media
Atropatene. (b. c. 220.)

On his return from his eastern provinces, Antio-
chus commenced war against Ptolemy Philopator,
king of Egypt, in order to obtain Coele-Syria,
Phoenicia, and Palestine, which he maintained be-
longed to the Syrian kingdom. At first he was
completely successful. In B. c. 218, he gained pos-
session of the chief towns of Phoenicia, but in the
following year (b. c.217), he was defeated in a great
battle fought at Raphia near Gaza, and concluded
in consequence a peace with Ptolemy, by which he
ceded the provinces in dispute. He was the more
anxious to make peace with Ptolemy, as he wish-
ed to direct all his forces against Achaeus, who
had revolted in Asia Minor. In one campaign he
deprived Achaeus of his conquests, and put him to
death when he fell into his hands in b.c. 214,

ANTIOCIIUS.

nfter siisUiining a sioye of two years in Sardis.
[AcHAEUs, p. 18, a.]

Antiochus seems now to have formed the design
of regaining the eastern provinces of Asia, which
had revolted during the reign of Antiochus II.
He accordingly marched against Arsaces III., king
of Parthia, and Kuthydemus, king of Bactria, and
carried on the war for some years. Although
Antiochus met upon the whole with great success,
lie found it hopeless to effect the subjugation of these
kingdoms, and accordingly concluded a peace witli
thorn, in which he recognized their independence.
"With the assistance of Euthydemus he marched
into India, and renewed the alliance of the Syrian
kings with that country ; and he obtained from
Sophagasenus, the chief of the Indian kings, a large
supply of elephants. He at length returned to
Syria after an absence of seven years (b. c. 212 —
20,5), which may be regarded as the most flourish-
ing period of his reign. It appears that the title of
Great was conferred upon him during this time.

In the year that Antiochus returned to Syria
(b. c. 205), Ptolemy Philopator died, leaving as
his successor Ptolemy Epiphanes, then a child of
five years old. Availing himself of the weakness
of the Egyptian government, Antiochus entered
into an agreement with Philip, king of Macedonia,
to divide between them the dominions of Ptolemy.
As Philip became engaged soon afterwards in a war
with the Romans, he was unable to send forces
against Egypt ; but Antiochus prosecuted this war
vigorously in Palestine and Coele-Syria, and at
length obtained complete possession of these pro-
vinces by his victory over the Egyptian general
Scopas, near Paneas, in B. c. 198. He was assist-
ed in this war by the Jews, to whom he granted
many important privileges. Fearing, however, the
power of the Romans, and anxious to obtain pos-
session of many parts of Asia Minor which did
not acknowledge his sovereignty, he concluded
peace with Egypt, and betrothed his daughter
Cleopatra to the young king Ptolemy, giving with
her Coele-Syria and Palestine as a dowry. He
now marched into Asia Minor, where he carried
everything before him, and then crossed over into
Europe, and took possession of the Thracian
Chersonese (b. c. 196), which belonged to the
Macedonian kingdom, but which he claimed as his
own, because Seleucus Nicator had taken it from
Lysimachus. But here his progress was stopt by
the Romans. At the commencement of his war
with Egypt, the guardians of young Ptolemy had
placed him under the protection of the Romans ;
but while the latter were engaged in their war with
Philip, they did not attempt to interrupt Antiochus
in his conquests, lest he should march to the
assistance of the Macedonian king. Now, however,
matters were changed. The Romans had con-
quered Philip in B. c. 197, and no longer dreaded
a war with Antiochus. They accordingly sent an
embassy to him (b. c. 196) requiring him to sur-
render the Thracian Chersonese to the Macedonian
king, and also all the places he had conquered from
Ptolemy. Antiochus returned a haughty answer
to these demands ; and the arrival of Hannibal at
his court in the following year(B. c. 195) strength-
ened him m his determination to resist the Roman
claims. Hannibal urged him tc invade Italy with-
out loss of time ; but Antiochus resolved to see
first what could be done by negotiation, and thus
lost a most favourable moment, as the Romaics

ANTIOCHUS.

19/

were then engaged in a war with the Gauls.
It was also most unfortunate for him, that when
the war actually broke out, he did not give Han-
nibal any share in the command.

It was not' till B. c. 192 that -Antiochus, at the
earnest request of the Aetolians, at length crossed
over into Greece. In the following year (b. c. 191 )
he was entirely defeated by the Roman consul
Acilius Glabrio at Thermopylae, and compelled to
return to Asia. The defeat of his fleet in two
sea-fights led him to sue for peace ; but the condi-
tions upon which the Romans ofl'ered it seemed so
hard to him, that he resolved to try the fortune of
another campaign. He accordingly advanced to
meet Scipio, who had crossed over into Asia, but
he was defeated at the foot of Mount Sipylus,
near Magnesia, (b. c. 190.) He again sued for
peace,' which was eventually granted in B. c. 188
on condition of his ceding all his dominions west of
Mount Taurus, paying 15,000 Euboic talents
within twelve years, giving up his elephants and
ships of war, and surrendering the Roman enemies
who had taken refuge at his court. He had,
moreover, to give twenty hostages for the due
fulfilment of the treaty, and among them his son
Antiochus (Epiphanes). To these terms he ac-
ceded, but allowed Hannibal to escape.

About this time Antiochus lost Armenia, which
became an independent kingdom. He found great
.difficulty in raising money to pay the Romans, and
was thus led to plunder a wealthy temple in Ely-
mais ; the people, however, rose against him and
killed him in his attempt, (b. c. 187.) The defeat
of Antiochus by the Romans, and his death in a
" fort of his own land," are foretold in the book of
Daniel, (xi. 18, 19.) Antiochus was killed in the
52nd year of his age and the 37th of his reign.
He married Ljiodice, daughter of Mithridates, king
of Pontus, and had several children. His sons
were, 1. Antiochus, who died in his father's life-
time. (Liv. XXXV. 15.) 2. Ardys, 3. Mithridates,
both of whom also probably died before their
father. (Liv. xxxiii. 10.) 4. Seleucus Philopator,
who succeeded his father. 5. Antiochus Epi-
phanes, who succeeded his brother Seleucus. The
daughters of Antiochus were, 1. Laodice, married
to her eldest brother Antiochus. (Appian, 5yr. 4.)

2. Cleopatra, betrothed to Ptolemy Epiphanes.

3. Antiochis, married to Ariarathes, king of Cap-
padocia. 4. One whose name is not mentioned,
whom her father offered in marriage to Eumenes.
(Appian, S?/r. 5.) The coins of Antiochus are
the first of* those of the Seleucidae which bear a
date. There are two coins preserved of the 11 2th
and 117th years of the reign of the Seleucidae,
that is, the 23rd and 28th years of the reign of
Antiochus. (Polyb. lib. v., Sec; Appian, Syr.;
Liv. lib. xxxi.— xxxvii.; Justin, lib. xxix. — xxxii.;

COIN OF ANTIOCHUS III.

198

ANTIOCIIUS.

Joseph. Ant. xii. 3. § 3; Diod. Eac. pp. 573—
575, ed. Wess. ; Sti-ab. xvi. p. 744 ; Frohlich,
Annales, p. 39 ; Etkhel, iii. p. 220, &c.) Apollo
is represented on the reverse of the foregoing coin.

ANTI'OCHUS IV. {'Avrioxos), king of Syria,
sumamed EPIPHANES CETTi^aiajs), and on coins
Theos (0eJs) also, was the son of Antiochus III.,
and was given as a hostage to the Romans in B. c.
188. He was released from captivity in B. c. 175
through his brother Seleucus Philopator, who gave
his own son Demetrius in his stead. While
Antiochus was at Athens on his return to Sj'rla
in this year, Seleucus was murdered by Heliodo-
nis, who seized upon the crown. Antiochus,
however, with the assistance of Attalus easily
expelled the usurper, and ascended the throne in
the same year. (b. c. 175.) Demetrius remained
at Rome.

Cleopatra, the sister of Antiochus, who had
been betrothed to Ptolemy Epiphanes, was now
dead, and Antiochus therefore claimed the pro-
vinces of Coele-Syria and Palestine, which had
been given as her dowry. As the Ronicins were
at this time engaged in a war with Perseus, king
of Macedonia, Antiochus thought it a favourable
opportunity to prosecute his claims, and accord-
ingly declared war against Egypt In four cam-
paigns (b. c. 171 — 168), he not only obtained
possession of the countries to which he laid claim,
but .ilmost completed the conquest of Egypt, and,
was preparing to lay siege to Alexandria, when a
Roman embassy commanded him to retire from
the country. This command he thought it most
prudent to obey, but he still retained possession of
Coele-Syria and Palestine. The cruelties which
Antiochus perpetrated against the Jews during
this war, are recorded in the books of the Macca-
bees, and have rendered his name infamous. He
took Jerusalem on his return from his second
campaign into Egypt (b. c. 170), and again at the
end of the fourth campaign (b. c. 168), and en-
deavoured to root out the Jewish religion and
introduce the worship of the Greek divinities ; but
this attempt led to a rising of the Jewish people,
under Mattiithias and his heroic sons the Macca-
bees, which Antiochus was unable to put down,
liysias, who was sent against them with a large
army, was defeated ; and Antiochus, who was in
the eastern provinces at the time, hastened his re-
turn in order to avenge the disgrace which had
liefallen his arms. On his return he attempted to
plunder a temple in Elj'mais, probably the same as
his father had attacked, but was repulsed, and
shortly afterwards died at Tabae in Persia, in a
state of raving madness, which the Jews and
Greeks equally attributed to his sacrilegious crimes.
His subjects gave him the name of Epimanes
{'Eirifxayi^s) in parody of Epiphanes {'EirKpauTJs).

COIN OK ANTIOCHUS IV.

ANTIOCHUS.
He died in b. c. 164, after a reign of 11 years.
He left a son, Antiochus Eupator, who succeeded
him, and a daughter, Laodice. (Liv. lib. xli. —
xlv. ; Polyb. lib. xxvi. — xxxi. ; Justin, xxiv. 3 ;
Diod. Em. pp. 579, 583, &c., ed. Wess.; Appian,
Si/r. 45, 66 ; Maccab. lib. i. ii. ; Joseph. Aiit. xii.
5 ; Hieronym. ad Dan. ell; Eckhel. iii. p. 222,
&c.) On the reverse of the foregoing coin Jupiter
is represented, holding a small figure of Victoiy in
his right hand, and a spear in his left.

ANTI'OCHUS V. ('Ai/Ti'oxos), king of Syria,
sumamed EUPATOR {EvwaTup), was nine years
old at his father's death, and reigned nominally
for two years, (b. c. 164 — 162.) Lysias assumed
the guardianship of the young king, tliough An-
tiochus IV. had appointed Philip to this office.
Lysias, accompanied by the young king, continued
tlie war against the Jews, and laid siege to Jeru-
salem ; but hearing that Philip was marching
against him from Persis, he concluded a peace
with the Jews. He then proceeded against Philip,
whom he conquered and put to death. The Ro-
mans, availing themselves of the distracted state of
Syria, sent an embassy to enforce the tenns of the
peace which had been concluded with Antiochus
the Great ; but an insurrection was excited in con-
sequence of these commands, in which Octavius,
the chief of the embassy, was slain. About the
same time Demetrius Soter, the son of Seleucus
Philopator, who had remained in Rome up to this
time [see Antiochus IV.], appeared in Syria and
laid claim to the throne. Lysias and the young
king fell into his hands, and were immediately put
to death by him, B.C. 162. (Polyb. xxxi. 12, 19 ;
Appian, Si/r. 46, 66 ; Joseph. A7it. xii. 10 ; 1 Mac-
ca/j. vi., &c. ; 2 Maccab. xiii., &c. ; Cic. Phil. ix. 2.)
Apollo is represented on the reverse of the annexed
coin, as in those of Antiochus I. and III. The in-
scription at the foot, ETnAT0P02, is partly cut olf.

coin of antiochus v.

ANTI'OCHUS VI. ('A..Ti'oxos), king of Syria,
sumamed THEOS (Oeos), and on coins Epiphanes
Dionysus {'EirKpavris AiSwcros), was the son of
Alexander Balas, king of Syria [see p. 114, b.],
and remained in Arabia after his father's death in
B. c. 146. Two years afterwards (b. c. 144),
while he was still a youth, he was brought forward
as a claimant to the crown against Demetrius
Nicator by Tryphon, or Diodotus, who had been
one of his father's chief ministers. Tryphon met
with great success ; Jonathan and Simon, the
leaders of the Jews, joined his party ; and Antio-
chus was acknowledged as king by the greater
part of Syria. But Tryphon, who had all along
intended to secure the royal power for himself, and
had brought forward Antiochus only for this pur-
pose, now put the young prince to death and
ascended the throne, B. c. 142. (1 Maccab. xi.,
&c. ; Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 6, &c. ; Strab. xvi. p.
752 ; Justin, xxxvi. 1 ; Liv. Epit. 55.) The re-

ANTIOCHTJS.

■wree of the annexed coin ropresimts the Dioscuri
ridinpr on horseback, and has upon it the year O I*,
that is, the 1 70th vear of the Seleucidae. (Eckhel,
iii. p.231,«:c.)

ANTIOCIIUS.

199

COIN OF ANTIOCHUS VI.

ANTI'OCHUS VII. CAvtIoxos), king of Sy-
ria, sumamed SIDETES (SiStjttjs), from Side in
Panipliylia, wliere he was brought up, (and not
from a Syriac word signifying a hunter,) and on
coins Euergetes (Euepyhris), was the j'ounger son
of Demetrius Soter, and obtained possession of the
throne in b. c. 137, after conquering Tryphon, who
had held the sovereignty since the murder of
Antiochus VI. He married Cleopatra, the wife
of his elder brother Demetrius Nicator, who was a
prisoner in the hand of the Piirthians. He carried
on war against the Jews, and took Jerusalem
after almost a year's siege, in B. c. 133. He then
granted them a peace on favourable terms, and
next directed his arms against the Paithians. At
iirst he met with success, but was afterwards de-
feated by the Parthian king, and lost his life in
the battle, after a reign of nine years, (b. c. 128.)
His son Seleucus was taken prisoner in the same
battle. Antiochus, like many of liis predecessors,
was passionately devoted to the pleasures of the
tal)le. He had three sons and two daughters, the
latter of whom both bore the name of Laodice.
His sons were Antiochus, Seleucus, and Antiochus
(Cyzicenus), the last of whom subsequently suc-
ceeded to the throne. (Joseph. Atit. xiii. 8 ; 1
Afaccub. XV., &c. ; Justin, xxxvi. 1, xxxviii. 10 ;
Diod. xxxiv. Ed. 1 ; Athen. x. p. 439, xii. p. 540.)
The reverse of the annexed coin represents Athena
holding a small figure of Victory in her right hand.
(Eckhel, iii. p. 235, &c.)

COIN OF ANTIOCHUS VIL

ANTI'OCHUS VIII. ('Avrfoxos), king of Sy-
ria, surnamed GKYPUS (TpuircJj), or Hook-
nosed, from 7pw(|/,a vulture, and on coins Epiphanes
('ETTK^cifTjv), was the second son of Demetrius
Nicator and Cleopatni. His eldest brother Seleu-
cus was put to death by their mother Cleopatra,
because he wished to have the power, and not
merely the title, of king ; and Antiochus was after
his brother's death recalled from Athens, where he
was studying, by his mother Cleopatra, that he might
bear the tide of king, while the real sovereignty

remained in her hands, (b. c. 125.) At this time
the greater part of Syria was in the power of the
usurper Alexander Zebina [see p. 127, b.] ; but
Antiochus, with the assistance of Ptolemy Physcon,
tiie king of Egypt, whose daughter he married,
conquered Alexander and became master of the
whole of Syria. Cleopatra then became jealous of
him and plotted against his life ; but her son com-
pelled her to drink the poison she had prepared
for him. (b. c. 120.) For the next eight years
Antiochus reigned in peace ; but at the end of that
time his half-brother, Antiochus Cyzicenus, the
son of Antiochus Sidetes and their common mother
Cleopatra, laid claim to the crown, and a civil war
ensued, (b. c. 112.) The remaining history of the
Seleucidae till Syria became a Roman province, is
hardly anything else but a series of civil wars be-
tween the princes of the royal family. In the first
year of the struggle (b. c. 112), Antiochus Cyzi-
cenus became master of almost the whole of SjTia,
but in the next year (b. c. Ill), A. Grj-pus re-
gained a considerable part of his dominions ; and
it was then agreed that the kingdom should be
shared between them, A. Cyzicenus having Coele-
Syria and Phoenicia, and A. Grypus the remainder
of the provinces. This arrangement lasted, though
with frequent wars between the two kings, till the
death of Antiochus Grypus, who was assassinated
by Heracleon in B. c. 96, after a reign of twenty-
nine years. He left five sons, Seleucus, Philip,
Antiochus Epiphanes, Demetrius Eucaerus, and
Antiochus Dionysus. (Justin, xxxix. 1 — 3; Liv.
EpiL 60 ; Appian, Si/r. 69 ; Joseph. Aniiq. xiii.
13; Athen. xii. p. 540.) Many of the coins of
Antiochus Grypus have the head of Antiochus on
one side, and that of his mother Cleopatra on the
other. The one annexed must have been struck
after his mother's death. (Eckhel, iii. p. 238, &c.)

coin of antiochus Vlll.
ANTIOCHUS IX. {'AvtIoxos), king of Syria
sumamed CYZICENUS(Ku^/<ri./($s) from Cyzicns,
where he was brought up, and on coins Philopator
(^lAoTTOTwp), reigned over Coele-Syria and Phoe-
nicia from B. c. 1 1 1 to 96, as is stated in the pre-
ceding article. On the death of his brother, Anti-
ochus Vlll., he attempted to obtain possession of

coin of antiochus IX.

200 ANTIOCHUS.

the whole of Syria ; but his claims were resisted by
Seleucus,the eldest son of Antiochus\riII.,by whom
he was killed in battle, b. c. 95. He left behind
him a son, Antiochus Eusebes, who succeeded to
the throne. (Justin, Appian, Joseph. 11. cc. ; Eck-
hel, iii. p. 241, &c.) The reverse of the foregoing
coin is the same as that of Antiochus VII.

ANTI'OCHUS X. {'AvTioxos), king of Syria,
suniamed EUSEBES (Ewo-egTjs), and on coins.
Philopator (*iAo7roTwp) also, succeeded to the
throne on the death of his father Antiochus IX.
B. c. 95. He defeated Seleucus, who conquered
his father, and compelled him to fly into Cilicia,
where he perished; but he then had to contend
with the next two brothers of Seleucus, Philip and
Antiochus Epipbanes, the latter of whom assumed
the title of king, and is known as the eleventh
king of Syria of this name. In a battle fouglit
near the Orontes, Antiochus X. defeated Philip
and Antiochus XL, and the latter was drowned in
the river. The crown was now assumed by Philip,
who continued to prosecute the war assisted by his
brother, Demetrius Eucaerus. The Syrians, worn
out with these civil broils, offered the kingdom to
Tigranes, king of Annenia, who accordingly took
possession of Syria in b. c. 8.3, and ruled over it
till he was defeated by Lucullus in B. c. 09. The
time of the death of Antiochus X. is uncertain.
He appears, however, to have fallen in battle
against the Parthians, before Tigranes obtained
possession of Syria, (Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 13. § 4.)
According to some accounts he survived the reign
of Tigranes, and returned to his kingdom after the
conquest of the latter by Lucullus (Euseb. p. 192 ;
Justin, xl. 2) ; but these accounts ascribe to Anti-
ochus X. what belongs to his son Antiochus XIII.
(See Clinton, F. H. vol. iii. pp. 338, 340.) Jupiter
is represented on the reverse of the annexed coin

in that of Antiochus IV.

COIN OF ANTIOCHUS X.

ANTI'OCHUS XL ('Avn'oxos), king of Syria,
sumaraed EPIPHANES ('E7r4a>'r?s), was the son
of Antiochus VIIL, and is spoken of under An-
tiochus X.

coin of antiochus XI.

ANTI'OCHUS XIL(*AvTioxos),king of Syria,
surnamed DIONYSUS {Aiowaos), and on coins
Philopator Callinicus (*i\o7raTw/j KaKKiviKos) also.

ANTIOPE.

the youngest son of Antiochus VIIL, assumed the
title of king after his brother Demetrius had been
taken prisoner by the Parthians. He fell in battle
against Aretas, king of the Arabians. (Joseph.
Ant. xiii. 15. § I; Eckhel, iii. p. 246, &c.)

coin of antiochus XII.

ANTI'OCHUS XIIL, king of Syria, sur-
named ASIATICUS ('Ao-taTiKJs), and on coins
Dionysus Philopator Callinicus (J^i6vvctos ^i\o-
iroT&jp KakXiviKos)^ was the son of Antiochus X.
and Selene, an Egyptian princess. He repaired to
Rome during the time that Tigranes had posses-
sion of Syria, and passed through Syria on his re-
turn during the government of Verres. (b. c. 73-71.)
On the defeat of Tigranes in B. c. 09., Lucullus
allowed Antiochus Asiaticus to take possession of
tile kingdom ; but he was deprived of it in B. c. G5
by Pompey, who reduced Sicily to a Roman pro-
vince. In this year the Seleucidae ceased to reign.
(Appian, Syr. 49, 70 ; Cic. in Verr. iv. 27, 28, 30 ;
Justin, xl. 2.) Some writers suppose, that Antio-
chus Asiaticus afterwards reigned as king of Com-
niagene, but there are not sufficient reasons to sup-
port this opinion. [Antiochus L, king of Com-
magene.]

coin of antiochus xiii.

For the history and chronology of the Syrian
kings in general, see Frbhlich, Annales Si/riae, ^'c. ;
Vaillant, Sclcucidarum Imperium., S^c. ; Niebuhr,
Klcitte Schriften, Ilistorischer Geimin aus der
arnmiisclien Uebersetzung der Clironik des Eusebius ;
Clinton, F. H. vol. iii. Appendix, c. 3.

ANTION ('Ai/TiW), a son of Periphas and
Astyageia, and husband of Perimela, by whom he
became the father of Ixion. (Died. iv. 09 ; Schol.
ud Find. Pyth. ii. 39.) [L. S.]

ANTI'OPE ('Ai/Tw'Trr/). 1. A daughter of
Nycteus and Polyxo (Apollod. iii. 5. § 5, 10. § 1),
or of the river god Asopus in Boeotia. {Odyss. xi.
260 ; Apollon. Rhod. i. 735.) She became by
Zeus the mother of Amphion and Zethus. [Am-
phion.] Dionysus threw her into a state of mad-
ness on account of the vengeance which her sons
had taken on Dirce. In this condition she wan-
dered about through Greece, until Phociis, the
grandson of Sisyphus, cured and married her. She
was buried with Phocus in one common tomb.
(Paus. ix. 17. § 4.)

2. An Amazon, a sister of Hippolyte, who mar-
ried Theseus, (Paus. i. 2. § 1, 41. § 7.) Accord-
ing to Servius(a(/^e«. xi. 661), she was a daughter
of Hippolyte. Diodorus (iv. 16) states, that The-
seus received her as a present from Heracles.

ANTIPATER.

When subsequently Attica was invaded by the
Amazons, Antiope fought with Theseus against
tlieni, and died the death of a heroine by his side.
(Conip. Diod. iv. 28; Phit. Thes. 26, 27.) Ac-
cording to Hyginus {Fah. 241) Antiope was a
daughter of Ares, and was killed by Theseus him-
self in consequence of an oracle.

3. A daughter of Pylon or Pylaon, was married
to Eurytus, by whom she became the mother of
the Argonauts Iphitus .and Clytius. She is also
called Antioche. (ApoUon. Rhod. i. 86 ; Hygin.
Fab. 14, with Muncker's note.)

4. A daughter of Aeolus, by whom Poseidon
begot Boeotus and Hellen. (Hygin. Fab. 157;
Diod. iv. 67, who calls the mother of these two
heroes Arne.) [Aeolus.]

Two other mythical personages of this name oc-
cur in ApoUod. ii. 7. § 8, and in Serv. ad Aen. vi.
46, though Servius seems to confound Antiope
with Anteia, the wife of Proetus. [L. S.]

ANTl'PATER, a celebrated chaser of silver.
(Plin. xxxiii. 55.) [P. S.j

ANTl'PATER ('Ai/TiTroTpo?), a writer on the
interpretation of dreams (Owezz-ocriVica), mentioned
by Artemidorus. {Oneir. iv. 64.) [L. S.]

ANTl'PATER {'kvTiirarpos), of Acanthus, a
Greek grammarian of uncertain date (Ptolem.
Heph. ap. Phot. Cod. 190; Eustath. ad Horn. Od.
xi. p. 45.3), who is probably the same as the one
mentioned by the Scholiast on Aristophanes. {Av.
1403.) , , , [L- S.]

ANTl'PATER ('ArTiTraTpoj), an Astrologer
or mathematician, who wrote a work upon geneth-
lialogia, in which he endeavoured to explain man's
fate, not from the circumstances under which he
was bom, but from those under which he had been
conceived. (Vitruv. ix. 7.) [L. S.]

ANTI'PATER('Aj'Tt7raTpos), bishop of Bostra
in Arabia, flourished about 460 A. D. His chief
work was 'AvTlpprjffis, a reply to Pamphilus's Apo-
logy for Origen, some fragments of which are con-
tained in the Acts of the 2nd council of Nice. He
also wrote a homily on John the Baptist, and some
other discourses. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. x. p. 518;
Cave, Hist. Litt. sub ann. 460.) [P. S.]

ANTIPATER ('Ai/Tt'TraTpos), the father of
Cassander, was an officer in high favour with
Philip of Macedon (Just. ix. 4), who after his vic-
tory at Chaeroneia, B. c. 338, selected him to con-
duct to Athens the bones of the Athenians who
had fallen in the battle. (Just. I. c; Polyb. v. 10.)
He joined Parmenion in the ineffectual advice to
Alexander the Great not to set out on his Asiatic
expedition till he had provided by marriage for
the succession to the throne (Diod xvii. 16) ; and,
on the king's departure, b. c. 334, he was left
regent in Macedonia. (Diod. xvii. 17; Arr. Anab.
i. p. 12, a.) In b. c. 331 Antipater suppressed
the Thracian rebellion under Memnon (Diod. xvii.
62), and also brought the war with the Spartans
under Agis III. to a successful termination. (See
p. 72, b.) It is with reference to this event that
we first find any intimation of Alexander's jealousy
of Antipater — a feeling which was not improbably
produced or fostered by the representations of
Olympias, and perhaps by the known sentiments
of Antipater himself. (Curt. vi. 1. § 17, &c., x. 10.
§ 14; Pint. Ages. p. 604, b., Alex. pp. 688, c,
705, f. ; Perizon, mi Ael. V. H. xii. 16 ; Thirl w.
6>. Hist. vol. viu p. 89 ; but see Plut. Plutc. p.
749, e. ; Ael V. H. i. 25.) Whether, however,

ANTIPATER.

201

from jealousy or from the necessity of guarding
against the evil consequences of the dissensions
between Olympias and Antipater, the latter was
ordered to lead into Asia the fresh troops required
by the king, B.c. 324, while Craterus, under whom
the discharged veterans were sent home, was ap-
pointed to the regency in Macedonia. (Arr. vii.
p. 155 ; Pseudo-Curt. x. 4. § 9, &c.; Just. xii. 12.)
The story which ascribes the death of Alexander,
B c. 323, to poison, and implicates Antipater and
even Aristotle in the plot, is perhaps sufficiently
refuted by its own intrinsic absurdity, and is set
.aside .as false by Arri.an and Plutarch. (Diod. xvii.
118; P.aus. viii. 18 ; T{ic. Ann. ii. 73; Curt. x. 10.
§14, &c. ; Arr. vii. p. 167 ; Plut. Alex, ad fin. ;
Liv. viii. .3 ; Diod. xix. 1 1 ; Athen. x. p. 434, c.)
On Alexander's death, the regency of M.acedonia
was assigned to Antipater, and he forthwith found
himself engaged in a w,ar with a strong confederacy
of Grecian states with Athens at their head. At
first he was defeated by Leosthenes, and besieged
in Lamia, whence he even sent an embassy to
Athens with .in unsuccessful application for peace.
(Diod. xviii. 3, 12, 18 ; Pans. i. 25 ; Just. xiii. 5 ;
Plut. Phoc. p. 752, b., Demosth. p. 858, d.) The
approach of Leonnatus obliged the Athenians to
raise the siege, and the death of that general, who
was defeated by Antiphilus (the successor of Leos-
thenes), and who wjis in le.ague against the regent
with Olj'mpias, was far more an adv.antage than a
loss to Antipater. (Diod. xviii. 14, 15 ; Just. xiii.
5 ; Plut. Etim. p. 584, d. e.) Being joined by
Craterus, he defeated the confederates at Cranon,
and succeeded in dissolving the le.igue by the pru-
dence and moderation with which he at first used
his victory. Athens herself was obliged to pur-
chase peace by the abolition of democracy and the
admission of a garrison into Munychia, the latter
of which conditions might surely have enabled
Antipater to dispense with the destniction of
Demosthenes and the chiefs of his party. (Diod.
xviii. 16-18; Plut. Plioc. pp. 753, 754, Demosth.
p. 858 ; P.1US. vii. 10 ; Thirhv. Gr. Hist. vol. viu
p. 187, note 1 ; Bockh, Publ. Econ. of Athens, i. 7,
iv. 3.) Returning now to Macedonia, he gave his
d.iughter Phila in mamage to Craterus, with whom,
.at the end of the year B. c. 323. he invaded the
Aetolians, the only party in the Lamian war who
held not yet submitted. (Diod. xviii. 24.) But
the intelligence brought him by Antigonus of the
treachery of Perdiccas, and of his intention of put-
ting away Nicae.a, Antipater's d.aughter, to marry
Cleopatr<a, compelled him to pass over to Asia ;
where, leaving Craterus to act against Eumenes,
he himself hastened .after Perdiccas, who was
marching towards Egypt .against Ptolemy. (Diod.
xviii. 23, 25, 29-33 ; Plut. Bum. pp. 585, 586 ;
Just. xiii. 6.) On the murder of Perdicciis, the
supreme regency devolved on Antipater, who, at
Trip.anideisus in Syria, successfully maintiiined his
power against Eurydice, the queen. -Marching
into Lydia, he avoided a battle with Eumenes, and
he on his side was dissuaded from attacking Anti-
pater by Cleopatra, who wished to give the regent
no cause of complaint Tow.ards the close of the
ye.ar 321, he returned into Eiu"ope, taking with
him the king and queen, and leaving Antigonus to
prosecute the w.ar with Eumenes. (Diod. xviii. 39,
40 ; Plut. Earn. p. 588, a.) It was during the
mortal illness of Antipater, ac. 320, that Demades
was sent to him from Athens to endeavour to ob^

202

ANTIPATER.

taiu the removal of the garrison from ^Munychia,
and was put to death for his treacherous corres-
pondence with Perdiccas. Antipater left the re-
gency to Polysperchon, to the exclusion of his own
son Cassander. (Plut. Plioc. p. 7-55, Dem. ad fin.;
Arr. ap. Phot. p. 70, a.; Diod. xviii. 48.) [E. E.]
ANTIPATER { AvriiraTpos), second son of
Cassander, king of Macedonia, by Thessalonica,
sister of Alexander the Great. Soon after the
death of Cassander (b. c. 29G), his eldest son Phi-
lip also died of consumption (Pans. ix. 7; Plut.
Demetr. 905, f.), and great dissensions ensued be-
tween Antipater and his younger brother Alexan-
der for the government. Antipater, believing that
Alexander was favoured by his mother, put her to
death. The younger brother upon this applied for
aid at once to Pyrrhus of Epeirus and Demetrius
Poliorcetes. Pyrrhus arrived first, and, exacting
from Alexander a considerable portion of Macedonia
as his reward, obliged Antipater to fly before him.
According to Plutarch, Lysiniochus, king of Thrace,
Antipater's father-in-law, attempted to dissuade
Pyrrhus from further hostilities by a forged letter
purporting to come from Ptolemy Soter. The
forgery was detected, but Pyrrhus seems notwith-
standing to have withdrawn after settling matters
between the brothei-s ; soon after wliich Demetrius
arrived. Justin, who says nothing of Pyrrhus,
tells us, that Lysimaehus, feaiing the interference
of Demetrius, advised a reconciliation between
Antipater and Alexander. On the murder of
Alexander by Demetrius, the latter appears, ac-
cording to Plutarch, to have been made king of all
Macedonia, to the exclusion at once of Antipater.
According to Justin, Lysimaehus conciliated Deme-
trius by putting him in possession of Antipater's
portion of the kingdom, and murdered Antipater,
who appears to have fled to him for refuge. The
murder seems, from Diodorus, to have been owing
to the instigjition of Demetrius. (Plut. Pyrr. p.
386, Demetr. pp. 905, 906 ; Just. xvi. 1,2; Diod.
Sic. xxi. Exc 7.) [E. E.]

ANTI'PATEH, L. COELTUS, a Roman jurist
and historian. Pomponius (Dig. 1. tit, 2. s. 2. §
40) considers him more an orator than a jurist ;
Cicero, on the other hand, prizes him more as a
jurist than as an onitor or historian. (De Or. ii.
12; de Legg. 1,2; Brut. c. 26.) He was a
contemporary of C. Gracchus (b. c. 12:3); L.
Crassus, the orator, was his pupil. He was the
first who endeavoured to impart to Roman his-
tory the ornaments of style, and to make it
more than a mere chronicle of events, but his dic-
tion was rather vehement and high-sounding than
elegant and polished. He is not to be confounded
with Coelius Sabinus, the Coelius of the Digest.
None of his juridical writings have been preserved.
He wrote a history of the second Punic war, and
composed Amiales^ which were epitomized by
Brutus. (Cic. ad Att. xiii. 8.) The history of the
second Punic war was perhaps only a part of the
Aunales. Antipater followed the Greek history of
Silenus Calatinus (Cic, de Div. i. 24, 49), and oc-
casionally borrowed from the Origines of Cato
Censorius. (Gell, x. 24; Macrob. Saturn, i. 4,
extr.) The emperor Hadrian is reported to have
preferred him as an historian to Sallust (Spartianus,
Hadrian, c. 16) ; by Valerius Maximus (i. 7) he
is designated certus Romanae historiae auctor ; and
he is occasionally quoted by Livy, who sometimes,
with respectful consideration, dissents from his

ANTIPATER.

authoritj'. It is manifest, however, from Cicero
and Val. Maximus, that he was fond of relating
dreams and portents. Orelli {Onomast. Cic.) refers
to the disserUitions on Antipater by Eavius Ant.
Nauta and G. Groen van Prinsterer, inserted in
the Annals of the Academy of Leyden for 1821.
His fragments, several of which are preserved in
Nonius, are to be found appended to the editions
of Sallust by Wasse, Corte, and Havercamp ; and
also in Krause's Vitae et Fraymenta vet. Hlsior,
Rom. p, 182, &c. [J. T. G.]

ANTI'PATER ('AfTlTrarpos), of Cvrknk, one
of the disciples of Aristippus, the founder of the
C3'renaic school of philosophy. (Diog. Laert. ii.
86.) According to Cicero {Tusml. v. 38) he was
blind, but knew how to console himself by saying,
that darkness was not without its pleasures. [L. S^J
ANTI'PATER {'hvr'nraTpos), tyrant or prince
of Derbe. Amyntas, the Lycaonian chieftain,
murdered him and seized his principality. [Amyn-
tas, No. 6.] He was a friend of Cicero's, one
of whose letters, of uncertain date, is addressed
on his behalf to Q. Philippus, proconsul of the
province of Asia, who was oflended with Anti-
pater and held his sons in his power. (Strab. xii.
p, 392 ; Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 73.) [E. E.]

ANTI'PATER {'AvTiiraTpos), father of Herod
the Great, was, according to Josephus, the son of
a noble Iduraaean of the same name, to whom the
government of Idumaea had been given by Alex-
ander Jannaeus and his wife Alexandra, and at
their court the young Antipater was brought up.
The two other accounts which we have of his pa-
rentiige appear to be false. (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 1. § 3;
Nicol. Damasc, ap. Joseph. I. c; African, ap. Eusch.
Hist. Eccl. i. 6, 7 ; Phot. Bill n. 76, 238.) In
B. c. 65, he persuaded Hyrcanus to take refuge
from his brother Aristobulus II. with Aretas, king
of Arabia Petr.iea, by whom accordingly an unsuc-
cessful attempt was made to replace Hyrcanus on
the throne. {Ant. xiv. 2, BeU. Jud. i. 6* § 2.) In
B. c. 64, Antipater again supported the cause of
this prince before Pompey in Coele-Syria. {Ant.
xiv. 3. § 2.) In the ensuing year, Jerusalem was
taken bj' Pompey, and Aristobulus was deposed ;
and henceforth we find Antipater both zealously-
adhering to Hyrcanus, and labouring to ingratiate
himself with the Romans, His services to the
latter, especiallj' against Alexander son of Aristo-
bulus, and in Egypt against Archelaus (b, o, 57
and 56), were favourably regarded by Scaurus and
Gabinius, the lieutenants of Pompey ; his active
zeal under Mithridates of Pergamus in the Alex-
andrian war (b, c, 48) was rewarded by Julius
Caesiir with the gift of Roman citizenship; and,
on Caesar's coming into Syria (b,c. 47), Hyrcanus
was confiraied by him in the high-priesthood,
through Antipater's influence, notwithstanding the
complaints of Antigonus son of Aristobulus, while
Antipater himself was appointed procurator of
Judaea, (Joseph, J 72i, xiv. 5. §§ 1, 2, 6. §§ 2-4, 8,
BeU. Jud. i. 8. §§ 1, 3, 7, 9. §§ 3-5.) After Caesar
had left Syria to go against Phaniaces, Antipater
set himself to provide for the quiet settlement of
the country under the existing government, and
appointed his sons Phasaelus and Herod to be
governors respectivelv of Jerusalem and Galilee.
(Joseph. Ant. xiv. 9, §§ 1, 2, Bdl. Jud. i. 10. § 4.)
His care for the peace and good order of the pro-
vince was further shewn in b, c. 46, when he dis-
suaded Herod from his purpose of attacking Hyrca-

ANTI PATER.

nu8 in Jenisalem [IIkkoder], and again in B.c. 43
(the year after C'jicsiir's murder), by his regulations
for the collection of the tax imposed on Judaea by
Cassius for the support of his troops. {Ant. xiv. 9.
§ 5, 11. § 2, Bell. Jiul. i. 10. § 9, 11. § 2.) To
the last-mentioned year his death is to be refeiTed.
He was carried off by poison which Malichus,
whose life he had twice saved [Malichus], bribed
the cup-bearer of Ilyrcanus to administer to him.
{Ant. xiv. 11. §§ 2-4, Bell. Jud. i. 11. §§ 2-4.)
For his family, see Joseph. Ant. xiv. 7. § 3. [E. E.]

ANTITATEll {; hprhaTpos), the eldest son
of Herod the Great by his first wife, Doris (Jos.
Ant. xiv. 12. § 1), a monster of wickedness and
craft, whose life is briefly described by Josephus
{Bell. Jud. i. 24. § 1) in two words — KUKias /jlvct-
Tifipiov. Herod, having divorced Doris and married
Alariamne, B. c. 38, banished Antipater from court
( Bell. Jud. i. 22. § 1 ), but recalled him afterwards,
in the hope of checking, by the presence of a rival,
the violence and resentment of Mariamne's sons,
Alexander and Aristobulus, who were exasperated
by their mother's death. Antipater now intrigued
to bring his half-brothers under the suspicion of
his father^ and with such success, that Herod
altered his intentions in their behalf, recalled Doris
to court, and sent Antipater to Rome, recommend-
ing him to the favour of Augustus. (Jos. Ant. xvi.
3, Bdl. Jud. i. 23, § 2.) He still continued his
machinations against his brothers, and, though
Herod was tvvice reconciled to them, yet his arts,
aided by Salome and Pheroras, and especially by
the Spartan Eurycles (comp. Plut. ylw/. p. 947, b.),
succeeded at length in bringing about their death,
B. c. 6. (Jos. Ant. xvi. 4-11, Bell. Jud. i. 23-27-)
Having thus removed his rivals, and been declared
successor to the throne, he entered into a plot
against his father's life with his uncle Pheroras ;
and, to avoid suspicion, contrived to get himself
sent to Rome, taking with him, for the approba-
tion of Augustus, Herod's altered will. But the
investigation occasioned by the death of Pheroras
(whom his wife was suspected of poisoning) brought
to light Antipater's murderous designs, chiefly
through the disclosures of the wife of Pheroras, of
Antipater's own freedman, and of his steward,
Antijjater the Samaritan. He was accordingly-
recalled from Rome, and kept in ignorance of the
charges against him till his arrival at Jerusalem.
Here he was arraigned by Nicolaus of Damascus
before Quintilius Varus, the Roman governor of
Syria, and the sentence agJiinst him having been
confinned by Augustus (who recommended, how-
ever, a mitigation of it in the shape of banishment),
he was executed in prison, five days before the
termination of Herod's mortal illness, and in the
same year as the massacre of the innocents. (Jos.
Ant. xvii. 1-7, Bell. Jud. i. 28-33; Euseb. i7is/.
Keel. i. 8. § 12.) The death of Antipater probably
called forth the well-known sarcasm of Augustus :
" Melius est Herodis porcum esse quam filium."
(Macrob. Saturn, ii. 4.) [E. E.]

ANTl'PATER ('Aj/TfTrarpos), of Hikrapolis,
a Greek sophist and rhetorician of the time of the
emperor Severus, He was a son of Zeuxidemus,
and a pupil of Adrianus, Pollux, and Zeno. In his
orations both extempore and written, some of
which are mentioned by Philostratus, Antipater
was not superior to his contemporaries, but in the
art of writing letters he is said to have excelled all
others, and for this reason the emperor Severus

ANTIPATER.

2(»»

made hira his private secretary. The empen)r had
such a high opinion of him, that he raised hira to
the consular dignity, and afterwards made him
pmcfect of Bithynia. But as Antipjiter used his
sword too freely, he was deprived of his office, and
retired to his native place, where he died at the
age of 68, it is said of voluntary starvation. Phi-
lostratus says, that he wrote a history of the life
and exploits of the emperor Severus, but not a
fragment of it is extant. (Philostr. Vit. Sojth. ii.
24, 25. § 4, 26. § 3 ; Galen, De T/teriuc. ad Bison.
ii. p. 458 ; Eudoc. p. 57.) [L. S.]

ANTl'PATER, the name of at least two phv-
siciANS. 1. The author of a work riepl ^vxns^
" On the Soul," of which the second book is
quoted by the Scholiast on Homer (//. A. 115. p.
306", ed. Bekker; Cramer, Anecd. Graeca Paris.
vol. iii. p. 14), in which he said that the soul in-
creased, diminished, and at last perished with the
body ; and which may very possibly be the work
quoted by Diogenes Laertius (vii. 157), and com-
monly attributed to Antipater of Tarsus. If he be
the physician who is said by Galen {De Meih. Med.
i. 7, vol. X. p. 52 ; Intrud. c. 4. vol. xiv. p. 684)
to have belonged to the sect of the Methodici, he
must have lived in or after the first century B. c;
and this date will agree very well with the fact of
his being quoted by Androraachus (ap. GaL De
Compos. Aledkam. sec. Locos, iii. 1, ix. 2, vol. xiL
p.630, vol.xiii. p.239), Scribonius Largus(Z)eCo/rt-
pos. Med. c. 167, p. 221), and Caelius Aurelianus.
{De Morb. Chron. ii. 1 3, p. 404.) His prescriptions
are frequently quoted with approbation by Galen
and Aetius, and the second book of his " Epistles"
is mentioned by Caelius Aurelianus. {I. c.)

2. A contemporary of Galeu at Rome in the
second centuiy after Christ, of whose death and
the morbid symptoms that preceded it, a very in-
teresting account is given by that physician. {De
Locis AJfect. iv. 11, vol. viii. p. 293.) [W. A. G.]

ANTl'PATER ('Aj/TtTroTpos), of Sidon, the
author of several epigrams in the Greek Anthology,
appears, from a passage of Cicero {de Oral. iii. 50),
to have been contemporarj' with Q. Catullus (con-
sul B. c. 102), and with Crassus (quaestor in Mace-
donia B. c. 106). The many minute references
made to him by Meleager, who also wrote his epi-
taph, would seem to shew that Antipater was an
elder contemporary of this poet, who is known to
have flourished in the 170th Olympiad. From
these circumstances he may be placed at B. c. 1 08-
100. He lived to a great age. (Plin. vii. 52 ;
Cic. de Fat. 3; Val. Max. i. 8. § 16, ext.; Jacobs,
Anthol. xiii. p. 847.) [P. S.]

ANTl'PATER ('AiArfTroTpos), of Tarsus, a Stoic
philosopher, was the disciple and successor of Dio-
genes and the tcicher of Panaetius, b.c. 144 nearly.
(Cic. de Divin. i. 3, de Off. iii. 12.) Plutarch speaks
of him with Zeno, Cleanthes, and Chrysippus as
one of the principal Stoic philosophers {de Stoic
Bcpjupiant. p. 144), and Cicero mentions him as
remarkable for acuteness. {De Off', iii. 12.) Of his
personal history nothing is known, nor would the
few extant notices of his philosophical opinions be
a sufticient ground for any great reputation, if it
were not for the testimony of ancient authors to his
merit. He seems to have taken the lead during
his lifetime in the disputes constantly recurring
between his own school and the Academy, although
he is said to have felt himself so unequal in argu-
ment to his contemporary Carneades, in public di»*

204

ANTIPHANES.

putation, that he confined himself to writing; whence
he was called Ka\aixo§6as, (Plut. Mor. p. 514, d. ;
Euseb. de Praep. Evang. xiv. 8.) He taught be-
lief in God as " a Being blessed, incorniptible, and
of goodwill to men," and blamed those who ascrib-
ed to the gods " generation and corruption," which
is said to have been the doctrine of Chrysippus,
(Plut. de Stoic. Rep. p. 192.) Besides this treatise
*' on the gods," he also wrote two books on Divi-
nation, a common topic among the Stoics, in which
he proved the truth of the science from the fore-
knowledge and benevolence of the Deity, explained
dreams to be supernatural intimations of the future,
and collected stories of divination attributed to
Socrates. (Cic. de Dimn. \. 3, 20, 39, 54.) He is
said to have believed that Fate was a god, though
it is not clear what was implied in this expression
(Stob. de Fato., 16); and it appears from Athe-
naeus that he wrote a treatise entitled ITepi Aeitr*-
daifiovias. (viii. p. 346.) Of his labours in moral
philosophy nothing remains but a few scattered no-
tices, just sufficient to shew that the science had
begun to decline ; the questions which arc treated
being points of detail, and such as had more to do
with the application of moral precepts than with
the principles themselves : such as they were, how-
ever, he took higher ground in solving them th.an
his master Diogenes. (Cic. de Of. iii. 12, 13, 23.)
Compare Varro, de Ling. Lat. vi. 1. p. 184, Fragra,
p. 289, ed. Bip. [C. E. P.]

ANTrPATER('Aj/Tr7raTpos),ofTHEssALONicA,
the author of several epigrams in the Greek Antho-
logy, lived, as we may infer from some of his epi-
grams, in the latter part of the reign of Augustus
(B.C. 10 and onwards), and perhaps till the reign
of Caligula, (a. d. 38.) He is probably the same
poet who is called, in the titles of several epigrams,
"Antipater Macedo." (Jacobs, ^n^/. xiii. pp.848,
849.) [P. S.]

ANTI'PATER ('Ain-fTraTpos). 1. Of Tvre, a
Stoic philosopher, and a contemporary of Cato the
Younger, whose friend Antipater is said to have
been when Cato was yet a young man. (Plut. Cat.
Min. 4.) He appears to be the same as the Anti-
pater of Tyre mentioned by Strabo. (xvi. p. 757.)

2. Of Tyke, likewise a Stoic philosopher,
but unquestionably of a later date than the for-
mer, though Vossius {de Hist. Or. p. 392, ed.
Westennann) confounds the two. He lived
after, or was at least younger than, Panaetius,
and Cicero {de Off. ii. 24), in speaking of him,
says, that he died lately at Athens, which must
mean shortly before b. c, 45. From this pas-
sage we must infer that Antipater wrote a work
on Duties {de Offciis), and Diogenes Laertius
(vii. 139, 140, 142, 148) refers to a work of Anti-
pater on the Universe {irepl kSo-ijlov), of which he
quotes the eighth book. [L. S.]

ANTI'PHANES {'AvTKpaves), of Augos, a
sculptor, the disciple of Pericleitus, and teacher of
Cleon. Since Cleon flourished B. c. 380, Anti-
phanes may be placed at 400 B. c. Pausanias
mentions several of his works, which were at Del-
phi, especially a horse in bronze. (Pausan. v. 17,
z. 9.) [P. S.]

ANTI'PHANES {"Avt icpdu-ns), of Berga in
Thrace, a Greek writer on marvellous and incredi-
ble things. {^Airia-Ta, Scymnius Chius, 657, &c.)
From the manner in which he is mentioned by
Strabo (i. p. 47, ii. pp. 102, 104; comp. Polyb.
xx\iii. 12), it would seem that he wrote his sto-

ANTIPIIANES.
ries with a view that they should be believed as
history, and that consequently he was an impostor.
It was owing to Antiphanes that the verb fiepydi:-
^€iv was used in the sense of telling stories. (Steph.
Byz. s. V. Bep77j, who however confounds our An-
tiphanes with the comic writer of Rhodes ; comp.
Clem. Alex. Stroni. i. p. 133; Phot. Cod. 166.)
Most writers agree in believing, that Antiphanes
of Berga is the same as the Antiphanes who wrote
a work on courtezans {irfpl eraipwu), and whom
some writers call Antiphanes the Younger. (Aihen.
xiii. p. 586 ; Harpocrat. s. vt>. Ndvuiov^ 'AvriKvpa ;
Suid. s. V. Nafioi'.) [L. S.]

ANTI'PHANES {'AvTKpdvns), a comic poet,
the earliest and one of the most celebrated
Athenian poets of the middle comedy, was born,
according to Suidas {s. v.), in the 93rd Olym-
piad, and died in the 112th, at the age of 74.
But Athenaeus (iv. p. 156, c.) quotes a fragment
in which Antiphanes mentions " King Seleucus,"
and Seleucus was not king till 01. 118. 2. The true
explanation of the dilHculty is in all probability
that suggested by Clinton, namely, that in this
instance, as in others, Antiphanes has been con-
founded with Alexis, and that the fragment in
Athenaeus belongs to the latter poet. (Clinton, in
the Philological Museum., \. p. 607 ; Meineke, Fru//.
Com. i. pp. 304-7.) The above dates are given us
in Olympiads, without the exact years being speci-
fied, but we may safely place the life of Antiphanes
between 404 and 330 b. c, and his first exhibition
about B.C. 383.

The parentage and birthplace of Antiphanes are
doubtful. His father's name was Demophanes, or
Stephanus, probably the latter, since he had a sou
named Stephanus, in accordance with the Athenian
custom of naming a child after his grandfather. As
his birthplace are mentioned Cios on the Helles-
pont, Smyrna, Rhodes, and Larissa ; but the last
statement deserves little credit. (Meineke, i. 308.)

Antiphanes was the most highly esteemed writer
of the middle comedy, excepting Alexis, Avho
sliared that honour with him. The fragments
which remain prove that Athenaeus was right in
praising him for the elegance of his language (pp.
27, 156, 168), though he uses some words and
phrases which are not found in older writers. (See
forexamples Meineke, i. p. 309.) He was one of the
most fertile dramatic authors that ever lived, for his
plays amounted, on the largest computation, to 365,
on the least to 260. We still possess the titles of
about 130. It is probable, however, that some of
the comedies ascribed to him were by other writers,
for the grammarians frequently confound him, not
only, as remarked above, with Alexis, but also
with Antiphon, ApoUophanes, Antisthenes, and
Aristophanes. Some of his plays were on mytho-
logical subjects, others had reference to particular
persons, others to characters, personal, professional,
and national, while others seem to have been
wholly occupied with the intrigues of private life.
In these classes of subjects we see, as in all the
comedians of the period, the gradual transition of
the middle comedy into the new. The fragments
of Antiphanes are collected by Clinton {PhiloL
Mus. I. c), and more fully by Meineke {Frag.
Comic, vol. iii.). He gained the prize 30 times.

Another Antiphanes, of Berge in Thrace, is
mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus as a comic
poet (s. V. Bepyi?); but this was the writer cited
by Strabo (p. 102) and Antonius Diogenes {up.

AXTIPHILUS.

Phot. Cod. IGG, p. 112, Bekker), as the author of
marvellous stories respecting distant countries: he
is spoken of in the preceding article.

Suidas mentions " another Antiphanes, an Athe-
nian comic poet, later than Panactius," who is
mentioned by no other writer, unless he be the
,\iitiphancs who wrote a work TlfpX 'Eraipuv.
(Suidas, s. V. "Ndvtov; Athen. xiii. p. 586.)

Antiphanes Carystius, who is called by Eudocia
(p. ()1) a comic poet, was really a tragedian, con-
t''niponiry with Thespis. (Suidas, s. v.) [P. S.]

ANTI'PHANES ('A»'ti(|)o»/tjs), an Epiuram-

ATic poet, several of whose epigrams are still
extant in the Greek anthology. He lived after the
time of Meleager (i.e. after B. c. 100), but before
the time of Philip of Thessalonica, that is, about
the reign of Augustus ; for Philip incorporated the
epigrams of Antiphanes in his Anthology, by
which means they have come down to our times.
(Jacol's, ufl Anihd. Grcu^c. xiii. p. 850, &c.) [L. S.j

ANTI'PHANES ('Aj/Tt0a«/rjs), a physician of
Belos, who is quoted by Caelius Aurelianus {De
Alorb. Chron. iv. 8, p. 537), and Galen (Z)e Com-
jtos. Mcdicain. sec. Locos, v. 5, vol. xii. p. 877),
and must therefore have lived some time in or be-
.fore the second century after Christ. He is men-
tioned by St. Clement of Alexandria {Paedaff. ii.
1, p. 140) as having said, that the sole cause of
diseases in man was the too great variety of his
food. [W. A. G.]

ANTIPHAS. [Laocoon.]

ANTI'PHATES ('Ajri^arTis), a king of the
Luestrygones in Sicily. When on the seventh day
after leaving the island of Aeolus Odysseus landed
on the coast of the Laestrygones, and sent out
three of his men to explore their country, one of
them was immediately seized and devoured by
Antiphates, for the Laestrygones were more like
giants than men. They now made an attack upon
the ships of Odvsseus, who escaped with only one
vessel. {Horn." Od. x. 80-132.) Two other
mvthical heroes of this name occur in Od. xv.
242, &c.; Virg. Jen. ix. Gf)tJ. [L. S.]

ANTIPHE'MUS {' Apt icpvinos), the Rhodian,
founder of Gela, B. c. 690. The colony was com-
posed of Rhodians and Cretans, the latter led by
Entimus the Cretan (Thuc. vi. 4, and Schol. ad
Pind. 01. ii. 14), the former chiefly from liiiidus
(Herod, vii. 153), and to this town Antiphemus
himself (Philostephanus, ap. Athcn. vii. p. 297, f.)
belonged. From the Etym. Magn. (s. v. TeAa)
and Aristaenetus in Steph. Byzantinus (s. v. TiKa)
it appears the tale ran, that he and his brother
Lacius, the founder of Phaselis, were, when at
Delphi, suddenly bid to go forth, one eastward,
one westward ; and from his laughing at the unex-
pected response, the city took its name. From
Pausanias (viii. 46. § 2) we hear of his taking the
Sicanian town of Omphace, and carrying otf from
it a statue made by Daedalus. Miiller {Dor. i. 6.
§§ 5, 6) considers him a mythical person. (See
Bockh, Comm. cul Pind. p. 115; Clinton, F. H.
B. c. 690 ; Hermann, Pol. Antiq. § 85 ; Goller,
de Ong. Si/racus. p. 265.) [A. H. C]

ANTI'PHILUS, an akchitect, built, in con-
junction with Pothaeus and Mcgacles, the treasury
oftheCarthaginiansat01ympia.(Paus. vi. 19. § 4.)
His age and country are unknown. [P. S.]

ANTI'PHILUS ('A>/Ti>A()s), an Athenian
general, was appointed as the successor of Leos-
thenes iii the Lamiim war, b. c. 323, and gained a

ANTIPHON. 205

victory over Leonnatus. (Diod. xviii. 13 — 15;
Piut. Phndov, 24.) [C. P. M.]

ANTI'PHILUS ('A./T.>iAos), of Byzantium,
a writer of epigrams, who lived about the time of
the emperor Nero, as appears from one of his epi-
grams in which he mentions the favour conferred
by that emperor upon the island of Rhodes. {An-
thol. Gr. ix. n. 178 ; comp. Tacit. Annul, xii. 58.)
The number of his epigrams still extant is up-
wards of forty, and most of them are superior in.
conception and style to the majority of these com-
positions. Reiske, in his notes on the Anthology
of Cephalas (p. 191), was led, by the difference of
style in some of the poems bearing the name of
Antiphilus, to suppose that there were two or
three poets of this name, and that their produc-
tions were all by mistake ascribed to the one poet
of Byzantium. But there is not sufficient ground
for such an hypothesis. (Jacobs, ad Anthol. Gr.
xiii. p. 85'l, &c.) [L. S.]

ANTI'PHILUS. of Egypt, a verj- distinguished
painter, was the pupil of Ctesidemus, and the con-
temporary and rival of Apelles. (Lucian, de Ca-
lumu. lix. 1-5.) Having been born in Egypt, he
went when young to the court of INIacedonia, where
he painted portraits of Philip and Alexander. The
latter part of his life was spent in Egypt, under
the patronage of Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, whom
he painted hunting. He flourished, therefore,
during the latter half of the 4th century B. c. Con-
cerning his false accusation against Apelles before
Ptolemy, see Apklles.

The quality in which he most excelled is thus
described by Quiutilian, who mentions him among
the greatest painters of the age of Philip and Alex-
ander (xii. 10. § 6): "facilitate Antiphilus, con-
cipiendis visionibus, quas (pavTaaias vocant," which
expressions seem to describe a light and airy ele-
gance. In the list of his works given by Pliny
are some which answer exactly in subject to the
"r/jaj/rao-tot" of Quintilian. (Plin. xxxv. 37, 40.)
Varro (P. R. iii. 2. § 5, Schn.) names him with
Lysippus. [P. S.]

A'NTIPHON (^KvTKpciv). 1. The most ancient
among the ten Attic orators contained in the Alex-
andrine canon, was a son of Sophilus the Sophist,
and born at Rhamnus in Attica in B. c. 480. (Plut.
Vit. X. Oral. p. 832, b. ; Philostrat. Vit. Soph. i.
15. § 1 ; Phot. Cod. p. 485 ; Suid. s. v.; Eudoc.
p. 59.) He was a man of eminent tjilent and a
firm character (Thucyd. viii. 68 ; Plut. Ale. 6),
and is said to have been educated partly by his
father and partly by Pythodorus, while according
to others he owed his education to none but him-
self. When he was a j'oung man, the fame of
Gorgias was at its height. The object of Gorgias'
sophistical school of oratory v/as more to dazzle and
captivate the hearer by brilliancy of diction and
rhetorical artifices than to produce a solid con no-
tion based upon sound arguments ; it was, in short,
a school for show-speeches, and the practical pur-
poses of oratory in the courts of justice and the
popular assembly lay beyond its sphere. Anti-
piion perceived this deficiency, and formed a higher
and more practical view of the art to which he de-
voted himself; that is, he wished to prodiice con-
viction in the minds of the hearers by means of a
thorough examination of the subjects proposed,
and this not with a view to the narrow limits of
the school, but to the courts and the assembly.
Hence the ancients call Antiphou the inventor of

206

ANTIPIION.

public orator}', cr state that he raised it to a higlier
position, (Philostr. Vit.Sopk \. \5. §2; Hermog.
(ie Form. Orat. ii. p. 498 ; corap. Quintil. iii. 1. § 1 ;
Diod. ap. C/.em. Alex. Strom, i. p. 365.) Antiphon
was thus the first wlio regulated practical eloquence
hy certain theoretical laws, and he opened a school
in which he taught rhetoric. Thucydides, the
historian, a pupil of Antiphon, speaks of his
master with the highest esteem, and many of
the excellencies of his stj'le are ascribed by the
ancients to the influence of Antiphon. (Schol. ad
Time. iv. p. 312, ed. Bekker; comp. Dionys. Hal.
de Comp. Verb. 10.) At the same time, Antiphon
occupied himself with writing speeches for others,
who delivered them in the courts of justice ; and
as he was the first who received money for such
orations — a practice which subsequently became

ANTIPHON.

them. (Dionys. de Verb. Comp. 10, de Isaeo^ 20.)
The want of freshness and gracefulness is very
obvious in the orations still extant, but more espe-
cially in those actually spoken by Antiphon's clients.
(No. 1, 14, and 15.) His language is pure and
correct, and in the three orations mentioned above,
of remarkable clearness. The treatment and solu-
tion of the point at issue are always striking and
interesting. (Dionys. Jud. de Thuct/d. 51, Demosih.
8 ; Phot. p. 485.)

The ancients possessed sixty orations of different
kinds which went by the name of Antiphon, but
Caecilius, a rhetorician of the Augustan age, de-
clared twenty-five to be spurious. (Plut. Vit. X.
Orat. p. 833, b. ; Phot. I. c.) We now possess
only fifteen orations of Antiphon, three of which
were written by him for others, viz. No. 1. Kottj-

quite general — he was severely attacked and ridi- yopia (papfiaKeias Kard ttjs fxTirpvias ; No. 14. Ilepi

cuied, especially by the comic writers, Plato and ~"' '" — -« — >~i — — j -vt- ^ - ■n..\ — -

Peisauder. (Philostr. /. c; Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p.
83;i, c) These attacks, however, may also have
been owing to his political opinions, for he belonged
to the oligarchical party. This unpopularit}-, to-
getker with his own reserved character, prevented
his ever appearing as a speaker either in the courts
or the assembly ; and the only time he spoke in
puWic was in a c. 411, when he defended himself
sigainsi the charge of treachery. (Thuc. viii. 68 ;
Lys. e. Eratosth. p. 427 ; Cic. Brut. 12.)

The history of Antiphon's career as a politician
is for the most part involved in great obscurity,
which is in a great measure owing to the fact, that
Antiphon the orator is frequently confounded by
smcient Avriters with Antiphon the interpreter of
signs, and Antiphon the tragic poet. Plutarch
(/. f.) and Philostratus ( Vit. Soph. i. 15. § 1) men-
tion some events in wliich he was engaged, but
Thucydides seems to have known nothing about
them. The only part of his public life of which
the detiiil is known, is that connected with the
revolution of b. c. 411, and tlie establishment of
the oligarchical government of the Four Hundred.
The person chiefly instrumental in bringing it
about was Peisander ; but, according to the express
testimony of Thucydides, Antiphon was the man
who had done everything to prepare the change,
and had drawn up the plan of it. (Comp. Philostr.
i.e.; Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p. 832, f.) On the over-
throw of the oligarchical government six months
after its establishment, Antiphon was brought to
trial for having attempted to negotiate peace with
Sparta, and was condemned to death. His speech
in defence of himself is stated by Thucj-dides (viii.
68 ; comp. Cic. Brut. 12) to have been the ablest
that was ever made by any man in similar circum-
stances. It is now lost, but was known to the
ancients, and is referred to by Harpocration (*•. v.
(TTaiTicaTrjs)^ who calls it XSyos irepl ixeTacrrda^ws.
His property was confiscated, his house razed to
the ground, and on the site of it a tablet was
erected with the inscription "Antiphon the traitor."
His remains were not allowed to be buried in Attic
ground, his children, as well as any one who should
adopt them, were punished with atimia. (Plut. /.c.)
As an orator, Antiphon was highly esteemed by
the ancients. Hennogenes {de Form. Orat. p. 497)
says of his orations, that they were clear, true in
the expression of feeling, and faithful to nature,
and consequently convincing. Others say, that
his orations v/ere beautiful but not graceful, or
that they had something austere or antique about

rod 'HpcaSov (p6vov^ and No. 15. Ilfpl rod x'^l^^vrou.
The remaining twelve were written as specimens
for his school or exercises on fictitious cases. They
are a peculiar phenomenon in the history of ancient
oratory, for they are divided into three tetralogies,
each of which consists of four orations, two accusa-
tions and two defences on the same subject. The
subject of the first tetralogy is a murder, the per-
petrator of which is yet unknown ; that of the
second an unpremeditated murder ; and that of the
third a murder committed in self-defence. The clear-
ness which distinguishes his other three orations is
not perceptible in these tetralogies, which arises in
part from the corrupt and mutilated state in which
thej' have come down to us. A great number of
the orations of Antiphon, and in fact all those
which are extant, have for their subject the com-
mission of a murder, whence they are sometimes
referred to under the name of \6yoi <f>oviKoi. (Her-
mog. de Form. Orat. p. 496, &c. ; Ammon. s. v.
fvdvfXTffxa.) The genuineness of the extant orations
has been the subject of much discussion, but the
best critics are at present pretty nearly agreed that
all are really the works of Antiphon. As to the
historical or antiquarian value of the three real
speeclies — the tetralogies must be left out of the
question here — it must be remarked, that they
contain more information than any other ancient
work respecting the mode of proceeding in the
criminal courts of Athens. All the orations of
Antiphon are printed in the collections of the Attic
orators edited by Aldus, H. Stephens, Reiske,
Bekker, Dobson, and others. The best separate
editions are those of Baiter and Sauppe, Ziirich,
1838, 16mo., and of E. Matzner, Berlin, 1838, 8vo.
Besides these orations, the ancients ascribe to
Antiphon, 1. A Rhetoric (rcx^V pwopiKifi) in three
books. (Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p. 832, d.; Phot. /. c;
Quintil. iii. ], § 10.) When it is said, that he
was the first who wrote a work on rhetoric, this
statement must be limited to the theory of oratory
in the courts of justice and in the assembly ; for
treatises on the art of composing show-speeches
had been written by several sophists before him.
The work is occasionally referred to by ancient
rhetoricians and grammarians, but it is now lost.
2. UpooiiJiia Kal iniKoyoi^ seem to have been model
speeches or exercises for the use of himself or his
scholars, and it is not improbable that his tetralo-
gies may have belonged to them, (Suid. s. vv. ap.(x,
atdr](Tdai, (xox^vpos ; Phot. Leoc. s. v. p-oxdvpos.)

The best modern works on Antiphon are: P. van
Spaan (Ruhnken), Dissertatio historica de Anti-

ANTIPIION.

phrmte, Orato^eAitico, Leydon, 17Go, 4to., reprinted
ill Kuhiikcirs Opuscula^ and in Rciske's and Dab-
son's Greek omtors ; Taylor, Lect. Lysiac. vii. p.
lib"8, &c., ed. lleiske ; Westermann, Geschichte der
iinech. liendLsamkeit^ §§ 40 and 41.

2. A traiiic poet, whom Plutarch ( VU. X. Orat.
p. 833), Phiiostratus {Vit. Soph. i. 15. § 3), and
others, confound with the Attic orator Anti-
phon, who was p.ut to di-ath at Athens in B. c.
411. Now Antiphon the tragic poet lived at
Syracuse, at the court of the eider Dionysius,
who did not assume the tyranny till the year
B. c. 40b*, that is, five years after the death of
the Attic orator. The poet Antiphon is said to
liave written dramas in conjunction with the
tyrant, who is not known to have shewn his pas-
sion for writing poetry until the latter period of
his life. These circumstances alone, if there were
not many others, would shew that the orator and
the poet were two different persons, and that the
latter must have survived the former many years.
The poet was put to death by the tyrant, accord-
ing to some accounts, for having used a sarcastic
expression in regard to tyranny, or, according to
others, for having imprudently censured the ty-
rant's compositions. (Plut., Philostr. //. cc. ; Aris-
tot. Rhd. ii. 6.) We still know the titles of five
of Antiphon's tragedies: viz. Meleager, Andro-
mache, Medeia, Jason, and Philoctetes. (Bode,
Gesdi. der Dram. Dichtk. der Hellen. \. p. 554, &c.)

3. Of Athens, a sophist and an epic poet,
Suidas, who says that he was surnamed A070-
(xdyeipos, and others state, that he occupied him-
self with the interpretation of signs. He wrote
a work on the interpretation of dreams, which
is referred to by Artemidorus, Cicero, and others.
(Artemid. Oneiroa: ii. 14; Cic. de Divin. i. 20,
51, ii. 70.) He is unquestionably the same per-
son as the Antiphon who was an opponent of
Socrates, and who is mentioned by Xenophon
(jMemorab. i. 6. § 1 ; compare Ding. Laert. ii. 46 ;
Senec. Coiitrov. 9), and must be distinguished from
the rhetorician Antiphon of Rhamnus, as well as
from the tragic poet of the same name, although
the ancients themselves appear to have been doubt-
ful as to who the Antiphon mentioned by Xeno-
phon really was. (Ruhnken, Opuscule, i. pp. 148,
&c., 169, &c., ed. Friedemann.) Not a line of his
poems is extant.

4. The youngest brother of Plato, whose name
the philosopher has immortalised in his dialogue
"" Parmenides." (Plut. de Frat. Avioi: p. 484, f.)
The father of Plato's wife was likewise called
Antiphon. (Plut. de Genio Socrat.)

5. An Athenian, and a contemporary of De-
mosthenes. For some offence his name was
effaced from the list of Athenian citizens, where-
upon he went to Philip of Macedonia. He
pledged himself to the king, that he would de-
stroy by fire the Athenian arsenal in Peiraeeus ;
but when he arrived there with this intention,
he was arrested by Demosthenes and accused of
treachery. He was found guilty, and put to
death in B. c. 342. (Dem. de Coron. p. 271;
Stechow, de Aeschinis Orat. Vita, p. 73, &c.; Aes-
CHINES, p. 38.)

6. A Greek sophist, who lived before the time
of Aristotle, and whose opinions respecting the
quadrature of the circle, and the genesis of things,
are mentioned by this philosopher. (Aristot. So-
phist. Elciich. i. 10, Phjs. i. 2, ii. 1.)

ANTISTIIENES. 207

7. A Greek author, who wrote an account of
mv:n distinguished for virtue (tt*^! ruv iv dptrp
TTpurfvadvToov), one of whom was Pythagora*.
(I)iog. Laert. viii. 3; Porphyr. </e Vit. Pythuy. p. 9.)

8. A writer on agriculture, mentioned by Athe-
naeus. (xiv. p. 650.) [L. S.]

ANT I PH US ChvTKpos). 1. A son of Priam
and Hecuba. (Horn. //. iv. 490 ; ApoUod. iii. 12.
§ 5.^ While he was tending the flocks on mount
Ida with his brother Isus, he was made prisoner
by Achilles, but was restored to freedom after a
ransom was given for him. He afterwards fell by
the hands of Agamemnon. (Hom. //. ix. 101, &c.)

2. A son of Thessjilus, and one of the Greek
heroes at Troy. He and his brother Pheidippus
joined the Greeks with thirty ships, and com-
manded the men of Carpathos, Casos, Cos, and
other islands. (Hom. //. ii. 675, &c.) According
to Hyginus {Fah. 97) he was a son of Mnesylus
and Chalciope. Four other mythical personages of
this name are mentioned in Hom. //. ii. 846, Gd.
ii. 19, x\-ii. 68 ; Apollod. i. 7. § 3. [L. S.]

ANTI'STATES, CALLAESCHRUS, ANTI-
MA'CHIDES, and PORl'NOS, were the archi-
tects who laid the foundations of the temple of
Zeus Olympius at Athens, under Peisistratus.
(Vitruv. vii. Praef. § 15.) [P. S.]

ANTI'STHENES C Ayr KrOeinfis), an Agrigen-
TINE, is mentioned by Diodorus (xiii. 84) as an
instance of the immense wealth which private citi-
zens possessed at Agrigentum. When his daughter
was married, more than 800 carriages went in the
nuptial procession.

ANTI'STHENES ( 'Ayrio-fle'j/rjs ), a Cynic
philosopher, the son of Antisthenes, an Athenian,
was the founder of the sect of the Cynics, which
of all the Greek schools of philosophy was per-
liaps the most devoid of any scientific purpose.
He flourished B. c. 366 (Diod. xv. 76), and his
mother was a Thracian (Suidas, s. v. ; Diog.
Laert. vi. 1), though some say a Phrj'gian, an
opinion probably derived from his replying to
a man who reviled him as not being a genuine
Athenian citizen, that the mother of the gods was
a Phrygian. In his youth he fought at Tanagra
(b. c. 426), and was a disciple first of Gorgias, and
then of Socrates, whom he never quitted, and at
whose death he was present. (Plat. Fluted. § 59.)
He never forgave his master's persecutors, and is
even said to have been instrumental in procuring
their punishment. (Diog, Laert. vi. 10.) He
survived the battle of Leuctra (b. c. 371), as he is
reported to have compared the victory of the
Thebans to a set of schoolboys beating their mas-
ter (Plut. Lycurg. 30), and died at Athens, at the
age of 70. (Eudociii, Vio/arium, p. 56.) He
taught in the Cynosarges, a gymnasium for the use
of Athenians born of foreign mothers, near the
temple of Hercules. Hence probably his followers
were called Cynics, though the Scholiast on Aristotle
(p. 23, Brandis) deduces the name from the habits of
the school, either their dog-like neglect of all forms
and usages of society, sleeping in tubs and in the
streets, and eating whatever they could find, or
from their shameless insolence, or else their perti-
nacious adherence to their own opinions, or lastly
from their habit of driving from them all whom
they thought unfit for a philosophical life. His
writings were very numerous, and chiefly dialogues,
some of them being vehement attacks on his con-
temporaries, as on Alcibiades in the second of his

208

AXTISTHENES.

two works entitled Ct/rus^ on Gorgias in his Arc^r-
laus and a most furious one on Plato in liis Satho.
(Athen. v. p. 220, b.) His style was pure and ele-
gant, and Theopompus even said that Plato stole
from him many of his thoughts. (Athen. xi. p.
508, c.) Cicero, however, calls him "homo acu-
tus raagis quam eruditus" (ud. Alt xii. 38), and
it is impossible that his writings could have de-
served any higher praise. He possessed consider-
able powers of wit and sarcasm, and was fond of
playing upon words ; saying, for instance, that he
would rather fall among KopuKes than KoXaKes, for
the one devour the dead, but the other the living ;
and that one of his pupils stood in need fiL€\ia-
plov Kaivov, Kol ypacpeiou Kaivov (?. e. Koi vov).
Twc declamations of his are preserved, named
Ajax and Ulysses, which are purely rhetorical,
and an epistle to Aristippus is attributed to him.

His philosophical system was almost confined to
ethics. In all that the wise man does, he said, he
conforms to perfect virtue, and pleasure is not only
unnecessary to man, but a positive evil. He is
reported to have held pain and even infamy
(d^o^la) to be blef^sings, and that madness is pre-
ferable to pleasure, though Ritter thinks that some
of these extravagances must have been advanced
not as his own opinions, but those of the interlocu-
tors in his dialogues. According to Schleierraacher
{Anmcrhmycn zum Phileb. S. 204), the passage in
the Pliilebus (p. 44), which mentions the theory,
that pleasure is a mere negation, and consists only
in the absence of pain, refers to the opinions of
Antisthenes; and the statement in Aristotle {Eth.
Nic. X. 1), that some persons considered pleasure
wholly worthless (icofjuSij <pav\ov) is certiiinl}' an
allusion to the Cynical doctrine. It is, however,
probable that he did not consider all pleasure
worthless, but only that which results from the
gratification of sensual or artificial desires, for we
find him praising the pleasures which spring 4k
TTjs ^^ivxris (Xen. Spnp. iv. 41), and the enjoy-
ments of a wisely chosen friendship. (Diog.
Laert vi. 11.) The summum bonum he phiced in
a life according to virtue, — virtue consisting in
action, and being such, that when once obtained
it is never lost, and exempts the wise man from
the chance of error. That is, it is closely con-
nected with reason, but to enable it to develop
itself in action, and to be sufficient for happiness,
it requires the aid of energy {^wKpaTiicrj icrxvs);
so that we may represent him as teaching, that the
snmnunn bonum, aper?), is attainable by teaching
(StSa/cTOj/), and made up of 'pp6v7](Tis and la^x^s.
But here he becomes involved in a vicious circle,
for when asked what <pp6v7]<Tis is, he could only
call it an insight into the good, having before
made the good to consist in ^pSinrjats. (Plat.
Jfcp. vi. p. 505.) The negative character of his
ethics, which are a mere denial of the Cyrenaic
doctrine, is further shewn in his apophthegm, that
the most necessary piece of knowledge is to KaKo.
diro/xaOeiv^ while in his wish to isolate and with-
draw the sage from all connexion with others,
rendering him superior even to natural aflfection
and the political institutions of his country, he
really founds a system as purely selfish as that of
Aristippus.

The Fhysicus of Antisthenes contained a theory
of the nature of the gods (Cic. de Nat. Deor. i.
1.3), in which he contended for the Unitj' of the
Deit}-, and that man is unable to know him by

ANTISTHENES.

any sensible representation, since he is unlike any-
being on earth. (Clem. Alex. Strom, v. p. 601.)
He probably held just views of providence, shew-
ing the sufficiency of virtue for happiness by the
fact, that outward events are regulated by God so
as to benefit the Avise. Such, at least, was the
view of his pupil Diogenes of Sinope, and seems
involved in his own statement, that all which be-
longs to others is truly the property of the wise
man. Of his logic we hear that he held definitions
to be impossible, since we can only say that every
individual is what it is, and can give no more than
a desciiption of its qualities, e. g. that silver is like
tin in colour. (Arist. Met. viii. 3.) Thus he, of
course, disbelieved the Platonic system of ideas,
since each particular object of thought has its own
separate essence. This also is in conformity with
the practical and unscientific character of his doc-
trine, and its tendency to isolate noticed above.
He never had many disciples, which annoyed him
so much that he drove away those who did attend
his teaching, except Diogenes, who remained with
him till his death. His staflf and wallet and mean
clothing were only proofs of his vanity, which
Socrates told him he saw through the holes of
his coat. The same quality appears in his con-
tempt for the Athenian constitution and social in-
stitutions generally, resulting from his being him-
self debarred from exercising the rights of a citizen
by the foreign extraction of his mother. His phi-
losophy' was evidentl}' thought worthless by Plato
and Aristotle, to the former of whom he Avas per-
sonally hostile. His school is classed by Ritter
among the imperfect Socraticists ; after his death
his disciples wandered further and further from all
scientific objects, and plunged more deeply into
fanatical extravagances. Perhaps some of their
exaggerated statements have been attributed to
their master. The fragments which remain of his
writings have been collected by Winckelmann
(Antisthenes, Fragmenta., Turici, 1842), and this
small work, with the account of him by Ritter
(Gesch. der Philosophie, vii. 4) will supply all the
information which can be desired. Most of the
ancient authorities have been given in the course
of this article. We may add to them Arrian,
Epidet. iii. 22, iv. 8, 11; Lucian, C^wec. iii. p.
541 ; Julian, Orat. vii. [G. E. L. C]

ANTl'STHENES {'AvTiaeh-ns), a disciple of
Heracleitus, wrote a commentary on the work
of his master. (Diog. Laert. ix. 15, vi. 19.) Ifc
is not improbable that this Antisthenes may be
the same as the one who wrote a work on the
succession of the Greek philosophers {at twv
(pi\na6<pa}v StoSoxot')? which is so often referred to
by Diogenes Laertius (i. 40, ii. 39, 98, vi. 77, 87»
vii. 168, &c.), unless it appear preferable to assign
it to the peripatetic philosopher mentioned by
Phlegon. (de Mirabil. 3.) [L. S.]

ANTl'STHENES {^Avnceiv-ns), of Rhodes,
a Greek historian who lived about the year B. c.
200, He took an active part in the political
aflfairs of his country, and wrote a history of his
own time, which, notwithstanding its partiality
towards his native island, is spoken of in terms of
high praise by Polybius. (xvi. 14, &c. ; comp,
Diog. Laert. vi. 19.) ' Plutarch {de Fhcv. 22) men-
tions an Antisthenes who wrote a work called
jSIelcagris, of which the third book is quoted ; and
Pliny {H. N. xxxvi. 12) speaks of a person of tlie
same name, who wrote on the pyramids ; but

ANTISTIUS.

whether they are the same person as the Rhodian,
or two distinct writers, or the Ephesian Antis-
thenes mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (vi. 19),
cannot be decided. [L. S.]

ANTI'STHENES {'AvriaOfmis), a Spartan
admiral in the Peloponnesian war, was sent out in
H. c. 412, in command of a squadron, to the coast
of Asia Minor, and was to have succeeded Astyo-
chus, in case the Spartan commissioners thought it
necessary to deprive that officer of liis command.
(Thuc. viii. 39.) We hear of him again in b. c.
•399, when, with two other commissioners, he was
sent out to inspect the state of affairs in Asia, and
announce to DercylJidas that his command was to
be prolonged for another year. (Xen. Hellen. iii. 2.
§ 6.) There was also an Athenian general of this
name. {Mem. iii. 4. § 1.) [C. P. M.]

ANTl'STIA. 1. Wife of Ap. Claudius, Cos.
B. c. 143, .and mother-in-law of Tib. Gracchus.
(Plut. Tib. Gracch. 4.)

2. Daughter of P. Antistius [Antistius, No. 6]
and Calpurnia, was married to Pompeius Magnus
in B. c. 8G, who contracted the connexion that he
might obtain a favourable judgment from Antistius,
who presided in the court in which Pompeius was
to be tried, Antistia was divorced by her husband
in B. c. 82 by Sulla's order, who made him marry
his step-daughter Aemilia. (Plut. Pomp. 4, 9.)

ANTl'STIA GENS, on coins and inscriptions
usually ANTE'STIA, plebeian. (Liv. vi. 30.) In
the earlier ages of tlie republic, none of the mem-
bers of the gens appear with any surname, and
even in later times they are sometimes mentioned
without one. Tlie surnames under the republic
are Labeo, Reginus, and Vetus : those who had
no surname ai'e given under Antistius. No per-
sons of this name are of great historical importance.
ANTI'STIUS. 1. Sex. Antistius, tribune of
the plebs, b. c. 422. (Liv. iv. 42.)

2. L. Antistius, consular tribune, b. c. 379.
(Liv. vi. 30.)

3. M. Antistius, tribune of the plebs, about
B. c. 320. (Liv. xxvi. 33, ix. 12.)

4. M. Antistius, was sent in b. c. 218 to the
north of Italy to recall C. Flaminius, the consul
elect, to Rome. (Liv. xxi. 63.)

5. Sex. Antistius, was sent in B.C. 208 into
Gaul to watch the movements of Hasdrubal. (Liv.
xxvii. 36.)

6. P. Antistius, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 88,
opposed in his tribuneship C. Caesar Strabo, who
was a candidate for the consulship without having
been praetor. The speech he made upon this occa-
sion brought him into public notice, and afterwards
he frequently had important causes entinisted to
him, though he was already advanced in years.
Cicero speaks favourably of his eloquence. In
consequence of the marriage of his daughter to
Pompeius Magnus, he supported the party of Sulla,
and was put to death by order of young Marius in
B. c. 82. His wife Calpurnia killed herself upon
the death of her husband. (Cic. Brut. 63, 90,
pro Rose. Amcr. 32; Veil. Pat. ii. 26; Appian,
D. a i. 88 ; Liv. EpU. 86 ; Plut Pomp. 9 ; Dru-
mann, Gesch. Horns, i. p. 55.)

7. T. Antistius, quaestor in Macedonia, n. c.
50. When Pompey came into the province in
the following year, Antistius had received no suc-
cessor; and according to Cicero, he did only as
much for Pompey as circumstances compelled him.
He took no part in the war, and after the battle of

ANTONIA.

209

Pbarsalia went to Bithynia, where he saw CacHat
and was pardoned by him. He died at Corcyra on
his retuni, leaving behind him considerable pro-
perty. (Cic. ail Fam. xiii. 29.)

ANTI'STIUS, the name of the physician who
examined the body of Julius Caesar after hia
murder, B. c. 44 ; and who is said by Suetonius
{Jul. Cues. 82) to have declared, that out of all
his wounds only one was mortal, namely, that which
he had received in the breast. [W. A. G.]

ANTIS'TIUS {^hvriarios), a writer of Greek
Epigrams, though, as his name seems to indicate,
a Roman by birth. Respecting his life and his
age nothing is known, but we possess three of his
epigrams in the Greek Anthology. (Jacobs, ad
Antliol. Gr. xiii. p. 852.) [L. S.]

ANTI'STIUS SOSIA'NUS. [Sosianus.]
SP. A'NTIUS, a Roman ambassador, was sent
with three others to Lar Tolumnius, the king of
the Veientes, in b. c. 438, by whom he was killed.
Statues of all four were placed on the Rostra.
(Liv. iv. 16 ; Cic. Phil. ix. 2.) In Pliny {H. N.
xxxiv. 6. s. 11) the reading is Sp. Nautius, which
ought, however, to be changed into Antius. (Comp.
Drakenborch, ad Liv. I.e.)

ANTO'NIA. 1. A daughter of Antonius the
orator, Cos. b. c. 99 [Antonius, No. 8], was
seized in Italy itself by the pirates over whom her
father triumphed, and obtained her liberation only
on payment of a large sum. (Plut. Pomp. 24.]

2. 3. The two daughters of C. Antonius, Cos.
B. c. 63, of whom one was married to C. Caninius
Gallus (Val. Max. iv. 2. § 6), and the other to her
first cousin, M. Antonius, the triumvir. The latter
was divorced by her husband in 47, on the ground
of an alleged intrigue between her and Dolabella.
(Cic. Phil. ii. 38 ; Plut. Ant. 9.)

4. Daughter of M. Antonius, the triumvir, and
his second wife Antonia. was betrothed to the son
of M. Lepidus in B. c. 44, and married to him in
36. (Dion Cass. xliv. 53 ; Appian, B. C. v. 93.)
She must have died soon after; for her husband
Lepidus, who died in 30, was at that time married
to a second wife, Servilia. (Veil. Pat. ii. 88 ; Dru-
mann, Gesch. Roms, i. p. 518.)

5. The elder of the two daughters of M. An-
tonius by Octavia, the sister of Augustus, was
bom B. c. 39, and was married to L. Domitius
Ahenobarbus, Cos. B. c. 16. Her son by this
maiTiage, Cn. Domitius, was the father of the em-
peror Nero. [See the Stemma, p. 84.] According
to Tacitus {Ann. iv. 44, xii. 64), this Antonia was
the younger daughter ; but we have followed Sueto-
nius {Ner. 5) and Plutarch {Ant. 87) in calling
her the elder. (Compare Dion Cass. Ii. 15.)

6. The younger of the two daughters of M. An-
tonius by Octavia, bom about b.c. 36, was married
to Drusus, the brother of the emperor Tiberius, by
whom she had three children : 1. Germanicus, the
father of the emperor Caligula ; 2. Livia or Livilla ;
and 3. the emperor Claudius. She lived to see
the accession of her grandson Caligula to the throne,
A. D. 37, who at first conferred upon her the great-
est honours, but afterwards treated her with so
much contempt, that her deatli was hastened by
his conduct : according to some accounts, he admi-
nistered poison to her. The emperor Claudius
paid the highest honours to her memory. Pliny
{H.N. XXXV. 36. § 16) speaks of a temple of An-
tonia, which was probably built at the command of
Claudius. Antonia was celebrated for her beauty,

p

210

ANTONINUS.

virtue, and chastity. Her portrait on the annexed
coin supports the accounts which are given of her
beauty. {P\ut. Ant 87; Dion Cass. Iviii. 11, lix. 3,
Ix. 5; Suet. Col. i. 15, 23; Tac. Ann. iii. 3, 18,
xL 3 ; VaL Max. iv. 3. § 3 ; Eckhel, vi. p. 178, &c.)

7. The daughter of the emperor Claudius by
Petina, was married by her father first to Pompeius
Magnus, and afterwards to Faustus Sulla. Nero
wished to marry her after the death of his wife
Poppaea, a. d. 66 ; and on her refusing his proposal,
he caused her to be put to death on a charge of
treason. According to some accounts, she was privy
to the conspiracy of Piso. (Suet. Claud. 27, Ner.
35 ; Tac. Anji. xiL 2, xiiL 23, xv. 53 ; Dion Cass.
Ix. 5.)

ANTO'NIA GENS, patrician and plebeian.
The patrician Antonii bear the cognomen Merenda
[Mkrenda] ; the plebeian Antonii bear no sur-
name under the republic, with the exception of Q.
Antonius, propraetor in Sardinia in the time of
Sulla, who is called Balbus upon coins. (Eckhel,
V. p. 140.) The plebeian Antonii are given under
Antonius. Antonius, the triumvir, pretended
that his gens was descended from Anton, a son of
Hercules. (Plut Ant. 4, 36, 60.) We are told
that he harnessed lions to his chariot to commemo-
rate his descent from this hero (Plin. H. N. viii.
16. 8. 21 ; comp. Cic. ad Att. x. 13); and many of
his coins bear a lion for the same reason. (Eckhel,
vi. pp. 38, 44.)

ANTO'NINUS. 1. A Roman of high rank, and
a contemporary and friend of Pliny the Younger,
among whose letters there are three addressed to
Antoninus. Pliny heaps the most extravagant
praise upon his friend both for his personal charac-
ter and his skill in composing Greek epigrams and
iambics. (Plin. Epist. iv. 3, 18, v. 10.)

2. A new-Platonist, who lived early in the
fourth century of our era, was a son of Eustathius
and Sosipatra, and had a school at Canopus, near
Alexandria in Egj^pt. He devoted himself wholly
to those who sought his instructions, but he never
expressed any opinion upon divine things, which
he considered beyond man's comprehension. He
and his disciples were strongly attached to the
heathen religion ; but he had acuteness enough to
see that its end was near at hand, and he predicted
that after his death all the splendid temples of the
gods would be changed into tombs. His moral
conduct is described as truly exemplary. (Eunapius,
Vit. Aedesii, p. 68, ed. Antw. 1568.) [L. S.]

ANTONI'NUS. The work which bears the
title of Antonini Itinerarium is usually attri-
buted to the emperor M. Aurelius Antoninus. It
is also ascribed in the MSS. severally to Julius

Titus Aurelius Fulvus,
Consul A. D. 85 and 89, and Praefectus urbi.

ANTONINUS.

Caesar, Antonius Augustus, Antonius Augustalis,
and Antoninus Augustus. It is a very valuable
itinerary of the whole Roman empire, in which
both the principal and the cross-roads are described
by a list of all the places and stations upon thera,
the distances from place to place being given in
Roman miles.

We are informed by Aethicus, a Greek geogra-
pher whose Cosmograplda was translated by St.
Jerome, that in the consulship of Julius Caesar
and M. Antonius (b. c. 44), a general survey of
the empire was undertaken, at the command of
Caesar and by a decree of the senate, by three
persons, who severally completed their labours in
30, 24, and 19, b. c, and that Augustus sanctioned
the results by a decree of the senate. The proba-
ble inference from this statement, compared with
the MS. titles of the Itinerary, is, that that work
embodied the results of the survey mentioned by
Aethicus. In fact, the circumstance of the Itine-
rary and the Cosmographia of Aethicus being
found in the same MS. has led some writers to
suppose that it was Aethicus himself who reduced
the survey into the form in which we have it.
The time of Julius Caesar and Augustus, when
the Roman empire had reached its extent, was
that at which we should expect such a work to be
undertaken ; and no one was more likely to under-
take it than the great reformer of the Roman ca-
lendar. The honour of the work, therefore, seems
to belong to Julius Caesar, who began it ; to M.
Antonius, who, from his position in the state, must
have shared in its commencement and prosecution ;
and to Augustus, under Avhom it was completed.
Nevertheless, it is highly probable that it received
important additions and revision under one or both
of the Antonines, who, in their labours to consoli-
date the empire, would not neglect such a work.
The names included in it, moreover, prove that it
was altered to suit the existing state of the empire
down to the time of Diocletian (a. d. 285-305),
after which we have no evidence of any alteration,
for the passages in which the name " Constantino-
polis" occurs are probably spurious. Whoever
may have been its author, we have abundant evi-
dence that the work was an official one. In seve-
ral passages the numbers are doubtful. The names
are put down without any specific rule as to the
case. It was first printed by H. Stephens, Paris.
(1512.) The best edition is that of Wesseling,
Amst. 1735, 4to. (The Preface to Wesseling 's
edition of the Itinerary; The Article 'Antoninus,
the Itinerary of,' in the Penny Cyclopcedia.) [P. S.]

ANTONI'NUS, M. AURE'LIUS. [M. Au-
relius.]

ANTONI'NUS PIUS. The name of this
emperor in the early part of his life, at full length,
was Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arriits Anto-
ninus— a series of appellations derived from his
paternal and maternal ancestors, from whom he
inherited great wealth. The family of his father
was originally from Nemausus (Nismes) in Trans-
alpine Gaul, and the most important members of
the stock are exhibited in the following table :

Titus Arrius Antoninus, =^ Boionia Procilla.
Consul A. n. 69 and 96. 1

Aurelius Fulvus,

Aureuus rmvus, -p

Coiisul, but not named in the Fasti. |

Arria Fadilla,

ANTONINUS.

ANTONINUS.

211

Titus Aurolius Fulvua, afterwards T. Aklius Hadrianus Antoninus Pius Augustus,
Married Annia Galeria Faustina.
I

M. Galerius Antoninus

Antoninus.

Antoninus himself was born near Lanuvium on the
J 9 th of September, a. d. 86, in the reign of Domi-
tian ; was brought up at Lorium, a villa on the
Aurclian way, about twelve miles from Rome ;
j)assod his boyhood under the superintendence of
his two grandfathers, and from a very early age
gave promise of his future worth. After having
filled the offices of quaestor and praetor with great
distinction, he was elevated to the consulship in
1 20, was afterwards selected by Hadrian as one of
the four consulars to whom the administration of
Italy was entrusted, was next appointed proconsul
of the province of Asia, which he ruled so wisely
that he surpassed in fame all former governors, not
excepting his grandfather Arrius, and on his re-
turn home was admitted to share the secret coun-
sels of the prince. In consequence, it would ap-
pear, of his merit alone, after the death of Aelius
Caesar, he was adopted by Hadrian on the 25th of
Februar}' 1 38, in the 52nd year of his age. He
was immediately assumed by his new father as
colleague in the tribunate and proconsular imperi-
um, and thenceforward bore the name of T. Aelius
Hadrianus Antoninus Caesai-. Being at this period
without male issue, he was required to adopt M.
Annius Verus, the son of his wife's brother, and
also L. Ceionius Commodus, the son of Aelius Cae-
sar, who had been previously adopted by Hadrian
but was now dead. These two individuals were
afterwards the emperors M. Aurelius Antoninus
and L. Aurelius Verus.

Hadrian died at Baiae on the 2nd of July, 138,
but a few months after these arrangements had
been concluded, and Antoninus without opposition
ascended the throne. Several years before this
event, he had married Annia Galeria Faustina,
whose descent will be understood by referring to
the account given of the family of her nephew,
M. Aurelius. By her he had two daughters,
Aurelia Fadilla and Annia Faustina, and two sons,
M. Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus and M. Galerius
Antoninus. Aurelia married Lamia Syllanus, and
died at the time when her father was setting out
for Asia. Faustina became tlie wife of her first
cousin Marcus Aurelius, the future emperor. Of
the male progeny we know nothing. The name of
the first mentioned was discovered by Pagi in an
inscription, the portrait of the second appears on a
rare Greek coin, with the legend, M. TALEPIOC.
ANTHNEINOC. ATTOKPATOPOC. ANTHNEINOT
TIOC. On the reverse of the medal is the head
of his mother, with the words, 0EA *ATCTEINA,
which prove that it was struck subsequently to her
death, which happened in the third year after her
husband's accession. It will be observed, that
while Galerius is styled " son of the emperor Anto-
ninus," he is not termed KAI2AP, a title which
would scarcely have been omitted had he been
bom or been alive after his father's elevation.
From this circumstance, therefore, from the abso-
lute silence of history with regard to these youths,
and from the positive assertion of Dion Cassius

I I I

M. Aurelius Fulvus — Aurelia Fadilla. — Annia Faustina, wife of the

emperor M. Aurelius.

adopted by Hadrian, we may conclude that both
his sons died before this epoch ; and hence the
mjignanimity ascribed to him by Gibbon (c. 3) in
preferring the welfare of Rome to the interests of
his family, and sacrificing the claims of his own
children to the talents and virtues of young Mar-
cus, is probably altogether visionary.

The whole period of the reign of Antoninus,
which lasted for upwards of twenty-two years, is
almost a blank in history — a blank caused by the
suspension for a time of war, and violence, and
crime. Never before and never after did the
Roman world enjoy for an equal space so large a
measure of prosperous tranquillity. All the thoughts
and energies of a most sagacious and able prince
were steadfastly dedicated to the attainment of
one object — the happiness of his people. And
assuredly never were noble exertions crowned with
more ample success.

At home the aifections of all classes were won
by his simple habits, by the courtesy of his man-
ners, by the ready access granted to his presence,
by the patient attention with Avliich he listened to
representations upon all manner of subjects, by his
impartial distribution of favours, and his prompt
administration of justice. Common informers were
discouraged, and almost disappeared; never had
confiscations been so rare ; during a long succession
of years no senator was punished with death ; one
man only was impeached of treason, and he, when
convicted, was forbidden to beti-ay his accomplices.

Abroad, the subject states paiticipated largely
in the blessings diffused by such an example. The
best governors were permitted to retain their power
for a series of years, and the collectors of the re-
venue were compelled to abandon their extortions.
Moreover, the general condition of the provincials
was improved, their fidelity secured, and the re-
sources and stability of the whole empire increased
by the communication, on a large scale, of the full
rights and privileges of Roman citizens to the in-
habitants of distant countries. In cases of national
calamity and distress, such as the earthquakes
which devastated Rhodes and Asia, and the great
fires at Narbonne, Antioch, and Carthage, the suf-
ferers were relieved, and compensation granted for
their losses with the most unsparing liberality.

In foreign policy, the judicious system of his
predecessor was steadily followed out. No attempt
was made to achieve new conquests, but all rebel-
lions from within and all aggressions from without
were promptly crushed. Various movements
among the Germans, the Dacians, the Jews, the
Moors, the Greeks, and the Eg}-ptians, were quelled
by persuasion or by a mere demonstration of force ;
while a more formidable insurrection in northern
Britain was speedily repressed by the imperial
legate LoUius Urbicus, who advancing beyond the
wall of Hadrian, connected the friths of the Clyde
and the Forth by a rampart of turf, in order that
the more peaceful districts might be better protect-
ed from the inroads of the Caledonians. The

- -- positive _. _ -_

(Ixix. 21), that Antoninus had no male issue when British war was concluded, as we learn from

p2

212

ANTONINUS.

dais, between the years 140-145, and on this occa-
sion Antoninus received for a second time the title
of imperator — a distinction which he did not again
accept, and he never deigned to celebrate a triumph.
(Eckhel, vol. vii. p. 14.)

Even the nations which were not subject to
Rome paid the utmost respect to the power of
Antoninus. The Parthians, yielding to his re-
monstrances, abandoned an attempt upon Armenia.
The Scythians submitted disputes >vith their
neighbours to his arbitration ; the barbarians of the
Upper Danube received a king from his hands ; a
great chief of the clans of Caucasus repaired to
Rome to tender his homage in person, and embas-
sies flocked in from Hyrcania and Bactria, from
the banks of the Indus and of the Ganges, to seek
the alliance of the emperor.

In his reign various improvements were intro-
duced in the law, by the advice of the most emi-
nent jurists of the day ; the health of the popula-
tion was protected by salutary regulations with
regard to the interment of the dead, and by the es-
tablishment of a certain number of licensed medical
practitioners in the metropolis and all large towns.
The interests of education and literature were
promoted by honours and pensions bestowed on
the most distinguished professors of philosophy
and rhetoric throughout the world. Commercial
intercourse was facilitated by the construction or
repair of bridges, harbours, and lighthouses ; and
architecture and the fine arts were encouraged by
the erection and decoration of numerous public
buildings. Of these the temple of Faustina in the
forum, and the mausoleum of Hadrian on the right
bank of the Tiber, may still be seen, and many
antiquarians are of opinion, that the magnificent
amphitheatre at Nismes, and the stupendous aque-
duct now termed the Pont du Card, between that
town and Avignon, are monuments of the interest
felt by the descendant of the Aurelii Fulvi for the
country of his fathers. It is certain that the for-
mer of these structures was completed under his
immediate successors and dedicated to them.

In all the relations of private life Antoninus
was equally distinguished. Even his wife's irre-
gularities, which must to a certain extent have
been known to him, he passed over, and after her
death loaded her memory with honours. Among
the most remarkable of these was the establish-
ment of an hospital, after the plan of a similar in-
stitution by Trajan, for the reception and mainten-
ance of boys and girls, the young females who
enjoyed the advantages of the charity being termed
puellae alimentariae Fatistinianae. By fervent
piety and scrupulous observance of sacred rites,
he gained the reputation of being a second Numa ;
but he wsis a foe to intolerant fanaticism, as is
proved by the protection and favour extended
to the Christians. His natural taste seems to
have had a strong bias towards the pleasures of
a country life, and accordingly we find him spend-
ing all his leisure hours upon his estate in the
country. In person he was of commanding aspect
and dignified countenance, and a deep toned melo-
dious voice rendered his native eloquence more
striking and impressive.

His death took place at Lorium on the 7th of
March, 161, in his 75th year. He was succeeded
by M. Aurelius.

Some doubts existed amongst the ancients them-
selves with regard to the origin of the title rius,

ANTONINUS.

and several different explanations, many of them
very silly, are proposed by his biographer Capito-
linus. The most probable account of the matter is
this. Upon the death of Hadrian, the senate, in-
censed by his severity towards several members of
their body, had resolved to withhold the honours
usually conferred upon deceased emperors, but were
induced to forego their purpose in consequence of
the deep grief of Antoninus, and his earnest en-
treaties. Being, perhaps, after the first burst of
indignation had passed away, somewhat alarmed
by their own rashness, they determined to render
the concession more gracious by paying a compli-
ment to their new ruler which should mark their
admiration of the feeling by which he had been
influenced, and accordingly they hailed him by
the name of Pius, or the dutifully affectionate.
This view of the question receives support from
medals, since the epithet appears for the first time
upon those which were struck immediately after
the death of Hadrian ; while several belonging to
the same year, but coined before that date, bear
no such addition. Had it been, as is commonly
supposed, conferred in consequence of the general
holiness of his life, it would in all probability have
been introduced either when he first became Cae-
sar, or after he had been seated for some time on
the throne, and not exactly at the moment of his
accession. Be that as it may, it found such favour
in the eyes of his successors, that it was almost
universally adopted, and is usually foimd united
with the appellation of Augustus.

Our chief and almost only authority for the life
of Antoninus Pius is the biography of Capitolinus,
which, as may be gathered from what has been
said above, is from beginning to end an uninter-
rupted panegyric. But the few facts which we
can collect from medals, from the scanty fragments
of Dion Cassius, and from incidental notices in
later writers, all corroborate, as far as they go, the
representations of Capitolinus ; and therefore we
cannot fairly refuse to receive his narrative merely
because he paints a character of singular and al-
most unparalleled excellence. [W. R.]

COIN OF ANTONINUS PIUS.

ANTONI'NUS LIBERA'LIS (^^mwvtvos
Ai§epd\is), a Greek grammarian, concerning whose
life nothing is known, but who is generally believed
to have lived in the reign of the Antonines, about
A. D. 147. We possess a work under his name,
entitled /xerojiiop^wirewj' (rwayioyiq, and consisting
of forty-one tales about mythical metamorphoses.
With the exception of nine tales, he always men-
tions the sources from which he took his accoimts.
Since most of the works referred to by him are now
lost, his book is of some importance for the study
of Greek mythology, but in regard to composi-
tion and style it is of no value. There are but

ANTONIUS.

very few MSS. of this work, and the chief ones j
are that at Heidelberg and the one in Paris. The
first edition from the Ileidolberg MS. with a Latin I
translation, is by Xylander, Bjisel, 15G8, 8vo. |
There is a good edition by Verheyk (Lugd. Bat. I
1774, 8vo.) with notes by Mnncker, Hemsterhuis, j
&c. The best is by Koch (Leipz. 18.32, Hvo.), who i
collated the Paris MS. and added valuable notes of
his own. (Msdlmann, Comrmntatio de causis et atio-
toribus narruiionum de mutatis /brmis, Leipz. 1786,
p. 89, &c. ; Bast, Epistola critica ad Doissonade super
Antotiino Liberali^ Partluniio et Arislaeneto^ Leipz.
1809 ; Koch's Preface to his edition.) [L. S.]
ANTO'NIUS, plebeian. See Antonia Gens.

1. M. Antonius, Magister Equitum, B. c. 334,
in the Samnite war. (Liv. viii. 17.)

2. L. Antonius, expelled from the senate by
the censors in B. c. 307. (VaL Max. ii. 9. § 2.)

ANTONIUS.

213

3. Q. Antonius, wjis one of the officers in the
fleet under the praetor L. Aemilius Regillus, in
the war with Antiochus the Great, b. c. 190.
(Liv. xxxvii. 32.)

4. A. Antonius, was sent by the consul Ae-
milius PauUus, with two others to Perseus, after the
defeat of the latter, b. c. 168. (Liv. xlv. 4.)

5. M. Antonius, tribune of the plebs, b. c. 167,
opposed the bill introduced by the praetor M.
Juventius Thalna for declaring war against the
Rhodians. (Liv. xlv. 21, 40.)

6. L. Antonius, defended by M. Cato Censo-
rius, about the middle of the second century b. c.
(Priscian, ix. p. 868, ed. Putsch.)

7. C. Antonius, the father of the orator, as
appears from coins. The following is a genealogi-
cal table of his descendants :

9. M. Antonius Creticus,
Pr. B. c. 75. Married

1. Numitoria.

2. Julia.

I

7. C. Antonius.
8. M. Antonius, the orator, Cos. B. c. 99.

10. C. Antonius, Cos. 63.

11. Antouia.

I
15. Antonia.

16. Antonia.

12. M. Antonius, Illvir.
Married

1. Fadia.

2. Antonia.

3. Fulvia.

4. Octavia.

5. Cleopatra.

1 3. C. Antonius, Pr. b. c. 44.

14. L. Antonius, Cos. b. c. 41.

I I I I I I I I

17. Antonia. 18. M.Anto- 19. Julus 20. Antonia 21. Antonia 22. Alex- 23. Cleo- 24. Ptoleraaeus

nius. Antonius. Major. Minor. ander. patra. Philadelphus.

25. L. Antonius.

8. M. Antonius, the orator, was bom b. c.
143. (Cic. Brut. 43.) He was quaestor in 113,
and praetor in 104, and received the province of
Cilicia with the title of proconsul in order to pro-
secute the war against the pirates. In consequence
of his successes he obtained a triumph in 102.
(Plut. Poinp. 24 ; Fast. Triumph.) He was con-
sul in 99 with A. Albinus [see Albinus, No. 22],
and distinguished himself by resisting the attempts
of Saturninus and his party, especially an agrarian
law of the tribune Sex. Titius. He was censor in
97, and, while censor, was accused of bribery by
M. Duronius, but was acquitted. He commanded
in the Marsic war a part of the Roman army.
Antonius belonged to the aristocratical party, and
espoused SulLi's side in the first civil war. He
was in consequence put to death by Marius and
Cinna when they obtained possession of Rome in
87. He was in the city at the time, and the
soldiers sent to murder him hesitated to do their
errand through the moving eloquence of the orator,
till their commander, P. Annius, cut otF his head
and carried it to Marius, who had it erected on
the Rostra.

Antonius is frequently spoken of by Cicero as

one of the greatest of the Roman orators. He is
introduced as one of the speakers in Cicero's De
Oratore., together with his celebrated contemporary
L. Crassus. From the part which he takes in the
dialogue, it would appear that his style of eloquence
was natural and unartificial, distinguished by
strength and energy rather than by finish and
polish. He wrote a work de Ratione Diceiidi^
which is referred to by Cicero {de Orai. i. 21) and
Quintilian (iii. 6. § 45), but neither it nor any of
his orations has come down to us. His chief
orations were, 1. A defence of himself, when ac-
cused of incest with a vestal virgin, B. c. 11 3.
(Val. Max. iii. 7. § 9, vi. 8. § 1 ; Liv. Epit. 63 ;
Ascon. ad Cic. MUon. c. 12 ; Ores. v. 15.) 2. A
speech against Cn. Papirius Carbo, b. c. Ill, who
had been defeated by the Cimbri in 113. (Appul.
de Map. p. 316, ed. Oudend.) 3. An oration
against Sex. Titius, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 99.
(Cic. de Orat. ii. 11, pro Rabir. perd. 9.) 4. A
defence of M'. AquiJlius, accused of extortion in
the government of Sicily, about B. c. 99. This
was the most celebrated of his orations. (Cic. Brut.
62, de Of. ii. 14, pro Flacco, 39, de Orat. ii. 28,
47, in Verr. v. 1 ; Liv. Epit. 70.) 5. A defence

214

ANTONIUS.

of himself when accused of bribery by Duronius.
(Cic. de Ond. ii. 68.) 6. A defence of Norbanus,
who was accused of havin^ caused the destruction
of a Roman army by the Cimbri through careless-
ness, (Cic. de Oral. ii. 25, 39, 40, 48.)

(Orelli, Onomasticon TuUianum ; Drumann, Ges-
chiclUe Boms, vol. i, p. 58, &c. ; Ellendt, Proleg. ad
Cic. Brut. ; Meyer, Orai. Bofn. Fragm. p. 1 39,
&c. ; Westermann, GeschicMe der Bomisclicn Beredl-
samkeit, §§ 46—48.)

9. M. Antoxi us M. f. C. n. Crbticus, son of the
preceding and father of the Triumvir, was praetor
in B. c. 75, and obtained in 74, through the influ-
ence of P. Cethegus and the consul Cotta, the
command of the fleet and all the coasts of the
Mediterranean, in order to clear the sea of pirates.
But Antonius was avaricious and greedy, and mis-
used his power to plunder the provinces, and
especially Sicily. He did not succeed either in
the object for which he had been appointed. An
attack which he made upon Crete, although he was
assisted by the Byzantines and the other allies,
entirely failed ; the greater part of his fleet was
destroyed ; .md he probably saved himself only by
an ignominious treaty. He shortly after died in
Crete, and was called Creticus in derision. Sallust
{Hist. lib. iii.) described him as " perdundae pecu-
niae genitus, et vacuus a ciu-is nisi instantibus."
He was married twice ; first, to Numitoria, who
had no children (Cic. PhUipp. iii. 6), and after-
wards to Julia. (Plut. Ant. i. 2; Cic. Div. in
Caecil. 17, in Verr. iL 3, iii. 91 ; Pseudo- Ascon. t»
Div. p. 122, t« Vcrr. pp. 176, 206, ed. Orelli ;
Veil. Pat. ii. 31 ; Appian, Sic. 6 ; Lactant. Inst. L
11. § 32; Tac. ^«w. xii. 62.)

10. C. Antonius M. f. C. n., surnamed Hy-
BRiDA (Plin. H. N. viii. 53. s. 79, according to
Drumann, Chisch. Boms, i. p. 531, because he was
a liomo semiferus, the friend of Catiline and the
plunderer of Macedonia), was the second son of
Antonius, the orator [No. 8], and the uncle of the
triumvir [No. 12]. He accompanied Sulla in his
war against Mithridates, and on Sulla's return
to Rome, b. c. 83, was left behind in Greece with
part of the cavalry and plundered the country.
He was subsequently accused for his oppression of
Greece by Julius Caesar (76). Six years after-
wards (70), he was expelled the senate by the
censors for plundering the allies and wasting his
property, but was soon after readmitted. He
celebrated his aedileship with extraordinary splen-
dour. In his praetorship (65) and consulship (63)
he had Cicero as his colleague. According to most
accounts Antony was one of Catiline's conspirators,
and his well-known extravagance and rapacity
seem to render this probable. Cicero gained hira
over to his side by promising him the rich province
of Macedonia, in which he would have a better op-
portunity of amassing wealth than in the other
consular province of Gaul. Antony had to lead an
army against Catiline, but unwilling to fight against
his former friend, he gave the command on the day
of battle to his legate, M. Petreius.

At the conclusion of the war Antony went into
his province, which he plundered so shamefully,
that his recall was proposed in the senate in the
beginning of 6 1 . Cicero defended him ; and it
was currently reported at Rome that Cicero had
g^ven up the province to Antony on the secret
understanding, that the latter should give him part
of the plunder. Antony said the same himself;

ANTONIUS.

and Cicero's conduct in defending him in the se-
nate, and also when he was brought to trial sub-
sequently, strengthened the suspicion. In 60,
Antony was succeeded in the province by Octavius,
the father of Augustus, and on his return to Rome
was accused in 59 both of taking part in Catiline's
conspiracy and of extortion in his province. He
was defended by Cicero, but was notwithstanding
condemned on both charges, and retired to the
island of Cephallenia, which he rendered subject to
him, as if it were his o^^^l ; he even commenced
building a city in it. (Strab. x. p. 455.) He was
subsequently recalled, probably by Caesar, but at
what time is uncertain. We know that he was in
Rome at the beginning of 44 (Cic. Philipp. ii. 38),
and he probably did not long survive Caesar. (For
the ancient authorities, see Orelli's Onomasticon
Tull. and Drumann's Gescliichte Boms, i. p. 31.)
11. Antonia. [Antonia, No. 1.]
12 M. Antonius M. f. M. n., the son of M.
Antonius Creticus [No. 9] and Julia, the sister of
L. Julius Caesar, consul in b. c. 64, was born, in
all probability, in B. c. 83. His father died while
he was still young, and he was brought up in the
house of Cornelius Lentulus, who maiTied his mo-
ther Julia, and who was subsequently put to death
by Cicero in 63 as one of Catiline's conspirators.
Antony indulged in his very youth in every kind
of dissipation, and became distinguished by his
lavish expenditure and extravagance ; and, as ho
does not appear to have received a large fortune
from his father, his affairs soon became deeply in-
volved. He was, however, released from his diffi-
culties by his friend Curio, who was his companion
in all his dissipation, and between whom and An-
tony there existed, if report be true, a most dis-
honourable connexion. The desire of revenging
the execution of his step-father, Lentulus, led
Antony to join Clodius in his opposition to Cicero
and the aristocratical party. But their friendship
was not of long continuance ; and Antony, pressed
by his creditors, repaired to Greece in 58, and
from thence to Syria, where he served under the
proconsul A. Gabinius as commander of the cavalry.
He soon became distinguished as a brave and enter-
prizing officer. He took part in the campaigns
against Aristobulus in Palestine (57, 56), and also
in the restoration of Ptolemy Auletes to Egypt in
55. In the following year (54) he went to Caesar
in Gaul, whose favour and influence he acquired,
and was in consequence, on his return to Rome
(53), elected quaestor for the following year. He
was supported in his canvass for the quaestorship
by Cicero, who became reconciled to him through
the mediation of Caesar. As quaestor (52) he
returned to Gaul, and served under Caesar for the
next two 3'ears (52, 51).

Antony's energy and intrepidity pointed him out
to Caesar as the most useful person to support his
interests at Rome, where it was evident that the
aristocratical party had made up their minds to
crush Caesar, if it were possible. Antony accord-
ingly left Gaul in 50 and came to Rome. Through
the influence of Caesar, he was elected into the
college of augurs, and was also chosen one of the
tribunes of the plebs. He entered on his office on
the 10th of December, and immediately commenced
attacking the proceedings of Porapey and the aris-
tocracy. On the 1st of January in the following
year (49), the senate passed a decree depriving
Caesar of his command. Antony and his colleague

ANTONIUS.

Q. Cassius interposed their veto ; but as the senate
Bet this at nought, and threatened the lives of the
two tribunes, Antony and his colleague fled from
Koine on the 7th of January, and took refuge with
Caesar in GauL Caesar now marched into Italy,
and within a few weeks obtained complete posses-
sion of the peninsula.

Antony was one of his legates, and received in
the same year the supreme command of Italy,
when Caesar crossed into Spain to prosecute the
war against the Pompeian party. In the following
year (48), he conducted reinforcements to Caesar
in Greece, and was present at the battle of Phar-
sjilia, where he commanded the left wing. In 47,
Caesar, who was then dictator, appointed Antony
master of the horse ; and, during the absence of the
former in Africa, he was again left in the command
of Italy. The quiet state of Italy gave Antony
an opportunity of indulging his natural love of
pleasure. Cicero in his second Philippic has given
a minute account of the flagrant debaucheries
and licentiousness of which Antony was guilty at
this time, both in Rome and the various towns of
Italy ; and it is pretty certain that most of these
accounts are substantially true, though they are no
doubt exaggerated by the orator. It was during
this time that Antony divorced his wife Antonia
(he had been previously married to Fadia [Fadia] ),
and lived witli an actress named Cytheris, with
whom he appeared in public.

About the same time, a circumstance occurred
which produced a coolness between Caesar and
Antony. Antony had purchased a great part of
Pompey's property, when it was confiscated, under
the idea that the money would never be asked for.
But Caesar insisted that it should be paid, and
Antony raised the sum with difficulty. It was
perhaps owing to this circumstance that Antony
did not accompany Caesar either to Africa or Spain
in 46. During this year he married Fulvia, the
widow of Clodius. In the next year (45) all trace
of disagreement between Caesar and Antony dis-
appears ; he went to Narbo in Gaul to meet Caesar
on his return from Spain, and shortly after oifered
him the diadem at the festival of the Luper-
calia. In 44 he was consul with Caesar, and dur-
ing the time that Caesar was murdered (15th of
March), was kept engaged in conversation by some
of the conspirators outside the senate-house. The
conspirators had wished to engage Antony as an
accomplice, and he was sounded on the point the
year before by Trebonius, while he was in Gaul ;
but the proposition was rejected with indignation.

Antony had now a diflicult part to play. The
murder of Caesar had paralyzed his friends and
the people, and for a time placed the power of the
state in the hands of the conspirators. Antony
therefore thought it more pnident to come to terms
with the senate ; but meantime he obtained from
Calpumia the papers and private property of Cae-
Bar ; and by his speech over the body of Caesar
and the reading of his will, he so roused the feel-
ings of the people against the murderers, that the
latter were obliged to withdraw from the popular
wrath. Antony, however, seems not to have con-
sidered himself strong enough yet to break with
the senate entirely ; he accordingly effected a re-
conciliation with them, and induced them to ac-
cept a number of laws, which he alleged were
found among Caesar's papers. Antony was now
the most powerful man in the state, and seemed

ANTONIUS.

21f.

likely to obtain the same position that Caesar bad
occupied. But a new and unexpected rival ap-
peared in young Octavianus, the adopted son and
great-nephew of the dictator, who came from Apol-
lonia to Rome, assumed the name of Caesar, and
managed to secure equally the good will of the
senate and of his uncle's veteran troops, A strug-
gle now ensued between Antony and Caesar. The
former went to Brundusium, to take the command
of the legions which had come from Macedonia;
the latter collected an army in Campania. Two of
Antony's legions shortly afterwards deserted to
Caesar ; and Antony, towards the end of Novem-
ber, proceeded to Cisalpine Gaul, which had been
previously granted him by the senate, and laid
siege to Mutina, into which Dec. Brutus had
thrown himself. At Rome, meantime, Antony
was declared a public enemy, and the conduct of
the war against him committed to Caesar and the
two consuls, C. Vibius Pansa and A. Hirtius, at
the beginning of the next year, B. c. 43. Several
battles were fought with various success, till at
length, in the battle of Mutina (about the 27th of
April, 43), Antony was completely defeated, and
obliged to cross the Alps. Both the consuls, how-
ever, had fallen, and the command now devolved
upon Dec. Brutus. In Gaul Antony was joined by
Lepidus with a powerful army, and was soon in a
condition to prosecute the war with greater vigour
than ever. Meantime, Caesar, who had been
slighted by the senate, and who had never heartily
espoused its cause, became reconciled to Antony,
through the mediation of Lepidus, and thus the
celebrated triumvirate was formed in the autumn
of this year (43). The reconciliation was made
on the condition that the government of the state
should be vested in Antony, Caesar, and Lepidus,
who were to take the title of Triumviri Rcipublicae
ConstUuendae for the next five years; and that
Antony should receive Gaul as his province ; Le-
pidus, Spain ; and Caesar, Africa, Sardinia, and
Sifily. The mutual friends of each were pro-
scribed, and in the executions that followed, Cicero
fell a victim to the revenge of Antony — an act of
cruelty, for which even the plea of necessity could
not be urged.

The war against Brutus and Cassius, who com-
manded the senatorial army, was entrusted to
Caesar and Antony, and was decided by the battle
of Philippi (42), which was mainly gabied by the
valour and military talents of Antony. Caesar
returned to Italy; and Antony, after remaining
some time in Greece, crossed over into Asia to
collect the money which he had promised to the
soldiers. In Cilicia he met with Cleopatra, and fol-
lowed her to Egj-pt, where he forgot everything in
dalliance with her. But he was roused from his
inactivity by the Parthian invasion of Syria (40),
and was at the same time summoned to support
his brother Lucius [see No. 14] and his wife Ful-
via, who were engaged in war with Caesar. But be-
fore Antony could reach Italy, Caesar had obtained
possession of Perusia, in which Lucius had taken re-
fuge; and the death of Fulvia in the same year
removed the chief cause of the war, and led to a
reconciliation between Caesar and Antony. To
cement their union, Antony married Caesar's sister
Octavia. A new division of the Roman world
was made, in which Antony received as his share
all the provinces east of the Adriatic

In the following year (39), the Triumvirs cou-

216

ANTONIUS.

eluded a peace with Sext. Pompey, and Antony
afterwards went to his provinces in the cast. He
entrusted the war against the Parthians to Venti-
dius, who gained a complete victory over them
both in this and the following year (38). Sosius,
another of his generals, conquered Antigonus, who
claimed the throne of Judaea in opposition to He-
rod, and took Jerusalem (38). In 37 Antony
crossed over .to Italy ; and a rupture, which had
nearly taken place between him and Caesar, was
averted by the mediation of Octavia. The trium-
virate, which had terminated on the 31st of De-
cember, 38, was now renewed for five years, which
were to be reckoned from the day on which the
former had ceased. After concluding this arrange-
ment, Antony returned to the east. He shortly
afterwards sent Octavia back to her brother, and
surrendered himself entirely to the charms of Cleo-
patra, on whom he conferred Coele-Syria, Phoenicia,
and other provinces. From this time forward,
Cleopatra appears as Antony's evil genius. He
liad collected a large army to invade the Parthian
empire ; but, unable to tear himself away from
Cleopatra, he delayed his march till late in the
year. The expedition was a feilure ; he lost a
great number of his troops, and returned to Syria
covered with disgrace (36). Antony now made
preparations to attack Artavasdes, the king of
Armenia, who had deserted him in his war against
the Parthians ; but he did not invade Annenia till
the year 34. He obtained possession of the Arme-
nian king, and carried him to Alexandria, where
he celebrated his triumph with extraordinary splen-
dour. Antony now laid aside entirely the charac-
ter of a Roman citizen, and assumed the pomp
and ceremony of an eastern despot. His conduct,
and the unbounded influence which Cleopatra had
acquired over him, alienated many of his friends
and supporters ; and Caesar, who had the wrongs
of his sister Octavia to revenge, as well as ambition
to stimulate him, thought that the time had now
come for crushing Antony. The years 33 and 32
passed away in preparations on both sides ; and
it was not till September in the next year (31)
that the contest was decided in the sea-fight off
Actium, in which Antony's fleet was completely
defeated. His land forces surrendered to Caesar ;
and he himself and Cleopatra, who had been pre-
sent at the battle, fled to Alexandria. In the fol-
lowing year (30), Caesar appeared before Alexan-
dria. Antony's fleet and cavalry deserted to the
conqueror ; his infantry was defeated ; and upon a
false report that Cleopatra had put an end to her
life, he killed himself by falling on his sword. The
death of Cleopatra soon followed ; and Caesar thus
became the undisputed master of the Roman world.
[Augustus.] (Pluta.rc]i''B Life of A nioni/ ; Orelli's
Onomastieon Ttdl. ; Drumann's Geschichte Horns, i.
p. 64, &c.) The annexed coin represents the head of
Antony, with the inscription, M. Antonius Imp.
Cos. Desig. Iter. et. Tert., which is surrounded

ANTONIUS.

with a crown of ivy. On the reverse is a cista, a
box used in the worship of Bacchus, surmounted
by a female's head, and encompassed by two ser-
pents. (Eckhel, vol. vi. p. 64.)

13. C. Antoxius M. f. M. n., the second son
of M. Antonius Creticus [No. 9], and the brother
of the triumvir, was Julius Caesar's legate in 49,
and city praetor in 44, when his elder brother was
consul, and his younger tribune of the plebs. In
the same year, he received the province of Mace-
donia, where, after an unsuccessful contest, he fell
into the hands of M. Brutus in 43. Brutus kept
him as a prisoner for some time, but put him to
death at the beginning of 42, chiefly at the insti-
gation of Hortensius, to revenge the murder of
Cicero. (Orelli's Onomast. ; 'Druma.nn^s GescL Roms,
i. p. 523, &c.) The following coin of C. Antonius
must have been struck after he had been appointed
to the government of Macedonia with the title of
proconsul. The female head is supposed to repre-
sent the genius of ^Macedonia ; the cap on the head
is the causia, which frequently appears on the Ma-
cedonian coins. (Diet, of Ant. s.v. Causia; Eckhel»
vol. vi p. 41.)

14. L. Antonius M. f. M. n., the j'ounger
brother of the preceding and of the triumvir, was
tribune of the plebs in 44, and upon Caesar's death
took an active part in supporting his brother's in-
terests, especially by introducing au agrarian law
to conciliate the people and Caesar's veteran troops.
He subsequently accompanied his brother into
Gaul, and obtained the consulship for 41, in which
year he triumphed on account of some successes he
had gained over the Alpine tribes. During his
consulship a dispute arose between him and Caesar
about the division of the lands among the veterans,
which finally led to a war between them, commonly
called the Perusinian war. Lucius engaged in
this war chiefly at the instigation of Fulvia, his
brother's wife, who had great political influence
at Rome. At first, Lucius obtained possession of
Rome duiing the absence of Caesar ; but on the
approach of the latter, he retired northwards to
Perusia, where he was straightway closely besieged.
Famine compelled him to surrender the town to
Caesar in the following year (40). His life was
spared, and he was shortly afterwards appointed
by Caesar to the command of Iberia, from which
time we hear no more of him.

L. Antonius took the surname of Pietas (Dion
Cass, xlviii. 5), because he pretended to attack
Caesar in order to support his brother's interests.
It is true, that when he obtained possession
of Rome in his consulship, he proposed the aboli-
tion of the triumvirate ; but this does not prove, as
some modern writers would have it, that he was
opposed to his brother's interests. Cicero draws a
frightful picture of Lucius' character. He calls
him a gladiator and a robber, and heaps upon him
every term of reproach and contempt. (Phil. iii.
12, V. 7, 1 1, xii. 8, &c.) Much of this is of course
exaggeration. {OreWs, Oiionuist.; Dnimann's 6V^S(^^-A .
Roms, i. p. 527, &c.) The iinnexed coin of L. An.

ANTONIUS.

toniiis represents also the liead of his brother, M.
Atitoiiius, the triumvir, with the inscription :
M. Ant. lM(r). Ave. Illviu. R. P. C. M. Nerva.
I'roo. p.

ANTONIUS.

217

la. 16. Antonia. [Antonia, 2. 3.]
17. Antonia, the daughter of M. Antonius, the
triumvir, and Antonia. [Antonia, 4.]

U). M. Antonius, M. f. M. n., called by the
Greek writers Antyllus ("ArrwAAos), which is pro-
bably only a corrupt form for Antonillus (young
Antonius), was the elder of the two sons of the
triumvir by his wife Fulvia. In B.C. 36, while he
was still a child, he was betrothed to Julia, the
daughter of Caesar Octavianus. After the battle
of Actium, when Antony despaired of success at
Alexandria, he conferred upon his son Marcus the
toga virilis (b. c. 30), that he might be able to take
his place in case of his death. He sent him with
proposals of peace to Caesar, which were rejected ;
and on his death, shortly after, young Marcus was
executed by order of Caesar. (Dion Cass, xlviii. 54,
li. 6, 8, 15 ; Suet. Aug. 17, 63 ; Plut. Ant. 71, 81,
87.)

19. Jul us Antonius, M. f. M. n., the younger
son of the triumvir by Fulvia, was brought up by
his step-mother Octavia at Rome, and after his
father's death (b. c. 30) received great marks of
favour from Augustus, through the influence of
Octavia. (Plut. Ant. 87; Dion Cass. li. 15.) Au-
gustus married him to Marcella, tlie daughter of
Octavia by her first husband, C. Marcellus, con-
ferred upon him the praetorsliip in a c. 13, and
the consulship in b. c. 10. (Veil. Pat. ii. 100;
Dion Cass. liv. 26, 36 ; Suet. Claml. 2.) In con-
sequence of his adulterous intercourse with Julia,
the daughter of Augustus, he was condemned to
death by the emperor in b. c. 2, but seems to have
anticipated his execution by a voluntary death.
He was also accused of aiming at the empire.
(Dion Cass. Iv. 10 ; Senec. de Brevit. Vit. 5 ; Tac.
Ann. iv. 44, iii. 18 ; Plin. //. iV. vii. 46 ; Veil.
Pat. /. c.) Antonius was a poet, as we learn from
one of Horace's odes (iv. 2), which is addressed to
him.

20. Antonia Major, the elder daughter of
M. Antonius and Octavia. [Antonia, No. 5.]

21. Antonia Minor, the younger daughter of
M. Antonius and Octavia. [Antonia, No. 6.]

22. Alexander, son of M. Antonius and Cleo-
patra. [Alexander, p. 112, a.]

23. Cleopatra, daughter of M. Antonius and
Cleopatra. [Cleopatra.]

24. Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, son of M.
Antonius and Cleopatra. [Ptolemaeus.]

25. L. Antonius, son of No. 19 and Marcella,
and grandson of the triumvir, was sent, after his
father's death, into honourable exile at Massilia,
where he died in a. d. 25. (Tac. Ann. iv. 44.)

ANTO'NIUS {'Ain-dvios). 1. Of Ar«os, a
Greek poet, one of whose epigrams is still extant
in the Greek Anthology, (ix. 102; comp. Jacobs,
ad AntJiol. vol. xiii. p. 852.)

2. Sumamed Melissa (the Bee), a Greek
monk, who is placed by some writers in the
eighth and by others in the twelfth century of
our era. He must, however, at any rate haye
lived after the time of Theophylact, whom he
mentions. He made a collection of so-called lod
co/nmtmes, or sentences on virtues and vices, which
is still extant. It resembles the Sermones of Sto-
baeus, and consists of two books in 1 76 titles. The
extracts are taken from the early Christian fatherg.
The work is printed at the end of the editions of
Stobaeus published at Frankfort, 1581 , and Geneva,
1609, fol. It is also contained in the BUAioih.
Patr. vol. V. p. 878, &c., ed. Paris. (Fabr. DM.
Gr. ix. p. 744, &c.; Cave, Script. Eccles. Hist. Lit.
i. p. 6G6t ed. London.)

3. A Greek monk, and a disciple of Simeon
Stylites, lived about a. d. 460. He wrote a life
of his master Simeon, with whom he had lived
on intimate terms. It was written in Greek, and
L. AUatius {Diatr. de Script. Siin. p. 8) attests,
that he saw a Greek MS. of it; but the only
edition which has been published is a Latin
translation in Roland's ^d. Sandor. i. p. 264. (Cave,
Script. Eccles. Hist. Lit. ii. p. 145.) Vossius {De
Hist. Lai. p. 231), who knew only the Latin trans-
lation, was doubtful whether he should consider
Antonius as a Latin or a Greek historian.

4. ST., sometimes sumamed Abbas, because
he is believed to have been the founder of the
monastic life among the early Christians, was
bom in a. d. 251, at Coma, near Heracleia, in
Middle Egypt. His earliest years were spent in
seclusion, and the Greek language, which then
every pergon of education used to acquire, remain-
ed unknown to him. He merely spoke and wrote
the Egyptian language. At the age of nineteen,
after having lost both his parents, he distributed
his large property among his neighbours and the
poor, and determined to live in solitary seclusion
in the neighbourhood of his birthplace. The
struggle before he fully overcame the desires of the
flesh is said to have been immense ; but at length
he succeeded, and the simple diet which he
adopted, combined with manual labour, strength-
ened his health so much, that he lived to the age
of 105 years. In a. d. 285 he withdrew to the
mountains of eastern Egypt, where he took up his
abode in a decayed castle or tower. Here he spent
twenty years in solitude, and in constant stnlggles
with the evil spirit. It was not till A. D. 305, that
his friends prevailed upon him to return to the
world. He now began his active and public career.
A number of disciples gathered around him, and his
preaching, together with the many miraculous cures
he was said to perform on the sick, spread his fame
all over Egj-pt. The number of persons anxious to
learn from him and to follow his mode of life in-
creased every year. Of such persons he made two
settlements, one in the mountains of eastern Egypt,
and another near the town of Arsinoe, and he him-
self usually spent his time in one of these monas-
teries, if we may call them so. From the accounts
of St. Athanasius in his life of Antonius, it is clear
that most of the essential points of a monastic life
were observed in these establishments. During
the persecution of the Christians in the reign of the
emperor Maximian, A. D. 311, Antonius, anxious
to gain the palm of a martyr, went to Alexandria,
but all his efforts and his opposition to the com-
•lands of the government were of no avail, and he

218

ANTONIUS.

was obliged to return uninjured to his solitude.
As his peace began to be more and more disturbed
by the number of visitors, he withdrew further
east to a mountain which is called mount St. An-
tonius to this day ; but he nevertheless frequently
visited the towns of Egypt, and formed an intimate
friendship with Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria.
During the exile of the latter from Alexandria,
Antonius wrote several letters on his behalf to the
emperor Constantine. The emperor did not grant
his request, but shewed great esteem for the Egyp-
tian hermit, and even invited him to Constantinople.
Antonius, however, declined this invitation. His
attempts to use his authority against the Arians in
Egypt were treated with contempt by their leaders.
After the restoration of Athanasius, Antonius at
the age of 104 years went to Alexandria to see his
friend once more, and to exert his last powers
against the Arians. His journey thither resembled
a triumphal procession, every one wishing to catch
a glimpse of the great Saint and to obtain his
blessing. After having wrought sundry miracles
at Alexandria, he returned to his mountains, where
he died on the 17th of January, 356. At his ex-
press desire his favourite disciples buried his body
in the earth and kept the spot secret, in order that
his tomb might not be profaned by vulgar supersti-
tion. This request, together with the sentiments
expressed in his sermons, epistles, and sentences
Btill extant, shew that Antonius was far above the
majority of religious enthusiasts and fanatics of
those times, and a more sensible man than he ap-
pears in the much interpolated biography by St
Athanasius. We have twenty epistles which go
by the name of Antonius, but only seven of them
are generally considered genuine. About a. d. 800
they were translated from the Egyptian into
Arabic, and from the Arabic they were translated
into Latin and published by Abraham Ecchellensis,
Paris, 1641, 8vo. The same editor published in
1646, at Paris, an 8vo. volume continuing various
sermons, exhortations, and sentences of Antonius.
(S. Athanasii, Vita S. Antonii, Gr. et Lot. ed.
Hoeschel, Augustae Vindel. 1611, 4to. ; Socrat
Hid. Eccles. i. 21, iv. 23, 25 ; Sozom. Hist. Eccles.
i. 3, ii. 31, 34 ; comp. Cave, Script. JEccl. Hist. Lit.
i. p. 150, &c.) [L. S.]

ANTO'NIUS, a physician, called by Galen
6 pi^oroixos, "the herbalist," who must have lived
in or before the second century after Christ. His
medical fonnulae are several times quoted by Galen
(Z)c Compos. Aledicam. sec. Locos, ii. 1, vol. xii.
p. 557; De Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. vi. 15,
vol. xiii. p. 935), and he is perhaps the same per-
son who is called (papfxaKoircoKTjs, " the druggist."
(Zfe Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos., ix. 4, vol. xiii.
p. 281.) Possibly they may both be identical
with Antonius Castor [Castor, Antonius], but
of this there is no proof whatever. A treatise on
the Pulse (Opera, vol. xix. p. 629), which goes
under Galen's name, but which is probably a
spurious compilation from his other works on this
subject, is addressed to a person named Antonius,
who is there called ^iKouaOTJs Koi ^iXoaocpos ; and
Galen wrote his work De Propriorum A7iimi
cujusdam Affectuum Dignotione et Curatione (^Opera,
vol. V. p. 1, &c.) in answer to a somewhat similar
treatise by an Epicurean philosopher of this name,
who, however, does not appear to have been a
phvsician. [W. A. G.]

ANTO'NIUS A'TTICUS. [Arxicus.]

ANUBIS.

ANTO'NIUS CASTOR. [Castor.]
ANTO'NIUS DIO'GENES. [Diogenes.]
ANTO'NIUS FELIX. [Felix.]
ANTO'NIUS FLAMMA. [Flamma.]
ANTO'NIUS GNIPHO. [Gnipho.]
ANTO'NIUS HONORATUS. [Honoratus.]
ANTO'NIUS JULIA'NUS. [Julianus.]
ANTO'NIUS LIBERA'LIS. [Liberalis.]
ANTO'NIUS MUSA. [Musa.]
ANTO'NIUS NASO. [Naso.]
ANTO'NIUS NATA'LIS. [Natalis.]
ANTO'NIUS NOVELLUS. [Novellus.]
ANTO'NIUS PO'LEMO. [Polemo.]
ANTO'NIUS PRIMUS. [Primus.]
ANTO'NIUS RUFUS. [Rufus.]
ANTO'NIUS SATURNI'NUS. [Saturni-

NUS.]

ANTO'NIUS TAURUS. [Taurus.]
ANTO'NIUS THALLUS. [Thallus.]
ANTO'RIDES, a painter, contemporary with
Euphranor, and, like him, a pupil of Aristo, flou-
rished about 340 b. c. (PUn. xxxv. 37.) [P. S.]
ANTYLLUS. [Antonius, No. 18.]
ANTYLLUS ("Ai/tuAXos), an eminent physi-
cian and surgeon, who must have lived before the
end of the fourth century after Christ, as he is
quoted by Oribasius, and who probably lived later
than the end of the second century, as he is no-
where mentioned by Galen. Of the place of his
birth and the events of his life nothing is known,
but he appears to have obtained a great reputation,
and is mentioned in Cyrilli Alexandrini (?) Leaicon
(in Cramer's Anecdota Graeca ParisicTma, vol. iv.
p. 196) among the celebrated physicians of anti-
quity. He was rather a voluminous writer, but
none of his works are still extant except some
fragments which have been preserved hy Oribasius,
Aetius, and other ancient authors. These, how-
ever, are quite sufficient to shew that he was a man
of talent and originality. The most interesting
extract from his works that has been preserved is
probably that relating to the operation of trache-
otomy, of which he is the earliest writer whose
directions for performing it are still extant. The
whole passage has been translated in the Diet, of
Ant. s. V. Chiruryia. The fragments of Antyllus
have been collected and published in a separate
form, with the title Antylli, Veteris ChirurgL, rd
Aei'ipcu'a ventilanda exhibit Panagiota Nicolaides^
Praeside Curtio Sprengel, Halae, 1799, 4to. For
particulars respecting the medical and surgical
practice of Antyllus, see Haller, Biblioth. Chirurg.,
and Bihlioih. Medic. Pract. ; Sprengel, Hist, de la
Aled. [W. A. G.]

ANU'BIS ("Avoygts), an Egyptian divinity,
worshipped in the form of a dog, or of a human
being with a dog's head. In the worship of this
divinity several phases must be distinguished, as in
the case of Ammon. It was in all probability ori-
ginally a fetish, and the object of the worship of
the dog, the representative of that useful species of
animals. Subsequently it was mixed up and com-
bined with other religious systems, and Anubis
assumed a sjTiibolical or astronomical character, at
least in the minds of the learned. The worship of
dogs in Egypt is sufficiently attested by Herodotus
(ii. 66), and there are traces of its having been
known in Greece at an early period; for a law
ascribed to the mythical Rhadamanthys of Crete
commanded, that men should not swear by the
gods, but by a goose, a dog, or a ram. (Eustath.

ANUBIS.
ad Odyss. p. 1821 ; Mich. Apost. Centur. Proverb.
xvii. No. 7.) The fact that Socrates used to swear
by a dog is so well known, that we scarcely need
mention it. (Athen vii. p. 300 ; Porphyr. de Ab-
stin. iii. p. 285.) It is however a remarkable fact,
that, notwithstanding this, the name of Anubis is
not expressly mentioned by any writer previous to
the age of Augustus ; but after that time, it fre-
quently occurs both in Greek and Roman authors.
(Ov. Met. ix. 690, Amor. iL 13. 11 ; Propert. iii.
9. 41 ; Virg. Aen. viii. 698 ; Juven. xv. 8 ; Lucian,
Jup. trag.\ Condi. Deor. 10, 11, Toxar, 28.)
Several of the passages here referred to attest the
importance of the worship of this divinity, and
Strabo expressly states, that the dog was worship-
ped throughoutEgypt (xvii. p. 812); but the prin-
cipal and perhaps the original seat of the worship
appe«ir8 to have been in the nomos of Cynopolis in
middle Eg)-pt. (Strab. /.c.) In the stories about
Anubis which have come down to us, as well as in
the explanations of his nature, the original charac-
ter— that of a fetish — is lost sight of, probably be-
cause the philosophical spirit of later times wanted
to find something higher and loftier in the worship
of Anubis than it originally was. According to
the rationalistic view of Diodorus (i. 18), Anubis
was the son of king Osiris, who accompanied his
father on his expeditions, and was covered with
the skin of a dog. For this reason he was repre-
sented as a human being with the head of a dog.
In another passage (i. 87) the same writer explains
this monstrous figure by saying, that Anubis per-
formed to Osiris and Isis the service of a guard,
which is performed to men by dogs. He mentions
a third account, which has more the appearance of
a genuine my thus. When Isis, it is said, sought
Osiris, she was preceded and guided by dogs,
which defended and protected her, and expressed
their desire to assist her by barking. For this
reason the procession at the festival of Isis was
preceded by dogs. According to Plutarch ( Is. et Os.)
Anubis was a son of Osiris, whom he begot by
Nephthys in the belief that she was his wife Isis.
After the death of Osiris, Isis sought the child,
brought him up, and made him her guard and com-
panion under the name of Anubis, who thus per-
formed to her the same service that dogs perform
to men. An interpretation of this mythus, derived
from the physical nature of Egypt, is given by
Plutarch. {Is. et Os. 38.) Osiris according to him
is the Nile, and Isis the country of Egypt so far as
it is usually fructified by the river. The districts
at the extremities of the country are Nephthys,
and Anubis accordingly is the son of the Nile,
which by its inundation has fructified a distant
part of the country. But this only explains the
origin of the god, without giving any definite idea
of him. In another passage (/. c. 40) Plutarch
Niys, that Nephthys signified everything which was
under the earth and invisible, and Isis everything
which was above it and visible. Now the circle
or hemisphere which is in contact with each, which
unites the two, and which we call the horizon, is
called Anubis, and is represented in the form of a
dog, because this animal sees by night as well as
by day. Anubis in this account is raised to the
rank of a deity of astronomical import. (Clem.
Alex. Strom, v. p. 567.) In the temples of Egypt
he seems always to have been represented as the
guard of other gods, and the place in the front of a
temple {SpSfios) was particularly sacred to him.

ANYTE.

219

(Strab. xvii. p. 805 ; St<it. St/lv. iii. 2. 112.) For
further partictilars respecting the worship of Anu-
bis the reader is referred to the works on Eg}-ptiun
mythology, such as .Jablonsky, Panth. Aegrjpt. v. ].
§ 1 2, &c.; Champollion (le Jeune), Pantheon I'^ryp-
tien, Paris, 1823 ; Pritchard, Egyptian Mythology.
We only add a few remarks respecting the notions
of the Greeks and Romans about Anubis, and his
worship among them. The Greeks identified the
Egyptian Anubis with their own Hermes. (Pint.
Ibid. 11), and thus speak of Hermanuphis in the
same manner as of Zeus Ammon. (Plut. 61.) Hig
worship seems to have been introduced at Rome
towards the end of the republic, as may be in-
ferred from the manner in which Appian {Bell. Civ.
iv. 47 ; comp. Val. Max. vii. 3. § 8) describes the
escape of the aedile M. Volusius. Under the em-
pire the worship of Anubis became very widely
spread both in Greece and at Rome. (Apulei. Met.
xi. p. 262 ; Lamprid. Commod. 9 ; Spartian, Pes-
cenn. Nig. 6, Anton. Carac. 9.) [L. S.]

ANliLI'NUS, P. CORNELIUS, one of the
generals of Severus, gained a battle over Niger at
Issus, A. D. 194. He afterwards commanded one
of the divisions of the army which Severus sent
against Adiabene, A. D. 197. He was consul in
A. D. 199. (Dion Cass. Ixxiv. 7, Ixxv. 3.)

ANXURUS, an Italian divinity, who was wor-
shipped in a grove near Anxur (Terracina) to-
gether with Feronia. He was regarded as a
youthful Jupiter, and Feronia as Juno. (Serv. ad
Aen. vii. 799.) On coins his name appears as
Axur or Anxur. (Drakenborch, ad SiL Itul. viii.
392 ; Morell. Thesaur. Num. ii. tab. 2.) [L. S.]

A'NYSIS i^Avvffis), an ancient king of Egypt,
who, according to Herodotus, succeeded Asychis.
He was blind, and in his reign Eg3*pt was invaded
by the Ethiopians under their king Sabaco, and re-
mained in their possession for fifty yearg. Anysis
in the meanwhile took refuge in the marshes of
Lower Egypt, where he formed an island which
afterwards remained unknown for upward of seven
centuries, until it was discovered by Amyrtaeus.
When after the lapse of fifty years the Ethiopians
withdrew from Egypt, Anysis returned from the
marshes and resumed the government. (Herod,
ii. 137, 140.) [L. S.]

A'NYTE, of Tegea ('Avutt? Teyeans), the au-
thoress of several epigrams in the Greek Anthology,
is mentioned by Pollux (v. 5) and by Stephanus
Byzantinus (s. v.T€76a). She is numbered among
the lyric poets by Meleager (Jacobs, Anthol. i. 1, v.
5), in whose list she stands first, and by Antipater
of Thessalonica {Ibid. ii. 101, no. 23), who names
her with Praxilla, Myro, and Sappho, and calls her
the female Homer (©tjAw "Ofirfpov), an epithet
which might be used either with reference to the
martial spirit of some of her epigrams, or to their
antique character. From the above notices and
from the epigrams themselves, which are for the
most part in the style of the ancient Doric choral
songs, like the poems of Alcman, we should be
disposed to place her much higher than the date
usually assigned to her, on the authority of a pas-
sage in Tatian {adv. Graecos^ 52, p. 114, Worth.),
who says, that the statue of Anyte was made by
Euthycrates and Cephisodotus, who are known to
have flourished about 300 B. c. But even if the
Anyte here mentioned were certainly the poetess,
it would not follow that she was contemporary
j with these artists. On the other hand, oue of

220

ANYTUS.

Anyte'9 epigrams (15, Jacobs) is an inscription for
a monument erected by a certain Damis over his
horse, which had been killed in battle. Now, the
only historical personage of this name is the Damis
who was made leader of the Messenians after the
death of Aristodemus, towards the close of the first
Messenian war. (Pans. iv. 10. § 4, ] 3, § 3.) We
know also from Pausanias that the Arcadians were
the allies of the Messenians in that war. The
conjecture of Reiske, therefore, that the Damis
mentioned by Anyte of Tegea is the same as the
leader of the Messenians, scarcely deserves the
contempt with which it is treated by Jacobs. This
conjecture places Anyte about 7'23 b. c. This date
may be thought too high to suit the style and sub-
jects of some of her epigrams. But one of these
(17) bears the name of "Anyte of Mylilene^'' and
the same epigram may be fixed, by internal evi-
dence, at 279 B. c. (Jacobs, xiii. p. 853.) And
since it is very common in the Anthology for epi-
grams to be ascribed to an author simply by name,
without a distinctive title, even when there was
more than one epigrammatist of the same name,
there is nothing to prevent the epigrams which
bear traces of a later date being referred to Anyte
of Mytilene. [P. S.]

A'NYTUS ("Aj/utos), a Titan who was be-
lieved to have brought up the goddess Despoena.
In an Arcadian temple his statue stood by the side
of Despoena's. (Paus. viii. 37. § 3.) [L. S.]

A'NYTUS ("AvuTos), an Athenian, son of
Anthemion, was the most influential and formid-
able of the accusers of Socrates. (Plat. Apol. p.
18, b.; Hor. Sat. iu 4. 3.) His father is said to
have made a large fortune as a tanner, and to have
transmitted it, together with his trade, to his son.
(Plat. Men. p. 90, a. ; Xen. Apol. § 29 ; Schol. ad
Plat. Apd. I. c.) Anytus seems to have been a
man of loose principles and habits, and Plutarch
alludes {Ak. p. 193, d, e.; Amat. p. 762, c, d.) to
his intimate and apparently disreputable connexion
with Alcibiades. In B. c. 409, he was sent with
30 ships to relieve Pylos, which the Lacedaemo-
nians were besieging; but he was prevented by
bad weather from doubling Malea, and was obliged
to return to Athens. Here he was brought to trial
on the charge of having acted treacherously, and,
according to Diodorus and Plutarch, who mention
this as the first instance of such corruption at
Athens, escaped death only by bribing the judges.
(Xen. HeU. i. 2. § 18; Diod. xiii. 64; Plut. Cor.
p. 220, b. ; Aristot. ap. Harpocr. s. v. AeKa^wv.
But see Thirlwall's Greece, vol. iv. p. 94.) He
appears to have been, in politics, a leading and in-
fluential man, to have attached himself to the
democratic party, and to have been driven into
banishment during the usurpation of the 30 tyrants,
B. c. 404. Xcnophon makes Theramenes join his
name with that of Thrasybulus ; and Lysias men-
tions him as a leader of the exiles at Phyle, and
records an instance of his prudence and moderation
in that capacity. (Plat. Men. p. 90 ; Apol. p.
23, e. ; Xen. Apol. § 29 ; HeU. ii. 3. §§ 42, 44 ;
Lys. c. Affor. p. 1 37.) The grounds of his enmity
to Socrates seem to have been partly professional
and partly personal. (Plat. Apol. pp. 21 — 23 ;
Xen. Me7n. i. 2. §§ 37, 38 ; Apol. § 29 ; Plat.
Men. p. 94, in Jin.) The Athenians, according to
Diogenes Laertius (ii. 43), having repented of
their condemnation of Socrates, put Meletus to
death, and sent Anytus and Lycon into banish-

APELLAS.

ment For the subject generally, see Stallbaum
ad Plat. Apol. pp. 18, b., 23, e. ; Schleiermach.
Introd. to tlie Menon, in fin. ; Thirl wall's Greece y
vol. iv. pp. 274—280. [E. E.]

AOEDE. [MusAE.]

AON ("Awj/), a son of Poseidon, and an ancient
Boeotian hero, from whom the Boeotian Aonians
and the country of Boeotia (for Boeotia was an-
ciently called Aonia) were believed to have derived
their names. (Paus. ix. 5. § 1 ; Stat. Thd). i. 34 ;
Steph. Byz. s. «. Bojorrfo.) [L. S.]

A'PAMA ('ATTo/ia or 'Airc^iiiT?). 1. The wife
of Seleucus Nicator and the mother of Antiochus
Soter, was married to Seleucus in b. c. 325, when
Alexander gave to his generals Asiatic wives.
According to Arrian (vii. 4), she was the daughter
of Spitamenes, the Bactrian, but Strabo (xii. p.
578) calls her, erroneously, the daughter of Arta-
bazus. (Comp. Appian. Syr. 57; and Liv. xxxviii.
1 3, who also makes a mistake in calling her the
sister, instead of the wife, of Seleucus ; Steph. Byz.
s. V. 'Airdfj-fia.)

2. The daughter of Antiochus Soter, married to
Magas. (Paus. i. 7. § 3.)

3. The daughter of Alexander of Megalopolis,
married to Amynander, king of the Athamanes,
about B. c. 208. (Appian, 5yr. 13; Liv. xxxv.
47, who calls her Apamia.)

APANCHO'MENE ('ATrayxo/iei^), the stran-
gled (goddess), a surname of Artemis, the origin of
which is thus related by Pausanias. (viii. 23. § 5.)
In the neighbourhood of the town of Caphyae in
Arcadia, in a place called Condylea, there was a
sacred grove of Artemis Condyleatis. On one oc-
casion when some boys were playing in this grove,
they put a string round the goddess' statue, and
said in their jokes they would strangle Artemis.
Some of the inhabitants of Caphyae who found the
boys thus engaged in their sport, stoned them to
death. After this occurrence, all the women of
Caphyae had premature births, and all the children
were brought dead into the world. This calamity
did not cease until the boys were honourably bu-
ried, and an annual sacrifice to their manes was
instituted in accordance with the command of an
oracle of Apollo. The surname of Condyleatis was
then changed into Apanchomene. [L. S.]

APATU'RIA {* Anrarovpia or * hirdrovpos), that
is, the deceitful. 1. A surname of Athena, which
was given to her by Aethra. (Paus. ii, 33. § 1.)
[Aethra.]

2. A surname of Aphrodite at Phanagoria and
other places in the Taurian Chersonesus, where it
originated, according to tradition, in this Avay :
Aphrodite was attacked by giants, and called He-
racles to her assistance. He concealed himself
with her in a cavern, and as the giants approached
her one by one, she surrendered them to Heracles
to kill them. (Strab. xi. p. 495 ; Steph. Byz. s. v.
^ Ktrdrovpov.) [L. S.]

APATU'RIUS, of Alabanda, a scene-painter,
whose mode of painting the scene of the little
theatre at Tralles is described by Vitruvius, with
the criticism made upon it by Licinius. (Vitruv.
vii. 5. §§ 5, 6.) [P. S.]

APELLAS or APOLLAS ('ATreAAos, 'AttoA-
Aas). 1. The author of a work TlepX rav Iv
TliXoTTovvriacf) iroKiuv (Athen. ix. p. 369, a.) and
AeXcpiKu. (Clem. Alex. Protr. p. 31, a., Paris,
1629.) He appears to be the same as Apellas,
the geographer, of Cyrcne. (Marc. Heracl. p. 63,

APELLES.

Iluds.) Comp. Quintil. xl. 2. § 14 ; Bockh, rracf.
ml lSc/ioL rind. p. xxiii., &c.

2. A sceptical philosopher. (Diog.Laert. ix. lOG.)
APELLAS (*A7r«\Ads), a sculptor, who made,
in bronze, sUitues of worshipping females {adoratites
feminds^ Plin. xxxiv. 19. § 26). He made the
statue of Cynisca, who conquered in the chariot-
race at Olympia. (Paus. vi. 1. § 2.) Cynisca
was sister to Agcsilaus, king of Sparta, who died
at the age of 84, in 362 b. c. Therefore the vic-
tory of Cynisca, and the time when Apellas flou-
rished, may be placed about 400 b. c. His name
indicates his Doric origin. (Tblken, Amalthea^ iii.
p. 128.) [P. S.]

APELLES ('ATreAAi^s). 1. One of the guar-
dians of Philip v., king of Macedonia. [Phi-
LIFPUS v.]

2. Perhaps a son of the preceding, was a friend
of Philip v., and accompanied his son Demetrius
to Rome, B.c. 183. (Polyb. xxiii. 14, &c., xxiv. 1.)

3. Of Ascalon, was the chief tragic poet in the
time of Caligula, with whom he lived on the most
intimate terras. (Philo, Legal, ad Caium, p. 790 ;
Dion Cass. lix. 5 ; Suet. Col. 33.)

APELLES ('ATreW^s), the most celebrated of
Grecian painters, was bom, most probably, at
Colophon in Ionia (Suidas, s. v.), though Pliny
(xxxv. 36. § 10) and Ovid {Art. Am. iii. 401 ;
Pont. iv. 1. 29) call him a Coan. The account
of Strabo (xiv. p. 642) and Lucian {De Column.
lix. §§ 2, 6), that he was an Ephesian, may be ex-
plained from the statements of Suidas, that he was
made a citizen at Ephesus, and that he studied
painting there under Ephonis. He afterwards
studied under Pamphilus of Amphipolis, to whom
he paid the fee of a talent for a ten-years' course of
instruction. (Suidas, s. v.; Plin. xxxv. 36. § 8.)
At a later period, when he had already gained a
high reputation, he went to Sicyon, and again paid
a talent for admission into the school of Melan-
thius, whom he assisted in his portrait of the
tyrant Aristratus. (Plut. Aral. 13.) By this
course of study he acquired the scientific accuracy
of the Sicyonian school, as well as the elegance of
the Ionic.

The best part of the life of Apelles was probably
spent ai the court of Philip and Alexander the
Great ; for Pliny speaks of the great number of his
portraits of both those princes (xxxv. 36. § 16),
and states that he was the only person whom
Alexander would permit to take his portrait, (vii.
38; see also Cic. ad Fam. v. 12. § 13; Hor.
Ep. ii. 1. 2.39; Valer. Max. viii. 11. § 2, ext. ;
Arrian, Anab. i. 16. § 7.) Apelles enjoyed the
friendship of Alexander, who used to visit him in
bis studio. In one of these visits, when the king's
conversation was exposing his ignorance of art,
Apelles politely advised him to be silent, as the
boys who were grinding the colours were laughing
at him. (Plin. xxxv. 36. § 12.) Plutarch relates
this speech as having been made to Megabyzus.
{De Tranq. Anim. 12, p. 471, f.) Aelian tells the
anecdote of Zeuxis and Megabyzus. ( Var. Hist. ii.
2.) Pliny (/. c.) also tells us that Apelles, having
been commissioned by Alexander to paint his fa-
vourite concubine, Campaspe {UayKdarn)^ Aelian,
Var. Hist. xii. 34), naked, fell in love with her,
upon which Alexander gave her to him as a pre-
sent ; and according to some she was the model of
the painter's best picture, the Venus Anadyomene.
From all the information we have of the connexion

APELLES.

221

of Apelles with Alexander, we may safely conclude
that the former accompanied the latter into Asia.
After Alexander's death he appears to have
travelled through the western parts of Asia. To
this period we may probably refer his visit to
Rhodes and his intercourse with Protogenes. (See
below.^ Being driven by a storm to Alexandria,
after the assumption of the regal title by Ptolemy,
whose favour he had not gained while he was with
Alexander, his rivals laid a plot to ruin him, which
he defeated by an ingenious use of his skill in
drawing. (Plin. xxxv, 36. § 13.) Lucian relates
that Apelles was accused by his rival Antiphilus
of having had a share in the conspiracy of Theo-
dotus at Tyre, and that when Ptolemy discovered
the falsehood of the charge, he presented Apelles
with a hundred talents, and gsive Antiphilus to
him as a slave : Apelles commemorated the event
in an allegorical picture. {De Column, lix. §§ 2 —
6, vol. iii. pp. 127 — 132.) Lucian's words imply
that he had seen this picture, but he may have
been mistaken in ascribing it to Apelles. He
seems also to speak of Apelles as if he had been
living at Ptolemy's court before this event oc-
curred. If, therefore, Pliny and Lucian are both
to be believed, we may conclude, from comparing
their tales, that Apelles, having been accidentally
driven to Alexandria, overcame the dislike which
Ptolemy bore to him, and remained in Egypt dur-
ing the latter part of his life, enjoying the favour
of that king, in spite of the schemes of his rivals to
disgrace him. The account of his life cannot be
carried further ; we are not told when or where he
died ; but from the above facts his date can be
fixed, since he practised his art before the death of
Philip (b. c. 336), and after the assumption of the
regal title by Ptolemy, (b. c. 306.) As the result
of a minute examination of all the facts, Tolken
{Amalth. iii. pp. 117 — 119) places him between
352 and 308 b. c According to Pliny, he flou-
rished about the 1 12th Olympiad, b. c. 332.

Many anecdotes are preserved of Apelles and
his contemporaries, which throw an interesting
light both on his personal and his professional cha-
racter. He was ready to acknowledge that in some
points he was excelled by other artists, as by Am-
phion in grouping and by Asclepiodorus in per-
spective. (Plin. xxxv. 36. § 10.) He first caused
the merits of Protogenes to be understood. Coming
to Rhodes, and finding that the works of Proto-
genes were scarcely valued at all by his country-
men, he offered him fifty talents for a single
picture, and spread the report that he meant to sell
the picture again as his own. (Plin. ib. § 13.) In
speaking of the great artists who were his con-
temporaries, he ascribed to them every possible
excellence except one, namely, grace^ which he
claimed for himself alone. {Ib. § 10.)

Throughout his whole life, Apelles laboured to
improve himself, especially in drawing, which he
never spent a day without practising. (Plin. ib.
§ 12 ; hence the proverb Nulla dies sine linca.)
The tale of his contest with Protogenes affords an
example both of the skill to which Apelles attained
in this portion of his art, and cf the importance
attached to it in all the great schools of Greece.

Apelles had sailed to Rhodes, eager to meet
Protogenes. Upon landing, he went straight to
that artist's studio. Protogenes was absent, but a
large panel ready to be painted on hung in the
studio. Apelles seized the pencil, and drew an

222

APELLES.

excessively thin coloured line on the panel, by
which Protogenes, on his return, at once guessed
who had been his visitor, and in his turn drew a
still thinner line of a different colour upon or within
the former (according to the reading of the recent
editions of Pliny, in ilia ipsa). When Apelles re-
turned and saw the lines, ashamed to be defeated,
says Pliny, "tertio colore lineas secuit, nullum re-
linquens amplius subtilitati locum." {lb. § 1 1.) The
most natural explanation of this difficult passage
seems to be, that down the middle of the first line of
Apelles, Protogenes drew another so as to divide it
into two parallel halves, and that Apelles again
divided the line of Protogenes in the same manner.
Pliny speaks of the three lines as visinn effugienies.*
The panel was preserved, and carried to Rome,
where it remained, exciting more wonder than all
the other works of art in the palace of the Caesars,
till it was destroyed by fire with that building.

Of the means which Apelles took to ensure ac-
curacy, the following example is given. He used
to expose his finished pictures to view in a public
place, while he h'd himself behind the picture to
hear the criticisms of the passers-by. A cobbler
detected a fault in the shoes of a figure : the next
day he found that the fault was corrected, and
was proceeding to criticise the leg, when Apelles
rushed from behind the picture, and commanded
the cobbler to keep to the shoes. (Plin. lb. § 12 :
hence the proverb, Ne supra crepidam sutor :
see also Val. Max. viii. 12, ext. § 3 ; Lucian tells
the tale of Phidias, /»/-o Imag. 14, vol. ii. p. 492.)
Marvellous tales are told of the extreme accuracy
of his likenesses of men and horses. (Plin. xxxv.
36. §§ 14, 17.; Lucian, de Calumn. L c. ; Aelian,
V. H. ii. 3.) With all his diligence, however,
Apelles knew when to cease correcting. He said
that he excelled Protogenes in this one point, that
the latter did not know when to leave a picture
alone, and he laid down the maxim, Noccre saepe
nimiain dUigeniiam. (Plin. /.c. § 10; Cic. Orat. 22 ;
QuIntiL X. 4.)

Apelles is stated to have made great improve-
ments in the mechanical part of his art. The as-
sertion of Pliny, that he used only four colours, is
incorrect. {Diet, of Ant. s.v. Colores.) He painted
with the pencil, but we are not told whether he used
the cestrum. His principal discovery was that of
covering the picture with a very thin black var-
nish {atrameritum), which, besides preserving the
picture, made the tints clearer and subdued the
more brilliant colours. (Plin. Z.c. § 18.) The process
was, in all probability, the same as that now called
glazing or toning^ the object of which is to attain
the excellence of colouring "which does not pro-
ceed from fine colours, but true colours ; from
breaking down these fine colours, which would ap-
pear too raw, to a deep-toned brightness." (Sir, J.
Reynolds, Notes on Du Fresnoy., note 37.) From
the fact mentioned by Pliny, that this varnishing
could be discovered only on close inspection. Sir J.
Reynolds thought that it was like that of Correggio.
That he painted on moveable panels is evident
from the frequent mention of tabulae with reference
to his pictures. Pliny expressly says, that he did
not paint on walls, (xxxv. 37.)

* Does this refer only to the excessive thinness
of the lines, or may it mean that the three lines
were actually tapered away towards a common
vanishing point ?

APELLES.

A list of the works of Apelles is given by Pliny,
(xxxv. 3G.) The)' are for the most part single
figures, or groups of a very few figures. Of his
portraits the most celebrated was that of Alexander
wielding a thunderbolt, which was known as o
K€pavvo({>6pos, and which gave occasion to the say-
ing, that of two Alexanders, the one, the son of
Philip, was invincible, the other, he of Apelles, in-
imitable. (Plut. Fort. Alex. 2, 3.) In this picture,
the thunderbolt and the hand which held it ap-
peared to stand out of the panel ; and, to aid this
effect, the artist did not scruple to represent Alex-
ander's complexion as dark, though it was really
light. (Plut. Aha;. 4.) The price of this picture
was twenty talents. Another of his portraits, that
of Antigonus, has been celebrated for its conceal-
ment of the loss of the king's eye, by representing
his face in profile. He also painted a portrait of
himself. Among his allegorical pictures was one
representing Castor and Pollux, with Victory and
Alexander the Great, how grouped we are not
told ; and another in which the figure of War,
with his hands tied behind his back, followed the
triumphal car of Alexander. " He also painted,"
says Pliny, "things which cannot be painted,
thunders and lightnings, which they call Bronte,
Astrape, and Ceramobolia." These were clearly
allegorical figures. Several of his subjects were
taken from the heroic mythology. But of all his
pictures the most admired was the "Venus Ana-
dyomene," (?) dvaSvofXfvq 'A(/)poSiT7j), or Venus
rising out of the sea. The goddess was wringing
her hair, and the falling drops of water formed a
transparent silver veil around her form. This pic-
ture, which is said to have cost 100 talents, was
painted for the temple of Aesculapius at Cos, and
afterwards placed by Augustus in the temple which
he dedicated to Julius Caesar. The lower part
being injured, no one could be found to repair it.
As it continued to decay, Nero had a copy of it
made by Dorotheus. (Plin. I.e.; Strab. xiv. p. 657.)
Apelles commenced another picture of Venus for
the Coans, which he intended should surpass the
Venus Anadyomene. At his death, he had finish-
ed only the head, the upper part of the breast,
and the outline of the figure ; but Pliny saj's, that
it was more admired than his former finished pic-
ture. No one could be found to complete the
work. (Plin. xxxv. I. c, and 40. § 41 ; Cic. ad Fam.
i. 9. § 4, deOf. iii. 2.)

By the general consent of ancient authors,
Apelles stands first among Greek painters. To
the undiscriminating admiration of Pliny, who
seems to have regarded a portrait of a horse, so
true that other horses neighed at it, as an achieve-
ment of art as admirable as the Venus Anadyomene
itself, we may add the unmeasured praise which
Cicero, Varro, Columella, Ovid, and other writers
give to the works of Apelles, and especially to the
Venus Anadyomene. (Cic. Brut. 18, de Orat. iii. 7;
Varro, L. L. ix. 12, ed. MuUer; Colum. R. B.
Prae£ § 31, Schn.; Ovid. Art. Am. iii. 401; Font.
iv. 1. 29 ; Propert. iii. 7. H ; Auson. Ep. 106 ;
Anthol. Ftaiiml. iv. 178-182.) Statins {SUv. i. 1.
100) and Martial (xi. 9) call painting by the name
of "Ars Apellea." Sir Joshua Reynolds says of
the Greek painters, and evidently with an especial
reference to Apelles, "if we had the good fortune
to possess what the ancients themselves esteemed
their masterpieces, I have no doubt but we should
find tlieir figures as correctly drawn as the Lao-

APELLKS.

coon, arid probaWy coloured like Titian" (Notes on
JJu Fresnoy^ note 37) ; and, though the point has
been disputed, such is the general judgment of the
best modern authorities. It need scarcely be said,
that not one of the pictures of Apelles remains to
decide the question by.

In order to understand what ~was the excellence
which was peculiar to Apelles, we must refer to
the state of the art of painting in his time. {LHct.
of Ant. s. V. Painting.) After the essential forms
of Polygnotus had been elevated to dramatic effect
and ideal expression by Apollodorus and Zeuxis,
and enlivened with the varied character and feeling
which the school of Eupompus drew forth from
direct observation of nature, Apelles perceived that
something still was wanting, something which the
refinements attained by his contemporaries in group-
ing, perspective, accuracy, and finish, did not sup-
ply— something which he boasted, and succeeding
ages confirmed the boast, that he alone achieved —
namely, the quality called X^P'^^9 venustas, grace
(Plin. XXXV. 36. § 10 ; Quintil. xii. 10 ; Plut. D&-
met. 22 ; Aelian, V. H. xii. 41) ; that is, not only
beauty, sublimity, and pathos, but beauty, subli-
mity, and pathos, each in its proper measure; the
expending of power enough to produce the desired
effect, and no more ; the absence of all exaggeration,
as well as of any sensible deficiency ; the most na-
tural and pleasing mode of impressing the subject on
the spectator's mind, without displaying the means
by which the impression is produced. In fact, the
meaning which Fuseli attaches to the word seems
to be that in which it was used by Apelles : " By
grace I mean that artless balance of motion and
repose sprung from character, founded on propriety,
which neither falls short of the demands nor over-
leaps the modesty of nature. Applied to execution,
it means that dexterous power which hides the
means by which it was attained, the difficulties
it has conquered." {Led. 1.) In the same Lecture
Fnseli gives the following estimate of the character
of Apelles as an artist : " The name of Apelles in
Pliny is the synonyme of unrivalled and unattain-
able excellence, but the enumeration of his works
points out the modification which we ought to ap-
ply to that superiority ; it neither comprises exclu-
sive sublimity of invention, the most acute discri-
mination of character, the widest sphere of compre-
hension, the most judicious and best balanced
composition, nor the deepest pathos of expression :
his great prerogative consisted more in the unison
than in the extent of his powers ; he knew better
what he could do, what ought to be done, at what
point he could arrive, and what lay beyond his
reach, than any other artist. Grace of conception
and refinement of taste were his elements, and
went hand in hand with grace of execution and
taste in finish ; powerful and seldom possessed
singly, irresistible when united : that he built both
on the firm basis of the former system, not on its
subversion, his well-known contest of lines with
Protogenes, not a legendary tale, but a well at-
tested fact, irrefragably proves : .... the corollaries
we may adduce from the contest are obviously
these, that the schools of Greece recognized all one
elemental principle : that acuteness and fidelity of
eye and obedience of hand form precision ; preci-
sion, proportion ; proportion, beauty : that it is the
* little more or less,' imperceptible to vulgar eyes,
which constitutes grace, and establishes the supe-
riority of one artist above another : that the know-

APELLICON.

223

ledge of the degrees of things, or taste, presuppose*
a perfect knowledge of the things themselves : that
colour, grace, and taste, are ornaments, not substi-
tutes, of form, expression, and character ; and,
when they usui-p that title, degenerate into splen-
did faults. Such were the principles on which
Apelles formed his Venus, or rather the personifi-
aition of Female Grace, — the wonder of art, the
despair of artists." That this view of the Venus
is right, is proved, if proof were needed, by the
words of Pliny (xxxv. 36. § 10), "Deesse iis
unam Venerem dicebat, quam Graeci Charita vo-
cant," except that there is no reason for calling
the Venus " the personification of Female Grace ;"
it was rather Grace personified in a female form.

Apelles wrote on painting, but his works are
entirely lost. [P. S.]

APELLES ('ATreAATjs), a disciple of Marcion,
departed in some points from the teaching of his
master. Instead of wholly rejecting the Old
Testament, he looked upon its contents as coming
partly from the good principle, partly from the
evil principle. Instead of denying entirely the
reality of Christ's human body, he held that in his
descent from heaven he assumed to himself an
aerial body, which he gave back to the air as he
ascended. He denied the resurrection of the body,
and considered differences of religious belief as
unimportant, since, said he, "all who put their
trust in the Crucified One will be saved, if they
only prove their faith by good works."

Apelles flourished about A. d. 188, and lived to
a very great age. TertuUian (Praescript. Haeret.
30) says, that he was expelled from the school of
Marcion for fornication with one Philumene, who
fancied herself a prophetess, and whose fantasies
were recorded by Apelles in his book entitled
^av^p'Jocreis. But since Rhodon, who was the
personal opponent of Apelles, speaks of him as
universally honoured for his course of life (Euseb.
H. E. V. 13), we may conclude that the former
pait of Tertullian's story is one of those inventions
which were so commonly made in order to damage
the character of heretics. Besides the ^ai>fpw<riiSy
Apelles wrote a work entitled "• Syllogisms," the
object of which Eusebius states (/. c.) to have been,
to prove that the writings of Moses were false.
It must have been a very large work, since Am-
brose {De Paradis. 5) quotes from the thirty-eighth
volume of it. (See also TertuU. adv. Marcion,
iv. 17 ; Augustin. de Haer. 23 ; Epiphanius, Haer.
44.) [P. S.]

APE'LLICON ('ATreAAi/cwj'), a native of Teos,
was a Peripatetic philosopher and a great collector
of books. In addition to the number which his
immense wealth enabled him to purchase, he stole
several out of the archives of different Greek cities.
His practices having been discovered at Athens, he
was obliged to fly from the city to save his life.
He afterwards returned during the tyranny of
Aristion, who patronized him, as a member of the
same philosophic sect with himself, and gave him
the command of the expedition against Delos,
which, though at first successful, was ruined by
the carelessness of Apellicon, who was surprised by
the Romans under Orobius, and with difficulty
escaped, having lost his whole army. (Athen. v.
pp. 214, 215.) His libnuy was carried to Rome
by Sulla, (b. c. 84.) Apellicon had died just be-
fore. (Strab. xiii. p. 609.)

Apelllcon's libnuy contained the autographs of

22-4

APHAREUS.

Aristotle's works, wliich had been given by that
philosopher, on his death-bed, to Theophrastus,
and by him to Neleus, who carried them to Scepsis,
in Troas, where they remained, having been hidden
and much injured in a cave, till they were pur-
chased by Apellicon, who published a very feulty
edition of them. Upon the arrival of the MSS. at
Rome, they were examined by the grammarian
Tyrannion, who furnished copies of them to An-
dronicus of Rhodes, upon which the latter
founded his edition of Aristotle. [Andronicus
of Rhodes.] [P. S.]

APE'MIUS {'A-Tn^fuos), a surname of Zeus,
under which he had an altar on mount Pames iu
Attica, on which sacrifices were offered to him.
(Paus. i. 32. § 2.) [L. S.J

APER, a Greek grammarian, who lived in Rome
in the time of Tiberius. He belonged to the
school of Aristarchus, aiid was the instructor of
Heracleides Ponticus. He was a strenuous oppo-
nent of the grammarian Didymus. (Suidas, s. v.
'HpaKKflSrjs.) [C.P.M.]

M. APER, a Roman orator and a native of
Oaul, rose by his eloquence to the rank of Quaes-
tor, Tribune, and Praetor, successively. He is
introduced as one of the speakers in the Dialogue
de Oratoribus, attributed to Tacitus, defending the
style of oratory prevalent in his day against those
who advocated the ancient form. (See cc. 2, 7, &c.)
APER, A'RRIUS, the praetorian praefect, and
the son-in-law of the emperor Numerian, murdered
the emperor, as it was said, on the retreat of the
army from Persia to the Hellespont. He carefully
concealed the death of Numerian, and issued all
the orders in his name, till the soldiers learnt the
truth by breaking into the imperial tent on the
Hellespont. They then elected Diocletian as his
successor, a. d. 284, who straightway put Aper to
death with his own hand without any trial. Vo-
piscus relates that Diocletian did this to fulfil a
prophecy which had been delivered to him by a
female Druid, " Imperator eris, cum Apiiim oc-
cideris." (Vopisc. Numer. 12 — 14; Aurel. Vict.
de Cues. 3R, 39, Epit. 38 ; Eutrop. ix. 12, 13.)

APESA'NTIUS ('ATTco-aWtos), a surname of
Zeus, under which he had a temple on mount
Apesas near Nemea, where Perseus was said to
have first offered sacrifices to him. (Paus. ii. 15.
§ 3 ; Steph. Byz. s.v. 'AWo-as.) [L. S.]

APHACI'TIS ('A<^/ctTts), a surname of Aphro-
dite, derived from the town of Aphace in Coele-
Syria, where she had a celebrated temple with an
oracle, which was destroyed by the command of
the emperor Constantine. (Zosimus, i. 58.) [L. S.]
APHAEA. [Britomartis.]
APHA'REUS ('A(^a/j€i/y), a son of the Messe-
nian king Perieres and Gorgophone, the daughter
of Perseus. (Apollod. i. 9. § 5.) His wife is called
by Apollodorus (iii. 10. § 3) Arene, and by others
Polydora or Laocoossa. (Schol. ad Apollon. Rliod.
L 152; Theocrit. xxii. 106.) Aphareus had three
sons, Lynceus, Idas, and Peisus. He was believed
to have founded the town of Arene in Messenia,
which he called after his wife. He received Neleus
and Lycus, the son of Pandion, who had fled from
their countries into his dominions. To the former
he assigned a tract of land in Messenia, and from
the latter he and his family learned the orgies of
the great gods. (Paus. iv. 2. § 3, &c.) Pausanias
in this passage mentions only the two sons of
Aphareus, Idas and Lynceus, who are celebrated

APHTHONIUS.

in ancient story under the name of 'A</>apTjT^8oi or
'A<^ap7jTidSa<, for their fight with the Dioscui'i,
which is described by Pindar. {Nem. x. Ill, &c.)
Two other mvthical personages of this name occur
in Horn. //. xni. 541 ; Ov. ilfet. xii. 341. [L. S.]
APHA'REUS ('A^apeus), an Athenian orator
and tragic poet, was a son of the rhetorician Hip-
pias and Plathane. After the death of his father,
his mother married the orator Isocrates, who
adopted Aphareus as his son. He was trained iu
the school of Isocrates, and is said to have written
judicial and deliberative speeches (Ao7ot SikuvikoI
Koi avfi€ov\€VTiKoi). An oration of the former
kind, of which we know only the name, was writ-
ten and spoken by Aphareus on behalf of Isocrates
against Megacleides. (Plut. Vit. X. Orat p. 839 ;
Dionys. Isocr. 18, Dinarch. 13; Eudoc. p. 67 ;
Suid. s. v.; Phot Cod. 260.) According to Plu-
tarch, Aphareus wrote thirty-seven tragedies, but
the authorship of two of them was a matter of dis-
pute. He began his career as a ti-agic writer in
B. c. 369, and continued it till B. c. 342. He
gained four prizes in tragedy, two at the Dionysia
and two at the Lenaea. His tragedies formed
tetralogies, i. c. four were performed at a time and
formed a didascalia ; but no fragments, not even a
title of any of them, have come down to us. [L. S.]
APHEIDAS ('Ai^fiSas), a son of Areas by
Leaneii-a, or according to otiiers, by Meganeira,
Chrysopeleia, or Erato. (Apollod. iii. 9. § 1.)
When Apheidas and his two brothers had grown
up, their father divided his kingdom among them.
Apheidas obtained Tegea and the surrounding
territory, which was therefore called by poets the
K\T)pos 'AcpeiSdvreios. Apheidas had a son, Aleus.
(Paus. viii. 4. § 2 ; Aleus.) Two other mythical
personages of this name occur in Hom. Od. xxiv.
305; Ov. Met. xii. 317. [L. S.]

APHE'PSION ('A0e-4/icoj/), a son of Bathippus,
who commenced operations against the law of
Leptines respecting the abolition of exemptions
from liturgies. Bathippus died soon after, and his
son Aphepsion resumed the matter. He was joined
by Ctesippus. Phormion, the orator, spoke for
Aphepsion, and Demosthenes for Ctesippus. (Ar-
gum. ad Dem. Leptin. p. 453 ; Dem. c. Lept. p. 501 ;
Wolf, Proleg. in Demosth. Lept. p. 48, &c., pp. 52
—56.) [L. S.]

APHNEIUS ('A^mos), the giver of food or
plenty, a surname of Ares, under which he had a
temple on mount Cnesius, near Tegea in Arcadia.
Aerope, the daughter of Cepheus, became by Ares
the mother of a son ( Aeropus), but she died at the
moment she gave birth to the child, and Ares,
wishing to save it, caused the child to derive food
from the breast of its dead mother. This wonder
gave rise to the suniame ^A^vnos. (Paus. viii. 44.
§ 6.) [L. S.]

APHRODISIA'NUS, a Persian, wrote a de-
scription of the east in Greek, a fragment of which
is given by Du Cange. {Ad Zonar. p. 50.) An
extract from this work is said to exist in the royal
library at Vienna. He also wrote an historical
work on the Virgin Mary. (Fabric. Bill. Graec.
xi. p. 578.) [P. S.]

APHRODI'SIUS, SCRIBO'NIUS, a Roman
grammarian, originally a slave and disciple of
Orbilius, was purchased by Scribonia, the first wife
of Augustus, and by her manumitted. (Suet, de
lUustr. Gram. 19.)

APHTHO'NIUS {;A<pQ6vios\ of Antioch, a

{

APICATA.

Greek rhetorician who lived about A. D. 315, but
of whose life nothing is known. He is the author
of an elementary introduction to the study of
rhetoric, and of a number of fables in the style of
those of Aesop. The introduction to the study of
rhetoric, which bears the title Progymnasmata
(TrpoyvixvouTfj.aTa\ if considered from a right point
of view, is of great interest, inasmuch as it shews
us the method followed by the ancients in the in-
struction of boys, before they were sent to the
regular schools of the rhetoricians. The book con-
sists of rules and exercises. Previous to the time
of Aphthonius the progymnasmata of Hermogenes
were commonly used in schools ; Aphthonius found
it insufficient, and upon its basis he constructed
his new work, which contained fourteen progym-
nasmata, while that of his predecessor contained
only twelve. Soon after its appearance the work
of Aphthonius superseded that of Hermogenes, and
became the common school-book in this branch of
education for several centuries. On the revival of
letters the progymnasmata of Aphthonius recovered
their ancient popularity, aCnd during the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries they were used every-
where, but more especially in Germany, in schools
and universities, as the text-book for rhetoric. But
by a singular mistake the work was during that
period regarded as the canon of everything that
■was required to form a perfect orator, whereas the
author and the ancients had intended and used it
as a collection of elementary and preparatory exer-
cises for children. The number of editions and
translations which were published during that
period is greater than that of any other ancient
writer. (Fabr. Bibl. Grace, vi. p. 9G, &c. ; Hoff-
mann, Lex. Bibliogr. i. p. 199, &c.) The editio
princeps is that in Aldus' collection of the Rlietores
Graect, Venice, 1508, fol. The most important
among the subsequent editions are that of Giunta,
Florence, 1515, 8vo., which contains also the
progynmasmata of Hermogenes ; that of Camerarius,
with a Latin translation. Lips. 1567, 8vo. ; of B.
Harbart, 1591, 8vo., with a Latin translation and
notes; of F. Scobarius, 1597, 8vo., and that of J.
Scheffer, Upsala, 1670, 8vo. The last and best
edition is that in Walz's collection of the " Rhetores
Graeci," i. p. 54, &c. It contains the notes of
Scheffer, and an ancient abridgement of the v/ork by
one Matthaeus [firiTOfxil els to Trjs pr\TopiK7\s irpo-
yvixi'daixaTo), and a sort of commentary upon them
by an anonymous writer ('Ava}vviJ.ov irepl rwv toS
'A<f>6ouiov TTpoyvixvaauaTCiv), p. 121, &c., 126, &c.
The Aesopic fables of Aphthonius, which are in-
ferior in merit to those of Aesop, are printed in
Scobarius' edition of the progymnasmata, and also
in the Paris edition of 1623. Furia's edition of
the fables of Aesop contains twenty-three of those
of Aphthonius. (Westermann, GescJdcMe der
GriecL Beredfsam/ceit, § 98, nn. 16—20.) [L.S.]
APHTHO'NIUS {'Atpeovios) of Alexandria is
mentioned by Philostorgius (iii. 15) as a learned
and eloquent bishop of the Manichaeans. He is
mentioned as a disciple and commentator of Mani
by Photius and Peter of Sicily, and iu the form of
abjuring Manichaeism. Philostorgius adds, that
Aetius had a public disputation with Aphthonius,
in which the latter was defeated, and died of grief
seven days afterwards, [P. S.]

APICA'TA, the wife of Sejanus, was divorced
by him, a. d. 23, after she had borne him three
children, when he hud seduced liivia, the wife of

APICIUS.

225

Dnisus, and was plotting against the life of the
latter. His subsequent nmrder of Drusus was first
disclosed by Apicata. (Tac. Ann. iv. 3, 11.) When
Sejanus and his children were killed eight years
afterwards, a. d. 31, Apicata put an end to her
own life. (Dion Cass. Iviii. 11.)

API'CIUS. Ancient writers distinguish three
Romans bearing this name, all of them indebted
for celebrity to the same cause, their devotion to
gluttony.

1. The first of these in chronological order, is
said to have been instrumental in procuring the
condemnation of Rutilius Rufus, who went into
exile in the year b. c. 92. According to Posido-
nius, in the 49th book of his history, he transcend-
ed all men in luxury. (Athen iv. p. 168, d. ; com-
pare Posidonii Reliquiae^ ed. Bake.)

2. The second and most renowned, M. GaJUua
Apicius, flourished under Tiberius, and many
anecdotes have been preserved of the inventive
genius, the skill and the prodigality which he dis-
played in discovering and creating new sources of
culinary delight, arranging new combinations, and
ransacking every quarter of the globe and every
kingdom of nature for new objects to stimulate and
gratify his appetite. At last, after having squan-
dered upwards of eight hundred thousand pounds
upon the indulgence of his all-engrossing passion,
he balanced his books, and found that little more
than eighty thousand remained ; upon which, de-
spairing of being able to satisfy the cravings of
hunger from such a miserable pitt<mce, he forth-
with hanged himself. But he was not forgotten.
Sundry cakes (Apicia) and sauces long kept alive
his memory ; Apion, the grammarian, composed a
work upon his luxurious labours ; his name passed
into a proverb in all matters connected with the
pleasures of the table ; he became the model of
gastronomers, and schools of cookery arose which
hailed him as their mighty master. (Tacit. Ann.
iv. 1 ; Dion Cass. Ivii. 19 ; Athen. i. p. 7, a. ; Plin.
H. N. viii. 51, ix. 17, x. 48, xix. 8 ; Senec. Consol.
adHelv. 10, Epp. xciv. 43, cxx. 20, De Vtt.Beat.
xi. 3 ; Juv. iv. 23, and Schol. xi. 2 ; Martial,
ii. 69, iii. 22, x. 73 ; Lamprid. Heligab. 18, &c. ;
Sidon. ApoUin. Epp. iv. 7 ; Suidas, s. v. Att'ikios ;
Isidor. (M<;g. xx. 4; Tertullian. Apolog. 3.)

3. When the emperor Trajan was in Parthia,
many days distant from the sea, a certain Apicius
sent him fresh oysters, preserved by a skilful pro-
cess of his own. (Athen. i. p. 7, d. ; Suidas,
s. V. ScTpeu.)

The first and third of these are mentioned by
Athenaeus alone, the second by very many writers,
as may be seen from the authorities quoted above.
Hence some scholars, startled not unnaturally by
the singular coincidence of name and pursuit,
have endeavoured to prove that there was in reality
only one Apicius, namelj'- the second, and that the
r.iultiplication arose from the tales with regard to
his excesses having passed from mouth to mouth
among persons ignorant of chronology, or from the
stories current with regard to various gluttons
having been all in the process of time referred to
the most famous of all. It will be observed, how-
ever, that in so far as the first is concenied Athe-
naeus points directly to the soiurcc from whence
his infonutition was derived, and conntH;ts the in-
dividual with an important and well known
historical fact, nor is it probable that there is any
confusion of names in the passage relating to the

226

APION.

third, since it is confirmed by the text of Suidas,
who evidently quotes from Athenaeus. (See, how-
ever, Vincent. Contaren. Var. Led. c. xvii. ; Lipsius
on Tacit. Ann. iv. 1 ; Lister. Praef. ad Apic.)

The treatise we now possess, bearing the title
Caelii Apicii de opsoniis et condimentis, sive de re
culinaria, Libri decern, appears to have been first
discovered by Enocb of Ascoli, about the year
1454, in the time of Pope Nicolas V., and the
editio princeps was printed at Milan in 1498. It
is a sort of Cook and Confectioner's Manual, con-
taining a multitude of receipts for preparing and
dressing all kinds of flesh, fish, and fowl, for
compounding sauces, baking cakes, preserving
sweetmeats, flavouring wines, and the like. From
the inaccuracies and solecisms of the style, it is
probable that it was compiled at a late period by
some one who prefixed the name of Apicius, in
order to attract attention and insure the circulation
of his book. It is not without value, however,
since it affords an insight into the details of a
Roman kitchen which we seek for elsewhere in
vain.

The best editions are those of Martin Lister, pub-
lished at London, in 1705, reprinted with additions
by Almeloveen (Amstelod. 1709), and that of
Bemhold (Marcobreit. 1787, Baruth. 1791, and
Ansbach. 1800.) There is an illustrative work by
Dierbach, entitled Flora Apiciana. (Heidelberg,
1831.) [W. R.]

API'NIUS TIRO. [Tiro.]

A'PION ('Airfwi/), a Greek grammarian. His
name is sometimes incorrectly spelt Appion, and
some writers, like Suidas, call him a son of Pleis-
toneices, while others more correctly state that
Pleistoneices was only a surname, and that he was
the son of Poseidonius. (Gell. vi. 8 ; Senec. Epist.
88; Euseb. Praep. Evang. x. 10.) He was a
native of Oasis, but used to say that he was bom
at Alexandria, where he studied under ApoUonius,
the son of Archibius, and Didymus, from whom he
imbibed his love for the Homeric poems. (Suid.
s. V. 'ATricof ; Joseph, c. Apion. ii. 3, &c.) He
afterwards settled at Rome, where he tiught
rhetoric as the successor of the grammarian Theon
in the reign of Tiberius and Claudius. He appears
to have enjoyed an extraordinary reputation for
his extensive knowledge and his versatility as an
orator ; but the ancients are unanimous in censur-
ing his ostentatious vanity. (Gell. v. 14; Plin.
H. N. Praef. and xxx. 6 ; JosepL c. Apion. ii. 12.)
He declared that every one whom he mentioned in
his works would be immortalized ; he placed him-
self by the side of the greatest philosophers of an-
cient Greece, and used to say, that Alexandria
ought to be proud of having a man like himself
among its citizens. It is not unlikely that the
name " cymbalum mundi," by which Tiberius was
accustomed to call him, was meant to express both
his loquacity and his boastful character. He is
spoken of as the most active of grammarians, and
the surname fiox&os which he bore, according to
Suidas, is usually explained as describing the zeal
and labour with which he prosecuted his studies.
In the reign of Caligula he travelled about in
Greece, and was received everywhere with the
highest honours as the great intei-preter of Homer.
(Senec. I. c.) About the same time, A. D. 38, the
inhabitants of Alexandria raised complaints against
the Jews residing in their city, and endeavoiired
to curtail their rights and privileges. They sent

APIS.

an embassj' to the emperor Caligula, which was
headed by Apion, for he was a skilful speaker and
known to entertain great hatred of the Jews. The
latter also sent an embassy, which was headed by
PhUo. In this transaction Apion appears to have
overstepped the limits of his commission, for he
not only brought forward the complaints of his fel-
low-citizens, but endeavoured to excite the em-
peror's anger against the Jews by reminding him
that they refused to erect statues to him and to
swear by his sacred name. (Joseph. J 7^/. xviii. 10.)
The results of this embassy, as well as the remain-
ing part of Apion's life, are unknown ; but if we
may believe the account of his enemy Josephus
(c. Apion. ii. 13), he died of a disease which he
had brought upon himself by his dissolute mode of
Ufe.

Apion was the author of a considerable number
of works, all of which are now lost with the ex-
ception of some fragments. 1. Upon Homer,
whose poems seem to have formed the principal
part of his studies, for he is said not only to have
made the best recension of the text of the poems,
but to have written explanations of phrases and
words in the form of a dictionar)'(Ae'4eJS 'O/iTjptKoi),
and investigations concerning the life and native
country of the poet. The best part of his Xi^^is
'O/jLTipiKai are supposed to be incorporated in the
Homeric Lexicon of ApoUonius. ( Villoison, Pro-
le.g. ad ApoUon. p. ix. &c.) Apion's labours upon
Homer are often referred to by Eustathius and
other grammarians. 2. A work on Egypt (A<7u7r-
TtttKo), consisting of five books, which was highly
valued in antiquity, for it contained descriptions of
nearly all the remarkable objects in Egypt. It
also contained numerous attacks upon the Jews.
(Euseb. Praep. Evang. x. 10; GelL v. 14 ; Plin.
//. N. xxxvii. 19.) 3. A work against the Jews.
( Euseb. /. c.) A reply to these attacks is made by
Josephus, in the second book of his work usually
called KcTo 'AirjcDvos, and this reply is the only
source from which we learn anything about the
character of Apion's work. 4. A work in praise
of Alexander the Great. (Gell. vi. 8.) 5. Histories
of separate countries. ('Iffropia Kara, iQpos, Suid.
s. V. 'AttIuv.) 6. On the celebrated glutton Apicius,
and, 7. Uepl rijs Paj/xai'/cTjs 5ia\eKTov. (Athen. vii.
p. 294, XV. p. 680.) 8. De metallica disciplina.
(Plin. Elench. lib. xxxv.) The greatest fragments
of the works of Apion are the story about Andro-
clus and his lion, and about the dolphin near
Dicaearchia, both of which are preserved in Gellius.
Suidas (s. vv. 'AjvpTTjs, airi\a5es, acpapayov, and
Tp(y\riva) refers to Apion as a writer of epigrams,
but whether he is the same as the grammarian is
uncertain. (Villoison, I. c. ; Burigny, in the Afem.
de VAead. des Inscript. xxxviii. p. 171, &c.; Lehrs,
Quaesi. Epical, Dissert. L, who chiefly discusses
what Apion did for Homer.) [L. S.]

A'PION, PTOLEMAEUS. [Ptolemaeus
Apion.]

APIS (^AiTis). 1. A son of Phoroneus by the
nymph Laodice, and brother of Niobe. He was
king of Argos, established a tyrannical government,
and called Peloponnesus after his own name Apia ;
but he was killed in a conspiracy headed by Thel-
xion and Telchis. (ApoUod. i. 7. 6, ii. 1. § 1.)
In the former of these passages Apollodorus states,
that Apis, the son of Phoroneus, was killed by
Aetolus ; but this is a mistake arising fi-om the
confusion of our Apis, with Apis the son of Jason,

APIS.
wlio was killed by Aetolus during the funeml
g.iinos celebrated in honour of Azanes. (Pans. v. 1.
§ 6" ; Aetoi.us.)

Apis, the son of Phoroncus, is said, after his
death, to have been worshipped as a god, under
the name of Serapis (Sapoirjs) ; and this state-
ment shews that Egyptian mythuses are mixed
up with the story of Apis. This confusion is still
more manifest in the tradition, that Apis gave his
kingdom of Argos to his brother, and went to
p]gypt, where he reigned for several years after-
wards. (Euseb. Chron. «. 271 ; Augustin, de Civ.
J)eu xviii, 5.) Apis is spoken of as one of the
earliest lawgivers among the Greeks. (Theodoret.
Graec. JJTect. Cur. vol. iv. p. 927, ed. Schulz.)

2. A son of Telchis, and father of Thelxion.
He was king at Sicyon, and is said to have been
such a powerful prince, that previous to the arrival
of Pelops, Peloponnesus was called after him Apia.
(Paus. ii. 5. § 5.)

Besides the third Apis, the son of Jason, men-
tioned above, there is a fourth, a son of Asclepius,
mentioned by Aeschvlus. {Suppl. 262.) [L. S.]

APIS CAiris), the Bull of Memphis, which
enjoyed the highest honours as a god among the
Egj-ptians. (Pomp. Mela, i. 9; Aelian, Hist. An.
xi. 10; Lucian, de Sacrif. 15.) He is called the
greatest of gods, and the god of all nations, while
others regard him more in the light of a symbol of
some great divinity ; for some authorities state,
that Apis was the bull sacred to the moon, as
Mnevis was the one sacred to the sun. (Suid. s. v. ;
Ammian. Marcell. xxii. 14 ; Aelian, I. c; Lutatius,
ad Stat. Theb. iii. 478.) According to Macrobius
{Sat. i. 21), on the other hand. Apis was regarded
as the s}-mbol of the sun. The most common
opinion was, that Apis was sacred to Osiris, in
whom the sun Avas worshipped ; and sometimes
Apis is described as the soul of Osiris, or as iden-
tical with him. (Diod. i. 21 ; Plut. de Is. et Os-.
20, 33, 43 ; Strab. xvii. p. 807.)

In regard to the birth of this divine animal
Herodotus (iii. 28) says, that he was the offspring
of a young cow which was fructified by a ray from
heaven, and according to others it was by a ray of
the moon that she conceived him. (Suid., Aelian,
//. cc; Plut. de Is. et Os. 43.) The signs by which
it was recognised that the newly bom bull was
really the god Apis, are described by several of
the ancients. According to Herodotus (/. c;
comp. Strab. I. c), it was requisite that the animal
should be quite black, have a white square mark
on the forehead, on its back a figure similar to
that of an eagle, have two kinds of hair in its
tail, and on its tongue a knot resembling an insect
called KavQapos. (Compare Ammian. Marcell. I. c;
Solinus, 32.) Pliny (//. A'', viii. 71), who states,
that the cantharus was under the tongue, adds,
that the right side of the body was marked with a
white spot resembling the horns of the new moon.
Aelian says, that twentj'-nine signs were required ;
but some of those v/hich he mentions have refer-
ence to the later astronomical and physical specu-
lations about the god. When all the signs were
found satisfactory in a newly bom bull, the cere-
mony of his consecration began. This solemnity
is described by Aelian, Pliny, Ammianus Marcel-
linns, and Diodoms. (i. 85.) When it was made
known, says Aelian, that the god was bom, some
of the sacred scribes, who possessed the secret
knowledge of the signs of Apis, went to the place

APIS.

227

of his birth, and built a house there in the direc-
tion towards the rising sun. In this house the
god was fed with milk for the space of four months,
and .ifter this, about the time of the new moon,
the scribes and prophets prepared a ship sacred to
the god, in which he was conveyed to Memphis.
Here he entered his splendid residence, containing
extensive walks and courts for his amusement. A
number of the choicest cows, forming as it were
the harem of the god, were kept in his pahice at
Memphis. The account of Diodorus, though on
the whole agreeing with that of Aelian, contains
some additional particulars of interest. Pliny and
Ammianus Marcellinus do not mention the god's
harem, and state that Apis was only once in every
year allowed to come in contact with a cow, and
that this cow was, like the god himself, marked in
a peculiar way. Apis, moreover, drank the water
of only one particular well in his palace, since the
water of the Nile was believed to be too fattening.
The god had no other occupation at Memphis,
than to receive the services and homage of his
attendants and worshippers, and to give oracles,
which he did in various ways. According to
Pliny, his temple contained two thalami, and ac-
cordingly as he entered the one or the other, it
was regarded as a favourable or unfavourable sign.
Other modes in which oracles were derived from
Apis are mentioned in the following passages:
Lutat. ad Stat. Theh. iii. 478 ; Diog. Laert. viii. 9 ;
Paus. vii. 22. § 2 ; Plin., Aelian, Solinus, U. cc. ;
Plut. de Is. et Os. 14.

As regards the mode in which Apis was wor-
shipped, we know, from Herodotus (ii. 38, 41),
that oxen, whose purity was scrupulouslj'^ examined
before, were offered to him as sacrifices. His
birthday, which was celebrated every year, was
his most solemn festival ; it was a day of rejoicing
for all Egj-pt. The god was allowed to live only
a certain number of years, probably twenty-five.
(Lucan, Phars. viii. 477 ; Plut. de Is. et Os. 56.)
If he had not died before the expiration of that pe-
riod, he was killed and buried in a sacred well, the
place of which was unknown except to the initiated,
and he who betrayed it was severely punished.
(Araob. adv. Gent. vi. p. 194.) If, however. Apis
died a natural death, he was buried publicly and
solemnly, and, as it would seem, in the temple of
Serapis at Memphis, to which the entrance was
left open at the time of Apis' burial. (Paus. i. 18.
§ 4 ; Clem. Alex. Strom, i. p. 322 ; Plut. dc Is. et
Os. 29.) The name Serapis or Sarapis itself is
said to signify "the tomb of Apis." Respecting
the particular ceremonies and rites of the burial,
its expenses, and the miracles which used to ac-
company it, see Diod. i. 84, 96 ; Plut. /. c. 29, 35.
As the birth of Apis filled all Egypt with joy and
festivities, so his death threw the whole country
into grief and mourning; and there was no one,
as Lucian says, who valued his hair so much that
he would not have shom his head on that occasion.
(Lucian, de Sacrif. 15, de Dea Syr. 6 ; Tibull. i. 8;
Ammian. Marc, Solin. II. cc.) However, this time
of mourning did not usually last long, as a new
Apis was generally kept ready to fill the place of
his predecessor ; and as soon as he was found, the
mourning was at an end, and the rejoicings began.
(Diod. i. 85; Spartian. Ilailr. 12.)

The worship of Apis was, without doubt, origi-
nally nothing but the simple worship of the bull,
and formed a part of the fetish-worship of the

q2

228

APHRODITE.

Egyptians ; but in the course of time, the bull,
like other animals, was regarded as a symbol in
the astronomical and physical systems of the Egj'p-
tian priests. How far this was carried may be
seen from what Aelian saj^s about the twenty-nine
marks on the body of Apis, which form a complete
astronomical and physical system. For further
details respecting these late speculations, the reader
is referred to the works on Egyptian mythology
by Jablonsky, Champollion, Pritchard, and others.

The Persians, in their religious intolerance, ridi-
culed and scorned the Egyptian gods, and more
especially Apis. Cambyses killed Apis with his
own hjind (Herod iii. 29), and Ochus had him
Blaughtered. (Plut. /. c. 31.) The Greeks and
Romans, on the other hand, saw nothing repug-
nant to their feehngs in the worship of Apis, and
Alexander the Great gained the good will of the
Egyptians by offering sacrifices to Apis as well as
to their other gods. (Arrian, Anal. iii. 1.) Several
of the Roman emperors visited and paid homage to
Apis, and his worship seems to have maintained
itself nearly down to the extinction of paganism.
(Suet. Aug. 93, Vesjms. 5 ; Tacit. Aiinal. ii. 59 ;
Plin. /. c. ; Spartian. I. c, Sept. Sever. 17.) [L. S.]

APHRODI'TE ('Ac^poSlTTj), one of the great
Olympian divinities, was, according to the popular
and poetical notions of the Greeks, the goddess of
love and beauty. Some traditions stated that she
had sprung from the foam (cuppSs) of the sea, which
had gathered around the mutilated parts of Uranus,
that had been thrown into the sea by Kronos
after he had unmanned his father. (Hesiod. Theog.
190; compare Anadyomene.) With the excep-
tion of the Homeric hymn on Aphrodite there is
no trace of this legend in Homer, and according to
him Aphrodite is the daughter of Zeus and Dione.
(//. V. 370, &c., XX. 105.) Later traditions call
her a daughter of Kronos and Euonynie, or of
Uranus and Hemera, (Cic. De Nat.Deor. iii. 23 ;
Katal. Com. iv. 13.) According to Hesiod and
the Homeric hymn on Aphrodite, the goddess
after rising from the foam first approached the
island of Cythera, and thence went to Cyprus, nnd
as she was walking on the sea-coast flowers sprang
up under her feet, and Eros and Himeros accom-
panied her to the assembly of the other great gods,
all of whom were struck with admiration and love
when she appeared, and her sui-passing beauty made
every one desire to have her for his wife. Accord-
ing to the cosmogonic views of the nature of
Aphrodite, she was the personification of the gene-
Kitive powers of nature, and the mother of all
living beings. A trace of this notion seems to be
contained in the tradition that in the contest of
Typhon with the gods. Aphrodite metamorphosed
herself into a fish, which animal was considered to
possess the greatest generative powers. (Qv. Met.
V. 318, &c. ; comp. Hygin. Poet. Astr. 30.) But
according to the popular belief of the Greeks and
their poetical descriptions, she was the goddess of
love, who excited this passion in the hearts of gods
and men, and by this power ruled over all the
living creation. (Horn. Hymn, in Ven. ; Lucret.
15, &c.) Ancient mythology furnishes numerous
instances in which Aphrodite punished those who
neglected her worship or despised her power, as
well as others in which she favoured and protected
those who did homage to her and recognized her
sway. Love and beauty are ideas essentially con-
nected, and Aphrodite was therefore also the god-

APHRODITE.

dess of beauty and gracefulness. In these points
she surpassed all other goddesses, and she received
the prize of beauty from Paris ; she had further
the power of granting beauty and invincible charms
to others. Youth is the herald, and Peitho, the
Horae, and Charites, the attendants and compa-
nions of Aphrodite. (Pind. Nem. viii. 1, &c.)
Marriages are called by Zeus her work and the
things about which she ought to busy herself.
(Horn. //. V. 429 ; comp. Od. xx. 74 ; Pind. Pyth.
ix. 1 6, &c.) As she herself had sprung from the
sea, she is represented by later writers as having
some influence upon the sea. (Virg. Aen. viii. 800;
Ov. Heroid. xv. 213; comp. Pans. ii. 34. § 11.)

During the Trojan war. Aphrodite, the mother
of Aeneas, who had been declared the most beauti-
ful of all the goddesses by a Trojan prince, naturally
sided with the Trojans. She saved Paris from his
contest with Menelaus {II. iii. 380), but when she
endeavoured to rescue her darling Aeneas from the
fight, she was pursued by Diomedes, who wounded
her in her hand. In her fright she abandoned her
son, and was carried by Iris in the chariot of Ares
to OljTupus, where she complained of her mis-
fortune to her mother Dione, but was laughed at by
Hera and Athena. (//. v. 311, &c.) She also
protected the body of Hector, and anointed it with
ambrosia, (//. xxiii. 185.)

According to the most common accounts of the
ancients. Aphrodite was married to Hephaestus
{Odyss. viii. 270), who, however, is said in the
Iliad (viii. 383) to have married Charis. Her
faithlessness to Hephaestus in her amour with
Ares, and the manner in which she was caught by
the ingenuity of her husband, are beautifully de-
scribed in the Odyssey, (viii. 266, &c.) By Ares
she became the mother of Phobos, Deiraos, Har-
monia, and, according to later traditions, of Eros
and Anteros also. (Hesiod. Theog. 934, &c., Scut.
Here. 195 ; Hom. //. xiii. 299, iv. 440 ; Schol. ad
Apollon. Rhod. iii. 26 ; Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 23.)
But Ares was not the only god whom Aphrodite
favoured ; Dionysus, Hermes, and Poseidon like-
wise enjoyed her charms. By the first she was,
according to some traditions, the mother of Priapus
(Schol. ad Apollon. Rliod. i. 933) and Bacchus
(Hesych. s. v. BaKxov Auivrfs), by the second of
Hermaphroditus (Ov. Met. iv. 289, &c.; Diod. iv.
6 ; Lucian, Dial. Deor. xv. 2), and by Poseidon
she had two children, Rhodes and Herophilus.
(Schol. ad Pind. Py^A. viii. 24.) As Aphrodite so
often kindled in the hearts of the gods a love for
mortals, Zeus at last resolved to make her pay for
her wanton sport by inspiring her too with love
for a mortal man. This was accomplished, and
Aphrodite conceived an invincible passion for An-
chises, by whom she became the mother of Aeneas
and Lyrus. [Anchises.] Respecting her con-
nexions with other mortals see Adonis and Butes.

Aphrodite possessed a magic girdle which had
the power of inspiring love and desire for those
who wore it ; hence it was borrowed by Hera
when she wished to stimulate the love of Zeus.
(Hom. II. xiv. 214, &c.) The arrow is also some-
times mentioned as one of her attributes. (Pind.
Pyth. iv. 380 ; Theocrit. xi. 16.) In the vegetable
kingdom the myrtle, rose, apple, poppy, and others,
were sacred to her. (Ov. Fast. iv. 15. 143 ; Bion,
Idyll, i. 64 ; Schol. ad Aristoph. Nub. 993 ; Pans,
ii. 10. § 4 ; Phornut. 23.) The animals sacred to
her, which are often mentioned as drawing her

APHRODITE.

chariot or serving as her messengers, are the spar-
row, the dove, the swan, the swallow, and a bird
called iynx. (Sappho, in Vcn. 10 ; Athcn. ix. p.
395 ; Horat. Carm. iv. 1. 10 ; Aelian, Hist. An.
X. 34 ; Find. Pyth. I. c.) As Aphrodite Urania
the tortoise, the symbol of domestic modesty and
chastity, and as Aphrodite Pandemos the ram was
sacred to her. [Urania; Pandemos.] When she
was represented as the victorious goddess, she had
the attributes of Ares, a helmet, a shield, a sword :
r or a lance, and an image of Victory in one hand.
The planet Venus and the spring-month of April
were likewise sacred to her. (Cic de Nat. Dear.
iii. 20 ; Ov. Fast. iv. 90.) All the suniaraes and
epithets given to Aphrodite are derived from places
of her worship, from events connected with the
legends about her, or have reference to her charac-
ter and her influence upon man, or are descriptive
of her extraordinary beauty and charms. All her
surnames are explained in separate articles.

The principal places of her worship in Greece
were the islands of Cyprus and Cythera. At
Cnidus in Caria she had three temples, one of
which contained her renowned statue by Praxiteles.
Mount Ida in Troas was an ancient place of her
worship, and among the other places we may men-
tion particularly the island of Cos, the towns of
Abydos, Athens, Thespiae, Megara, Sparta, Sicyon,
Corinth, and Eryx in Sicily. The sacrifices offered
to her consisted mostly of incense and garlands of
flowers (Virg. Aen. i. 416 ; Tacit. Hist. ii. 3), but
in some places animals, such as pigs, goats, young
cows, hares, and others, were sacrificed to her. In
some places, as at Corinth, great numbers of females
belonged to her, who prostituted themselves in her
service, and bore the name of U[)o^ovKoi. {Did. of
Ant. s. V. 'Eraipai.) Respecting the festivals of
Aphrodite see Did. of Ant. s.v. 'ASwuia, 'Avayci-
710, 'A(ppo5iai<t, KaTayo/yia.

The worship of Aphrodite was undoubtedly of
eastern origin, and probably introduced from Syria
to the islands of Cyprus, Cythera, and others, from
whence it spread all over Greece. It is said to
have been brought into Syria from Assyria. (Paus.
i. 14. § 6.) Aphrodite appears to have been
originally identical with Astarte, called by the
Hebrews Ashtoreth, and her connexion with
Adonis clearly points to Syria. But with the ex-
ception of Corinth, where the worship of Aphro-
dite had eminently an Asiatic character, the whole
worship of this goddess and all the ideas concern-
ing her nature and character are so entirely Greek,
that its introduction into Greece must be assigned
to the very earliest periods. The elements were
derived from the East, but the peculiar develop-
ment of it belongs to Greece. Respecting the Ro-
man goddess Venus and her identification with the
Greek Aphrodite, see Venus.

Aphrodite, the ideal of female grace and beauty,
frequently engaged the talents and genius of the
ancient artists. The most celebrated representations
of her were those of Cos and Cnidus. Those which
are still extant are divided by archaeologists into se-
veral classes, accordingly as the goddess is represent-
ed in a standing position and naked, as the Medicean
Venus, or bathing, or half naked, or dressed in a
tunic, or as the victorious goddess in arms, as she
was represented in the temples of Cythera, Sparta,
and Corinth. (Paus. iii. 23. § 1, ii. 5. § 1, iii.
15. § 10; comp. Hirt. Mythol. Bilderbuck, iv. 133,
&c.; Manso, VersucJie, pp. 1—308.) [L. S.]

APOLLINARIS. 229

APISA'ON (•Airjtrowj'). Two mythical per-
sonages of this name occur in the Iliad, xi. 578,
and xvii. 348. [L. S.l

APOLLAS. [Apkllas.]
APOLLINA'RIS and APOIXINA'RIUS are
different forms of the same Greek name, 'AttoAX*-
vdpios. For the sake of convenience we use in
every case the form ApoUinaris, which is always
employed by Latin writers.

1. Claudius Apollinaris, bishop of Hiera-
polis in Phrygia (a. d. 170 and onwards), wrote
an '* Apology for the Christian faith" (\6yoi wrtp
TTJs iriffTfus diroKoyias) to the emperor M. Anto-
ninus. He also wrote against the Jews and the
Gentiles, and against the heresies of the Mon-
tanists and the Encratites, and some other works,
all of which are lost. (Euseb. H. E. iv. 27, v. 19 ;
Hieron. de Vir. lUust. 26, Epist. 84 ; Nicephorus,
iv. 11 ; Photius, Cod. 14; Theodoret. de Hueret.
Fab. iii. 2 ; Chronicon Pascluile.)

2. Apollinaris, father and son, the former
presbyter, the latter bishop, of Laodicea. The fa-
ther was bom at Alexandria. He taught grammar
first at Berytus and afterwards at Laodicea (about
A. D. 335), where he married, and became a pres-
byter of the church. Apollinaris and his son en-
joyed the friendship of the sophists Libanius and
Epiphanius. They were both excommunicated by
Theodotus, bishop of Laodicea, for attending the
lectures of Epiphanius, but they were restored upon
their profession of penitence. Being firm catlioUcs,
they were banished by Georgius, the Arian succes-
sor of Theodotus.

When Julian (a. d. 362) issued an edict for-
bidding Christians to teach the classics, Apollinaris
and his son undertook to supply the loss by trans-
ferring the Scriptures into a body of poetry, rheto-
ric, and philosophy. They put the historicd books
of the Old Testament into poetry, which consisted
partly of Homeric hexameters, and partly of lyrics,
tragedies, and comedies, in imitation of Pindar,
Euripides, and Menander. According to one ac-
count, the Old Testament history, up to the reign
of Saul, formed a kind of heroic poem, divided into
twenty-four books, which were named after the
letters of the Greek alphabet, in imitation of Ho-
mer. The New Testament was put into the form
of dialogues, after the manner of Plato. Only
two works remain which appear to have formed a
part of these sacred classics, namely, a tragedy enr
titled "Christ Suffering," which is found among
the works of Gregory Nazianzen, and a poetic
version of the Psahns, entitled " Metaphrasis Psal-
morum," which was published at Paris, 1552,
1580, and 1613; by Sylburg at Heidelberg, 1596 ;
and in the various collections of the Fathers.
There is some difficulty in determining what shares
the father and son had in these works. The Old
Testament poems are generally ascribed to the fa-
ther, who is spoken highly of as a poet, and the
New Testament dialogues to the son, who was
more distinguished as a philosopher and rhetorician.
In accordance with this view, Vossius {de HisL
Graec. ii. 18, and de Foci. Graec. 9) and Cave
(sub ann. 362), attribute both the extant works to
the son.

Apollinaris the younger, who was bishop of
Laodicea in 362 A. d., wrote several controversial
works, the most celebrated of which was one in
thirty books against Porphyry. He became noted
also as the founder of a sect. He was a warm op-

230

APOLLO.

ponent of the Arians, and a personal friend of
Athanasius ; and in arguing against the former, he
maintained, that the Divine Word (the Logos)
supplied the place of a rational soul in the person
of Christ. He died between 382 and 392 a. d.
His doctrine was condemned by a synod at Rome,
about 375 a. d., but it continued to be held by a
considerable sect, who were called Apollinarists,
down to the middle of the fifth century. (Hieron.
de Vir. Illust. 104 ; Socrates, H. E. ii. 46, iii. 16 ;
Sozomen, H. E. v. 18, vi. 25 ; Suidas, s. v.; Cave,
Hist. Litt. ; Wemsdorf, Diss, de Apollin.)

3. The author of two epigrams in the Greek
Anthology, is very probably the same person as
the elder Apollinaris of Laodicea. (Jacobs, Anthol.
Grace, xiii. p. 853.) [P. S.]

APOLLINA'RIS, CLAU'DIUS, the com-
mander of Vitellius' fleet at Misenum, when it
revolted to Vespasian in a. d. 70. Apollinaris es-
caped with six galleys. (Tac. Hist. iii. 57, 76, 77.)
APOLLO ('ATToAAajj/), one of the great divini-
ties of the Greeks, was, according to Homer (//. i.
21, 36), the son of Zeus and Leto. Hesiod ( 77<eo^.
918) states the same, and adds, that Apollo's sister
was Artemis. Neither of the two poets suggests
anything in regard to the birth-place of the god,
unless we take Au/f7j7e»/7)s (//. iv. 101) in the sense
of " bom in Lycia," which, however, according to
others, would only mean "bom of or in light."
Several towns and places claimed the honour of his
birth, as we see from various local traditions men-
tioned by late writers. Thus the Ephesians said
that Apollo jind Artemis were bom in the grove of
Ortygia near Ephesus (Tacit. Annal. iii. 61) ; the
inhabitants of Tegyra in Boeotia and of Zoster in
Attica claimed the sjune honour for themselves.
(Steph. Byz. s. v. Teyvpa.) In some of these local
traditions Apollo is mentioned alone, and in others
together with his sister Artemis. The account of
Apollo's parentage, too, was not the same in all
traditions (Cic de Nat. Dear. iii. 23), and the
Egj'ptians made out that he was a son of Dionysus
and Isis. (Herod, ii. 156.) But the opinion most
universally received was, that Apollo, the son of
Zeus and Leto, was bom in the island of Delos,
together with his sister Artemis ; and the circum-
stances of his birth there are detailed in the Ho-
meric hymn on Apollo, and in that of Callimachus
on Delos. (Comp. ApoUod. i. 4. § 1 ; Hygin. Fub.
140.) Hera in her jealousy pursued Leto from
land to land and from isle to isle, and endeavoured
to prevent her finding a resting-place where to give
birth. At last, however, she arrived in Delos,
where she was kindly received, and after nine
days' labour she gave birth to Apollo under a palm
or an olive tree at the foot of mount CjTithus. She
was assisted by all the goddesses, except Hera and
Eileithyia, but the latter too hastened to lend her
aid, as soon as she heard what was taking place.
The island of Delos, which proAaous to this event
had been unsteady and floating on or buried under
the waves of the sea, now became stationary, and
was fastened to the roots of the earth. (Comp.
Virg. Aen. iii. 75.) The day of Apollo's birth was
believed to have been the seventh of the month,
whence he is called iSdo/xayevT^s. (Plut./S^;Hjoos.8.)
According to some traditions, he was a seven
months' child (eTrra/xTjj/atos). The number seven
was sacred to the god ; on the seventh of every
month sacrifices were offered to him (eSdofxayeTrjs,
Aeschyl. iS<'pt. 802 ; comp. Callim. Ht/inn. in Del.

APOLLO.

250, &c.), and his festivals usually fell on the se-
venth of a month. Immediately after his birth,
ApoUo was fed with ambrosia and nectar by The-
mis, and no sooner had he tasted the divine food,
than he sprang up and demanded a lyre and a bow,
and declared, that henceforth he would declare to
men the will of Zeus. Delos exulted with joy,
and covered herself with golden flowers. (Comp.
Theognis, 5, &c.; Eurip. Hecub. 457, &c.)

Apollo, though one of the great gods of Olympus,
is yet represented in some sort of dependence on
Zeus, who is regarded as the source of the powers
exercised by his son. The powers ascribed to
Apollo are apparently of different kinds, but all are
connected with one another, and may be said to be.
only ramifications of one and the same, as will be
seen from the following classification. y

Apollo is — 1. tlie god tcko punishes and destroys
(ouAioy) the wicked and overbearing^ and as such he
is described as the god with bow and arrows, the
gift of Hephaestus. (Horn. //. i. 42, xxiv. 605,
Od. xi. 318, XV. 410, &c. ; comp. Pind. Pyth. iii.
15, &c.) Various epithets given to him in the
Homeric poems, such as %Karos^ iKdepyos^ e/ojgoAos,
fKarr)§6\os^ kKvtoto^os, and dpyvpoTo^os, refer to
him as the god who with his darts hits his object
at a distance and never misses it. All sudden
deaths of men, whether they were regarded as a
punishment or a reward, were believed to be the
effect of the arrows of Apollo; and with the same
arrows he sent the plague into the camp of the
Greeks. Hyginus relates, that four days after his
birth, Apollo went to mount Parnassus, and there
killed the dragon Python, who had pursued his
mother during her wanderings, before she reached
Delos. He is also said to have assisted Zeus in
his contest with the giants. (Apollod. i. 6. § 2.)
The circumstance of Apollo being the destroyer of
the wicked was believed by some of the ancients
to have given rise to his name Apollo, which they
connected -with diroWv/ju, "to destroy." (AeschyL
Agam. 1081.) Some modem writers, on the other
hand, who consider the power of averting evil to
have been the original and principal feature in his
character, say that 'AttoAAwj', i, e. 'AireWuiv, (from
the root pello), signifies the god who drives away
evil, and is synonymous with dA6|//caKos, Acesius,
AcESTOR, (TUTTip, and other names and epithets
applied to Apollo.

2. The god who affords lidp and wards off evU,
As he had the power of visiting men with plagues
and epidemics, so he was also able to deliver men
from them, if duly propitiated, or at least by his
oracles to suggest the means by which such calami-
ties could be averted. Various names and epithets
which are given to Apollo, especially by later wri-
ters, such as oLKiaios, aKearup, dAe|i/ca/cos, cfcTT^p,
aTTOTpSTraios, iiriKovpios, larpofjidvTis, and others,
are descriptive of this power. (Pans. i. 3. § 3,
vi. 24. § 5, viii. 41. § 5 ; Plut. de El ap. Delph. 21,
de Defect. Orac. 7 ; Aeschyl. Eu7n. 62 ; comp.
Muller, Dor. ii. 6. § 3.) It seems to be the idea
of his being the god who afforded help, that made
him the father of Asclepius, the god of the healing
art, and that, at least in later times, identified him
with Paeeon, the god of the healing art in Homer.
[Pakeon.]

3, The god of propliecy. Apollo exercised this
power in his numerous oracles, and especially in
that of Delphi, {Diet, of Ant. s. v. Oraeulum.) The
source of all his prophetic powers was Zeus him-

APOLLO,
self (Apollodorus states, that Apollo received the
uavTiidi from Pan), and Apollo is accordingly
called "the prophet of his father Zeus." (Aeschyl.
J^Jutn. 19); but ho had nevertheless the power of
communicating the gift of prophecy both to gods
and men, and all the ancient seers and prophets
are placed in some relationship to him. (Hom. //.
i. 72, Hymn, in Merc. 3, 471.) The manner in
which Apollo came into the possession of the oracle
of Delphi ( Pytho) is related differently. According
to Apollodorus, the oracle had previously been in
the possession of Themis, and the dragon Python
guarded the mysterious chasm, and Apollo, after
having slain the monster, took possession of the
oracle. According to Hyginus, Python himself
possessed the oracle ; while Pausanias (x. 3. § 5)
states, that it belonged to Gaea and Poseidon in
common. (Comp. Eurip. Iphig. Taur. 1246, &c. ;
Athen. XV. p. 701 ; Ov. Met. i. 439 ; Apollon.
Ilhod. ii. 706.)

4. The god of song and music. We find him in
the Iliad (i. 603) delighting the immortal gods
with his play on the phonninx during their re-
past ; and the Homeric bards derived their art of
song either from Apollo or the Muses. {Od. viii.
488, with Eustath.) Later traditions ascribed to
Apollo even the invention of the flute and l}Te
(Callira. Hymn, in Bel. 253 ; Plut. de Mus.), while
the more common tradition was, that he received
the lyre from Hermes. Ovid {Heroid. xvi. 180)
makes Apollo build the walls of Troy by playing
on the lyre, as Amphion did the walls of Thebes,
Respecting his musical contests, see Marsyas,
Midas.

5. Tlie god tclio protects the flochs and cattle
{v6y.ios dfos, from vo/j-os or vofrr}, a meadow or
pasture land). Homer (//. ii. 766) says, that
Apollo reared the swift steeds of Eumelus Phere-
tiudes in Pieria, and according to the Homeric
hymn to Hermes (22, 70, &c.) the herds of the
gods fed in Pieria under the care of Apollo. At
the command of Zeus, Apollo guarded the cattle of
Laomedon in the valleys of mount Ida. (//. xxi.
488.) There are in Homer only a few allusions to
this feature in the character of Apollo, but in later
writers it assumes a very prominent form (Pind.
PytL ix. 114 ; Callim. Hymn, in Apoll. 50, &c.);
and in the story of Apollo tending the flocks of
Admetus at Pherae in Thessaly, on the banks of
the river Amphrvsus, the idea reaches its height.
( Apollod. i. 9. § 15 ; Eurip. Alcest. 8 ; TibuU. ii. 3.
11; Virg. Georg. iii. 2.)

6. The god who delights in the foundation oftoums
and the establishment of civil constitutions. His
assistance in the building of Troy was mentioned
above ; respecting his aid in raising the walls of
Megara, see Alcathous. Pindar (Pyth. v. 80)
calls ApoUo the dpxTJTeVrjs, or the leader of the
Dorians in their migration to Peloponnesus; and
this idea, as well as the one that he delighted
in the foundation of cities, seems to be intimately
connected with the circumstance, that a town or a
colony was never founded by the Greeks without
consulting an oracle of Apollo, so that in every
case he became, as it were, their spiritual leader.
The epithets ktioti^s and ot/ctcrTTjs (see Bockh, ad
Pind. I.e.) refer to this part in the character of
Apollo.

These characteristics of Apollo necessarily ap-
pear in a peculiar light, if we adopt the view which
was almost universal among the later poets, mytlio-

APOLLO.

2.31

graphers, and philosophers, and according to which
Apollo was identical with Helios, or the Sun. In
Homer and for some centuries after his time Apollo
and Helios arc perfectly distinct. The question
which here presents itself, is, whether the idea of
the identity of the two divinities was the original
and primitive one, and was only revived in later
times, or whether it was the result of later specu-
lations and of foreign, chiefly Egyptian, influence.
Each of these two opinions has had its able advo-
cates. The former, which has been maintained by
Buttmann and Hermann, is supported by strong
arguments. In the time of Callimachus, some per-
sons distinguished between Apollo and Helios, for
which they were censured by the poet. {Fragm. 48,
ed. Bentley.) Pausanias (vii. 23. § 6) states, that
he met a Sidonian who declared the two gods to
be identical, and Pausanias adds, that this was
quite in accordance with the belief of the Greeks.
(Comp. Strab. xiv. p. 635 ; Plut. de Et ap. Delph. 4,
de Def. Orac. 7.) It has further been said, that if
Apollo be regarded as the Sun, the powers and
attributes which we have enumerated above are
easily explained and accounted for ; that the sur-
name of ^o76os (the shining or brilliant), which is
frequently applied to Apollo in the Homeric poems,
points to the sun; and lastly, that the traditions
concerning the Hyperboreans and their worship of
ApoUo bear the strongest marks of their regarding
the god in the same light. (Alcaeus, ap. Himer.
xiv. 10 ; Diod, ii. 47.) Still greater stress is laid
on the fact that the Egyptian Horus was regarded
as identical with Apollo (Herod, ii. 144, 156;
Diod. i. 25 ; Plut. de Is. et Os. 12, 61 ; Aelian,
Hist. An. X. 14), as Horus is usually considered
as the god of the burning sun. Those who adopt
this view derive Apollo from the East or from
Egypt, and regard the Athenian 'AttSWwv Trarp^os
as the god who was brought to Attica by the
Egyptian colony under Cecrops. Another set of
accounts derives the worship of Apollo from the
very opposite quarter of the world — from the coun-
try of the Hyperboreans, that is, a nation living
beyond the point where the north wind rises, and
whose country is in consequence most happy and
fruitful. According to a fragment of an ancient
Doric hymn in Pausanias (x. 5. § 4), the oracle of
Delphi was founded by Hyperboreans and Olenus ;
Leto, too, is said to have come from the Hyperbo-
reans to Delos, and Eileithyia likewise. (Herod,
iv. 33, &c. ; Pans. i. 18. § 4 ; Diod. ii. 47.) The
Hyperboreans, says Diodonis, worship Apollo more
zealously than any other people ; they are all
priests of Apollo ; one town in their country is
sacred to Apollo, and its inhabitants are for the
most part players on the lyre. (Comp. Pind. Pyth.
X. 55, &c.)

These opposite accounts respecting the original
seat of the worship of Apollo might lead us to
suppose, that they refer to two distinct divinities,
which were in the course of time united into one,
as indeed Cicero {de Nat. Deor. iii. 23) distin-
guishes four different Apollos. Mliller h<is re-
jected most decidedly and justly the hypothesis,
that Apollo was derived from Eg}'pt ; but he re-
jects at the same time, without very sjitisfactory
reasons, the opinion that Apollo ^N'as connected
with the worship of nature or any part of it ; for,
according to him, Apollo is a purely spiritual divi-
nity, and far above all the other gods of Olympus.
As regards the identity of Aim)11o and Helios, he

232

APOLLO.

justly remarks, that it would be a strange pheno-
menon if this identity should have fallen into
oblivion for several centuries, and then have been
revived. This objection is indeed strong, but not
insurmountable if we recollect the tendency of the
Greeks to change a peculiar attribute of a god into
a separate divinity ; and this process, in regard to
Helios and Apollo, seems to have taken place pre-
vious to the time of Homer. MuUer's view of
Apollo, which is at least very ingenious, is briefly
this. The original and essential feature in the
character of Apollo is that of "the averter of evil"
('Att^AAwi') ; he is originally a divinity peculiar to
the Doric race ; and the most ancient seats of his
worship are the Thessalian Tempe and Delphi.
From thence it was transplanted to Crete, the inhar
bitants of which spread it over the coasts of Asia
Alinor and parts of the continent of Greece, such
as Boeotia and Attica. In the latter country it
was introduced during the immigration of the
lonians, whence the god became the 'Air6\Xcov
-Karptpos of the Athenians. The conquest of Pelo-
ponnesus by the Dorians raised Apollo to the rank
of the principal divinity in the peninsula. The
'AttoAAwv vofuos was originally a local divinity of
the shepherds of Arcadia, who was transformed
into and identified with the Dorian Apollo during
the process in which the latter became the national
di\-inity of the Peloponnesians. In the same man-
ner as in this instance the god assumed the cha-
racter of a god of herds and flocks, his character
was changed and modified in other parts of Greece
also : with the Hyperboreans he was the god of
prophecy, and with the Cretans the god with bow
and darts. In Egypt he was made to form a part
of their astronomical system, which was afterwards
introduced into Greece, where it became the pre-
valent opinion of the learned.

But whatever we may think of this and other
modes of explaining the origin and nature of Apollo,
one point is certain and attested by thousands of
facts, that Apollo and his worship, his festivals
and oracles, had more influence upon the Greeks
than any other god. It may safely be asserted,
that the Greeks would never have become what
they were, without the worship of Apollo : in him
the brightest side of the Grecian mind is reflected.
Respecting his festivals, see Diet, of Ant, s. v.
^AiroKKuvia, Tkargelia^ and others.

In the religion of the early Romans there is no
trace of the worship of Apollo. The Romans be-
came acquainted with this divinity through the
Greeks, and adopted all their notions and ideas
about him from the latter people. There is no
doubt that the Romans knew of his worship among
the Greeks at a very early time, and tradition says
that they consulted his oracle at Delphi even be-
fore the expulsion of the kings. But the first time
that we hear of the worship of Apollo at Rome is
in the year b. c. 430, when, for the purpose of
averting a plague, a temple was raised to him, and
soon after dedicated by the consul, C. Julius. (Liv.
iv. 25, 29.) A second temple was built to him in
the year b. c. 350. One of these two (it is not
certain which) stood outside the porta Capena.
During the second Punic war, in b. c. 212, the
ludi ApoUinares were instituted in honour of Apollo.
(Liv. XXV. 12; Macrob. Sat. i. 17 ; Diet, of Ant.
s. V. Ludi ApoUinares ; comp. Ludi Saectdares.)
The worship of this divinity, however, did not
form a very prominent part in the religion of the

APOLLODORUS.

Romans till the time of Augustus, who, after the
battle of Actium, not only dedicated to him a por-
tion of the spoils, but built or embellished his tem-
ple at Actium, and founded a new one at Rome
on the Palatine, and instituted quinquennial games
at Actium. (Suet. Aug. 31, 52 ; Did. rf Ant. s.v.
'AktIu; Hartmig, die Religion der Romer, ii. p.
205.)

Apollo, the national divinity of the Greeks, was
of course represented in all the ways which the
plastic arts were capable of. As the ideas of the
god became gradually and more and more fully de-
veloped, so his representations in works of art rose
from a rude wooden image to the perfect ideal of
youthful manliness, so that he appeared to the an-
cients in the light of a twin brother of Aphrodite.
(Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 4. § 10.) The most beautiful
and celebrated among the extant representations of
Apollo are the Apollo of Belvedere at Rome, which
was discovered in 1503 at Rettuno {Mas. Pio-Clcm.
i. 14, 15), and the Apollino at Florence. (Hirt.
Mifthol. Bilderbuch, i. p. 29, &c.) In the Apollo
of Belvedere, the god is represented with com-
manding but serene majesty ; sublime intellect and
phj'sical beauty are combined in it in the most
wonderful manner. The forehead is higher than
in other ancient figures, and on it there is a pair
of locks, while the rest of his hair flows freely
down on his neck. The limbs are well propor-
tioned and harmonious, the muscles are not worked
out too strongly, and at the hips the figure is ra-
ther thin in proportion to the breast. (Buttmann,
Mythologus^ i. p. 1-22 ; G. Hermann, Dissertatio de
Apolline et Diami^ 2 parts, Leipzig, 1836 and 1837;
Aliiller, Dorians., book ii.) [L. S.]

APOLLO'CRATES ('ATroAXoKpoTTjs), the elder
son of Dionysius, the Younger, was left by his
father in command of the island and citadel of
Syracuse, but was compelled by famine to surren-
der them to Dion, about b. c. 354. He was allowed
to sail away to join his father in Italj-. (Pint. Diov.,
37, &c., 56 ; Strab. vi. p. 259 ; Nepos, Dion, 5 ;
Aelian, V. H. ii. 41.) Athenaeus speaks (vi. pp.
435, f., 436, a.) of ApoUocrates as the son of the
elder Dionysius ; but this must be a mistake, unless
we suppose with Kiihn {ad Acl. I. c), that there
were two persons of this name, one a son of the
elder and the other of the younger Dionysius.

APOLLODO'RUS('A7roAAdSa)oos) 1. Of AcHAR-
NE in Attica, son of Pasion, the celebrated banker,
who died b. c. 370, when his son Apollodorus was
twenty-four years of age. (Dera. ])ro Fliorm. p.
951.) His mother, who mai-ried Phormion, a
freedman of Pasion, after her husband's death,
lived ten years longer, and after her death in b. c.
360, Phormion became the guardian of her younger
son, Pasicles. Several years later (b, c. 350),
Apollodorus brought an action against Phormion,
for whom Demosthenes wrote a defence, the oration
for Phormion, which is still extant. In this year,
Apollodorus Avas archon eponymus at Athens.
(Diod. xvi. 46.) When Apollodorus afterwards at-
tacked the witnesses who had supported Phormion,
Demosthenes wrote for Apollodorus the two orations
still extant koto Sre^aj/ou. ( Aeschin. de Fals. Leg.
p. 50 ; Plut. Demosth. 15.) Apollodorus had many
and very important law-suits, in most of which
Demosthenes wrote the speeches for him (Clinton,
Fast. Hell ii. p. 440, &c. 3d. ed.) [Demosthenks];
the latest of them is that against Neaera, in which
Apollodorus is the pleader, axid which may pciliaps

APOLLODORUS.

be referred to the year b. c. 340, when ApoUo-
dorus was fifty-four years of age. Apollodorua
was a very wealthy man, and performed twice the
liturgy of the trierarchy. (Dem. c. Polycl. p. 1208,
c Nicodr. p. 1247.)

2. Of Amphipolis, one of the generals of Alex-
ander the Great, was entrusted in B. c. 331,
together with Menes, with the administration of
Babylon and of all the satrapies as far as Cilicia,
Alexander also gave them 1000 talents to collect
as many troops as they could. (Diod. xvii. 54 ;
Curtius, v. 1 ; comp. Arnan, Anab. vii. 18 ; Appian,
de Bell. Civ.vL 152.)

3. Of Artemita, whence he is distinguished
from others of the name of Apollodorus by the
ethnic adjective 'Afrc/AiTas or 'ApT€/xtT7jv(Jy. (Steph.
Byz. s. V. 'ApTeixl%ia.) The time in which he lived
is unknown. He wrote a work on the Parthians
which is referred to by Strabo (ii. p. 118, xi. pp.
509, 519, XV. p. 685), and by Athenaeus (xv. p.
682), who mentions the fourth book of his work.
There are two passages in Strabo (xi. pp. 516 and
526), in which according to the common reading
he speaks of an Apollodorus Adramyttenus ; but
as he is evidently speaking of the author of the
Parthica, the word 'ASpa^urrrji/os has justly been
changed into 'ApT€fiiT7]y6s. Whether this Apollo-
dorus of Artemita is the same as the one to whom
a history of Caria is ascribed, cannot be decided.
Stephanus Byzantius (s. vv. 'ApKSurjaos and Aa7t-
via) mentions the seventh and fourteenth books of
this work.

4. An Athenian, commanded the Persian
auxiliaries which the Athenians had solicited from
the king of Persia against Philip of Macedonia in
B. c. 340. Apollodorus was engaged with these
troops in protecting the town of Perinthus while
Philip invaded its territory. (Paus. L 29. § 7;
comp. Diod. xvi 75; Arrian, u4na6. ii. 14.)

5. A Boeotian, who together with Epaenetus
came as ambassador from Boeotia to Messenia, in
B. c. 183, just at the time when the Messenians,
terrified b}* Lycortas, the general of the Achaeans,
were inclined to negotiate for peace. The influence
of the Boeotian ambassadors decided the question,
and the Messenians concluded peace with the
Achaeans. (Polyb. xiv. 12.)

6. Of Carystus. The ancients distinguish be-
tween two comic poets of the name of Apollodorus :
the one is called a native of Gela in Sicily, and the
other of Carystus in Euboea. Suidas speaks of an
Athenian comic poet Apollodorus, and this circum-
stance has led some critics to imagine that there
were three comic poets of the name of Apollodorus.
But as the Athenian is not mentioned anywhere
else, and as Suidas does not notice the Carystian,
it is supposed that Suidas called the Carystian an
Athenian either by mistake, or because he had the
Athenian franchise. It should, however, be re-
membered that the plays of the Carystian were not
perfonned at Athens, but at Alexandria. (Athen.
xiv. p. 664.) Athenaeus calls him a contemporarj-
of Machon ; so that he probably lived between the
years B. c. 300 and 260. Apollodonis of Carystus
belonged to the school of the new Attic comedy,
and was one of the most distinguished among its
poets. (Athen. I. c.) This is not only stated by
good authorities, but may .ilso be inferred from the
fact, that Terence took his Hecyra and Phormio
from Apollodorus of Carystus. (A. Mai, Fragm.
riauli et Tercntiiy p. 38.) According to Suidas

APOLLODORUS.

233

Apollodorus wrote 47 comedies, and five time*
gained the prize. We know the titles and ponsess
fragments of several of his plays; but ten comedieii
are mentioned by the ancients under the name of
Apollodorus alone, and without any suggestion as
to whether they belong to Apollodorus of Carys-
tus or to Apollodorus of Gela. (A. Meineke,
Hist. Crit. Comicor. Graecor. p. 462, &c.)

7. Tyrant of Cassandreia (formerly Potidaea)in
the peninsula of Palleue. He at first pretended to be
a friend of the people ; but when he had gained their
confidence, he formed a conspiracy for the purpose
of making himself tyrant, and bound his accom-
plices by most barbarous ceremonies described in
Diodorus. (xxii. Exc. p. 563.) When he had
gained his object, about b. c. 279, he began his
tyrannical reign, which in cruelty, rapaciousness,
and debauchery, has seldom been equalled in any
country. The ancients mention him along with
the most detestable tyrants that ever lived.
(Polyb. vii. 7 ; Seneca, De Ira., ii. 5, De Beiief.
vii. 19.) But notwithstanding the support which
he derived from the Gauls, who were then pene-
trating southward, he was unable to maintain him-
self, and was conquered and put to death by
Antigonus Gonatas. (Polyaen. vi. 7, iv. 6, 18;
Aelian, V. H. xiv. 41; Hist. An. v. 15 ; Plut De
Sera Num. Find. 10, 11 ; Paus. iv. 5. § 1; Hein-
sius, ad Odd. ex Pont. ii. 9. 43.)

8. Of CuMAE, a Greek grammarian, who is said
to have been the first person that was distinguished
by the title of grammarian and critic. (Clem. Alex.
Strom, i. p. 309.) According to Pliny {H. N. vii.
37) his fame was so great that he was honoured by
the Amphictyonic council of the Greeks.

9. Of Cyrene, a Greek grammarian, who is often
cited by other Greek grammarians, as by the Scho-
liast on Euripides (Orest. 1485), in the Etymolo-
gicum M. (s. V. ^oojxoXSxoi), and by Suidas (s. w.
dvriKpvs, Pa}/xo\6xo5f Haviov, and fiSeKvacoe).
From Athenaeus (xi. p. 487) it would seem that
he wrote a work on drinking vessels (iroTTjpzo), and
if we may believe the authority of Natalis Comes
(iii. 16 — 18, ix. 5), he also wrote a work on
the gods, but this may possibly be a confusion of
Apollodonis of Cyrene, with the celebrated gram-
marian of Athens. (Heyne, ad ApoUod. pp.
1174, &c., 1167.)

10. Of Cyzicus, lived previous to the time of
Plato, who in his dialogue Ion (p. 541), mentions
him as one of the foreigners whom the Athenians
had frequently placed at the head of their armies.
This statement is repeated by Aelian ( V.H. xiv. 5),
but in what campaigns Apollodorus served the
Athenians is not known. Athenaeus (xi. p. 506),
in censuring Plato for his malignity, mentions
Apollodorus, and the other foreigners enumerated in
the passage of the Ion, as instances of persons calum-
niated by the philosopher, although the passage does
not contixin a trace of anything derogatory to them.

11. Of Cyzicus, an unknown Greek writer, who
is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (ix. 38), and is
perhaps the same as the Apollodotus spoken of by
Clemens of Alexandria. {Strom, ii. p. 417.)

12. Sumamed Ephillus, a Stoic philosopher,
who is frequently mentioned by Diogenes Laertius
who attributes to him two works, one called ^u(n»o),
and the other ijOiKr}. (Diog. Laert. vii. 39, 41, 54,
64, 84, 102, 121, 125, 129, 135, 140.) Theon of
Alexandria wrote a commentary on the <pv(TL}cq
(Suid. s. V. (diwv), and Stobaous {Edog. I'hys. i.

234

APOLLODORUS.

p. 257, ed. Ileeren) has preserved two fragments
of it. This Stoic must be distinguished from the
Academic philosopher Apollodonis who is spoken
of by Cicero {De Nat. Deor. i. 34), but he is per-
haps the same as the one who is mentioned by
TertuUian {De A7nma, 15) along with Chrysippus.

13. An Epicurean, was according to Diogenes
Laertius (x. 1 3) sumamed KTjiroTupai/j/os, from his
exercising a kind of tyraimy or supremacy in the
garden or school of Epicurus. He was the teacher
of Zeno of Sidon, who became his successor as the
head of the school of Epicurus, about B. c. 84. He
is said to have written upwards of 400 books
(3j§Ata, Diog. Laert. x. 25), but only one of them
is mentioned by its title, viz. a Life of Epicurus.
(Diog. Laert. x. 2.) This as well as his other
works have completely perished.

14. An EPIGRAMMATIC poet, who lived in the
time of Augustus and Tiberius, and is commonly
believed to have been a native of Smyrna. The
Greek Anthology contains upwards of thirty epi-
grams which bear his name, and which are distin-
guished for their beautiful simplicity of style as
well as of sentiment. Reiske was inclined to con-
sider this poet as the same man as Apollonides of
Nicacci, and moreover to suppose that the poems in
the Anthologia were the productions of two differ-
ent persons of the name of Apollodorus, the one of
whom lived in the reign of Augustus, and the
other in that of Hadrian. But there is no ground
for this hypothesis. (Jacobs, ad Anthol. Grace. xiiL
p.854,&c.)

15. Of Erythrae, a Greek writer, who spoke
of the Erythraean Sibyl as his fellow-citizen.
(Varro, Fraym. p. 216, ed. Bip. ; Schol. ad Plat.
Phaadr. p. 343 ; Lactant. De Fals. Relig. i. 6.)

16. Of Gela in Sicily, was, according to Suidas
and Eudocia (p. 61), a contemporary of Menander,
and accordingly lived between the years B. c 340
and 290. Suidas and Eudocia attribute to him
seven comedies, of which they give the titles. But
while Suidas («. v. 'AiroWSSwpos) ascribes them to
Apollodorus of Gela, he assigns one of these same
comedies in another passage (s. v. trTrou8afa>) to the
Carystian. Other writers too frequently confound
the two comic poets. (Meineke, HisL Crit. Comic
Graec. p. 459, &c.)

17. A Greek grammarian of Athens, Avas a
son of Asclepiades, and a pupil of the gram-
marian Aristarchus, of Panaetius, and Diogenes
the Babylonian. He flourished about the year
B. c. 140, a few years after the fall of Corinth.
Further particulars are not mentioned about him.
We know that one of his historical works (the
XpoviKo) came down to the year b. c. 143, and
that it was dedicated to Attiilus II., sumamed
Philadelphus, Avho died in B, c. 138; but how
long Apollodorus lived after the year B. c. 143
is unknown. Apollodorus wrote a great num-
ber of works, and on a variety of subjects, which
were much used in antiquity, but all of them
have perished with the exception of one, and
even this one has not come down to us com-
plete. This work bears the title BigAioflTjKTj ; it
consists of three books, and is by far the best
among the extant works of the kind. It contains
a well-arranged account of the numerous mythuses
of the mythology and the heroic age of Greece.
The materials are derived from the poets, especially
the cyclic poets, the logogniphers, and the histo-
rians. It begins with the origin of the gods, and

APOLLODORUS.

goes do\vn to the time of Theseus, when the work
suddenly breaks oflF. The part which is wanting
at the end contained the stories of the families of
Pelops and Atreus, and probably the whole of the
Trojan cycle also. The first portion of the work
(i. 1 — 7) contains the ancient theogonic and cos-
mogonic mythuses, which are followed by the
Hellenic mythuses, and the latter are arranged ac-
cording to the different tribes of the Greek nation.
(Phot. Cod. 186.) The ancients valued this work
very highly, as it formed a running mythological
commentary to the Greek poets ; to us it is of
still greater value, as most of the works from which
Apollodorus derived his information, as well a«
several other works which were akin to that of
Apollodorus, are now lost. Apollodorus relates
his mythical stories in a plain and unadorned
style, and gives only that which he found in his
sources, without interpolating or perverting the
genuine forms of the legends by attempts to ex-
plain their meaning. This extreme simplicity
of the Bibliotheca, more like a mere catalogue
of events, than a history, has led some modem
critics to consider the work in its present form
either as an abridgement of some greater work of
Apollodorus, or as made up out of several of his
works. But this opinion is a mere hypothesis
without any evidence. The first edition of the
Bibliotheca of ApoUodoms, in which the text is in
a very bad condition, was edited by Benedictus
Aegius of Spoleto, at Rome, 1555, 8vo. A some-
what better edition is that of Heidelberg, 1599,
8vo. (Ap. Commelin.) After the editions of
Tan. Faber (Sahnur. 1661, 8vo.), and Th. Gale in
his Script. Hiit. poet. (Paris, 1675, 8vo.), there
followed the critical edition of Ch. G. Heyne,
Gottingen, 1782 and 83, 4 vols. 12mo., of which
a second and improved edition appeared in 1803,
2 vols. 8vo. The best among the subsequent
editions is that of Clavier, Paris, 1805, 2 vols. 8vo.,
with a commentary and a French translation.
The Bibliotheca is also printed in C. and Th.
Muller, Fragimnt. Hist. Ch-aec, Paris, 1841, and
in A. Westermann's Mt/tliograjM, sive Scriptores
Poeticae Histor. Graed^ 1843, 8vo.

Among the other works ascribed to Apollodoras
which are lost, but of which a considerable number
of fragments are still extant, which are contained
in Heyne's edition of the Bibliotheca and in C.
and Th. Miiller's Fraym. Hist. Graee.., the follow-
ing must be noticed here : 1. Hepl twv 'Ad-^urjaip
iraipihwv, i. e. on the Athenian Courtezans.
(Athen. xiii. pp. 567, 583, xiv. pp. 586, 591 ;
HejTie, vol. iii. p. 1163, &c. ; MiiUer, p. 467, &c.)
2. 'AvTiypa((yiq irpos rrju 'Api(rTOK\4ous cTri(TTo\i]u._
(Athen. xiv. p. 636; Heyne, p. 1172, &c.) 3.
rijs TrepioSos, kw/jlikc^ M^Tpej), that is, a Universal
Geography in iambic verses, such as was afterwards
written by Scymnus of Chios and by Dionysius.
(Strabo, xiv. p. 656 ; Steph. Byz. passhn; Heyne,
p. 1126, &c. ; MiiUer, p. 449, &c.) 4. Uepl
'ETTLxap/xov, either a commentary or a dissertation
on the plays of the comic poet Epicharmus, which
consisted of ten books. (Pophyr. Vit. Plotin. 4 ;
Heyne, p. 1142, &c. ; Miiller, p. 462.) 5.
' Et v/jLoKoylai, or Etymologies, a work which is
frequently referred to, though not always under
this title, but sometimes apparently under that of
the head of a particular article. (Heyne, p. 1144,
&c.; Miiller, p. 462, &c.) 6. Uepl Sfe£v, in
twenty-four books. This work contained the

APOLLODORUS.

mythology of the Greeks, as far as the gods them-
selves were concerned ; the Bibliotheca, giving .in
account of the lieroic ages, formed a kind of conti-
nuation to it. (Heyne, p. 1039, &c. ; Muller, p.
428, &c.) 7. Ufpl v€uv Kara\6yov or wepl vtuv^
was an historical and geographical explanation of
the catalogue in the second book of the Iliad. It
consisted of twelve books, and is frequently cited
by Strabo and other ancient writers. (Heyne, p.
1*099, &c. ; Muller, p. 4.53, &c.) 8. Ucpi ^uxppovos,
that is, a commentary on the Mimes of Sophron, of
which the third book is quoted by Athenaeus (vii.
p. 281), and the fourth by the Schol. on Aristoph.
\Vesp. 483; Heyne, p. 1138; Miiller, p. 461,
&c.) 9. XpoviK^ or xpovi/c?) avvrai^is, was a
chronicle in iambic verses, comprising the history
of 1040 years, from the destruction of Troy (1184)
down to his own time, B. c. 143. This work,
which was again a sort of continuation of the
Bibliotheca, thus completed the history from the
origin of the gods and the world down to his own
time. Of how many books it consisted is not
quite certain. In Stephanus of Byzantium the
fourth book is mentioned, but if Syncellus {Chronogr.
p. 349, ed. Dindorf.) refers to this work, it must
have consisted of at least eight books. The loss of
this work is one of the severest that we have to
lament in the historical literature of antiquity.
(Heyne, p. 1072, &c. ; Muller, p. 435, &c.) For
further information respecting Apollodorus and his
writings, see Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. iv. pp. 287 —
299 ; C. and Th. Miiller, pp. xxxviii. — xlv.

18. Of Lemnos, a writer on agriculture, who
lived previous to the time of Aristotle {Polit. i. 4,
p. 21, ed. Gbttling.) He is mentioned by Varro
\De Re Rust. i. 1), and by Pliny. {Ele?wL ad
liU). viii. X. xiv. xv. xvii. and xviii.)

19. Sumamed Logisticus, appears to have been
a mathematician, if as is usually supposed, he is
the same as the one who is called dptfljurjTt/cos.
(Diog. Laert. i. 25, viii. 12; Athen. x. p. 418.)
Whether he is the same as the ApoUodotus of
whom Plutarch {Non posse invi secund. Epic. p.
1094) quotes two lines, is not quite certain.

20. A Macedonian, and secretary to king
Philip V. He and another scribe of the name of
Demosthenes accompanied the king to the colloquy
at Nicaea, on the Maliac gulf, with T. Quinctius
Flamininus, in B. c. 198. (Polyb. xvii. 1, 8.)

21. Of Nicaea. Nothing is known about him
except that Stephanus Byzantius (s. r. Nt'/cota) men-
tions him among the distinguished persons of that
town.

22. Of Pergamus, a Greek rhetorician, was the
author of a school of rhetoric called after him 'AttoA-
\oSwpfio5 a'lpecris, which was subsequently opposed
by the school established by Theodorus of Gadara.
{®eoS(up€ios aipetris.) In his advanced age Apollo-
dorus taught rhetoric at Apollonia, and here young
OcUivianus (Augustus) was one of his pupils and
became his friend. (Strab. xiii. p. 625 ; Sueton.
Aug. 89.) Strabo ascribes to him scientific works
(jexvas) on rhetoric, but Quintilian (iii. 1. § 18,
comp. § 1) on the authority of Apollodorus himself
declares only one of the works ascribed to him as
genuine, and this he calls Ars (Te'x»^) edita ad
Matium^ in which the author treated on oratory
only in so far as speaking in the courts of justice
was concerned. Apollodorus himself wrote little,
and his whole theory could be gathered only from
the works of his disciples, C. \'algius and Atticus,

APOLLODORUS.

235

(Comp. Quintil. ii. II. § 2, 15. § 12, iv. 1. §50;
Tacit. De dar. Oral. 1 9 ; Seneca, Coutrov. L 2, iu
9 ; Sext Empir. Adv. Math. ii. 79.) Lucian
(Macrob. 23) states, that Apollodorus died at the
age of eighty-two. (C. W. Piderit, de ApoUodoro
Pcrgameno et T/ieodoro Gadarensij R/ietoriliUs,
Marburg, 4 to.)

23. Of Phaleron in Attica, a very ardent and
zealous friend and follower of Socrates (Xen. Apol.
Socr. § 28, Mem. iii. 11. § 17), but unable with all
his attachment to understand the real worth of his
master. He was naturally inclined to dwell upon the
dark side of things, and thus became discontented
and morose, though he had not the courage to strug-
gle manfully for what was good. This brought upon
him the nickname of (jluvikos, or the eccentric man.
(Plat. Si/mpos. p. 173 D.) When Socrates wrto
going to die, Apollodorus lost all controul over
himself, and gave himself up to tears and loud
lamentations. (P\at. Phaed. p. 117, d.) Aelian
( V. H. i. 16) relates a droll anecdote, according to
which Apollodorus offered to Socrates before his
death a suit of fine clothes, that he might die re-
spectably. Apollodorus occurs in several of Plato's
dialogues, but the passage which gives the most
lively picture of the man is in the Symposium^ p.
173, «Slc. Compare T. A. Wolf, Praefat. ad Sym-
pos. p. 41.

24. Sumamed Pyragrus, one of the most influ-
ential citizens of the town of Agyrium in Sicily,
who gave his evidence against the praetor Verres.
(Cic. in Verr. iii. 31, iv. 23.)

25. Governor of Susiana, was appointed to this
office by Antiochus III. after the rebellion of Molo
and his brother Alexander had been put down, in
B. c. 220. (Polyb. v. 54 ; comp. Alexander,
brother of Molo.)

26. Of Tarsus, a tragic poet, of whom Suidas
and Eudocia (p. 61) mention six tragedies; but
nothing further is known about him. There is an-
other Apollodorus of Tarsus, who was probably a
grammarian, and wrote commentaries on the early
dramatic writers of Greece. (Schol. ad Eurip. Med.
148, 169; Schol. ad Aristoph. Ran. 323, Pint. 535.)

27. Of Telmessus, is called by Artemidorus
{07ieirocr. i. 82) an dvi^p eAAtJyj/tos, and seems to
have written a work on dreams.

There are a few more persons of the name of
ApoUodonis, who are mentioned in ancient writers,
but nothing is known about them beyond their
name. A list of nearly all of them is given by
Fabricius. (Bibl. Gr. iv. p. 299, &c.) [L. S.]

APOLLODO'RUS, artists. 1. A painter, a na-
tive of Athens, flourished about 408, B. c. With him
commences a new period in the history of the art.
He gave a dramatic efiect to the essential forms of
Polygnotus, without actually departing from them as
models, bj' adding to them a representation of per-
sons and objects as they really exist, not, however,
individually, but in classes : " primus species ex-
primere instituit." (Pliii. xxxv. 36. § 1.) This
feature in the works of Apollodorus is thus ex-
plained by Fuseli {Lfct. i.) : — " The acuteness of
his taste led him to discover that, as all men were
connected by one general form, so they were sepa-
rated, each by some predominant power, which
fixed character and bound them to a class : that in
proportion as this specific power partook of indivi-
dual peculiarities, the farther it was removed from
a share in that harmonious system which constitutes
nature and consists in a due balance of all its parts*

236

APOLLODORUS.

Thence he drew his line of imitation, and personi-
fied the central form of the class to which his
object belonged, and to which the rest of its quali-
ties administered, without being absorbed : agility
was not suifered to destroy firmness, solidity, or
weight ; nor strength and weight agility ; elegance
did not degenerate to effeminancy, or grandeur
swell to hugeness." Fuseli justly adds that these
principles of stj'le seem to have been exemplified
in his two works of which Pliny has given us the
titles, a worshipping priest, and Ajax struck by
lightning, the former being the image of piety, the
latter of impiety and blasphemy. A third picture
by Apollodorus is mentioned by the Scholiast on
the Plutus of Aristophanes, (v. 385.)

Apollodorus made a great advance in coloxiring.
He invented chiaroscuro (cpdopdv koI diro-xpdxriv
CKias, Plut. de Gloria Athen. 2). Earlier painters,
Pionysius for example (Plut Timol. 36), had
attained to the quality which the Greeks called
rrfi'os, that is, a proper gradation of light and
shade, but Apollodorus was the first who height-
ened this effect by the gradation of tints, and thus
obtained what modem painters call tojie. Hence
he was called (TKiaypd<f>os. (Hesychius, s. v.)
Pliny says that his pictures were the first that
rivetted the eyes, and that he was the first who
conferred due honour upon the pencil, plainly be-
cause the cestrum was an inadequate instrument
for the production of those effects of light and
shade which Apollodorus produced by the use of
the pencil. In this state he delivered the art to
Zeuxis [Zeuxis], upon whom he is said to have
written verses, complaining that he had robbed
him of his art. Plutarcli (/. c.) says, that Apollo-
dorus inscribed upon his works the verse which
Pliny attributes to Zeuxis,

2. A sculptor, who made statues in bronze.
He was so fastidious that he often broke his works
in pieces after they were finished, and hence he
obtained the surname of ** the madman," in which
character he was represented by the sculptor
Silanion. (Plin. xxxiv. 19. § 21.) Assuming
from this that the two artists were contemporary',
Apollodorus flourished about 324 b. c.

A little further on (§ 26) Pliny names an Apol-
lodorus among the artists who had made bronze
statues of philosophers.

On the base of the " Venus di Medici," Apol-
lodorus is mentioned as the father of Cleomenes.
Thiersch {Epochen, p. 292) suggests, that he
may have been the same person as the subject of
this article, for that tlie statue of the latter by
Silanion may have been made from tradition at
any time after his death. But Apollodorus is so
common a Greek name that no such conclusion can
be drawn from the mere mention of it.

3. Of Damascus, lived under Trajan and Ha-
drian. The former emperor employed him to build
his Forum, Odeum, and Gymnasium, at Rome ;
the latter, on account of some indiscreet words
uttered by the architect, first banished him and
afterwards put him to death. (Dion Cass. Ixix.
4; Spartian. Hadrian. 19.) [P. S.]

APOLLODORUS, a Graeco-Roman jurist, and
one of the commission appointed by Theodosius
the Younger to compile the Theodosian Code. In
A. D. 42y he appears as comes and mcujister memo-
liae (Cod. Th. 1. tit. 1. s. 5), and he appears as
comes sacri consistoni in the years 435 and 438. [

APOLLONIDES.

(Cod. Th. 1. tit. 1. 8. 6; Nov. 1. Theod. IL,
printed in the Bonn Corpus Juris Antejust. as a
second preface to the Theod. Cod.) There seems
to be no reason, beyond sameness of name and
nearness of date, to identify him with the Apollo-
dorus who was comes ret privatae under Arcadius
and Honorius, A. D. 396, and was proconsul of
Africa in the years 399 and 400. (Cod. Th. 1 1.
tit. 36. s. 32; 16. tit. 11. s. 1.) To Apollodorus,
proconsul of Africa, are addressed some of the
letters of Symmachus, who was connected with
him by affinitv. (viii. 4, ix. 14, 48.) [J. T. G.]

APOLLODO'RUS {'ATro\\6Su>pos), the name
of two physicians mentioned by Pliny {H. N. xx.
13), one of whom was a native of Citium, in
Cyprus, the other of Tarentum. Perhaps it was
one of these who wrote to Ptolemy, king of Egypt,
giving him directions as to what wines he should
drink (ibid. xiv. 9), though to which king of this
name his precepts were addressed is not mentioned.
A person of the same name wrote a work, Ilepl
Mvpwu KoX ^TC(pdvuv, On Ointments a?id C/taplets^
quoted by Athenaeus (xv. p. 675), and another,
quoted by the same author, Uepl ©Tjptwi/, On
Venomous Afiimals (ibid. xv. p. 681), which is
possibly the work that is several times referred to
by Pliny. (H. N. xxii. 15, 29, &c.) [W. A. G.]
APOLLO'NIDESorAPOLLO'NIDAS('A7roA-
\uvi5ijs). 1. Governor of Argos, who was raised to
this office by Cassander. In the year b. c. 315, he
invaded Arcadia, and got possession of the town of
Stymphalus. The majority of the Argives were
hostile towards Cassander, and while ApoUonides
was engaged in Arcadia, they invited Alexander,
the son of Polysperchon, and promised to surrender
their town to him. But Alexander was not quick
enough in his movements, and ApoUonides, who
seems to have been informed of the plan, suddenly
returned to Argos. About 500 senators were at
the time assembled in the prytaneum : ApoUonides
had aU the doors of the house well guarded, that
none of them might escape, and then set fire to it,
so that all perished in the flames. The other
Argives who had taken part in the conspiracy
were partly exiled and partly put to death. (Diod.
xix. 63.)

2. A Boeotian, an officer in the Greek army
which supported the claims of Cyrus the Younger.
He was a man of no courage, and the difficulties
which the Greeks had to encounter led him to op-
pose Xenophon, and to urge the necessity of enter-
ing into friendly relations with king Artaxerxes.
He was rebuked by Xenophon, and deprived of
his office for having said things unworthy of a
Greek. (Xenoph. A?iab. iii. 1. § 26, &c.)

3. Of Cardia, to whom Philip of Macedonia
assigned for his private use the whole territory of
the Chersonesus. (Demosth. de Hcdones. p. 86.)
ApoUonides was afterwards sent by Charidemus as
ambassador to Philip. (Demosth. c.Aristocr. p. 681.)

4. Of Chios, was during the eastern expedition
of Alexander the Great one of the leaders of the
Persian party in his native island ; but while
Alexander was in Egypt, ApoUonides was con-
quered by the king's admirals, Hegelochus and
Amphoterus. He and several of his partizans
were taken prisoners and sent to Elephantine in
Egypt, where they were kept in close imprison-
ment. ( Arrian, Ancd). iii. 2 ; Curtius, iv. 5.)

5. Of NicAEA, lived in the time of the emperor
Tiberius, to whom he dedicated a commentary on

APOLLONIDES.

the Silli of Tinion. (Diog. LaiTt. ix. 109.) He
wrote several works, all of which are lost —
1. A commentary on Demosthenes' oration irepl
trapaTrpfcr€flas. (Ammon. s. r. 6(p\eiv.) 2. On fic-
titious stories (irepl KaTf\\tfv<riJL4i'wv), of which the
third and eighth books are mentioned. (Ammon.
8.V. Karoi/cTjo-ts ; Anonym, in Vita ArcUi.) 3. A
work on proverbs. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Tlpiva.)
4. A work on Ion, the tragic poet. (Harpocrat
s. r. 'Iwi'.) An ApoUonides, without any state-
ment as to what was his native country, is men-
tioned by Strabo (vii. p. 309, xi. pp. 523, 528),
Pliny {H. N. vii. 2), and by the Scholiast on
Apollonius Rhodius (iv. 983, 1174; comp. ii. 964),
as the author of a work called itipiirKos t'^s Eu/wTrrjs.
Stobaeus (Florileg. Ixvii. 3, 6) quotes some senarii
from one ApoUonides.

6. An Olynthian general who used his in-
fluence at Olynthus against Philip of Macedonia.
The king, with the assistance of his intriguing
agents in that town, contrived to induce the people
to send ApoUonides into exile. (Deraosth. Philip.
iii. pp. 125, 128.) ApoUonides went to Athens,
where he was honoured with the civic franchise ;
but being found unworthj', he was afterwards de-
prived of it. (Deniosth. c. Neaer. p. 1376.)

7. Sumaraed Orapius or Horapius, wrote a
work on Egypt, entitled Semenuthi {l,€ixsvovQ'i)^
and seems also to have composed other works on
the history and religion of the Egyptians. (Theo-
phil. Alex. ii. 6 ; comp. Vossius, de Hist. Graec.
p. 396, ed. Westermann.)

8. Of SiCYON. When in b.c. 186 the great
congress was held at Megalopolis, and kingEumenes
wished to form an alliance with the Achaeans, and
offered them a large sum of money as a present
with a view of securing their favour, ApoUonides
of Sicyon strongly opposed the Achaeans' accepting
the money, as something unworthy of them, and
which would expose them to the influence of the
king. He was supported by some other distin-
guished Achaeans, and they magnanimously re-
fused accepting the money. (Polyb. xxiii. 8.) At
this congress Roman ambassadors also had been
present, and after their return, Spartan and Achaean
ambassadors went to Rome, B. c. 1 85. Among the
latter was ApoUonides, who endeavoured to ex-
plain to the Roman senate the real state of affairs
at Sparta, against the Spartan ambassadors, and to
vindicate the conduct of Philopoemen and the
Achaeans against the charges of the Spartans.
(Polyb. xxiii. 11, 12.) At the outbreak of the
war between the Romans and Perseus of Mace-
donia, ApoUonides advised his countrj-^men not to
oppose the Romans openly, but at the same time
he censured severely those who were for throwing
themselves into their hands altogether. (Polyb.
xxviii. 6.)

9. A Spartan who was appointed in b. c. 181
one of the treasurers to check the system of squan-
dering the public money which had been carried
on for some time by Chaeron, a low demagogue.
As ApoUonides was the person whom Chaeron
had most to fear, he had him assassinated by his
emissaries. (Polyb. xxv. 8 ; Chaeron.)

10. A Stoic philosopher, with whom Cato the
Younger conversed on the subject of suicide shortly
before he committed this act at Utica. (Plut. Cat.
Min. 65, ^Q, 69.)

11. A Svracusan, who, during the dissensions
among his fellow-citizens, in the time of the second

APOLLONIUS.

237

Punic war, as to whether they were to join the
Carthaginians or the Romans, insisted upon the
necessity of acting with decision either the one or
the other way, as division on this point would lead
to inevitable ruin. At the same time, he suggested
that it would be advantageous to remain iialthful
to the Romans, (Li v. xxiv. 28.)

12. A tragic poet, concerning whom nothing
is known. Two verses of one of his dramas are
preserved in Clemens of Alexandria {Puedagog.
iii. 12) and Stobaeus. (Sermon. 76.) [L. S.]

APOLLO'NIDESCAiroAA«i/t5T;s), 1. A Greek
physician and surgeon, was bom at Cos, and, like
many other of his countrymen, went to the court
of Persia, under Artaxerxes Longimanus, b. c. 465
— 425. Here he cured Megabyzus, the king's
brother-in-law, of a dangerous wound, but was
afterwards engaged in a sinful and scandalous
amour with his wife, Amytis, who was herself a
most profligate woman. For this offence ApoUo-
nides was given up by Artaxerxes into the hands
of his mother, Amestris, who tortured him for
about two months, and at last, upon the death of
her daughter, ordered him to be buried alive.
(Ctesias, De Reh. Pers. §§ 30, 42, pp. 40, 50, ed.
Lion.)

2, Another Greek physician, who must have
lived in the first or second century after Christ, as
he is said by Galen (de Cans. Ptds. iii, 9, vol. ix.
pp. 138, 139) to have differed from Archigenes
respecting the state of the pulse during sleep. No
other particulars are known of his history ; but he
is sometimes confounded with Apollonius of Cy-
prus, a mistake which has arisen from reading
'AttoWwvIBov instead of 'AiroWcoviov in the pas-
sage of Galen where the latter physician is men-
tioned. [Apollonius Cyprius.] He may perhaps
be the same person who is mentioned by Artemi-
dorus (Oneirocr. iv. 2), and Aetius (tetrab. ii.
senu. iv. c. 48. p. 403), in which last passage the
name is spelled Apdloniades. (Fabricius, BM. Gr,
vol. xiii. p. 74, ed. vet.) [W. A.G.]

APOLLO'NIUS ('ATToWdvios), historical. 1.
The son of Charinus, appointed by Alexander the
Great, before leaving Egypt, as governor of the
part of Libya on the confines of Egypt, b. c. 331.
(Arrian, Anab. iii. 5 ; Curtius, iv. 8.)

2. A friend of Demetrius, the son of Seleucus,
who accompanied Demetrius when he went to
Rome as a hostage, B. c. 175, and supported him
with his advice. Apollonius had been educated
together with Demetrius, and their two families
had been long connected by friendship. The fa-
ther of Apollonius, who bore the same name, had
possessed great influence with Seleucus. (Polyb.
xxxi. 19, 21.)

3. The spokesman of an embassy sent by An-
tiochus IV. to Rome, in B. c. 173. He brought
from his master tribute and rich presents, and re-
quested that the senate would renew with Antio-
chus the alliance which had existed between his
father and the Romans. (Liv. Iii. 6.)

4. Of Clazomenae, was sent, together with
ApoUonides, in B. c, 170, as ambassador to king
Antiochus after he had made himself master of
Egypt, (Polyb, xxviii. 16.)

5. One of the principal leaders during the revolt
of the slaves in Sicily, which had been brought
about by one Titus Minucius, in B. c. 103. The
senate sent L. LucuUus with an army against him,
and by bribes and the promise of impunity he iu-

238

APOLLONIUS.

duced Apollonius to betray the other leaders of
the insurrection, and to aid the Romans in sup-
pressing it. (Diod. xxxvi. Edog. 1. p. 529, &c.)

6. Of Drepanum, a son of Nicon, was a profli-
gate but wealthy person, who had accumulated
great treasures by robbing orphans of their pro-
perty, and was spoiled in his turn by Verres. He
obtained the Roman franchise, and then received
the Roman name of A. Clodius. (Cic. in. Verr. iv.
17; Quintil. ix. 2. § 52.)

7. A tyrant of a town in Mesopotamia called
Zenodotia, which was destroyed by M. Crassus
in B. c. 54, because 100 Roman soldiers had
been put to death there. (Plut. Crass. 17; Pseudo-
Appian, Parth. p. 27, ed. Schweigh.) [L. S.]

APOLLONIUS ('AiroAAaJi/tos), literary. 1.
Of AcHARNAK, a Greek writer, the author of a
work on the festivals. (Ilepl eopTaJi/; Harpocrat.
s. w. veKavoSf Tlxtav6^ia, XoA/ceta ; Phot. s. v.
vSpo<l>opla.)

2. Of Alabanda, sumamed 6 MaXcucdsj was
Bome years older than Apollonius Melon, with
whom he has sometimes been confounded. He
was a rhetorician, and went from Alabanda to
Rhodes, where he taught rhetoric. (Strab. xiv.
p. 655.) Scaevola in his praetorship saw him and
spoke with him in Rhodes. He was a very dis-
tinguished teacher of rhetoric, and used to ridicule
and despise philosophy. (Cic. de OrcU. i. 17.)
Whenever he found that a pupil had no talent for
oratory, he dismissed him, and advised him to ap-
ply to what he thought him fit for, although by
retaining him lie might have derived pecxmiary
advantages. (Cic. de Orat. i. 28 ; comp. Spalding,
ad Quintil. i. p. 430, ii. p. 453, iv. p. 562 ; Clinton,
F.H. vol. ii. p. 147, &c.)

3. Of Alabanda, sumamed Molon, likewise a
rhetorician, who left his country and went to
Rhodes (Strabo, xiv. p. 655) ; but he appears to
have also taught rhetoric at Rome for some time, as
Cicero, who calls him a great pleader in the courts
of justice and a great teacher, states that, in b. c.
88, he received instructions from him at Rome.
(Cic. Brut. 89.) In B. c. 81, when Sulla was dic-
tator, Apollonius came to Rome as ambassador of
the Rhodians, on which occasion Cicero again be-
nefited by his instructions, {Brut. 90.) Four
j-ears later, when Cicero returned from Asia, he
staid for some time in Rhodes, and had an oppor-
tunity of admiring the practical eloquence of Apol-
lonius in the courts as well as his skill in teaching.
{Brut. 91.) Apollonius is also called a distin-
guished writer, but none of his works has come
down to us. They appear however to have treated
on rhetorical subjects, and on the Homeric poems.
(Phoebam. i. p. 98 ; Porphyr. Quaest. Homeric, p.
10.) Josephus {c. Apion. ii. 36) mentions some
work of his in which he spoke against the Jews.
Julius Caesar was also one of his disciples. (Plut.
Cues. 3 ; Suet. Caes. 4 ; comp. Cic. dd Att. ii. 1 ,
Brut. 70, de Invent, i. 56 ; Plut. Cic. 4 ; Quintil.
iii. 1. § 16, xii. 6. § 7.)

4. Of Aphrodisias in Cilicia, is called by Sui-
das a high priest and an historian. He is said to
have written a work on the town of Tralles, a se-
cond on Orpheus and his mysteries, and a third on
the history of Caria (Kapi/ca), of which the eigh-
teenth book is mentioned, and which is often re-
ferred to by Stephanus of Byzantium, (s. vv. Bdp-
yacra, Xcv(raop\s, ""AyKvpa, Xuh.6v Ti7xos ; Etym.
M. s. V. "Apnaaos^ &c.)

APOLLONIUS.

5. The son of Archebulus, Archebius, or An-
chibius, was like his father an eminent graramariitii
of Alexandria. He lived about the time of Au-
gustus, and was the teacher of Apion, while he
himself had been a pupil of the school of Didymus.
This is the statement of Suidas, which Villoison
has endeavoured to confirm. Other critics, as
Ruhnken, believe that Apollonius lived after the
time of Apion, and that our Apollonius in his Ho-
meric Lexicon made use of a similar work written
by Apion. This opinion seems indeed to be the
more probable o£ the two ; but, however this may
be, the Homeric Lexicon of Apollonius to the Iliad
and the Odyssej-, which is still extant, is to us a
valuable and instructive relic of .antiquity, if we
consider the loss of so many other works of the
same kind. It is unfortunately, however, very
much interpolated, and must be used with great
caution. The first edition of it was published by
Villoison from a MS. of St. Germain belonging to
the tenth century. (Paris, 1773, 2 vols, fol., with
valuable prolegomena and a Latin translation. It
was reprinted in the same year at Leipzig, in 2
vols. 4to.) H. Tollius afterwards published a new
edition with some additional notes, but without Vil-
loison's prolegomena and translation. (Lugd. Bat.
1788, 8vo.) Bekker's is a very useful edition, Ber-
lin, 1833, 8vo. This Apollonius is probably the
same as the one who wrote explanations of expres-
sions peculiar to Herodotus. (Etymol. M. s.vv.
Kbxpos and o'o<|)j(7tt;s.)

6. Of AscALON, an historian. (Steph. Byz. s. v.
*A<r/co\a5;/.)

7. Of Athens, a sophist and rhetorician, lived
in the time of the emperor Severus, and was a
pupil of Adrianus. He distinguished himself by
his forensic eloquence, and taught rhetoric at
Athens at the same time with Heracleides. He
was appointed by the emperor to the chair of poli-
tical eloquence, with a salary of one tiilent. He
held several high offices in his native place, and
distinguished himself no less as a statesman and
diplomatist than as a rhetorician. His declama-
tions are said to have excelled those of many of
his predecessors in dignity, beautj^ and propriety ;
but he was often vehement and rythmical. (Phi-
lostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 20 ; Eudoc. p. 57, &c.)

8. Of Athens, a son of Sotades, wrote a work
on the obscene poetry of his father. (Athen. xiv.
p. 620 ; Sotades.)

9. Sumamed 'ArraXevs^ the author of a work
on dreams. (Artemid. Otieir. i. 34, iii. 28.)

10. The son of Chaeris, a Greek writer, who
is referred to by the Scholiast on Aristophanes
{Vesp. 1231), and the Venetian Scholiast on Ho-
mer. {II. iii. 448 ; comp. Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iv.
p. 275.)

11. Of Chalcedon or Chalcis, or, according to
Dion Cassius (Ixxi, 35) of Niconiedia, was invited
by the emperor Antonmus Pius to come to Rome,
for the purpose of instructmg his son Marcus in
philosophy. {CoT^iiolin. Antojihi. Pius, 10; M. An-
tonin. de Rebus suis, i. 8; Lucian, Demoii. 31;
comp. Fabric. Bill. Graec. iii. p. 539.)

12. A freedman of Crassus, to whom he was
much attached. He afterwards became a useful
friend of Cicero's, and served in the army of J. Cae-
sar in the Alexandrine war, and also followed him
into Spain. He was a man of great diligence and
learning, and anxious to write a history of the ex-
ploits of Caesar. For this reason Cicero gave him

\

APOLLONIUS.

a vory flattering letter of recommendation to Cae-
sar. (Cic. mt FarniL xiii. 6.)

13. A Christian writer, whose parents and
country are unknown, but who is believed to have
been bishop of Ephcsus, and to have lived about
the year a. d. 19'2. lie wrote a work exposing
the errors and the conduct of the Christian sect
called Cataphryges, some fragments of which are
preserved in Eusebius. {^Hist. Ecdes. v. 18, 21.)
Tertullian defended the sect of the Montanists
against this Apollonius, and the seventh book of
his work irtpl eKaraacons was especially directed
against Apollonius. (Auctor Praedestinati, cc. 26,
27, 68 ; Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 53 ; Fabric. Bibl.
G^ecvii.p. 164.)

14. A Christian, who suffered martyrdom at
Rome in the reign of Commodus. He is said to
have been a Roman senator. At his trial he made
a beautiful defence of Christianity in the Roman
senate, which was afterwards translated into Greek
and inserted by Eusebius in his history of the
Martyrs, but is now lost. (Hieronym. Episi. 84,
Catalog. 42, 53 ; Euseb. Hist. Ecdes. v. 21.) Ni-
cephorus (iv. 26) confounds the martyr Apollonius
with Apollonius the writer against the Cataphryges.
(Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 53 ; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vii.
p. 163.)

15. Sumamed Cronos, a native of lassua in
Caria, was a philosopher of the Megarian school, a
pupil of Eubulides, and teacher of the celebrated
Diodorus,who received from his master the surname
Cronos. (Strab. xiv. p. 658; Diog. Laert. ii. 111.)

16. Sumamed Dyscolos, that is, the ill-tem-
pered, was a son of Mnesitheus and Ariadne, and
bom at Alexandria, where he flourished in the
reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius. He was
one of the most renowned grammarians of his
time, partly on account of his numerous and ex-
cellent works, and partly on accoimt of his son,
Aelius Herodian, who had been educated by him,
and was as great a grammarian as himself.
Apollonius is said to have been so poor, that he
was obliged to write on shells, as he had no means
of procuring the ordinary writing materials ; and
this poverty created that state of mind to which
he owed the smname of Dyscolos. He lived and
was buried in that part of Alexandria which was
called Bruchium or Uvpovx^'iov. But, unless he is
confounded with Apollonius of Chalcis, he also
spent some time at Rome, where he attracted the
attention of the emperor M. Antoninus.

Apollonius and his son are called by Priscian in
several passages the greatest of all grammarians, and
he declares, that it was only owing to the assistance
which he derived from their works that he was
enabled to undertake his task. (Priscian, Praef.
ud libb. i. and vi. viii. p. 833, ix. init. and p. 941.)
He was the first who reduced grammar to anything
like a system, and is therefore called by Priscian
"grammaticorum princeps." A list of his works,
most of which are lost, is given by Suidas, and a
more complete one in Fabricius. \DiU. Graec. vi.
p. 272, &c.) We confine ourselves here to those
which are still extant. 1. riepl (Tvtnd^tiDS tov
K6yov (ifpuv, "de Constmctione Orationis," or
"de Ordinatione sive Constructione Dictionum,"
in four books. The first edition of this work is the
Aldine. (Venice, 1495, fol.) A much better one,
with a Latin translation and notes, was published
by Fr. Sylburg, Fmnkf. 1590, 4to. The last edi-
tion, which was greatly corrected by the assistimcc

APOLLONIUS. 239

of four new MSS,, is I. Bekker's, Bcriin, 1817, 8vo.
2. Tlfpl dvrwfufxiaSy '* de Pronomine liber," wa»
first edited by I. Bekker in the Museum. Antiq. Stud.
i. 2, Berlin, 1811, 8vo., and afterwards separately,
Beriin, 1814, 8vo. 3. Ilepl avvSiarfxav, "de Con-
junctionibus," and 4. Hepl ciri^prjfidTwu^ ** de
Adverbiis," are both printed in Bekker's Anecdot.
ii. p. 477, &c

Among the works ascribed to Apollonius by
Suidas there is one irfpl KOTeif/euo'Me'^s iaropiasy
on fictitious or forged histories. It is generally
believed that the work of one Apollonius, which
was published together with Antoninus Liberalis
by Xylander, under the title "Historiae Comraen-
titiae," (Basel, 1568, 8vo.,) is the same as the
work ascribed by Suidas to Apollonius Dyscolos ;
and Meursius and subsequenUy L. H. Teucher
published the work with the name of Apollonius
Dyscolos. This work thus edited three times is a
collection of wonderful phenomena of nature, ga-
thered from the works of Aristotle, Theophrastus,
and others. Now this is something very different
from what the title of the work mentioned by
Suidas would lead us to expect ; that title can mean
nothing else than, that Apollonius Dyscolos wrote
a work which was an exposition of certain errors
or forgeries which had crept into history. Phlegon,
moreover, quotes fi:om the work of Apollonius
Dyscolos passages which are not to be found in
the one which Meursius and others ascribe to him.
(Phlegon, cc. 11, 13, 17.) The conclusion there-
fore must be, that the work of Apollonius Dyscolos
Trepi KaT€i|/ei;(rjn6V7;s laTopias is lost, and that the
one which has been mistaken for it belongs to an
Apollonius who is otherwise unknown. (Wester-
mann, Scriptores Reiruin viirahil. p. 20, &c., where
the work of the unknown Apollonius is also incor-
porated, pp. 103—116.)

17. A native of Egypt, a writer who is refer-
red to by Theophilus Antiochenus {ad Autolyc. iii.
pp. 127, 136, 139) as an authority respecting va-
rious opinions upon the age of the world. Whether
he is the same as the Apollonius from whom Athe-
naeus (v. p. 191) quotes a passage concerning the
symposia of the ancient Egyptians, is uncertain.
The number of persons of. the name of Apollonius,
who were natives of Egypt, is so great, that unless
some other distinguishing epithet is added, it is
impossible to say who they were. An Apollonius,
an Egyptian, is mentioned as a soothsayer, who
prophesied the death of Caligula. (Dion Cass,
lix. 29.)

18. Sumamed Eidographus (etScrypo^os), a
writer referred to by the Scholiast on Pindar
(Pyth. ii. 1) respecting a contest in which Hiero
won the piize. Some writers have thought he was
a poet, but from the Etymol. M. (s. v. elSoSe'a) it
is probable that he was some learned grammarian.

19. Of Laodicea, is said to have written five
books on astrology {astrologia apotelesmatica) in
which he accused the Egj-ptians of various astro-
nomical errors. (Paulus Alex. Praef. ad Isa</o<j.)
In the royal library of Paris there exists a MS.
containing " Apotelesmata" of one Apollonius,
which Fabricius believes to be the work of Apollo-
nius of Laodicea.

20. Of Myndus, lived at the time of Alexander
the Great, and was particuhirly skilled in explain-
ing nativities. He professed to have learned
his art from the Chaldeans. (Scnec. Quacst. Nat.
vii. 3 and 17.) His statements respecting the

240

APOLLONIUS.

comets, which Seneat has preserved, are sufficient
to shew that his works were of great importance for
astronomy. Whether he is the same as Apollo-
nius, a grammarian of INIyndus, who is mentioned
by Stephanus Byzantius (s. v. MyvSos), is un-
certain.

21. Of Naucratis, a pupil of Adrianus and
Chrestus, taught rhetoric at Athens. He was an
opponent of Heracleides, and with the assistance
of his associates he succeeded in expelling hira
from his chair. He cultivated chiefly political
oratory, and used to spend a great deal of time
upon preparing his speeches in retirement. His
moral conduct is censured, as he had a son Rufi-
nus by a concubine. He died at Athens in the
seventieth year of his age. (Philostr. Vit. Saph.
iL 19, 26. § 2 ; Eudoc. p. 66.)

22. Pergaeus. See below.

23. Rhodius, was, according to Suidas and his
Greek anonymous biographers, the son of Silleus
or 1 Ileus and Rhode, and bom at Alexandria
(comp. Strab. xiv. p. 655) in the phyle Ptolemais,
whereas Athenaeus (vii. p. 283) and Aelian
{Hist. An. XV. 23) describe him as a native or, at
least, as a citizen of Naucratis. He appears to
have been born in the first half of the reign of
Ptolemy Euergetes, that is, about B. c. 235, and
his most active period falls in the reign of Ptolemy
Philopator (b. c. 221—204) and of Ptolemy Epi-
phanes. (b. c. 204 — 181.) In his youth he was
instructed by Callimachus, but afterwards we find
a bitter enmity existing between them. The
cause of this hatred has been explained by various
suppositions ; the most probable of which seems to
be, that Apollonius, in his love of the simplicity of
the ancient poets of Greece and in his endeavour
to imitate them, offended Callimachus, or perhaps
even expressed contempt for his poetry. The love
of Apollonius for the ancient epic poetry was in-
deed so great, and had such fascinations for him,
that even when a youth {^<pr\Sos) he began himself
an epic poem on the expedition of the Argonauts.
When at last the work was completed, he read it
in public at Alexandria, but it did not meet with
the approbation of the audience. The cause of
this may in part have been the imperfect character
of the poem itself, which was only a youthful at-
tempt ; but it was more especially owing to the in-
trigues of the other Alexandrine poets, and above
all of Callimachus, for Apollonius was in some de-
gree opposed to the taste which then prevailed at
Alexandria in regard to poetry. Apollonius was
deeply hurt at this failure, and it is not impro-
bable that the bitter epigram on Callimachus which
is still extant {Anthol. Graec. xi. 275) was written
at that time. Callimachus in return wrote an in-
vective-poem called " Ibis," against Apollonius, of
the nature of which we may form some idea from
Ovid's imitation of it in a poem of the same name.
Callimachus, moreover, expressed his enmity in
other poems also, and in his hymn to Apollo there
occur several hostile allusions to Apollonius, espe-
cially in V. 105. Disheartened by these circum-
stances Apollonius left Alexandria and went to
Rhodes, which was then one of the great seats of
Greek literature and learning. Here he revised
his poem, and read it to the Rhodians, who re-
ceived it with great approbation. At the same
time he delivered lectures on rhetoric, and his re-
putation soon rose to such a height, that the Rho-
dians honoiured hira with their franchise and other

APOLLONIUS.

distinctions. Apollonius now regarded liimself ns
a Rhodian, and the surname Rhodius has at all
times been the name by which he has been dis-
tinguished from other persons of the same name.
Notwithstanding these distinctions, however, he
afterwards returned to Alexandria, but it is un-
known whether he did so of his o^^^l accord, or in
consequence of an invitation. He is said to have
now read his revised poem to the Alexandrines,
who were so delighted with it, that he at once rose
to the highest degree of fame and popularity. Ac-
cording to Suidas, Apollonius succeeded Eratos-
thenes as chief librarian of the museum at Alexan-
dria, m the reign of Ptolemy Epiphanes, about
B. c. 194. Further particulars about his life are
not mentioned, but it is probable that he held his
office in the museum Until his death, and one of
his biogi-aphers states, that he was buried in the
same tomb with Callimachus.

As regards the poem on the expedition of the
Argonauts {Argonautica), which consists of four
books and is still extant, Apollonius collected his
materials from the rich libraries of Alexandria, and
his scholiasts are always anxious to point out the
sources from which he derived this or that account.
The poem gives a straightforward and simple de-
scription of the adventure, and in a tone which is
equal throughout. The episodes, which are not
numerous and contain particular mythuses or de-
scriptions of countries, are sometimes very beautiful,
and give life and colour to the whole poem. The
character of Jason, although he is the hero of the
poem, is not sufficiently developed to win the in-
terest of the reader. The character of Medeia, on the
other hand, is beautifully drawn, and the gradual
growth of her love is described with a truly artistic
moderation. The language is an imitation of that
of Homer, but it is more brief and concise, and has
all the sj-mptoms of something which is studied
.and not natural to the poet. The Argonautica, in
short, is a work of art and labour, and thus fonns,
notwithstanding its many resemblances, a contrast
with the natural and easy flow of the Homeric
poems. On its appearance the work seems to have
made a great sensation, for even contemporaries,
such as Charon, wrote commentaries upon it Our
present Scholia are abridgements of the commen-
taries of Lucillus of Tarrha, Sophocles, and Theon,
all of whom seem to have lived before the Christian
era. One Eirenaeus is also mentioned as having
written a critical and exegetical commentary on
the Argonautica, (Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i.
1299, ii. 127, 1015.) The common Scholia on
Apollonius are called the Florentine Scholia, be-
cause they were first published at Florence, and to
distinguish them from the Paris Scholia, which
were first published in Schaefer's edition of the
Argonautica, and consist chiefly of verbal explana-
tions and criticisms. Among the Romans tlie
Argonautica was much read, and P. Terentius
Varro Atacinus acquired great reputation by his
translation of it. (Quintil. x. 1. § 87.) The Ar-
gonautica of Valerius Flaccus is a free imitation
of the poem of Apollonius. In the reign of Anas-
tasius I. one Marianus made a Greek paraphrase
of Apollonius' poem in 5G08 iambics. The first
edition of the Argonautica is that of Florence,
1496, 4to., by J. Lascaris, which contains the
Scholia. The next is the Aldine (Venice, 1581,
8vo.), which is little more than a reprint of the
Florentine edition. The first really critical edition

APOLLONIUS.
18 that of Brunck. (Argentomt. 1700, in 4to. and
8-0.) The edition of Bock (Leipzig, 171)7, 8vo.)
is incomplete, and the only volume which appeared
of it contains the text, with a Lfitin translation
and a few critical notes. G. Schacfer published
an edition (Leipz. 1810 — 13, 2 vols. 8vo.), which
is an improvement upon that of Brunck, and is the
first in which the Paris Scholia are printed. The
best edition is that of Wellauer, Leipzig, 1828,
2 vols. 8vo., which contains the various readings of
13 MSS., the ScholijL, and short notes.

Besides the Argonautica and epigrams (Antonin.
Lib. 23), of which we possess only the one on
Callimachus, Apollonius wrote several other works
which are now lost. Two of them, Ilepl 'Apxi\6-
Xov (Athen. x. p. 451) and trpds ZrjvdSoTov (Schol.
Venet. ad Horn. ll. xiii. 657), were probably gram-
matical works, and the latter may have had
reference to the recension of the Homeric poems
by Zenodotus, for the Scholia on Homer occasion-
ally refer to Apollonius. A third class of Apol-
lonius' writings were his Hrria^is, that is, poems on
the origin or foundation of several towns. These
poems were of an historico-epical character, and
most of them seem to have been written in hexa-
meter verse. The following are known : 1. 'PtiSoi;
ktI(tis, of which one line and a half are preserved
in Stephanus of Byzantium (s. v. Awriov), and to
which we have perhaps to refer the statements
contained in the Scholiast on Pindar. (01. vii. 86 ;
Pyfh. iv. 57.) 2. NauKporews ktIctis, of which
six lines .are preserved in Athenaeus. (vii. p. 283,
&c.; comp. Aelian, Hist. An. xv. 23.) 3. 'AA.6|ai'-
dpfias kt'ktis. (Schol. ad Nicand. fher. 11.) 4.
Kavvou KTL(Tis. (Parthen. Erot. 1 and 11.) 5. Kvi-
5tjs kt'ktis. (Steph. Byz. s. v. ^vKr-^pios.) Whether
the last three were like the first two in verse or
prose is uncertain, as no fragments are extant.
6. Kai/wTToy, which may likewise have been an
account of the foundation of Canopus. It was
written in verse, and consisted of at least two
books. Two choliambic lines of it are extant.
(Steph. Byz. s. iw. Xu/pa, K6pivdos.) (Compare
E. Gerhard, Lectiones Apollonianae^ Leipzig, 1816,
8vo. ; Weichert, Ueber das Lehen und Gedicht des
Apollonius von Rhodiis^ Meissen, 1821, 8vo.)

24. A Syrian, a platonic philosopher, who lived
about the time of Hadrian, and who had inserted
in his works an oracle which promised to Hadrian
the government of the Roman world. (Spartian.
Hailr. 2.)

25. TvANEUS. See below.

26. Of Tyre, a stoic philosopher, who lived in
the reign of Ptolemy Auletes, is mentioned by
Diogenes Laertius (vii. 1, 2, 24, and 28) as the
author of a work on Zeno. Strabo (xvi. p. 757)
mentions a work of his which he calls 7rtVa| ruv
dirb Zi\va)vos (pi\ocr6(pc>)u koI tuv jSt^A./wv, and
which appears to have been a short survey of the
philosophers and their writings from the time of
Zeno. Whether this Apollonius is the same as
the one who wrote a work on female philosophers
(Phot. Cod. 161), or as the author of the chronolo-
gical work (xpovLKo.) of which Stephanus Byzan-
tius (s. V. XaKK-nrSpiou) quotes the fourth book,
cannot be decided.

27. King of Tyre, is the hero of a Greek ro-
mance, the author of which is unknown. Barth
{Adtvrsar. Iviii. 1) thought that the author was a
Christian of the name of Symposius. About the
3'ear a. d. 1500, the romance was put into so-

APOLLONIUS. 241

called political verse by Constantinus or GabnVJ
Contianus, and was printed at Venice, 1603, 4to.
A Latin translation had been published before that
time by M. Velserus, under the title, ** Narratio
eorura quae acciderunt Apollonio Tyrio," Aug.
VindeL 1595, 4to. During the fifteenth and six-
teenth centuries this romance was very popular,
and was translated into most of the European lan-
guages. [L. S.]

APOLLO'NIUS, sumamed PERGAEUS,from
Perga in Pamphylia, his native city, a mathemati-
cian educated at Alexandria under the successors
of Euclid. He was bom in the reign of Ptolemy
Euergetes (Eutoc. Comm. in Ap. Con. lib. i.), and
died under Philopator, who reigned B. c. 222 —
205. (Hephaest. ap. PJiot. cod. cxc.) He was,
therefore, probably about 40 years younger than
Archimedes. His geometrical works were held in
such esteem, that they procured for him the ap-
pellation of the Great Geometer. (Eutoc. I. c.)
He is also mentioned by Ptolemy as an astronomer,
and is said to have been called by the sobriquet of
6, from his fondness for observing the moon, the
shape of which was supposed to resemble that
letter. His most important work, the only con-
siderable one which has come down to our time,
was a treatise on Conic Sections in eight books.
Of these the first four, with the commentary of
Eutocius, -are extant in Greek ; and all but the
eighth in Arabic. The eighth book seems to have
been lost before the date of the Arabic versiono.
We have also introductory lemmata to all the
eight, by Pappus. The first four books probably
contain little more than the substance of what
former geometers had done ; they treat of the de-
finitions and elementary properties of the conic
sections, of their diameters, tangents, asymptotes,
mutual intersections, &c. But Apollonius seems
to lay claim to originality in most of what follows.
(See the introductory epistle to the first book.)
The fifth treats of the longest and shortest right
lines (in other words the normals) which can be
drawn from a given point to the curve. The sixth
of the equality and similarity of conic sections;
and the seventh relates chiefly to their diameters,
and rectilinear figures described upon them.

We learn from Eutocius {Comm. in lib. i.), that
Heraclius in his life of Archimedes accused Apol-
lonius of having appropriated to himself in this
work the unpublished discoveries of that great
mathematician ; however this may have been,
there is truth in the reply quoted by the same
author from Geminus : that neither Archimedes
nor Apollonius pretended to have invented this
branch of Geometry, but that Apollonius had in-
troduced a real improvement into it. For whereas
Archimedes, according to the ancient iftethod, con-
sidered only the section of a right cone by a plane
perpendicular to its side, so that the species of the
curve depended upon the angle of the cone ; Apol-
lonius took a more general view, conceiving the
curve to be produced by the intersection of any
plane with a cone generated by a right line passing
always through the circumference of a fixed circle
and any fixed point. The principal edition of the
Conics'is that of Halley, " Apoll. Perg. Conic, lib.
viii.,&c.," Oxon. 1710, fol. The eighth book is a
conjectural restoration founded on the introductory
lemmata of Pappus. The first four books were
translated into Latin, and published by J. Bapt.
Mcmus (Venice, 1537), and by Commandine

242 APOLLONIUS.

(Bologna, 15G6). The 5th, 6th, and 7th were
translated from an Arabic manuscript in the
Medicean library by Abraham EchelJensis and
Borelli, and edited in Latin (Florence, 1661); and
by Rav-ius (Kilonii, 1669).

Apollonius was the author of several other
works. The following are described by Pappus in
the 7th book of his Mathematical Collections : —

Tlepi A6yov 'AiroTOfMrjs and Tlepl Xwpiov 'Airo-
ro(jLT)s^ in which it was shewn how to draw a line
through a given point so as to cut segments from
two given lines, 1st. in a given ratio, 2nd. contain-
ing a given rectangle.

Of the first of these an Arabic version is still
extant, of which a translation was edited by Hal-
ley, with a conjectural restoration of the second.
(Oxon. 1706.)

Ilepl Ai(api(T(i(vi\s Tofiris. To find a point in a
given straight line such, that the rectangle of its
distances from two given points in the same should
fulfil certain conditions. (See Pappus, /. c.) A
solution of this problem was published by Robt.
Simson. TltpX T6iruv ^EirnriSuv^ " A Treatise
in two books on Plane Loci. Restored by Robt.
Simson," Glasg. 1749.

Tlfpl 'Evcupuv, in which it was proposed to draw
a circle fulfilling any three of the conditions of
passing through one or more of three given
points, and touching one or more of three given
circles and three given straight lines. Or, which
is the same thing, to draw a circle touching three
given circles whose radii may have any magnitude,
including zero and infinity. (Ap. de Tactionibus
quae supers., ed. J. G. Camerer." Goth, et Amst.
1795, 8vo.)

U€p\ 'Nevaecav. To draw through a given point
a right line so that a given portion of it should be
intercepted between two given right lines. (Re-
stored by S. Horsley, Oxon. 1770.)

Proclus, in his commentary on Euclid, mentions
two treatises, De CocJilea and De Perturbatis
Jiationi/jus.

Ptolemy {Magn. Const, lib. xii. init.) refers to
Apollonius for the demonstration of certain pro-
positions relative to the stations and retrogradations
of the planets.

Eutocius, in his commentary on the Dimensio
Circuli of Archimedes, mentions an arithmetical
work called ' CIkvtoSoov^ (see Wallis, Op. vol. iii.
p. 559,) which is supposed to be referred to in a
fragment of the 2nd book of Pappus, edited by
Wallis. {Op. vol iii. p. 597.) (Montucla, Hist,
des Mathem. vol. i. ; Halley, JPraef. ad Ap. Conic. ;
Wenrich, de auct. Grraec. versionibus et comment.
Si/riacis^ Arab. Armen. Persicisque, Lips. 1842;
Pope Blount, Censur. Celeb. Auth.) [W. F. D.]

APOLLONIUS TYANAEUS {'AiroWMos
Tvavcuos), a Pythagorean philosopher, bom at
Tyana in Cappadocia about four years before the
Christian era. Much of his reputation is to be
attributed to the belief in his magical or super-
natural powers, and the parallel which modem and
ancient writers have attempted to draw between
his character and supposed miracles, and those of
the Author of our religion. His life by Philostratus
is a mass of incongruities and fables : whether it
have any groundwork of historical truth, and whe-
ther it were written wholly or partly with a con-
troversial aim, are questions we shall be better
prepared to discuss after giving an account of the
ooatents of the work itself.

APOLLONIUS.

Apollonius, according to the narrative of his
biographer, was of noble ancestrj', and claimed
kindred with the founders of the city of Tyana.
We need not stop to dispute the other story of the
incarnation of the god Proteus, or refer it, with
Tillemont, to demoniacal agency. At the age of
fourteen he was placed xmder the care of Euthyde-
mus, a rhetorician of Tarsus ; but, being disgusted
at the luxury of the inhabitants, he obtained leave
of his father and instructor to retire to the neigh-
bouring town of Aegae. Here he is said to have
studied the whole circle of the Platonic, Sceptic,
Epicurean, and Peripatetic philosophy, and ended
by giving his preference to the Pythagorean, in
which he had been trained by Euxenus of Hera-
clea. (Phil. L 7.) Immediately, as if the idea of
treading in the footsteps of Pythagoras had seized
him in his earliest youth, he began to exercise
himself in the severe asceticism of the sect; ab-
stained from animal food and woollen clothing,
foreswore wine and the company of women, suf-
fered his hair to grow, and betook himself to the
temple of Aesculapius at Aegae, who was supposed
to regard him with peculiar favour. He was re-
called to Tyana, in the twentieth year of his age,
by liis father's death : after dividing his inherifr-
ance with a brother whom he is said to have re-
claimed from dissolute living, and giving the greater
part of what remained to his poorer rekitives (Phil,
i. 13), he returned to the discipline of Pythagoras,
and for five years preserved the mystic silence,
during which alone the secret troths of philosophy
were disclosed. At the end of the five years, he
travelled in Asia Minor, going from city to city,
and everywhere disputing, like Pythagoras, upon
divine rites. There is a blank in his biography,
at this period of his life, of about twenty years,
during which we must suppose the same employ-
ment to have continued, unless indeed we have
reason to suspect that the received date of his birth
has been anticipated twenty years. He was be-
tween forty and fifty years old when he set out on
his travels to the east ; and here Philostratus
sends forth his hero on a voyage of discovery, in
which we must be content rapidly to foUow him.
From Aegae he went to Nineveh, where he met
Damis, the future chronicler of his actions, and,
proceeding on his route to India, he discoursed at
Babylon with Bardanes, the Parthian king, and
consulted the magi and Brahmins, who were sup-
posed to have imparted to him some theurgic se-
crets. He next visited Taxila, the capital of
Phraortes, an Indian prince, where he met larchas,
the chief of the Brahmins, and disputed with In-
dian Gymnosophists already versed in Alexandrian
philosophy. (Phil. iii. 51.) This eastern journey
lasted five years : at its conclusion, he returned to
the Ionian cities, where we first hear of his pre-
tensions to miraculous power, founded, as it would
seem, on the possession of some dixnne knowledge
derived from the east. If it be true that the
honours of a god were decreed to him at this
period of his life, we are of course led to suspect
some collusion with the priests (iv. 1), who are
said to have referred the sick to him for relief.
From Ionia he crossed over into Greece (iv. 11),
visited the temples and oracles which lay in his
way, everywhere disputing about religion, and
assuming the authority of a divine legislator. At
the Eleusinian mysteries he was rejected as a ma-
gician, and did not obtain admission to them until

APOLLONIUS.

a later period of his life : the same cause excluded
him at the cave of Trophonius (from wh(rnce he
pretended to have obtained the sacred books of
Pythagoras), and which he entered by force, (viii,
19.) After visiting Lacedaemon, Corinth, and the
other towns of Greece, he bent his course towards
Rome, and arrived there just after an edict against
magicians had been issued by Nero. He was im-
mediately brought before Telesinus the consul, and
Tigellinus, the favourite of the emperor, the first of
whom dismissed him, we are told, from the love of
philosophy, and the latter firom the fear of a magic
power, which could make the letters vanisli from
the indictment. On his acquittal, he went to
Spain, Africa, and Athens, where, on a second ap-
plication, he was admitted to the mysteries ; and
from Athens proceeded to Alexandria, where Ves-
pasian, who was maturing his revolt, soon saw the
use wliich might be made of such an ally. The
story of their meeting may be genuine, and is cer-
tainly curious as exhibiting Apollonius in the third
of the threefold characters assumed by Pythagoras
— philosopher, mystic, and politician. Vespasian
was met at the entrance of the city by a body of
magistrates, praefects and philosophers, and hastily
asked whether the Tyanean was among the nxun-
ber. Being told that he was philosophizing in the
Serapeum, he proceeded thither, and begged Apol-
lonius to make him emperor : the philosopher re-
plied that "he had already done so, in praying the
gods for a just and venerable sovereign ;" upon
which Vespasian declared that he resigned himself
entirely into his hands. A council of philosophers
was forthwith held, including Dio and Euphrates,
Stoics in the emperor's train, in which the ques-
tion was formally debated, Euphrates protesting
against the ambition of Vespasian and the base
subserviency of Apollonius, and advocating the
restoration of a republic, (v. 31.) This dispute
laid the foundation of a lasting quarrel between
the two philosophers, to which Philostratus often
alludes. The last journey of Apollonius was to
Ethiopia, whence he returned to settle in the Ionian
cities. The same friendship which his father had
shewn was continued towards him by the emperor
Titus, who is said to have invited him to Argos in
Cilicia, and to have obtained a promise that he
would one day visit Rome. On the accession of
Domitian, Apollonius endeavoured to excite the pro-
vinces of Asia Minor against the tyrant. An order
was sent to bring him to Rome, which he thought
proper to anticipate by voluntarily surrendering
himself, to avoid bringing suspicion on his compa-
nions. On being conducted into the emperor's
presence, his prudence deserted him : he launched
forth into the praise of Nerva, and was hurried to
prison, loaded with chains. The charges against
him resolved themselves into three heads — the
singularity of his dress and appearance, his being
worshipped as a god, and his sacrificing a child
with Nerva for an augur}'. As destruction seemed
impending, it was a time to display his miraculous
powers : he vanished from his persecutors ; and
after appearing to Darius at Puteoli at the same
hour he disappeared from Rome, he passed over
into Greece, where he remained two years, having
given out that the emperor had publicly acquitted
him. The last years of his life were probably
spent at Ephesus, wliere he is sjiid to have pro-
claimed the death of the tyrant Domitian at the
instant it took place. Three places — Ephesus,

APOLLONIUS.

243

Rhodes, and Crete, laid claim to the honour of
being his last dwelling-place. Tyana, where a
temple was dedicated to him, iMxame henceforth
one of the sacred cities, and possessed the privilege
of electing its own magistrates.

We now proceed to discuss very briefly three
questions. I. The historical groundwork on which
the narrative of Philostratus was founded. 1 1. How
far, if at all, it was designed as a rival to the Go»-
pel history. III. The real character of Apolloniuji
himself.

I. However impossible it may be to separate
truth from falsehood in the narrative of Philoa-
tratus, we cannot conceive that a professed histor}',
appealed to as such by contemporary authors, and
written about a hundred years after the death of
Apollonius himself, should be simply the invention
of a writer of romance. It must be allowed, that
all the absiurd fables of Ctesias, the confused false-
hoods of all mythologies (which become more and
more absurd as they are fcirther distant), eastern
fairy tales, and perhaps a parody of some of the
Christian miracles, are all pressed into the service
by Philostratus to adorn the life of his hero : it
will be allowed fiu^her, that the history itself,
stripped of the miracles, is probably as false as the
miracles themselves. Still we cannot account for
the reception of the narrative among the ancients,
and even among the fathers themselves, unless
there had been some independent tradition of the
character of Apollonius on which it rested, Euse-
bius of Caesarea, who answered the Aoyos <pi\a-
A7J07JS trpos Xpicrridvovs of Hierocles (in which a
comparison was attempted between our Lord and
Apollonius), seems (c. v.) to allow the tnith
of Philostratus's narrative in the main, with the
exception of what is miraculous. And the parody,
if it may be so termed, of the life of Pythagoras,
may be rather traceable to the impostor himself
than to the ingenuity of his biographer. Statues
and temples still existed in his honour ; his letters
and supposed writings were extant ; the manu-
script of his life by Damis the Assyrian W'as the
original work which was dressed out by the rheto-
ric of Philostratus ; and many notices of his visits
and acts might be found in the public records of
Asiatic cities, which would have at once disproved
the history, if inconsistent with it. Add to this,
that another life of Apollonius of Tyana, by Moe-
ragenes, is mentioned, which was professedly dis-
regarded by Philostratus, because, he says, it
omitted many important particulars, and which
Origen, who had read it, records to have spoken of
Apollonius as a magician whose imposture had de-
ceived many celebrated philosophers. The conclu-
sion we seem to come to on the whole is, that at a
period when there was a general belief in magical
powers Apollonius did attain great influence by
pretending to them, and that the history of Philos-
tratus gives a just idea of his character and repu-
tation, however inconsistent in its facts and absurd
in its marvels.

II. We have purposely omitted the wonders
with which Philostratus has garnished his narra-
tive, of which they do not in general form an
essential part. Many of these are curiously co-
incident with the Christian miracles. The pro-
clamation of the birth of Apollonius to his mother
by Proteus, and the incarnation of Proteus himself,
the chorus of swans which sung for joy on the oc-
casion, the casting out of devils, raising the dead,

R 2

244

APOLLONIUS.

and healing the sick, the sudden disappearances
and reappearances of Apollonius, his adventures in
the cave of Trophonius, and the sacred voice which
called him at his death, to which may be added
his claim as a teacher having authority to reform
the world — cannot fail to suggest the parallel pas-
sages in the Gospel history. We know, too, that
Apollonius was one among many rivals set up by
the Eclectics (as, for instance, by Hierocles of
Nicomedia in the time of Diocletian) to our Saviour
— an attempt, it may be worth remarking, renewed
by the English freethinkers, Blount and Lord Her-
bert. Still it must be allowed that the resem-
blances are verj' general, that where Philostratus
lias borrowed from the Gospel narrative, it is only
as he has borrowed from all other wonderful his-
tory, and that the idea of a controversial aim is
inconsistent with the account which makes the life
written by Damis the groundwork of the more re-
cent storj'. Moreover, Philostratus wrote at the
command of the empress Julia Domna, and was at
the time living in the palace of Alexander Severus,
who worshipped our Lord with Orpheus and
Apollonius among his Penates : so that it seems
improbable he should have felt any peculiar hosti-
lity to Christianity ; while, on the other hand, he
would be acquainted with the general story of our
Lord's life, from which he might naturally draw
many of his own incidents. On the whole, then,
we conclude \vith Ritter, that the life of Apollonius
was not written with a controversial aim, as the
resemblances, although real, only indicate that a
few things were borrowed, and exhibit no trace of
a systematic parallel. (Ritter, Gesdiichie der Phil.
vol. iv. p. 49-2.)

in. The character of Apollonius as well as the
facts of his life bear a remarkable resemblance to those
of Pythagoras, whom he professedly followed. Tra-
vel, mysticism, and disputation, are the three words
in which the earlier half of both their lives may be
summed up. There can be no doubt that Apollo-
nius pretended to supernatural powers, and was
variously regarded by the ancients as a magician
and a divine being. The object of his scheme, as
far as it can be traced, was twofold — partly philo-
Bopliical and partly religious. As a philosopher,
he is to be considered as one of the middle terms
between the Greek and Oriental systems, which
he endeavoured to harmonize in the symbolic lore
of Pythagoras. The Pythagorean doctrine of
numbers, and their principles of music and astro-
nomy, he looked upon as quite subordinate, while
his main efforts were directed to re-establish the
old religion on a Pythagorean basis. His aim
was to purify the worship of Paganism from the
corruptions which he said the fables of the poets
had introduced, and restore the rites of the temples
in all their power and meaning. In his works on
divination by the stars, and on offerings, he rejects
sacrifices as impure in the sight of God. All ob-
jects of sense, even fire, partook of a material and
corntptible nature : prayer itself should be the un-
tainted offering of the heart, and was polluted by
passing through the lips. (Ea&eh. Prep. Ev. iv. 13.)
This objection to sacrifice was doubtless connected
with the Pythagorean doctrine of the transmigra-
tion of souls. In the miracles attributed to him
we see the same trace of a Pythagorean character :
they are chiefly prophecies, and it is not the
power of controlling the laws of nature which
Apollonius lays claim to, but rather a wonder-

APOLLONIUS.

working secret, which gives him a deeper insiglit
into them than is possessed by ordinary men.
Upon the whole, we may place Apollonius mid-
way between the mystic philosopher and the mere
impostor, between Pythagoras and Lucian's Alex-
ander; and in this double character he was re-
garded by the ancients themselves.

The following list of Apollonius's works has
come down to us : 1. "T/xvos ets MvTjjxoavvau.
(Philostr. VU.Apoll. i. 14 ; Suidas, s. v. ApolL)
2. 'nvday6pov 5d|ot, and 3. TlvQay6pov ^ios, men-
tioned by Suidas, and probably (see Ritter) one of
the works which, according to Philostratus (viii,
19), Apollonius brought with him from the cave of
Trophonius. 4. Aiad-qKT), written in Ionic Greek.
(Phil. i. 3; vii. 39.) 5. 'ATro\oyia against a
complaint of Euphrates the philosopher to Domi-
tian. (viii. 7.) 6. Uept ixaurdas dcnepuv.
7. TeAerai ifi irepl ^vaiaiv. (iii. 41, iv. 19;
Euseb. Ptep. Ev. iv. 13.) 8. XpTja-fiot, quoted by
Suidas. 9. 'Nvx^-^nepov, a spurious work. 10.
'Eiri(rTo\ai LXXXV. Bp. Lloyd supposes those
which are still extant to be a spurious work. On
the other hand, it must be allowed that the Laconic
brevity of their style suits well with the authorita-
tive character of the philosopher. They were cer-
tainly not inventions of Philostratus, and are not
wholly the same with the collection to which he
refers. The 'AnoKoyia which is given by Philos-
tratus (viii. 7) is the only other extant writing of
Apollonius. [B. J.]

APOLLONIUS, artists. 1. Apollonius and
Taliriscus of Tralles, were two brothers, and the
sculptors of the group which is commonly known
as the Famese bull, representing the punishment
of Dirce by Zethus and Amphion. [Dirce.] It
was taken from Rhodes to Rome by Asinius Pollio,
and afterwards placed in the baths of Caracalla,
where it was dug up in the sixteenth century, and
deposited in the Famese palace. It is now at
Naples. After its discovery, it was restored, in a
manner not at all in keeping with its style, by
Battista Bianchi of Milan. There is some reason
to believe that additions were made to it in the
time of Caracalla, It was originally formed out
of one block of marble. A full description of the
group is given by Winckelmann, who distinguishes
the old parts from the new.

From the style of the ancient portions of the
group, Winckelmann and Miiller refer its execution
to the same period to which they imagine the
Laocoon to belong, that is, the period after Alex-
ander the Great. Both groups belong to the same
school of art, the Rhodian, and both probably to
the same period. If, therefore, we admit the force
of the arguments of Lessing and Thiersch respect-
ing the date of the Laocoon [Ageladas], we may
infer, that the Famese bull was newly executed
when Asinius Pollio took it to Rome, and conse-
quently, that Apollonius and Tauriscus flourished
at the beginning of the first century of the Chris-
tian aera. If is worth while to notice, that we
have no history of this work before its removal
from Rhodes to Rome.

Pliny says of Apollonius and Tauriscus, "Pa-
rentura ii certamen de se fecere : Menecratem
videri professi, sed esse naturalem Artemidorum,"
which is understood to mean, that they placed an
inscription on their work, expressing a doubt whe-
ther their father, Artemidoras, or their teacher,
Menecratos, ought to be considered tlieir tnie I'Br

APOLLONIUS.

rent. The Faniosc bull bears no such inscription,
but there are the marks of an effaced inscription
on a trunk of a tree which forms a support for the
figure of Zethus. (Plin. xxxvi. 4. § 10'; Winckel-
mann, Werke, vi. p, 52, vii. p. 205; Mliller, ^rcAao/,
derKutist. § 157.)

2. An Athenian sculptor, the son of Nestor,
was the maker of the celebrated torso of Hercules
in the Belvedere, which is engraved in the Mus.
Pio-Clement. iii. pi. 10, and on which is inscribed
AnOAAnNI02 NE2TOP02 A0HNAIO2 EnOIEI.
From the formation of the letters of the inscription,
the age of the sculptor may be fixed at about the
birth of Christ The work itself is one of the most
splendid remains of Grecian art. There is at Rome
a statue of Aesculapius by the same artist. (Winc-
kelmann, Werke, i. p. 226, iii. p. 39, vi. pp. 64, 94,
101, vii. p. 215 ; Thiersch, Epoclien, p. 332.)

3. An Athenian sculptor, the son of Archias,
made the bronze head of the young hero, which
was found at Herculaneura and is engraved in the
Mus. Hercul. i. tab. 45. It bears the inscription,
AnOi\AONI02 APXIOT A0HNAIO2 EnnH2E.
It probably belongs to the period about the birth
of Christ. (Winckelmann, Werke., ii. p. 158, iv. p.
284, V. p. 239, vii. p. 92.)

4. A sculptor, whose name is inscribed on the
beautiful marble statue of a young satyr, in the
possession of the Earl of Egremont, at Pet worth,
Sussex. [P. S.]

APOLLO'NIUS ('AttoXAc^vios), physicians.
For a list of the physicians of this name see
Fabricius, Dihl. Gr. vol. xiii. p. 74, ed. vet.; Le
Clerc, Hist, de la Med. ; Haller, Biblioth. Medic.
Pract. vol. i. ; Harless, Analeda Historico-Crit. de
Archigeyie Medico et de ApoUoniis, ^"c, Bamberg.
1816, 4to. ; Sprengel, Hist, de la Med.

1, 2. Apollonius Antiochenus {'Am-ioxfvs),
the name of two physicians, father and son, who
were bom at Antioch, and belonged to the sect of
the Empirici. They lived after Serapion of Alex-
andria and before Menodotus [Serapion ; Meno
DOTUs], and therefore probably in the first or
second century b. c. (Gal. Introd. c. 4. vol. xiv.
p. 683.) One of them is very likely the person
sometimes called " Apollonius Empiricus ;" the
other may perhaps be Apollonius Senior.

3. Apollonius Archistrator {^hpxi<TTp6.rfap)
is the author of a medical prescription quoted by
Andromachus (ap. Gal. De Compos. Medicam. sec.
Gen. v. 12, vol, xiii. p. 835), and must therefore
have lived in or before the first century after
Christ. Nothing is known of the events of his life.

4. Apollonius Biblas (Bt§Aas), lived proba-
bly in the second century a. c, and wrote, after
Zeno's death, a book in answer to a work which
he had composed on the meaning of certain marks
(xapa/cTTjpey) that are found at the end of some
chapters in the third book of the Epidemics of
Hippocrates. (Gal. Comm. II. in Hippocr. " Epid.
III.'''' § 5, vol. xvii, pt. i. p. 618.) It seems most
likely that he is not the same person as Apollonius
Empiricus. His name is supposed to be connected
with the word $L§\iaK6s, and seems to have been
given him for being (as we say) a book-ioorm.

5. Apollonius Citiensis (KineOs), the oldest
commentator on Hippocrates whose works are still
extant. He was a native of Citium, in Cyprus
(Strabo, xiv. 6, p. 243, ed. Tauchn.), and studied
medicine at Alexandria under Zopynis (ApoUon.
Cit p. 2, ed. Dietz) ; he is supposed to have lived

APOLLONIUS. 24.5

in the first century b. c. The only work of his
that remains is a short Commcntarj' on Hippo*
crates, Tlfpl^ApSpcou, De Ariicnlis, in three books.
It is dedicated to a king of the name of Ptolemy,
who is conjectured to have been a younger brother
of Ptolemy Auletes, king of Egypt, who was
made king of Cyprus, and who is mentioned
several times by Cicero. (^Pro Dom. c. 8, 20,
Pro Place, c. 13, Pro Sejct. c. 26.) Some por-
tions of this work were published by Cocchi
in his Discorso dcW Anatotnia, Firenze, 1745,
4to., p. 8, and also in his Graecorum Chirurgici
Libri, Florent. 1754, fol. The whole work, how-
ever, appeared for the first time in the first
volume of Dietz 's Scholia in Hippocratem et Ga-
lenutn^ Regim. Pruss. 1 834, 8vo. ; and an improved
edition with a Latin translation was published by
Kiihn, Lips. 1837, 4to., which, however, was not
quite finished at the time of his death. (See
Kiihn, Additam. ad Elenchum Medicorum Veterum
a Jo. A. Pabricio, ^c. ea:hibUum, Lips. 1826, 4to.,
fascic. iii. p. 5 ; Dietz, Scfiol. in Hipp, et Gal. vol.
i. praef. p. v.; Littr6, Oeuvres t/' Hippocr. voL i.
Introd. p. 92 ; Choulant, Handbuch der B'ucher-
kunde fur die Aeltere Medicin.)

6. Apollonius, Claudius, must have lived in
or before the second century after Christ, as one of
his antidotes is quoted by Galen. {De Antid. ii.
11, vol. xiv. p. 171.) Nothing is known of his
life.

7. Apollonius Cyprius {Kvirpios) was the
pupil of Olympicus and the tutor to Julianus.
He was a native of Cyprus, belonged to the sect
of the Methodici, and lived probably in the first
century after Christ. Nothing more is known of
his history. (Gal. De Meth. Med. L 7, voL x.
pp. 53, 54.)

8. Apollonius Empiricus (^'£.ixirfipiK6s)^ is
supposed to be one of the persons called "Apol-
lonius Antiochenus." He lived, according to
Celsus {De Med. i. praef. p. 5), after Serapion
of Alexandria, and before Heracleides of Taren-
tum, and therefore probably in the second cen-
tury B. c. He belonged to the sect of the Empirici,
and wrote a book in answer to Zeno's work
on the x^P'^'f^VP^s in Hippocrates, mentioned
above. This was answered by Zeno, and it was
this second work that drew from Apollonius Biblas
his treatise on the subject after Zeno's death. (Gal.
Comm. II. in Hipp. " Epid. III.'''' § 5, vol. xvii.
pt. i. p. 618.) He is mentioned also by Gralen,
De Meth. Med. ii. 7, vol. x. p. 142.

9. Apollonius Glaucus must have lived in or
before the second century after Christ, as his work
"On Internal Diseases" is quoted by Caelius
Aurelianus. {De Morb. Cliron. iv. 8, p. 536.)
Nothing is known of his life.

10. Apollonius Herophileius ('Hpo<^/A«jos)
is supposed to be the same person as Apollonius
Mus. He wrote a pharmaceutical work entitled
YlfpX Eviropla-rwv^ De Facile Parabilibus (Gal. D«
Compos. Medicam. sec. IjOC. vi. 9, vol. xii. p. 995),
which is very frequently quoted by Galen, and
which is probably the work referred to by Oribasius
{Eupor. ad Eunap. i. prooem. p. 574), and of which
some fragments are quoted in Cramer's Anecd,
Graeca Paris, vol. L p. 395, as still existing in MS.
in the Royal Library at Paris. He lived before
Andromachus, as that writer quotes him (ap. GaL
De Compos. Medicam. sec. Loc. vol. xiii. pp. 76,
114, 137, 308, 326, 981), and also before Archi-

246 APOLLONIUS.

genes (Gal. Hid. vol xii, p. .515) ; we may there-
fore conclude that he lived in or before the first
century after Christ. He was a follower of Hero-
philus, and is said by Galen {ibid. p. 510) to have
lived for some time at Alexandria. His work, Uepl
Mvpuv, On Ointme7its^ is quoted by Athenaeus
(xv. p. 688), and he is also mentioned by Caelius
Aurelianus. {De Morb. Ac. ii. 28, p. 139).

11. ApOLLONIUS HiPPOCRATICUS ('iTTTTO/cpa-

T6<os), is said by Galen {De Seda Opt. c. 14.
vol. i. p. 144 ; Comment. III. in Hippocr. " De
Bat. Vici. in Morb. Ac.'' c. 38. vol. xv. p. 703) to
have been a pupil of Hippocrates II., and must
therefore have lived in the fourth century b. c.
He is blamed by Erasistratus (ap. Gal. /. c.) for
his excessive severity in restricting the quantity
of drink allowed to his patients.

12. Apollonius Memphites (M€jti(|)iT77$) was
bom at Memphis in Egypt, and was a follower of
Erasistratus. (Gal. Introd. c. 10. vol. xiv. p. 700.)
He must therefore have lived about the third cen-
tury B. c, and is probably the same person who is
called " Apollonius Stratonicus." He wrote a work
** On the Names of the Parts of the Human Body"
(Gal. /. r., and Definit. prooem. vol. xix. p. 347),
and is quoted by Erotianus (Gloss. Hipp. p. 86),
Galen {De Antid. ii. 14, vol. xiv. p. 188), Nico-
laus Myrepsus {De Aur. cc. 11, 16. pp. 831, 832),
and other ancient writers.

13. Apollonius Mus (Mus), a follower of
Herophilus, of whose life no particulars are known,
but who must have lived in the first century b. c,
as Stnibo mentions him as a contemporary, (xiv.
1, p. 182, ed. Tauchn.) He was a fellow-pupil
of Heracleides of Erythrae (ibid.), and composed
a long work on the opinions of the sect founded
by Herophilus. (Cael. Aurel. De Morb. Acut. ii.
13, p. 110 ; Gal. De Differ. Puis. iv. 10, vol. viii.
pp. 744, 746.) He also wrote on pharmacy (Cels.
De Med. v. praef. p. 81 ; Pallad. Comm. in Hipp.
** Epid. F/.," ap. Dietz, Schol. in Hipp, et Gul.
vol. ii. p. 98 ; Gal. De Antid. ii. 7, 8, vol. xiv.
pp. 143, 146), and is supposed to be the same
person who is sometimes called " Apollonius Hero-
phileius."

14. Apollonius Ophis (b "Ot^ts) is said by
Erotianus {Gloss. Hipp. p. 8) to have made a com-
pilation from the Glossary of difficult Hippocratic
words by Baccheius ; he must therefore have lived
about the first or second century b. c. He is sup-
posed by some persons to be Apollonius Pergame-
nus, by others Apollonius Ther.

15. Apollonius Organicus {^OpyaviK6s) is
quoted by Galen {De Compos. Medicam. sec. Loc.
V. 15, vol. xiii. p. 856), and must therefore have
lived in or before the second century after Christ.
Nothing is known of his life.

16. Apollonius Pergamenus {Tlepy&fjL-nvos)
is supposed by some persons to be Apollonius
Ophis, or Apollonius Ther. He was bom at Per-
gamus in Mysia, but his date is very uncertain,
since it can only be positively determined that, as he
is quoted by Oribasius, he must have lived in or be-
fore the fourth century after Christ. (Orib. Enpor.
ad Eun. i. 9, p. 578.) He is probably the author
of rather a long extract on Scarification preserved
by Oribasius {Med. Coll. vii. 19, 20, p. 316), which
is published by C. F. Matthaei in his Collection of
Greek Medical Writers, entitled XXI. Veterumet
Clarorum Medicorum Graecorum Varia Opiisada,
Mosqu. 1808, 4to., p. 144.

APOLLOPHANES.

17. Apollonius Pitanaeus was bom at Pita-
nae in Aeolia, and must have lived in or before
the first century after Christ, as an absurd and
superstitious remedy is attributed to him by Pliny.
{H. N. xxix. 38.)

18. Apollonius Senior (d Up€a€vTfpos) is
quoted by Erotianus {Gloss. Hijyp. p. 86), and must
therefore have lived in or before the first century
after Christ. Some persons suppose him to be one
of the physicians called Apollonius Antiochenus.

19. Apollonius Stratonicus {6 dmo 'S.rpa-
r<avos) was probably not the son, but the pupil, of
Strato of Beryta : he is very likely the same person
as Apollonius Memphites, and may be supposed to
have lived about the third century b. c. He was a
follower of Erasistratus, and wrote a work on the
Pulse, which is quoted by Galen. {De Differ. Puis.
iv. 17, vol. viii. p. 759.)

20. Apollonius Tarsensis (o Tapanis) was
born at Tarsus in Cilicia, and lived perhaps in the
first or second century after Christ His prescrip-
tions are several times quoted by Galen. {De
Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. v. 13, vol. xiii. p. 843.)

21. Apollonius Ther (d ©tJp) is supposed by
some persons to be the same as Apollonius Ophis,
or Apollonius Pergamenus. As he is quoted by
Erotianus {Gloss. Hipp. p. 86), he must have
lived in or before the first century after Christ.

22. Another physician of this name, who is
mentioned by Apuleius {Met. ix. init.) as having
been bitten by a luad dog, must (if he ever really
existed) have lived in the second century after
Christ ; and the name occurs in several ancient
authors, belonging to one or more physicians,
without any distinguishing epithet. [W. A. G.J

APOLLO'PHANES {'AiroWocpdvns). 1. Of
Antioch, a Stoic philosopher, wjis a friend of
Ariston of Chios, on whom he wrote a work called
'Apl(TTwv. (Athen. vii. p. 281.) Diogenes Laertius
(viL 140, comp. 92) mentions a work of his called
(pvffiKTfi. His name also occurs in Tertullian. {De
Anim. 14.) Some writers have asserted, though
without any good reason, that ApoUophanes the
Stoic was the same as ApoUophanes the physician
who lived at the court of Antiochus. A later Stoic
philosopher of this name occurs in Socrates {Hist.
Eccl. vi. 19) and in Suidas. {s. v. 'npiyevrjs ; comp.
Ruhnken, Dissert, de Vita et Script. Longini^ sect, vii.)

2. Of Athens, a poet of the old Attic comedy
(Suid.), appears to have been a contemporary of
Strattis, and to have consequently lived about 01.
95. (Harpocrat. s. v. dSeAcpi^eii/.) Suidas ascribes
to him five comedies, viz. AaAts, 'Icpiyepocu, Kp^rey,
Aavdri and Kevravpoi. Of the fonner three we
still possess a few fragments, but the last two are
completely lost. (Athen. iii. pp. 75, 114, xi. pp.
467, 485 ; Phot. Lex. s. v. fJLV(nKdp(p7]s ; Aelian,
Hist. Ann. vi. 51 ; Phot. p. 624 ; Meineke, Hist.
Crit. Comic. Grace, p. 266, &c.)

3. Of Cvzicus, was connected by friendship with
the Persian satrap Pharnabazus, and afterwfirds
formed a similar connexion with Agesilaus. Soon
after this, Pharnabazus requested him to persuade
Agesilaus to meet him, which was done accord-
ingly'. (Xenoph. Hellen. iv. 1. § 29 ; Plut. AyesiL
12.) This happened in b. c. 396, shortly before
the withdrawal of Agesilaus from the satrapy of
Pharnabazus. [L. S.]

APOLLO'PHANES (^ h.iroXKo<p6.vi)s\ a native
of Selcuceia, and physician to Antiochus the Great,
king of Syria, b. c. 223 — 187, with whom, as ap-

1

APPIANUS.

pears from Polybius (v. 5G, /iS), he possessed con-
siderable influence. Mead, in his Dissert, de
jV«7«)nw quibusdam a Smymaeis in Afedicorum
Honorem percussis^ Lond. 1724, 4to., thinks that
two bronze coins, struck in honour of a person
named Apollophanes, refer to the physician of this
name ; but this is now generally considered to be
a mistake. (See Diet, of Ant. s. v. Mediais.) A
physician of the same name is mentioned by several
ancient medical writers. (Fabricius, Bibl. Gr.
vol. xiii. p. 76, ed. vet. ; C. G. Klihn, Additam.
ad Eletichum Mcdicorum Veteruin a Jo. A. Fabri-
cio, ^Cj ejchibitum. Lips. 4to., 1826. Fascic. iii.
p. 8.) [W. A. G.]

APOLLO'THEMIS CArroWSeefiis), a Greek
historian, whom Plutarch made use of in his life of
Lycurgus. (c. 31.)

'APOMYIUS i'Air6/xvios) "driving away the
flies," a surname of Zeus at Olympia. On one
occasion, when Heracles was offering a sacrifice to
Zeus at Olympia, he was annoyed by hosts of flies,
and in order to get rid of them, he offered a sacri-
fice to Zeus Apomyius, whereupon the flies with-
drew across the i-iver Alpheius. From that time
the Eleans sacrificed to Zeus under this name.
(Paus. V. 14. § 2.) [L.S.]

APONIA'NUS, DI'LLIUS, joined Antonius
Primus with the third legion, a. d. 70. (Tac. Hist.
iii. 10, 11.)

Q. APO'NIUS, was one of the commanders of the
troops which revolted, in b. c. 46, from Trebonius,
Caesar's lieutenant in Spain. (Dion Cass, xliii. 29.)
Aponius was proscribed by the triumvirs in B.c.43,
and put to death. (Appian, B. C. iv. 26.)

APO'NIUS MU'TILUS. [Mutilus.]

APO'NIUS SATURNI'NUS. [Saturninus.]

APOTROPAEI ('ATTOTpdirajoi), certain divini-
ties, by whose assistance the Greeks believed that
they were able to avert any threatening danger or
calamity. Their statues stood at Sicyon near the
tomb of Epopeus. (Paus. ii. 11. § 2.) The Romans
likewise worshipped gods of this kind, and called
them dii averrunci, derived from averruncare.
(Varro, de L. L. vii. 102; GeUius, v. 12.) [L. S.]

APOTRO'PHIA {'AiroTpoipla), "the expeller,"
a surname of Aphrodite, under which she was
worshipped at Thebes, and which described her as
the goddess who expelled from the hearts of men
the desire after sinful pleasure and lust. Her
worship under this name was believed to have
been instituted by Harmonia, together with that
of Aphrodite Urania and Pandenios, and the anti-
quity of her statues confirmed this belief. (Paus.
ix. 16. § 2.) ^ [L. S.]

APPIA'NUS {^A-mriavSs)^ a native of Alexan-
dria, lived at Rome during the reigns of Trajan,
Hadrian, and Antoninus Pius, as we gather from
various passages in his work. We have hardly
any particulars of his life, for his autobiography, to
which he refers at the end of the preface to his
history, is now lost. In the same passage he men-
tions, that he was a man of considerable distinction
at Alexandria, and afterwards removed to Rome,
where he was engaged in pleading causes in the
courts of the emperors. He further states, that the
emperors considered him worthy to be entrusted
with the management of their affairs (m^XP* M*
fftpcav fTTiTpotrevdv rj^lwcray); which Schweighauser
and others interpret to mean, that he was appointed
to the office of procurator or praefcctus of Egypt.
There is, however, no reason for this supposition.

APPIANUS. 247

We know, from a letter of Fronto, that it wa» the
office of procurator which ho held (Fronto, Kp. ad
Anton. Pium^ 9, p. 13, &c., ed. Niebuhr) ; but
whether he had the management of the emperorH*
finances at Rome, or went to some province in this
capacity, is quite uncertain.

Appian wrote a Roman history ('Pw/xoZkcI, or
'Pw/uot/o) Icrropla) in twenty-four books, on a plan
different from that of most historians. He did not
treat the history of the Roman empire as a whole
in chronological order, following the series of
events; but he gave a separate account of the
affairs of each country from the time that it became
connected with the Romans, till it was finally in-
corporated in the Roman empire. The first foreign
people with whom the Romans came in contact
were the Gauls; and consequently his history,
according to his plan, would have begun with that
people. But in order to make the work a complete
history of Rome, he devoted the first three books
to an account of the early times and of the i-arious
nations of Italy which Rome subdued. The sub-
jects of the different books were : 1 . The kingly
period ('Pft»/Liat/c<5»' /SatrtAtio}). 2. Italy ('iToAi/of).
3. The Samnites (SawtTtjof). 4. The Gauls or
Celts (KeATt/cTf). 5. Sicily and the other islands
(2iK6At/o) Kol Ntjo-jwtiktJ). 6. Spain {'l§r)piic^).
7. Hannibal's wars ('ApviScukt^). 8. Libya, Car-
thage, and Numidia (AiSvid), Kapxv^ovncfj koL
NofwSiKri). 9. Macedonia {MoKfSoviicn). 10.
Greece and the Greek states in Asia Minor ('EXAt^
viKij Koi 'luviKT^). 11. Syria and Parthia (Suptooo^
Koi UapdiK-^). 12. The war with Mithridates
(M(0ptSc£T6tos). 13 — 21. The civil wars {'Ep-cpv-
Ato), in nine books, from those of Marius and
Sidla to the battle of Actium. The last four books
also had the title of to AlyvTrrioKcL. 22. 'Enaroy-
ToeTfo, comprised the histoiy of a hundred years,
from the battle of Actium to the beginning of
Vespasian's reign. 23. The wars with lUyria
('lAAwpjK?} or AttKi/of). 24. Those with Arabia
('Apo&toy). We possess only eleven of these com-
plete ; namely, the sixth, seventh, eighth, eleventh,
twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, sixteenth,
seventeenth, and twenty-third. There are also
fragments of several of the others. The Parthian
history'-, which has come down to us as part of the
eleventh book, has been proved by Schweighauser
to be no work of Appian, but merely a compilation
from Plutarch's Lives of Antony and Crassus, pro-
bably made in the middle ages. (See Schweighau-
ser's Appian^ vol. iii. p. 905, &c.)

Appian 's work is a mere compilation. In the
early times he chiefly followed Dionysius, as far as
the latter went, and his work makes up to a con-
siderable extent for the books of Dionysius, which
are lost. In the history of the second Punic war
Fabius seems to have been his chief authority, and
subsequently he made use of Polybius. His style
is clear and simple ; but he possesses few merits as
an historian, and he frequently makes the most
absurd blunders. Thus, for instance, he places
Saguntum on the north of the Iberus {Jber. 7),
and states that it takes only half a day to sail
from Spain to Britain. {Iber. 1.)

AppLin's history was first published in a barl»-
rous Latin translation by Candidus, at Venice, in
1472. A part of the Greek text was first pub-
lished by Carolus Stephanus, Paris, 1551 ; which
was followed by an improved I>atin version by
I Gelenius, which was published after the death of

248

APPULEIUS.

the latter at Basel, 1.554. The Greek text of the
'lSr}piK7} Kal 'Avvi€aiK-/i was published for the first
time by H. Stephanus, Geneva, 1557. Ursinus
published some fragments at Antwerp, 1582. The
second edition of the Greek text was edited, with
the Latin version of Gelenius, by H. Stephanus,
Geneva, 1592. The twenty-third book of Appian,
containing the wars with Illyria, was first publish-
ed by Hoeschelius, Augsburg, 1599, and some ad-
ditional fragments were added by Valesius, Paris,
1634. The third edition of Appian's work was
published at Amsterdam in 1670, and is a mere
reprint of the edition of H. Stephanus. The work
bears on the title-page the name of Alexander
Tollius, but he did absolutely nothing for the work,
and allowed the typographical errors of the old
edition to remain. The fourth edition, and infi-
nitely the best, is that of Schweighauser, Leipzig,
1785, 3 vols. 8vo. A few new fragments of Appian
were published by Mai in the second volume of his
Nova Collectio vet. Scrip. : they are reprinted, toge~
ther with the new fragments of Polybius, in "Po-
lybii et Appiani Historiarum Excerpta Vaticana,
&c.," edited by Lucht, Altona, 1830. ^Lii also
discovered a letter of Appian to Fronto (p. 229 in
Niebuhr's edition of Fronto).

A'PPIAS, a nymph of the Appian well, which
■was situated not far from the temple of Venus
Genitrix in the forum of Julius Caesar. It was
surrounded by statues of n}'mphs, who were called
Appiades. (Ov. Rem. Am. 659, Ars Am. i. 81,
iii. 451.) Cicero (ad Fam. iii. 1) flatters Appius
Pulcher by applying the name Appias to a statue
of Minerva. In modem times, statues of nymphs
have been found on the spot where the Appian well
existed in ancient times, and they are considered
to be statues of the Appiades. (Visconti, in Mus.
Pio-Clem. i. p. 216, ed. Mediohn.) [L. S.]

APPION. [Apion.]

APPION, a jurist, contemporary with Justinian,
by whom he is named in terms of high commenda-
tion in the 82nd Novell, on account of the excel-
lent discharge of his legal duties as the assessor of
Marcellus. On his appointment, A. D. 539, as
communis omnium^ or major judear, with jurisdiction
next to the emperor's praefects (apxovres)^ he is
said by Justinian to have acquired a high character,
not only legal, but general. He was previously
advocatus fsci^ an office to which was attached the
title spedahilis. His name appears as consid a. d.
539. [J. T. G.]

A'PPIUS CLAU'DIUS. [Claudius.]
A'PPIUS SILA'NUS. [SiLANUs.]
APPULEIA or APULEIA GENS, plebeian.
The cognomens of this gens are Dkcianus, Pansa,
and Saturninus: those who bear no cognomen are
given under Appulkius. The first of the Appu-
leii, who obtained the consulship, was Q. Appuleius
Pansa, b. c. 300.

APPULEIA VARI'LIA. [Appuleius,No.9.]
APPULEIUS or APULEIUS. 1. L. Ap-
pulkius, tribune of the plebs, b. c. 39 1 , impeached
Camillus for ha\'ing secreted part of the spoils of
Veii. (Liv. v. 32; Pint. Cam. 12.)

2. L. Appuleius, one of the Roman ambassadors
Bent in B.C. 156 to examine into the state of affairs
between Attains and Prusias. (Polyb. xxxii. 26.)

3. Appuleius, proquaestor, to whom Cicero
addresses two letters {ad Fam. xiii. 45, 46), was
perhaps the proquaestor of Q, Philippus, the pro-
consul, in Asia D. c. 55,

APPULEIUS.

4. Appuleius, a praediator^ mentioned by Cicero
in two of his letters (ad Ait. xii. 14, 17), must be
distinguished from No. 3.

5. M. Appuleius, was elected augur in b.c. 45,
and Cicero pleaded illness as a reason for his ab-
sence from the inaugural festival, which seems to
have lasted several days. (Cic. ad Att. xii. 13
— 15.) At the time of Caesar's death, B. c. 44.
Appuleius seems to have been quaestor in Asia ; and
when Brutus crossed over into Greece and Asia, he
assisted him with money and troops. (Cic. Phil.
X. 11, xiii. 16; Appian, B. C. iii. 63, iv, 75.)
He was proscribed by the triumvirs, b. c. 43, and
fled to Brutus, who placed him over Bithynia.
After the death of Brutus, b. c. 42, he surrendered
the province to Antony, and was restored by hira
to his native country. (Appian, B. C. iv. 46.)

6. Appuleius, proscribed by the triumvirs in
B. c. 43, escaped with his wife to Sicily. (Ap-
pi.in, B. C. iv. 40.) He must be distinguished
from No. 5, who was proscribed at the same time.
This Appuleius is probably the same as the tribune
of the plebs spoken of by Appian. (B. C. iii. 93.)

7. Sex. Appuleius Sex. f. Sex. n., consul in
B. c. 29. He afterwards went to Spain as procon-
sul, and obtained a triumph in B. c. 26, for the
victories he had gained in that country. (Dion
Cass. li. 20 ; Fast. Capitol.)

8. M. Appuleius Sex. f. Sex. n., consul in
B. c. 20, may possibly be the same person as No.
5. (Dion Cass. liv. 7.)

9. Sex. Appuleius Sex. f. Sex. n., probably
a son of No. 7, consul in a. d. 14, the year in "
which Augustus died. (Dion Cass. Ivi. 29; Suet.
Atig. 100; Tac. Ann. i. 7; Veil. Pat. ii. 123.)

He is called in two passages of Dion Cassius (/. c.
and liv. 30) a relation of Augustus. Tacitus
(Anil. ii. 50) speaks of Appuleia Varilia, who was
accused of adultery and treiison in A. D. 17, as a
granddaughter of a sister of Augustus. It is,
therefore, not impossible that Sex. Appuleius may
have married one of the Marcellae, the two daughters
of Octavia, by her first husband Marcellus ; but
there is no authority for this marriage.

APPULEIUS or APULEIUS (inscriptions
and the oldest MSS. generally exhibit the double
consonant, see Cren. Animad.Phil. P. xi. sub. init.;
Oudendorp, ad Apul. Atdn. not. p. 1 ), chiefly cele-
brated as the author of the Golden Ass, was born
in the early part of the second century in Africa,
at Mudam-a, which was originally attached to the
kingdom of Syphax, was transferred to Masinissa
at the close of the second Punic war, and having
been eventually colonized by a detachment of Ro-
man veterans, attained to considerable splendour.
This town was situated far inland on the border
line between Numidia and Gaetulia, and hence
Appuleius styles himself Seminumida et Semigae-
bdusn, declaring at the same time, that he had no
more reason to feel ashamed of his hybrid origin
than the elder Cyrus, who in like manner might be
termed Samimx-dus ac Semipersa. (Apolog. pp. 443,
444, ed. Florid.) His father was a man of high
respectability, who having filled the office of
duumvir and enjoyed all the other dignities of his
native town, bequeathed at his death the sum of
nearly two millions of sesterces to his two sons.
(Apolog. p. 442.) Appuleius received tlie first
rudiments of education at Carthage, renowned at
that period as a school of literature (Florida, iv.
p. 20), and afterwards proceeded to Athens, where

APPULEIUS.

ho became wumily atUiched to the tenets of the
Platonic philosophy, and, prosecuting his reswirches
in many different departments, laid the founda-
tions of that copious stock of various and profound
learning by which he was subsequently so distin-
guished. He next travelled extensively, visiting,
it would appear, Italy, Greece, and Asia, acquiring
a knowledge of a vast number of religious opinions
and modes of worship, and becoming initiated in
the greater number of the mysteries and secret
fraternities so numerous in that age. {De Mundo,
p. 7-9 ; Apolog. p. 494.) Not long after his re-
turn home, although he had in some degree
diminished his patrimony by his long-continued
course of study, by his protracted residence in
foreign countries, and by various acts of generosity
towards his friends and old instructors {Apolog.
p. 442), he set out upon a new journey to Alex-
andria. {Apolog. p. 518.) On his way thither
he was taken ill at the town of Oea, and was
hospitably received into the house of a young man,
Sicinius Pontianus, with whom he had ftved
upon terms of close intimixc}', a few years pre-
viousl)', at Athens. {Apolog. I. c.) The mo-
ther of Pontianus, PudentUla by name, was
a very rich widow whose fortune was at her own
disposal. With the full consent, or rather in com-
pliance with the earnest solicitation of her son, the
young philosopher agreed to marry her. {Apolog.
p. 518.) Meanwhile Pontianus himself was united
to the daughter of a certjiin Herennius Rufinus,
who being indignant that so much wealth should
piiss out of the family, instigated his son-in-law,
together with a younger brother, Sicinius Pudens,
a mere boy, and their paternal uncle, Sicinius
Aemilianus, to join him in impeaching Appuleius
Tipon the charge, that he had gained the affections of
Pudentilla by charms and magic spells. {Apolog.
pp. 401, 451, 521, 522, &c.) The accusation
seems to have been in itself sufficiently ridiculous.
The alleged culprit was young, highly accomplish-
ed, eloquent, popular, and by no means careless in
the matters of dress and personal adornment, al-
though, according to his owti account, he was worn
and wan from intense application. {Apolog. p.
406, seqq. 421, compare p. 547.) The lady was
nearly old enough to be his mother ; she had been
a widow for fourteen years, and owned to forty,
while her enemies called her sixty ; in addition to
which she was by no means attractive in her ap-
pearance, and had, it was well known, been for
some time desirous again to enter the married
state. {Apolog. pp. 450, 514, 520, 535, 546, 541,
547.) The cmise was heard at Sabrata laefore
Claudius Maximus, proconsul of Africa {Apolog.
pp. 400, 445, 501), and the spirited and triumph-
jint defence spoken by Appuleius is still extant.
Of his subsequent career we know little. Judging
from the voluminous catalogue of works attributed
to his pen, he must have devoted himself most
assiduously to literature ; he occasionally declaimed
in public with great applause ; he had the charge
of exhibiting gladiatorial shows and wild beast
hunts in the province, and statues were erected in
his honour by the senate of Carthage and of other
states. {Apolog. pp. 445, 494; Floi-id.iii. n. 16;
Augustin. Ep.\.)

Nearly the whole of the above particulars are
derived from the statements contained in the writ-
ings of Appuleius, especially the Apologia ; but in
addition to these, wc find a considerable number of

APPULEIUS. 249

circumstances recorded in almost all the biocraphie*
prefixed to his works. Thus we arc told that hu
praenomen was Lucius ; that the name of his father
was Theseus ; that his mother was called Salvia,
w<i8 of Thessalian extraction, and a descendant of
Plutarch ; that when he visited Rome he wa« en-
tirely ignorant of the Latin language, which he
acquired without the aid of an instructor, by his
own exertions; and that, having dissipated his
fortune, he was reduced at one time to such abject
poverty, that he was compelled to sell the clothes
which he wore, in order to pay the fees of admis-
sion into the mysteries of Osiris. These and other
details as well as a minute portrait of his person,
depend upon the untenable supposition, that Appu-
leius is to be identified with Lucius the hero of his
romance. That production being avowedly a work
of fiction, it is difficult to comprehend upon what
principle any portion of it could be held as supply-
ing authentic materials for the life of its author,
more especially when some of the facts so extracted
are at variance with those deduced from more
trustworthy sources ; as, for example, the assertion
that he was at one time reduced to beggary, which
is directly contradicted by a passage in the Apolo-
gia referred to above, where he states that his for-
tune had been merely "modice imminutum" by
various expenses. In one instance only does he
appear to forget himself {Met. xi. p. 260), where
Lucius is spoken of as a native of Madaura, but
no valid conclusion can be drawn from this, which
is probably an oversight, unless we are at the same
time prepared to go as far as Saint Augustine, who
hesitates whether we ought not to believe the ac-
count given of the transformation of Lucius, that
is, Appuleius, into an ass to be a true narrative.
It is to this fanciful identification, coupled with
the charges preferred by the relations of Pudentilla,
and his acknowledged predilection for mystical
solemnities, that we must attribute the belief,
which soon became current in the ancient world,
that he really possessed the supernatural powers
attributed to him by his enemies. The early
pagan controversialists, as we learn from Lactan-
tius, were wont to rank the marvels said to have
been wrought by him along with those ascribed to
ApoUonius of Tyana, and to appeal to these as
equal to, or more wonderful than, the miracles of
Christ. (Lactant. Div. Inst. v. 3.) A generation
later, the belief continued so prevalent, that St.
Augustine was requested to draw up a serious refu-
tation— a task which that renowned prelate exe-
cuted in the most satisfactory manner, by simply
referring to the oration of Appuleius himself. (Mar-
cellin. Ep. iv. ad Augustin. and Augustin. Ep. v.
ud MarceUin.)

No one can peruse a few pages of Appuleius
without being at once impressed with his conspi-
cuous excellences and glaring defects. We find
everj'where an exuberant play of fancy, liveliness,
humour, wit, learning, acuteness, and not unfre-
quently, real sloquence. On the other hand, no
style can be more vicious. It is in the highest
degree unnatural, both in its general tone and also
in the phraseology employed. The former is dis-
figured by the constimt recurrence of ingenious but
forced and tumid conceits and studied prettinesses,
while the latter is remarkable for the multitude of
obsolete words ostentatiously paraded in almost
every sentence. The greater number of these arc
to be found in the extant compositions of the oldebt

250

APPULEIUS.

dramatic writers, and in quotations preserved by
the grammarians ; and those for which no autho-
rity can be produced were in all probability drawn
from the same source, and not arbitrarily coined to
answer the purpose of the moment, as some critics
have imagined. The least faulty, perhaps, of all
his pieces is the Apologia. Here he spoke from
deep feeling, and although we may in many places
detect the inveterate affectation of the rhetorician,
yet there is often a bold, manly, straight-forward
heartiness and truth which we seek in vain in
those compositions where his feelings were less
touched.

We do not know the year in which our author was
bom, nor that in which he died. But the names
of LoUius Urbicus, Scipio Orfitus, Severianus,
Lollianus Avitus, and others who are incidentally
mentioned by him as his contemporaries, and who
from other sources ai-e known to have held high
offices under the Antonines, enable us to determine
the epoch when he flourished.

The extant works of Appideius are : I. Metor
morphoseon seu de Asino Aureo Libri XL This
celebrated romance, which, together with the opos
of Lucian, is said to have been founded upon a
work bearing the same title by a certain Lucius of
Patrae (Photius, liiU. cod. cxxix. p. 165) belonged
to the class of talcs distinguished by the ancients
under the title of MUesiae fubulae. It seems to have
been intended simply as a satire upon the hypocrisy
and debauchery of certain orders of priests, the frauds
of juggling pretenders to supernatural powers, and
the general profligacy of public morals. There are
some however who discover a more recondite mean-
ing, and especially the author of tlie Divine Legation
of Moses, who has at great length endeavoured to
prove, that the Golden Ass was written with the
view of recommending the Pagan religion in oppo-
sition to Christianity, which was at that time
making rapid progress, and especially of inculcating
the importance of initiation into the purer myste-
ries. (Div. Leg. bk. ii. sect, iv.) The epithet
Aureus is generally supposed to have been be-
stowed in consequence of the admiration in which
the tale was held, for being considered as the most
excellent composition of its kind, it was compared
to the most excellent of metals, just as the apoph-
thegms of Pythagoras were distinguished as xpi'O'o
67n7. "VVarburton, however, ingeniously contends
that aureus was the common epithet bestowed
upon all Milesian tales, because they were such as
strollers used to rehearse for a piece of money to
the rabble in a circle, after the feshion of oriental
story-tellers. He founds his conjecture upon an
expression in one of Pliny's Epistles (ii. 20),
assem para, ei accipe aurcam fubtdain^ which
seems, however, rather to mean " give me a piece
of copper and receive in return a story worth a
piece of gold, or, precious as gold," which brings
us back to the old explanation. The well-known
and exquisitely beautiful episode of Cupid and
Psyche is introduced in the 4th,- 5th, and 6th
books. This, whatever opinion we may form of
the principal narrative, is evidently an allegor}-,
and is generally understood to sliadow forth the
progress of the soul to perfection.

IL Floridorum Lihri IV. An dvQoXoyia^ con-
tnining select extracts from various orations and
dissertations, collected probably by some admirer.
It has, however, been imagined that we have here
a sort of common-place-book, in which Appuleius

APPULEIUS.

registered, from time to time, such ideas and forms
of expression as he thought worth preserving, with
a view to their insertion in some continuous com-
position. This notion, although adopted by Ou-
dendorp, has not foimd many supporters. It is
wonderfid that it should ever have been seriously
propounded.

III. De Deo Socratis Liber. This treatise has
been roughly attacked by St. Augustine.

IV. De Dogmate Platonis LVjri ires. The first
book contains some account of the speculative doc-
trines of Plato, the second of his morals^ the third
of his logic.

V. De Mundo Liber. A translation of the work
trepl k6(Tixov^ at one time ascribed to Aristotle.

VI. Apologia sive De JSlagia Liber. The ora-
tion described above, delivered before Claudius
Maximus.

VII. Hermetis Trismegisti De Ndtura Deorum
Dialogus. Scholars are at variance with regard
to the authenticity of this translation of the Ascle-
pian dialogue. As to the original, see Fabric.
Bibl. Grace, i. 8.

Besides these a number of works now lost are
mentioned incidentally by Appuleius himself, and
many others belonging to soiiie Appuleius are cited
by the grammarians. He professes to be the au-
thor of ^^ poemaia omne ge7ius apta virgae, lyrne^
soccOy cothumo, item saiiras ac griphos, item historias
varias rerum nee non orationes laudaias disertis nee
?ion dialogos lattdatos philosophise'''' both in Greek
and Latin {Florid, ii. 9, iil 18, 20, iv. 24) ; and
we find especial mention made of a collection of
poems on playful and amatory themes, entitled
Ludicra, from which a few fragments are quoted
in the Apologia, (pp. 408, 409, 414 ; compare
538.)

The Editio Princeps was printed at Rome, by
Sweynheym and Pannartz, in the year 1469, edited
by Andrew, bishop of Aleria. It is excessively
rare, and is considered valuable in a critical point
of view, because it contains a genuine text lionestly
copied from MSS., and free from the multitude of
conjectural emendations by which nearly all the
rest of the eailier editions are corrupted. It is,
moreover, the only old edition which escaped mu-
tilation by the Inquisition.

An excellent edition of the Asinus appeared at
Leyden in the year 1786, printed in 4to., and
edited by Oudendorp and Ruhnken. Two addi-
tional volumes, containing the remaining works,
appeared at Leyden in 1823, edited by Boscha.
A new and very elaborate edition of the whole
works of Appuleius has been published at Leipzig,
1842, by G. F. Hildebrand.

A great number of translations of the Golden
Ass are to be found in all the principal European
languages. The last English version is that by
Thomas Taylor, in one volume 8vo., London,
1822, which contains also the tract De Deo
Socratis. [W. R.]

L. APPULEIUS, commonly called Appuleius
Barbarus, a botanical writer of whose life no par-
ticulars are known, and whose date is rather uncer-
tain. He has somtimes been identified with Appu-
leius, the author of the " Golden Ass," and some-
times with Appuleius Celsus [Celsus, Appuleius],
but his work is evidently written later than the time
of eitlier of those persons, and probably cannot be
placed earlier than the fourth century after Christ.
It is written in Latin, aud entitled Herbarium, seu

APRONIUS.

i/c Afedicamtnifjus Ilirlx/rum ; it consists of one
liimdrcd and twenty-eight chapters, and is mostly
taken from Dioscorides and Pliny. It was first
published at Rome by Jo. Phil, de Lignamine,
4to., without date, but before 1484. It was re-
printed three times in the sixteenth century, be-
sides being included in two collections of medical
writers, and in several editions of the works of
Appuleius of Madaura. The last and best edition
is that by Ackennann in his Pamhiliurn Medica-
mentonnn Scripiores AtUiqui, Norimb. 1788, 8vo.
A short work, " De Ponderibus et Mensuris,"
bearing the name of Appuleius, is to be found at
the end of several editions of Mesue's works.
( Mailer, Biblioth. Botan. ; Choulant, Handbuch der
Bucherkunde fur die Allere Medicin.) [W.A.G.]

APPULEIUS, L. CAECI'LICUS MINU-
TIA'NUS, the author of a work de Orthographia,
of which considerable fragments were first published
by A. Mai in "Juris Civilis Ante-Justinianei Reli-
<iuiae, &c.," Rome, 18'23. They were republished
by Osann, Darmstixdt, 1826, with two other gram-
matical works, de Nota J spiraiiotiis and de Diph-
tltomfis, Avhich also bear the name of Appuleius.
Madvig has shewn {de Apuleii Fraijm. de Orthogr.^
Jlafniae, 1829), that the treatise de Orthographia
is the work of a literax)' impostor of the fifteenth
century. The two other grammatical treatises
above mentioned were probably written in the
tenth century of our aera.

A'PRIES ('ATrpiTjs, 'ATTpfas), a king of Egypt,
the 8th of the 26th (Saite) dynasty, the Pharaoh-
llophra of Scripture (Ixx. Oua^pi?), the Vaphres
(»f Manetho, succeeded his father Psammuthis, B. c.
596. The commencement of his reign was distin-
guished by great success in war. He conquered
Palestine and Phoenicia, and for a short time re-
established the Eg\T)tian influence in Syria, which
had been overthrown by Nebuchadnezzar. He
failed, however, to protect his ally Zedekiah, king
of Jerusalem, from the renewed attack of Nebu-
chadnezzar, who took and destroyed Jerusalem,
(a c. 586.) About the same time, in consequence
of the failure of an expedition which Apries had
sent against Cyrene, his army rebelled and elected
as king Amasis, whom Apries had sent to reconcile
them. The cruelty of Apries to Patarbemis, whom
he had sent to bring back Amasis, and who had
failed in the attempt, exasperated the principal
Egyptians to such a degree, that they deserted
him, leaving hira only to the protection of an
auxiliary force of 30,000 Greeks. With these
and the few Egyptians who remained faithful
to him, Apries encountered Amasis at Momem-
phis, but his army was overpowered by numbers,
and he himself was taken alive. Amasis
treated him for some time with kindness, but
at length, in consequence of the continued miu>
murs of the Egyptians, he suffered him to be
put to death. (Herod. 161, &c., 169, iv. 159;
I)iod. i. 68; Athen. xiii. p. 560; Jerem. xxxviL 5,7,
xliv. 30, xlvi. 26 ; Ezek. xxix. 3 ; Joseph. Ant. x.
9. § 7 ; Amasis.) [P. S.]

APRO'NIUS. 1. C. Apronius, elected one of
the tribunes of the plebs on the abolition of the
decemvirate, B. c. 449. (Liv. iii. 54.)

2. Q. Apronius, the chief of the decum.ini in
Sicily during the government of Verres (b. c. 73 —
71), was one of the most distinguished for rapacity
and wickedness of every kind. (Cic. Ven: ii. 44,
iii. 9, 12, 21, 23.)

APSINES.

2S\

3. L. AnioNius, consul suffectus in a. n. 8
{Fast. Cupil,)^ belonged to the military slafF of
Drusus {coliors Drusi)., when the latter was sent to
quell the revolt of the army in Germany, a, r>. 14.
Apronius tvas sent to Rome with two others to
carry the demands of the mutineers ; and on bis
return to Germany he served under Germanicus,
and is mentioned as one of the Roman generals in
the campaign of a. d. 15. On account of his ser-
vices in this war he obtained the honour of the
triumphal omrunents. (Tac. Ann. L 29, 56, 72.)
He was in Rome in the following year, a. d. 16
(ii. 32) ; and four years afterwards (a. d. 20), he
succeeded Camillus, as proconsul, in the government
of Africa. He carried on the war against Tadari-
nas, and enforced military discipline with great
severity, (iii. 21.) He was subsequently the pro-
praetor of lower Germany, when the Frisii re-
volted, and seems to have lost his life in the war
against them. (iv. 73, compared with xi. 19.)
Apronius had two daughters : one of whom was
married to Plautius Silvanus, and was murdered
by her husband (iv. 22) ; the other was married
to Lentulus Gaetulicus, consul in a. d. 26. (vi.
30.) He had a son, L. Apronius Caesianus, who
accompanied his father to Africa in a. d. 20 (iii.
21), and who was consul for six months with Cali-
gula in A. D. 39. (Dion Cass. lix. 13.)

APRONIA'NUS. 1. C. Vipstanus Apro-
NiANUS, was proconsul of Africa at the accession
of Vespasian, A. D. 70. (Tac. Hist. i. 76.) He
is probably the same Apronianus as the consul of
that name in a. d. 59.

2. Cassius Apronianus, the father of Dion
Cassius, the historian, was governor of Dalmatia
and Cilicia at different periods. Dion Cassius wjis
with his father in Cilicia. (Dion Cass. xlix. 36,
Ixix. 1, Ixxii. 7.) Reimar {de Vita Cassii Dionis
§ 6. p. 1535) supposes, that Apronianus was ad-
mitted into the senate about a. d. 1 80.

3. Apronianus, governor of the province of
Asia, was unjustly condemned to death in his
absence, A. d. 203. (Dion Cass. Ixxvi 8.)

4. Apronianus Astkrus. [Asterius.]
A'PSINES {'^Mv^)s). 1. An Athenian so-
phist, called by Suidas (s. v.; comp. Eudoc. p. 67)
a man worthy of note, and father of Onasimus, but
otherwise unknown.

2. A son of Onasimus, and grandson of Apsines
No. 1, is likewise called an Athenian sophist. It
is not impossible that he may be the Apsines
whose commentary on Demosthenes is mentioned
by Ulpian {ad Demosth. Leptin. p. 1 1 ; comp. Schol.
ad Hermog. p. 402), and who taught rhetoric at
Athens at the time of Aedesius, in the fourth cen-
tury of our era, though this Apsines is called a
Lacedaemonian. (Eunap. VU. Soph. p. 113, ed.
Antwerp. 1568.) This Apsines and his disciples
were hostile to Julianus, a contemporary rhetori-
cian at Athens, and to his school. This enmity grew
so much that Athens in the end found itself in a
state of civil warfare, which required the presence
of a Roman proconsul to suppress. (Eunap. p. 115,
&c.)

3. Of Gadara in Phoenicia, a Greek sophist and
rhetorician, who flourished in the reign of Maxi-
minus, about A. n. 235. He studied at Smyrna
under Heracleides, the Lycian, and jifterwards at
Nicoraedia under ftvsilicus. He subsequently
taught rhetoric at Athens, and distinguished him-
self so much that he was honoured with the con-

252 AQUILA.

Bular dignity. (Siiidas, s. v. ; Tzetzes. Cliil. viii.
Q9Q.) He was a friend of Philostratus ( VU. Soph.
ii. 33. § 4), who praises the strength and fidelity
of his memorj', but is afraid to say more for fear of
being suspected of flattery or partiality. We still
possess two rhetorical works of Apsines : 1. TicpX
ruv fiipcov rod ■koXitikov Xoyov rex^V, which was
first printed by Aldus in his Rhetores Graeci (pp.
682 — 726), under the incorrect title tcx'^V ^Wo-
piidj Trept Trpootn'uaj', as it is called by the Scholiast
on Hermogenes (p. 14, but see p. 297). This
work, however, is only a part of a greater work,
and is so much interpolated that it is scarcely pos-
sible to form a correct notion of it. In some of
the interpolated parts Apsines himself is quoted.
A considerable portion of it was discovered by
Rhunken to belong to a work of Longinus on
rhetoric, which is now lost, and this portion has
consequently been omitted in the new edition of
Walz in his Rhetores Graeci. (ix. p. 465, &c.;
comp. Westermann, Gesclu d. Grieclu Beredtsamk.
§ 98, n. 6.) 2. Ilepl roiv ecxTJAtaTifr/ieVwi/ irpo-
SKrifidTcov, is of little importiince and very short.
It is printed in Aldus' lilietor. Graec. pp. 727-730,
and in Walz. Wietor. Graec. ix. p. 534, A:c. [L.S.]
APSYRTUS or ABSYRTUS (*Ai|/upTos), one
of the principal veterinary surgeons of whom any
remains are still extant, was bom, according to
Suidas («. V.) and Eudocia ( Violar. ap. Villoison,
Anecd. Graeca, vol. i. p. 65), at Prusa or Nico-
media in Bithynia. He is said to have served
under Constantino in his campaign on the Danube,
which is generally supposed to mean that under
Constantine the Great, a. d. 322, but some refer it
to that under Constjintine IV. (or Pogonatus),
A. D. 671. His remains are to be found in the
" Veterinariae Medicinae Libri Duo," first pub-
lished in Latin by J. Ruellius, Paris, 1530, fol.,
and afterwards in Greek by S. Grjmaeus, Basil.
J 537, 4to. Sprengel published a little work en-
titled " Progi-amma de Apsyrto Bithynio," Halae,
1832, 4to. [W. A. G.]

A'PTEROS ('Airrfpos), "the wingless," a sur-
name under which Nice (the goddess of victor}')
had a sanctuary at Athens. This goddess was
usually represented with wings, and their absence
in this instance was intended to signify that Vic-
tory would or could never fly away from Athens.
The same idea was expressed at Sparta by a statue
of Ares with his feet chained. (Paus. i. 22. § 4,
iii. 15. § 5.) [L. S.]

APULEIUS. [Appuleius.]
APU'STIA GENS, had the cognomen Fullo.
The Apustii who bear no cognomen are spoken of
under Apustius. The first member of this gens
who obtained the consulship, was L. Apustius
Fullo, B. c. 226.

APU'STIUS. 1. L. Apustius, the comman-
der of the Roman troops at Tarentum, b. c. 215.
(Liv. xxiii. 38.)

2. L. Apustius, legate of the consul P. Sul-
picius in Macedonia, B. c. 200, was an active
officer in the war against Philip. He was after-
wards a legate of the consul L, Cornelius Scipio,
B. c. 1 90, and was killed in the same year in an
engagement in Lycia. (Liv. xxxi. 27, xxxvii. 4,
16.)

3. P. Apustius, one of the ambassadors sent to
the younger Ptolemy, B. c. 161. (Polyb. xxxii.

A'QUILA {'AKvKas), the translator of the Old

AQUILA.

I Testament into Greek, was a native of Pontus.
Epiphanes (De Fond, et Alem. 15) states, that he
was a relation of the emperor Hadrian, who em-
ployed him in the rebuilding of Jerusalem (Aelia
Capitolina) ; that he was converted to Christianity,
but excommunicated for practising the heathen
astrology; and that he then went over to the
Jews, and was circumcised; but this account is
probably founded only on vague rumours. All
that we know with certainty is, that having been
a heathen he became a Jewish proselyte, and that
he lived in the reign of Hadrian, probably about
130 A. D. (Iren. iii. 24; Euseb. Praep. Evan.
vii. 1 ; Hieron. Ep. ad Pammach, vol. iv. pt. 2,
p. 255, Mart.)

He translated the Old Testament from Hebrew
into Greek, with the purpose of furnishing the
Jews who spoke Greek with a version better fitted
than the Septuagint to sustain them in their op-
position to Christianity. He did not, however, as
some have supposed, falsify or pervert the sense of
the original, but he translated every word, even
the titles, such as Messkik, with the most literal
accuracy. This principle was carried to the utmost
extent in a second edition, which was named «ot*
oKpiSeuiv. The version was very popular with the
Jews, in whose synagogues it was read. {Novell.
146.) It was generally disliked by the Christians ;
but Jerome, though sometimes showing this feel-
ing, at other times speaks most highly of Aquila
and his version. (Quaest. 2, adDamus. iii. p. 35 ;
Epist. ad Marcell. iii. p. 96, ii. p. 312 ; Quaest.
Hcb.in Genes, iii. p. 216 ; Comment, in Jes. c. 8;
Comment, in Hos. c. 2.) The version is also
praised by Origen. {Comment, in Joh. viii. p. 131;
Respons. ad Afi-ican. p. 224.)

Only a few fragments remain, which have been
published in the editions of the Hexapla [Ori-
GKNES],and in Dathe's Opuscula, Lips. 1746. [P. S.]
A'QUILA, JU'LIUS, a Roman knight, sta-
tioned with a few cohorts, in a. d. 50, to protect
Cotys, king of the Bosporus, who had received the
sovereignty after the expulsion of Mithridates. In
the same year, Aquila obtained the praetorian
insignia. (Tac. Ann. xii. 15, 21.)

A'QUILA, JU'LIUS (GALLUS?), a Roman
jurist, from whose liber responsorum two fragments
concerning tuiores are preserved in the Digest. In
the Florentine Index he is named Gallus Aquila,
probably from an error of the scribe in reading
FaKKov for lovMov. This has occasioned Julius
Aquila to be confounded with Aquillius Gallus.
His date is imcertain, though he probably lived
under or before the reign of Septimius Severus,
A. D. 193-8 ; for in Dig. 26. tit. 7, s. 34 he gives
an opinion upon a question which seems to have
been first settled by Severus. (Dig. 27. tit. 3. s. 1.
§3.) By most of the historians of Roman law he
is referred to a later period. He may possibly be
the same person -with. Lucius Julius Aquila, wlio
wrote de Etrusca disciplina, or with that Aquila
who, under Septimius Severus, was praefect of
Egj'pt, and became remarkable by his persecution of
the Christians. (IMajansius, Comm. ad 30 Jurhcon.
Fragm. vol. ii. p. 288 ; Otto, hi Fraef. Tlics. vol.
i. p. 13; Zimmem, Horn. Rechts-Geschklde, vol. i.
§ 103.) [J. T. G.]

A'QUILA, L. PO'NTIUS, tribune of the plebs,
probably in b. c. 45, was the only member of the
college that did not rise to Caesar as he passed by
the tribunes' seats in his triumph. (Suet. Jid. Goes.

AQUILLIA.

7R.) He was one of Caesar's murderers, and after-
wai-ds served as a legate of Brutus at the beginning
of a c. 43 in Cisalpine Gaul. He defeated T.
Munatius Plancus, and drove him out of Pollentia,
but was killed himself in the battle fought against
Antony by Hirtius. He was honoured with a
statue. (Appian, B. C. ii. 113; Dion Cass. xlvi.
38, 40 ; Cic. PhU. xi. 6, xiii. 12, cui Fam. x. 33.)
Pontius Aquila was a friend of Cicero, and is fre-
quently mentioned by him in his letters. {Ad Fam.
V. 2—4, vii. 2, 3.)

A'QUILA ROMA'NUS, a rhetorician, who
lived after Alexander Numenius but before Julius
Rufinianus, probably in the third century after
Christ, the author of a small work intitled, deFiguris
Senteiitiarum et Elocutionis^ which is usually printed
with Rutilius Lupus. The best edition is by
Ruhnken, Lugd. Bat. 1768, reprinted with addi-
tiimal notes by Frotscher, Lips. 1831. Rufinianus
states, that Aquila took the materials of this work
from one of Alexander Niunenius on the same
subject. [See p. 123, a.]

A'QUILA, VE'DIUS, commander of the thir-
teenth legion, one of Otho's generals, was present
in the battle in which Otho's troops were defeated
by those of Vitellius, a. d. 70. He subsequently
espoused Vespasian's par^y. (Tac. Hist, ii.44, iii. 7.)

AQUl'LIA SEVE'RA, JU'LL\, the wife of
the emperor Elagabalus, whom he married after
divorcing his former wife, Paula. This marriage
gave great offence at Rome, since Aquilia was a
vestal virgin; but Elagabalus said that he had
contracted it in order that divine children might
be bom from himself, the pontifex maximus, and a
vestal virgin. Dion Cassius says, that he did not
live with her long ; but that after marrying three
others successively, he again returned to her. It
appears from coins that he could not have married
her before a. d. 221. (Dion Cass. Ixxix. 9 ; Hero-
dian. v. 6 ; Eckhel, vii. p. 259.)

ARACIINE.

253

COIN OF JULIA AQUILIA SKVERA.

AQUILI'NUS, a cognomen of the Herminia
Gens.

1. T. Herminius Aquilinus, one of the heroes
in the lay of the Tarquins, was with M. Horatius
the commander of the troops of Tarquinius Superbus
when he was expelled from the camp. He was
one of the defenders of the Sublician bridge against
the whole force of Porsenna, and took an active
part in the subsequent battle against the Etruscans.
He was consul in B. c. 506, and fell in the battle
of the lake Regillus in 498, in single combat with
Mamilius. (Liv. ii. 10, 11, 20 ; Dionys. iv. 75,
v. 22, 23, 26, 36, vi. 12 ; Plut. Poplic. 16.)

2. Lar Herminius T. f. Aquilinus, Cos.
B. c. 4 48. (Liv. iii. 65 ; Dionys. xi. 51.)

AQ UI'LLIA, whom some had said that Quintus
Cicero, the brother of the orator, intended to marry.
Cicero mentions the report in one of his letters.

B. c. 44, and says, in another, that yonng Quintui
would not endure her us a step-mother, lad AU,
xiv. 13, 17.)

AQUI'LLIA GENS, patrician and plebeian.
On coins and inscriptions the name is almost always
written Aqtii/lius, but in manuscripts generally with
a single /. This gens was of great antiquity. Two
of the Aquillii are mentioned among the Roman
nobles who conspired to bring back the Tarquins
(Liv. ii. 4); and a member of the house, C. Aquil-
lius Tuscus, is mentioned as consul as early as
B. c. 487. The cognomens of the Aquillii under
the republic are Corvus, Crassus, Florus, Gal-
Lus, Tuscus : for those who bear no surname, see
Aquillius.

AQUl'LLIUS. 1. M'. Aquillius, M'.F.M'.N.
Consul B. c. 129, put an end to the war which had
been carried on against Aristonicus, the son of
Eumenes of Pergamus, and which had been almost
terminated by his predecessor, Perpema. On his
return to Rome, he was accused by P. Lentulus of
maladministration in his province, but was acquit-
ted by bribing the judges. (Flor. ii. 20 ; Justin,
xxxvi. 4 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 4 ; Cic. de Nat. Deor. iu 5,
Div. in CaecU. 21 ; Appian, B. C. I 22.) He
obtained a triumph on account of his successes in
Asia, but not till B. c. 126. {Fast. Capitol.)

2. M'. Aquillius M'. f. M'. n., probably a son
of the preceding, consul in B. c. 101, conducted the
war against the slaves in Sicily, who had a second
time revolted under Athenion. Aquillius com-
pletely subdued the insurgents, and triumphed on
his return to Rome in 100. (Florus, iii. 19 ; Liv.
Epii^ 69; Diod. xxxvi. Eel. 1 ; Cic. in Verr. iii. 54,
v. 2 ; Fast. Capitol.) In 98, he was accused by
L. Fufius of maladministration in Sicily ; he was
defended by the orator M. Antonius, and, though
there were strong proofs of his guilt, was acquitted
on account of his bravery in the war. (Cic. Brut,
52, de Off. ii. 14, proFlacc. 39, de Orat. ii. 28, 47.)
In B. c. 88, he went into Asia as one of the con-
sular legates to prosecute the war against Mithri-
dates and his allies. He was defeated near Proto-
stachium, and was afterwards delivered up to
Mithridates by the inhabitants of Mytilene. ^lith-
ridates treated him in the most barbarous manner,
and eventually put him to death by pouring molten
gold down his throat. (Appian, Mithr. 7, 19, 21 ;
Liv. Epit. 77; Veil. Pat. ii. 18; Cic pro Leg.
Man. 5 ; Athen. v. p. 213, b.)

AQUl'LLIUS JULIA'NUS. [Julianus.J

AQUl'LLIUS RE'GULUS. [Rkgulus.]

AQUl'LLIUS SEVE'RUS. [Severus.]

AQUI'NIUS, a very inferior poet, a contem-
porarv of Catullus and Cicero. (CatuU. xiv. 18;
Cic. Tusc. V. 22.)

M. AQUI'NIUS, a Pompcian, who took part
in the African war against Caesar. After the do-
feat of the Pompeians, he was pardoned by Caesar,
B. c. 47. {De Bell. Afric. 57, 89.)

ARABIA'NUS ('Apogiavij), an eminent Chris-
tian writer, about 196 a. d., composed some books
on Christian doctrine, which are losL (Euseb. //.
E. V. 27 ; Hieron. de Vir. lUust. c. 51.) [P. S.]

ARA'BIUS SCHOLA'STICUSCAp<£gjoj 2xo-
AooTtK^s), the author of seven epigrams in the
Greek Anthology, most of which are upon works
of art, lived probably in the reign of Justinian.
(Jacobs, xiii. p. 856.) [P. S.J

ARACHNE, a Lydian maiden, daughter of
I Idmon of Colophon, who was a ^ous dyer in

254

ARAROS.

purple. His daughter was greatly skilled in the
art of weaA'ing, and, proud of her failent, she even
ventured to challenge Athena to compete with her.
Arachne produced a piece of cloth in which the
amours of the gods were woven, and as Athena
could find no fault with it, she tore the work to
pieces, and Arachne in despair hung herself. The
goddess loosened the rope and saved her life, but
the rope was changed into a cobweb and Arachne
herself into a spider (dpdxvn)-, the animal most
odious to Athena. (Ov. Met. vi. 1 — 145; Virg.
Georg. iv. 246.) This fable seems to suggest the
idea that man learnt the art of weaving from the
spider, and that it was invented in Lydia. [L. S.]
ARAETHY'REA {'ApaiOvpea), a daughter of
Aras, an autochthon who was believed to have
built Arantea, the most ancient tOAvn in Phliasia.
She had a brother called Aoris, and is said to have
been fond of the chase and warlike pursuits. When
she died, her brother called the country of Phliasia
after her Araethvrea. (Hom. //. ii. 571 ; Strab. viii.
p. 382.) She was the mother of Phlias. The
monuments of Araethyrea and her brother, consist-
ing of round pillars, were still extant in the time of
Pausanias ; and before the mysteries of Demeter
were commenced at Phlius, the people always in-
voked Aras and his two children with their faces
turned towards their monuments. (Pans. ii. 12.
§§ 4-6.) [L. S.]

A'RACUS ("ApaKos), Ephor, b.c. 409, (HeU.
ii. 3. § 10,) was appointed admiral of the Lace-
daemonian fleet in B. c. 405, with Lysander for
vice-admiral (eTrio-ToAeus), who was to have the
real power, but who had not the title of admiral
(vavdpxos), because the laws of Sparta did not
allow the same person to hold this office twice.
(Plut. Li/c. 7 ; Xen. HeU. ii. 1. § 7 ; Diod. xiii.
100 ; Pans. x. 9. § 4.) In 398 he was sent into
Asia as one of the commissioners to inspect the
state of things there, and to prolong the command
of Dercyllidas (iii. 2. § 6) ; and in 369 he was
one of the ambassadors sent to Athens, (vi. 5.
§ 33, where "ApoKos should be read instead of
"Aparos.)

ARACY'NTHIAS {'ApaKweids), a surname of
Aphrodite, derived from mount AracjTithus, the
position of which is a matter of uncertainty, and
on which she had a temple. (Rhianus, ap. Steph.
Byz. s.v. 'ApaKvvdos.) [L. S.]

ARA'RSIUS, PATRI'CIUS {UarpiKm'Apdp-
(TLOs), a Christian writer, was the author of a
discourse in Greek entitled Oceanus., a passage out
of which, relating to Meletius and Arius, is quoted
in the Sjinodicon Vettis (32, ap. Fabric. BiOl. Graec.
xii. p. 369). The title of this fragment is Uarpi-
k'iov 'ApapfTiov Tov (xaKapos, €K rov \6yov avTOv
rov 4mKeyoix€vov TlKeavov. Nothing more is
known of the writer. [P. S.]

ARA'ROS {'Apapcis), an Athenian comic poet
of the middle comedy, was the son of Aristophanes,
who first introduced him to public notice as the
principal actor in the second Flutus (b. c. 388), the
last play which he exhibited in his own name : he
wrote two more comedies, the KwKaKos and the
AioXoff'iKuv, which were brought out in the name
of Araros {Arc/, ad Plut. iv. Bekker), probabl}'
very soon after the above date. Araros first ex-
hibited in his own name B. c. 375. (Suidas, s. v.)
Suidas mentions the following as his comedies :
Kajvcus, Kafnrvhiuiv., Tlavos yovai, 'Tftevatos, "ASw-
vis, UapdeyiSiov. All that we know of his dramatic

ARATUS.

character is contained in the following passage of
Alexis (Athen. iii p. 123, e.), who, however, was
his rival :

Kol yap fiovKofjuxi
SdarSs ae yeOaai ' -irpayixa 5* iffri fioi (J.eya
(()p4aTos evSov ^vxponpov 'Apaporos. [P.S.]
ARAS. [Araethyrea.]
ARASPES ('Apao-TTT/s), a Mede, and a friend
of the elder Cyrus from his youth, contends with
Cyrus that love has no power over him, but shortly
afterwards refutes himself by falling in love with
Pantheia, whom Cyrus had committed to his
charge. [Abradatas.] He is afterwards sent
to Croesus as a deserter, to inspect the condition of
the enemy, and subsequently commands the right
wing of Cyrus' army in the battle with Croesus.
(Xen. Ct/r. v. 1. § 1, 8, &c., vi. 1. § 36, &c., 3.
§ 14, 21.)

ARA'TUS ("ApoTos), of Sicyon, lived from
b. c. 271 to 213. The life of this remarkable
man, as afterwards of Philopoemen and Lycortas,
was devoted to an attempt to unite the several
Grecian states together, and by this uniofi to assert
the national independence against the dangers with
which it was threatened by Macedonia and Rome.
Aratus was the son of Cleinias, and was bom
at Sicyon, B. c. 271. On the murder of his father
by Abantidas [Abantidas], Aratns was saved
from the general extirpation of the family by Soso,
his uncle's widow, who conveyed him to Argos,
where he was brought up. When he had reached
the age of twenty, he gained possession of his
native city by the help of some Argians, and the
cooperation of the remainder of his party in Sicyon
itself, without loss of life, and deprived the usurper
Nicocles of hi« power, B. c. 251. (Corap. Polyb.
iL 43.)

Through the influence of Aratus, Sicyon now
joined the Achaean league, and Aratus himself
sailed to Egypt to obtain Ptolemy's alliance, in
which he succeeded. In b. c. 245 he was elected
general ((rTpaTriy6i) of the league, and a second
time in 243. In the latter of these years he took
the citadel of Corinth from the Macedonian gar-
rison, and induced the Corinthian people to join
the league. It was chiefly through his instru-
mentality that Megara, Troezen, Epidaurus, Argos,
Cleonae, and Megalopolis, were soon afterwards
added to it. It was about this time that the
Aetolians, who had made a plundering expedition
into Peloponnesus, were stopped by Aratus at
Pellene (Polyb. iv. 8), being surprised at the sack
of that town, and 700 of their number put to the
sword. But at this very thne, at which the power
of the league seemed most secure, the seeds of its
ruin were laid. The very prospect, which now
for the first time opened, of the hitherto scattered
powers of Greece being united in the league,
awakened the jealousj' of Aetolia, and of Cleomenes,
who was too read}' to have a pretext for war.
[Cleomenes.] Aratus, to save the league from this
danger, contrived to win the alliance of Antigonus
Doson, on the condition, as it afterwards appeared,
of the surrender of Corinth. Ptolemy, as might be
expected, joined Cleomenes ; and in a succession
of actions at Lj'caeum, Megalopolis, and Hecatom-
baeum, near Dyme, the Achaeans were well nigh
destroyed. By these Aratus lost the confidence of.
the people, who passed a public censure on his con-
duct, and Sparta was placed at the head of a con-
federacy, fully able to dictate to the whole of Greece,

\

ARATUS.
— ^Troezon, Epldaunis, Argos, Ifermione, Pellenc,
Caphyae, Phlius, Pheneus, and Corinth, in which
the Achaeian garrison kept only the citadel. —
It was now necessary to call on Antigonus for
the promised aid. Permission to pass through
Aetolia having been refused, he embarked his
army in transports, and, sailing by Euboea, land-
ed his army near the isthmus, while Cleomenes
was occupied with the siege of Sicyon. (Polyb.
ii. 52.) The latter immediately raised the siege,
and hastened to defend Corinth ; but no sooner
was he engaged there, than Aratus, by a master-
stroke of policy, gained the assistance of a party in
Argos to place the Lacedaemonian garrison in a
state of siege. Cleomenes hastened thither, leaving
Corinth in the hands of Antigonus ; but arriving too
late to take effectual measures against Aratus,
while Antigonus was in his rear, he retreated to
Mantineia and thence home. Antigonus mean-
while was by Aratus' influence elected general of
the league, and made Corinth and Sicj'^on his
winter quarters. What hope was there now left
that the great design of Aratus' life could be ac-
complished,— to unite all the Greek governments
into one Greek nation ? Henceforward the caprice
of the Macedonian monarch was to regulate the
relations of the powers of Greece. The career of
Antigonus, in which Aratus seems henceforward
to have been no further engaged than as his
adviser and guide, ended in the great battle of
Sellasia (b. c. 22 2), in which the Spartan power
was for ever put down. Philip succeeded Anti-
gonus in the throne of Macedon (b. c. 221), and it
was his policy during the next two years (from
221 to 219 B. c.) to make the Achaeans feel how
dependent they were on him. This period is ac-
cordingly taken up with incursions of the Aetolians,
the unsuccessful opposition of Aratus, and the trial
which followed. The Aetolians seized Clarium,
a fortress near Megalopolis (Polyb. iv. 6.), and
thence made their plundering excursions, till
Timoxenus, general of the league, took the place
and drove out the garrison. As the time for the ex-
piration of Aratus' office arrived, the Aetolian gene-
rals Dorimachus and Scopas made an attack on
Pharae and Patrae, and carried on their ravages up
to the borders of Messene, in the hope that
no active measures would be taken against them
till the commander for the following year was
chosen. To remedy this, Aratus anticipated
his command five days, and ordered the troops of
the league to assemble at Megalopolis. The Aeto-
lians, finding his force superior, prepared to quit
the country, when Aratus, thinking his object
sufficiently accomplished, disbanded the chief part
of his army, and marched with about 4000 to
Patrae. The Aetolians turned round in pursuit,
arid encamped at Methydrium, upon which Aratus
changed his position to Caphyae, and in a battle,
which began in a skirmish of cavalry to gain some
high ground advantageous to both positions, was
entirely defeated and his army nearly destroyed.
The Aetolians marched home in triumph, and
Anitus was recalled to take his trial on several
charges, — assuming the command before his legal
time, disbanding his troops, unskilful conduct in
choosing the time and place of action, and careless-
ness in the action itself. He was acquitted, not
on the ground that the charges were untnie, but
in consideration of his past services. For some time
after this the Aetolians continued thcii- invasions,

ARATUS.

2.W

and Aratus was unable effectually to check them,
till at last Philip took the field as commander of
the allied army. The six remaining years of Aratua*
life are a mere history of intrigues, by which at dif-
ferent times his influence was more or less shaken
with the king. At first he was entirely set aside ;
and this cannot be wondered at, when his object
was to unite Greece as an independent nation,
while Philip wished to unite it as subject to him-
self. In B. c. 218, it appears that Aratus re-
gained his influence by an exposure of the treachery
of his opponents ; and the effects of his presence
were shewn in a victory gained over the combined
forces of the Aetolians, Eleans, and Lacedaemo-
nians, In B.C. 217 Aratus was the 17th time chosen
general, and every thing, so far as the security of
the leagued states was concerned, prospered ; but
the feelings and objects of the two men were so
different, that no unity was to be looked for, so soon
as the immediate object of subduing certain states
was effected. The story told by Plutarch, of his
advice to Philip about the garrisoning of Ithome,
would probably represent well the general tendency
of the feeling of these two men. In b. c. 213 ha
died, as Plutarch and Polybius both say (Polyb.
viii, 14; Plut. Arat. 52), from the effect of poison
administered by the king's order. Divine honours
were paid to him by his countrymen, and annual
solemnities established. {Diet of Ant s. v. 'Apd-
Teia.) Aratus wrote Commentaries, being a his-
tory of his own times down to b. c. 220 (Polyb.
iv. 2), which Polybius characterises as clearly
written and faithful records, (ii. 40.) The great-
ness of Aratus lay in the steadiness with which
he pursued a noble purpose, — of uniting the
Greeks as one nation ; the consummate ability
with which he guided the elements of the
storm which raged about him ; and the zeal
which kept him true to his object to the end,
when a different conduct would have secured to
him the greatest personal advantage. As a gene-
ral, he was unsuccessful in the open field ; but for
success in stratagem, which required calculation
and dexterity of the first order, unrivalled. The
leading object of his life was noble in its concep-
tion, and, considering the state of Macedon and of
Egj-pt, and more especially the existence of a con-
temporary with the virtues and abilities of Cleo-
menes, ably conducted. Had he been supported in
his attempt to raise Greece by vigour and purity,
such as that of Cleomenes in the cause of Sparta,
his fate might have been different. As it was, he
left his country surrounded by difficulty and dan-
ger to the guiding hand of Philopoemen and Lycor-
tas. (Plut. Aratus and A(/i^ ; Polyb. ii. iv. vii.
viii.) [C. T. A.]

ARA'TUS C'ApoToy), author of two Greek
astronomical poems. The date of his birth is not
known ; but it seems that he lived about B. c.
270 ; it is probable, therefore, that the death of
Euclid and the birth of Apollonius Pergaeus hap-
pened during his life, and that he was contempo-
rary with Aristarchus of Samos, and Theocritus,
who mentions him. {Idyll, vi. and vii.)

There are several accounts of his life by anony-
mous Greek writers : three of them are printed in
the 2nd vol. of Ruble's Aratus, and one of the
same in the Uranologium of Petavius. Suidas and
Eudocia also mention him. From these it appears
that he was a native of Soli (afterwards Pompeio-
polis) in Cilicia, or (according to one authority) of

256 ARATUS.

Tarsus ; tliat he was invited to the court of An-
tigonus Gonatas, king of Macedonia, where he
spent all the latter part of his life ; and that his
chief pursuits were physic (which is also said to
have been his profession), grammar, and philoso-
phy, in which last he was instructed \)y the Stoic
Dionysius Heracleotes.

Several poetical works on various subjects, as
well as a number of prose epistles, are attributed
to Aratus (Buhle, vol. il p. 455), but none of
them have come down to us, except the two poems
mentioned above. These have generally been
joined together as if parts of the same work ;
but they seem to be distinct poems. The first,
called ^aij/o/xco, consists of 732 verses ; the
second, Aioar],ui7a (Prognostica), of 4'22. Eudoxus,
about a centur}'^ earlier, had written two prose
works, ^aivofifua and "Evoirrpov, which are both
lost ; but we are told by the biographers of Ara-
tus, that it was the desire of Antigonus to have
them turned into verse, which gave rise to the
^aivoixeua of the latter writer ; and it appears from
the fragments of them preserved by Hipparchus
(Petav. Uranolog. p. 173, &c., ed. Paris. 1630),
that Aratus has in fact versified, or closely imi-
tated parts of them both, but especially of the first.
The design of the poem is to give an introduction
to the knowledge of the constellations, with the
rules for their risings and settings ; and of the
circles of the sphere, amongst which the milky
way is reckoned. The positions of the constella-
tions, north of the ecliptic, are described by re-
ference to the principal groups surrounding the
north pole (the Bears, the Dragon, and Cepheus),
whilst Orion serves as a point of departure for
those to the south. The immobility of the earth,
and the revolution of the heavens about a fixed
axis are maintained ; the path of the sun in the
zodiac is described ; but the planets are intro-
duced merely as bodies hanng a motion of their
own, without any attempt to define their periods ;
nor is anything said about the moon's orbit. The
opening of the poem asserts the dependence of all
things upon Zeus, and contains the passage
rod yap koL yhos ea-fiev, quoted by St. Paul
(Aratus' fellow-countryman) in his address to the
Athenians. {Acts xvii. 28.) From the general
want of precision in the descriptions, it would
seem that Aratus was neither a mathematician nor
observer (comp. Cic. de Oral. i. 16) or, at any
rate, that in this work he did not aim at scientific
accuracy. He not onl}- represents the configura-
tions of particular groups incorrecth', but describes
some phaenomena which are inconsistent with
any one supposition as to the latitude of the spec-
tator, and others which could not coexist at any
one epoch. (See the article Aratus in the. Penny
Cydojxiedia.) These errors are partly to be attri-
buted to Eudoxus himself, and partly to the way
in which Aratus has used the materials supplied
by him, Hipparchus (about a centurj- later), who
was a scientific astronomer and observer, has left a
commentary upon the ^aiuSfieva of Eudoxus and
Aratus, occasioned by the discrepancies which he
had noticed between his own observations and
their descriptions.

The Aiocr-nfjLcia consists of prognostics of the
weather from astronomical phaenomena, with an
account of its eiTects upon animals. It appears to
be an imitation of Hesiod, and to have been imi-
tiitiMl by Virgil in some parts of the Georgics.

ARBORIUS.

The materials are said to be taken almost wholly
from Aristotle's ^Meteorologica, from the work of
Theophrastus, " De Signis Ventorum," and from
Hesiod. (Buhle, vol. ii. p. 471.) Nothing is said
in either poem about Astrology in the proper sense
of the word.

The style of these two poems is distinguished by
the elegance and accuracy resulting from a study
of ancient models ; but it wants originality and
poetic elevation ; and variety of matter is excluded
by the nature of the subjects. (See Quintil. x.. 1.)
That they became very popular both in the Grecian
and Roman world (comp. Ov. Am. i. 15. 16) is
proved by the number of commentaries and Latin
translations. The Introduction to the iaivon^va
by Achilles Tatius, the Commentary of Hippar-
chus in three books, and another attributed by
Petavius to Achilles Tatius, are printed in the
Uranologium, with a list of other Commentators
(p. 267), which includes the names of Aristarchus,
Geminus, and Eratosthenes. Parts of three
poetical Latin translations are preserved. One
written by Cicero when very young (Cic. de Nat.
Deor. ii. 41), one by Caesar Germanicus, the
grandson of Augustus, and one by Festus Avienus.
The earliest edition of Aratus is that of Aldus.
(Ven. 1499, fol.) The principal later ones are by
Grotius (Lugd. Bat. 1600, 4to.), Buhle (Lips. 1793,
1801, 2 vols, ovo., with the three Latin versions),
Matthiae (Franco£ 1817, 8vo.), Voss (Heidelb.
1824, 3vo., with a German poetical version), Butt-
mann (Berol. 1826, 8vo.), and Bekker. (Berol.
1828, 8vo.)

(Fabric. Bill. Graec. vol. iv. p. 87 ; Schaubach,
Gesch. d. griech. Astronoinie, p. 215, &c. ; Delambre,
Hist, de VAstron. Ancknne.) [W. F. D.]

ARA'TUS CApoTos), of Cnidus, the author of
a history of Eg^'pt. (Anonym. Vit. Aral.)

ARBACES X^A-pSiK-ns). 1. The founder of the
Median empire, according to the account of Ctesias
(ap. Diod. ii. 24, &c., 32). He is said to have
taken Nineveh in conjunction with Belesis, the
Babylonian, and to have destroyed the old Assyrian
empire under the reign of Sardanapalus, b. c. 876.
Ctesias assigns 28 years to the reign of Arbaces,
B. c. 876 — 848, and makes his dynasty consist of
eight kings. This account differs from that of
Herodotus, who makes Deioces the first king of
Media, and assigns only four kings to his dynasty.
[Deioces.] Ctesias' account of the overthrow of
the Assyrian empire by Arbaces is followed by
Velleius Paterculus (i. 6), Justin (i. 3), and Strabo.
(xvi. p. 737.)

2. A commander in the army of Artaxerxes,
which fought against his brother Cyrus, b. c. 401.
He was satrap of Media. (Xen. Anab. i. 7. § 12-
vii. 8. § 25.)

A'RBITER, PETRO'NIUS. [Petronius
Arbiter.]

ARBO'RIUS, AEMI'LIUS MAGNUS, the
author of a poem in ninety-two lines in elegiac
verse, entitled " Ad Nympham nimis cultam,'*
which contains a great many expressions taken
fiom the older poets, and bears all the traces of the
artificial labour which characterizes the later Latin
poetry. It is printed in the Anthology of Bur-
mann (iii. 275) and Meyer {Ep. 262), and in
Wemsdorf's Poet. Lai. Minor, (iii. p. 217.) The
author of it was a rhetorician at Tolosa in Gaul,
the maternal uncle of Ausonius, who speaks of him
with great praise, and mentioi^s that he enjoyed

ARCADIUS.

the friendship of the brothers of Constantine, when
they lived at Tolosa, and was afterwards called to
Constantinople to superintend the education of one
of the Caesars. ( Auson. Parent, iii.. Profess, xvi.)

A'RBIUS ("A/jgtos), a surname of Zeus, derived
from mount Arbijs in Crete, where he was wor-
shipped. (Steph. Byz. s. v. "ApSis.) [L. S.]

AIIBU'SCULA, a celebrated female actor in
Pantomimes, whom Cicero speaks of in B. c. 54
as having given him great pleasure. {Ad Alt. iv.
15; Hor. Seinn. \. 10. 76.)

ARCA'DIUS, emperor of the East, was the
elder of the two sons of the emperor Theodosius I.
and the empress Flaccilla, and was born in Spain
in A. D. 383. Themistius, a pagan philosopher,
and afterwards Ai-senius, a Christian sjiint, con-
ducted his education. As early as 395, Theodosius
conferred upon him the title of Augustus; and,
upon the death of his father in the same year, he
became emperor of the East, while the West was
given to his younger brother, Honorius ; and with
him begins the series of emperors who reigned at
Constantinople till the capture of the city by the
Turks in 1453. Arcadius had inherited neither
the talents nor the manly beauty of his father ; he
was ill-shapen, of a small stature, of a swarthy
complexion, and without either physical or intel-
lectual vigour ; his only accomplishment was a
beautiful handwriting. Docility was the chief
quality of his character ; others, women or eunuchs,
reigned for him ; for he had neither the power to
have his own will, nor even passion enough to
make others obey his whims. Rufinus, the prae-
fect of the East, a man capable of every crime, had
been appointed by Theodosius the guardian of
Arcadius, while Stilicho became guardian of Hono-
rius. Rufinus intended to marry his daughter to
the young emperor, but the eunuch Eutropius ren-
dered this plan abortive, and contrived a marriage
between Arcadius and Eudoxia, the beautiful
daughter of Bauto, a Frank, who was a general in
the Roman army. Exposed to the rivalship of
Eutropius, as well as of Stilicho, who pretended to
the guardianship over Arcadius also, Rufinus was
accused of having caused an invasion of Greece by
Alaric, chief of the Goths, to whom he had neg-
lected to pay the annual tribute. His fall was
the more easy, as the people, exasperated by the
nipacity of the minister, held him in general exe-
cration ; and thus Rufinus was murdered as early
as 3.95 by order of the Goth Gainas, who acted on
the command of Stilicho. His successor as mi-
nister was Eutropius, and the emperor was a mere
tool in the hands of his eunuch, his wife, and his
general, Gainas. They declared Stilicho an enemy of
the empire, confiscated his estates within the limits
of the Eastern empire, and concluded an alliance
with Alaric, for the purpose of preventing Stilicho
from marching upon Constantinople. (397.) After
this, Eutropius was invested with the dignities of
consul and general-in-chief, — the first eunuch in
the Roman empire who had ever been honoured
with those titles, but who was unworthy of them,
being as ambitious and rapacious as Rufinus.

The fall of Eutropius took place under the fol-
lowing circumstances. Tribigildus, the chief of a
portion of the Goths who had been transplanted to
Phrj-gia, rose in rebellion, and the disturbances
became so dangerous, that Gainas, who was per-
haps the secret instigator of them, ad\'ised the em-
peror to settle this affair in a friendly way. No

ARCADIUS.

257

sooner was Tribigildus infonncd of it, than he dt--
manded the head of Eutropius before he would
enter into negotiations ; and the ernperor, per-
suaded by Eudoxia, gave up his minister. St.
Chrysostom, afraid of Arianism, pleaded the cause
of Eutropius, but in vain ; the minister was ba-
nished to Cyprus, and soon afterwards beheaded.
(399.) Upon this, the Goths left Phrygia and
returned to Europe, where they stayed partly in
the neighbourhood of Constantinople, and partly
within the walls of the city. Gainas, after having
ordered the Roman troops to leave the capital, de-
manded liberty of divine service for the Goths,
who were Arians ; and as St. Chrysostom energe-
tically opposed such a concession to heresy, Gainas
tried to set fire to the imperial palace. But the
people of Constantinople took up arms, and Gainas
was forced to evacuate the city with those of the
Goths who had not been slain by the inhabitants.
Crossing the Bosporus, he suffered a severe defeat
by the imperial fleet, and fled to the banks of the
Danube, where he was killed by the Huns, who
sent his head to Constantinople.

After his fall the incompetent emperor became
entirely dependent upon his wife Eudoxia, who
assumed the title of " Augusta," the empress
hitherto having only been styled " Nobilissima."
Through her influence St. Chrysostom was exiled
in 404, and popular troubles preceded and follow-
ed his fall. As to Arcadiiis, he was a sincere
adherent of the orthodox church. He confirmed
the laws of his father, which were intended for its
protection ; he interdicted the public meetings of
the heretics ; he purged his palace from heretical
officers and servants ; and in 396 he ordered that
all the buildings in which the heretics used to hold
their meetings should be confiscated. During his
reign great numbers of pagans adopted the Chris-
tian religion. But his reign is stigmatized by a
cruel and unjust law concerning high treason, the
work of Eutropius, which w.as issued in 397. By
this law, which was a most tyrannical extension of
the Lex Julia Majestatis, the principal civil and
military officers of the emperor were identified
with his sacred person, and offences against them,
either by deeds or by thoughts, were punished as
crimes of high treason. (Cod. ix. tit. 8. s. 5 ; Cod.
Theod. ix. tit. 14. s. 3.) Arcadius died on the 1st
of May, 408, leaving the empire to his son Theo-
dosius II., who was a minor. (Cedrenus, vol. i.
pp. 574 — 586, ed. Bonn, pp. 327 — 334, ed. Paris ;
Socrates, Hist. Eccles. v. 10, vi. pp. 272, 305—344,
ed. Reading ; Sozomenes, viii. pp. 323 — 363; Theo-
phanes, pp. 63 — QQ^ ed. Paris; Theodoret. v.
32, &c., p. 205, ed. Vales. ; Chrysostom. (cura
Montfaucon, 2nd ed. Paris, in 4to.) Epistokte ad
Innoceutium Papain, &c. vol. iii. pp.613 — 629;
Vita Chiysostomi, my oiLxiii.; Claudianus.) [W.P.J

COIN OF ARCALIUS.

ARCA'DIUS, bishop of Constantia in Cjprtis,
wrote a life of Simeon Stylita the younger, but-

2n8

ARC ATI! IAS.

named Thainimstoiita, several passages from whicli
are quoted in the Acts of the second council of
Nice. A few other works, which exist in MS.,
are ascribed to him. (Fabric. Dih. Graec. xi. pp.
578, 579, xii. p. 179.) Cave {Diss, de Script
luccrt. Aet. p. 4) places him before the eighth
centurj'. [P. S.]

ARCA'DIUS ('ApKaSjos) of Antioch, a Greek
grammarian of uncertain date, but who did not
live before 200 A. D., was the author of several
grammatical works, of which Suidas mentions
HepX dpQoypa(pi.as^ Ilepl avvTa^^us. twu tov Xoyov
/.icpwv, and 'OvofiacTTiKov. A work of his on the
accents {TJepl t6vuv) has come down to us, and
was first published by Barker from a manuscript
at Paris. (Leipzig, 1820.) It is also included in
the first volume of Dindorfs GramcU. Graec. Lips.
1823.

ARCAS (''ApK-as). 1. The ancestor and epony-
mic hero of the Arcadians, from whom the country
and its inhabitants derived their name. He was a
son of Zeus by Callisto, a companion of Artemis.
After the death or the metamorphosis of his mother
[Callisto], Zeus gave the child to Maia, and
called him Areas. (ApoUod. iii. 8. § 2.) Areas
became afterwards by Leaneira or Meganeira the
father of Elatus and Apheidas. (Apollod. iii. 9. § 1.)
According to Hyginus {Fab. 176, Poet. Astr. ii. 4)
Areas was the son of Lycaon, whose flesh the fa-
ther set before Zeus, to try his divine character.
Zeus upset the table {rpdmi^a) which bore tlie
dish, and destroyed the house of Lycaon by light-
ning, but restored Areas to life. When Areas had
gro^vn up, he built on the site of his father's house
the town of Trapezus. When Areas once during
the chase pursued his mother, who was metamor-
phosed into a she-bear, as far as the sanctuary of
the Lycaean Zeus, which no mortal was allowed to
enter, Zeus placed both of them among the stars.
(Ov. Alet ii. 410, &c.) According to Pausanias
(viii. 4. § 1, &c.). Areas succeeded Nyctimus in
the government of Arcadia, and gave to the coun-
try which imtil then had been called Pelasgia the
name of Arcadia. He taught his subjects the arts
of making bread and of weaving. He was married
to the nymph Erato, by whom he had three sons,
Elatus, Apheidas, and Azan, among whom he di-
vided his kingdom. He had one illegitimate son,
Autolaus, whose mother is not mentioned. The
tomb of Areas was shewTi at jNIantineia, whither
his remains had been carried from mount Maenalus
at the command of the Delphic oracle. (Pans. viii.
9. § 2.) Statues of Areas and his family were de-
dicated at Delphi by the inhabitants of Tegea. (x.
9. § 3.)

2. A surname of Hermes. (Lucan, Phars. ix.
661 ; Martial, ix. 34. 6 ; Hermes.) [L. S.]

ARCA'THIAS {'ApKadias), a son of Mithri-
dates, joined Neoptolemus and Archelaus, the
generals of his father, with 10,000 horse, which he
brought from the lesser Armenia, at the com-
mencement of the war Avith the Romans, B. c. 88.
He took an active part in the great battle fought
near the river Amneiiis or Amnias (see Strab. xii.
p. 562) in Paphlagonia, in which Nicomedes, the
king of Bithynia, was defeated. Two years after-
wards, B. c. 86, he invaded ^lacedonia with a
ceparate anny, and completely conquered the coun-
try. He then proceeded to march against Sulla,
but died on the way at Tidaeum (Potidaea y)
(Appian. Mithr. 17, 18, 35, 41.)

ARCESILAUS.

ARCE {^ApKT]), a daughter of Thaumas and sis-
ter of Iris, who in the contest of the gods with
the Titans sided with the latter. Zeus afterwards
punished her for this by throwing her into Tartarus
and depriving her of her wings, which were given
to Thetis at her marriage with Peleus. Thetis
afterwards fixed these wings to the feet of her son
Achilles, who was therefore called TroSap/crjs. (Pto-
lem. Hephaest. 6.) [L. S.]

ARCEISI'ADES ('ApKeto-ta'STjs), a patronymic
from Arceisius, the father of Laertes, who as well
as his son Odysseus are designated by the name of
Arceisiades. (Horn. Od. xxiv. 270, iv. 755.) [L. S.J
ARCEISIUS {'ApKei(Tios), a son of Zeus and
Euryodia, husband of Chalcomedusa and father of
Laertes. (Hom. Od. xiv. 182, xvi, 118; Apollod.
i. 9. § 16 ; Ov. Mel. xiii. 145 ; Eustath, ad Hom.
p. 1796.) According to Hyginus {Fab. 189), he
was a son of Cephalus and Procris, and according
to others, of Cephalus and a she-bear. (Eustatli.
ad Horn, p, 1961, conip. p. 1756.) [L. S.]

ARCEOPHON CApKeocbuy), a son of Minnj--
rides of Salamis in Cyprus. Antoninus Libenilis
(39) relates of him and Arsinoe precisely the same
story which Ovid {Met. xiv. 698, &c.) relates of
Anaxarete and Iphis. [Anaxarete.] [L. S.]
ARCESILAUS {'ApKeariKaos), a son of Lycus
and Theobule, was the leader of the Boeotians in
the Trojan war. He led his people to Troy in ten
ships, and was slain by Hector. (Hom. //. ii. 495,
XV. 329 ; Hygin. Fab. 97.) According to Pausa-
nias (ix. 39. § 2) his remains were brought back
to Bocotia, where a monimient was erected to his
memory in the neighbourhood of Lebadeia. A son
of Odysseus and Penelope of the name of Arcesi-
laus is mentioned by Eustathius. {Ad Hom. p.
1796.) [L- S.j

ARCESILA'US ('Ap/ceo-fAoos). 1. The name
of four kings of Cyrene. [Battus and Bat-

TIADAE.]

2. The murderer of Archagathus, the son of
Agathocles, when the latter left Africa, b. c, 307.
Arcesilaus had formerly been a friend of Agathocles.
(Justin, xxii. 8 ; Agathocles, p. 64.)

3. One of the ambassadors sent to Rome by the
Lacedaemonian exiles about B. c. 183, who was
intercepted by pirates and killed. (Polyb. xxiv. 11.)

4. Of Megalopolis, was one of those who dis-
suaded the Achaean league from assisting Perseus
in the war against the Romans in B. c. 170. In
the following years he was one of the ambassadors
sent by the league to attempt the reconciliation of
Antiochus Epiphanes and Ptolemy. (Polyb. xxviii.
6, xxix. 10.)

ARCESILA'US ('ApKeo-rAaos) or ARCESILAS,
the founder of the new Academ}-, flourished towards
the close of the third century before Christ. (Comp.
Strab. i. p.l 5.) He was the son of Scuthes or Scythes
(Diog. Laert. iv. 18), and born at Pitane in Aeolis.
His early education was entrusted to Autolycus, a
mathematician, with whom he migrated to Sardis.
Afterwards, at the wish of his elder brother and
guardian, Moireas, he came to Athens to study
rhetoric ; but becoming the disciple first of Theo-
phrastus and afterwards of Crantor, he found his
inclination led to philosophical pursuits. Not con-
tent, however, with any single school, he left his
early masters and studied under sceptical and dialec-
tic philosophers ; and the line of Ariston upon him,
np6ad^ UKaTuv, onidev Tlvppwv, fxiccros AiSdwpoi-^
described the course of his early education, as well

1

ARCESILAUS.

as the discordant character of some of his later
views. He was not without reputation as a poet,
and Diogenes Laertius (iv. 30) has preserved two
epigrams of his, one of which is addressed to Atta-
ins, king of Pergamus, and records his admir-
ation of Homer and Pindar, of whose works he
was an enthusiastic reader. Several of his puns and
witticisms have been preserved in his life by the
same writer, which give the idea of an accomplished
man of the world rather than a gmve philosopher.
Many traits of character are also recorded of him,
some of them of a pleasing nature. The greatness
of his personal character is shewn by the imitation
of his peculiarities, into which his admirers are
said insensibly to have fallen. His oratory is de-
scribed as of an attractive and persuasive kind, the
ertect of it being enhanced by the frankness of his
demeanour. Although his means were not large,
his resources being chiefly derived from king Eu-
menes, many tales were told of his unassuming
generosity'. But it must be admitted, that there
was another side to the picture, and his enemies
accused him of the grossest profligacy — a charge
which he only answered by citing the example of
Aristippus — and it must be confessed, that the
accusation is slightly confirmed by the circumstance
that he died in the 76th year of his age from a fit
of excessive drunkenness ; on which event an epi-
gram has been preserved by Diogenes.

It was on the death of Grantor that Arcesilaus
succeeded to the chair of the Academy, in the his-
tory of which he makes so important an era. As,
however, he committed nothing to writing, his
opinions were imperfectly known to his contempo-
raries, and can now only be gathered from the con-
fused statements of his opponents. There seems
to have been a gradual decline of philosophy since
the time of Plato and Aristotle : the same subjects
had been again and again discussed, untU no room
was left for original thought — a deficiency which
was but poorly compensated by the extrav.agant
paradox or overdrawn subtlety of the later schools.
Whether we attribute the scepticism of the Aca-
demy to a reaction from the dogmatism of the
Stoics, or whether it was the natural result of ex-
tending to intellectual truth the distrust with which
Plato viewed the information of sense, it would
seem that in the time of Arcesilaus the whole of
philosophy was absorbed in the single question of
the grounds of human knowledge. What were the
peculiar views of Arcesilaus on this question, it is
not easy to collect. On the one hand, he is said to
have restored the doctrines of Plato in an uncor-
rupted form ; while, on the other hand, according
to Cicero (Acad.i. 12), he summed up his opinions
in the formula, "that he knew nothing, not even
his own ignorance." There are two ways of re-
conciling the difficulty : either we may suppose
him to have thrown out such diroplai as an exercise
for the ingenuity of his pupils, as Sextus Empiricus
{Pyrrh. Hi/poti/p. i. 234), who disclaims him as a
Sceptic, would havy us believe ; or he may have
really doubted the Esoteric meaning of Plato, and
have supposed himself to have been stripping his
works of the figments of the Dogmatists, while he
was in fact taking from them all certain principles
whatever. (Cic. de Oral. iii. 18.) A curious result
of the confusion which pervaded the New Academy
■was the return to some of the doctrines of the elder
Ionic school, which they attempted to harmonize
with Plato and their own views. (Euscb. Pr.Ev.

ARCESILAUS.

Vo9

xiv. 5, 6.) Arcesilaus is also said to have restored
the Socnitic method of teaching in dialogues ; al-
though it is probable that he did not confine him-
self strictly to the erotetic method, perhaps the
supposed identity of his doctrines with those of
Plato may have originated in the outward form in
which they were conveyed.

The Stoics were the chief opponents of Arcesi-
laus ; he attacked their doctrine of a convincing
conception {KaTaXTynriKri (p(wra(ria) as understood
to be a mean between science and opinion — a mean
which he asserted could not exist, and was merely
the interpolation of a name. (Cic. Acad. ii. 24.)
It involved in fact a contradiction in terms, as the
very idea of (pavTcuria implied the possibility of
false as well as true conceptions of the same object.

It is a question of some importance, in what the
scepticism of the New Academy was distinguished
from that of the followers of Pyrrhon. Admitting
the formula of Arcesilaus, "that he knew nothing,
not even his own ignorance," to be an exposition
of his real sentiments, it was impossible in one
sense that scepticism could proceed further : but
the New Academy does not seem to have doubted
the existence of truth in itself, only our capacities
for obtaining it. It differed also from the princi-
ples of the pure sceptic in the practical tendency of
its doctrines : while the object of the one was the
attainment of perfect equanimity (eiroxi?), the other
seems rather to have retired from the barren field
of speculation to practical life, and to have acknow-
ledged some vestiges of a moral law within, at best
but a probable guide, the possession of which, how-
ever, formed the real distinction between the sage
and the fool. Slight as the difference may appear
between the speculative statements of the two
schools, a comparison of the lives of their founders
and their respective successors leads us to the con-
clusion, that a practical moderation was the charac-
teristic of the New Academy, to which the Scep-
tics were wholly strangers. (Sex. Empiricus, adv.
Math. ii. 158, Pt/rrh. HypoUjp. i. 3, 226.) [B. J.]

ARCESILA'US {^Apx^aiXaos), an Athenian
comic poet of the old comedy, none of whose works
are extant. (Diog. Laert. iv. 45.) [P. S.]

ARCESILA'US, artists. I. A sculptor who
made a statue of Diana, celebrated by an ode of
Simonides. (Diog. Laert. iv. 45.) He may, there-
fore, have flourished about 500 B. c.

2. Of Pares, was, according to Pliny (xxxv. 39),
one of the first encaustic painters, and a contem-
porary of Polygnotus (about 460 B. c).

3. A painter, the son of the sculptor Tisicrates,
flourished about 280 or 270 B. c. (Plin. xxxv. 40.
§ 42.) Pausanias (i. 1. § 3) mentions a painter
of the same name, whose picture of Leosthenes
and his sons was to be seen in the Peiraeeus.
Though Leosthenes was killed in the war of Athens
against Lamia, b. c. 323, Sillig argues, that the
fact of his sons being included in the picture fa-
vours the supposition that it was painted after his
death, and that we may therefore safely refer the
passages of Pausanias and of Pliny to the same
person. {Catal. Artif. s. v.)

4. A sculptor in the first century B. c, who, ac-
cording to Pliny, was held in high esteem at Rome,
was especially celebrated by M. Varro, and wa.s
intimate with L. Lentulus. Among his works
were a statue of Venus Genetrix in the fonim of
Caesar, and a marble lioness surrounded by winged
Cupids, who were sporting with her. Of the latter

s 2

260 ARCHEDEMUS.

work the mosaics in the Mus. Boi-b. vii. 61, and
the Mun. Capit. iv. 19, are supposed to be copies.
There were some statues by him of centaurs carry-
ing nymphs, in the collection of Asinius Poliio.
He received a talent from Octavius, a Roman
knight, for the model of a bowl {crater\ and was
engaged by LucuUus to make a statue of Felicitas
for 60 sestertia ; but the deaths both of the artist
and of his patron prevented the completion of the
work. (Plin. xxxv. 45, xxxvi. 4. §§ 10, 13 : the
reading Archesitae^ in § 10, ought, almost undoubt-
edly, to be Arcesilae or Arcesilai.) [P. S.]

ARCHAEANA'CTIDAE ( 'ApxaiavaKTihai ),
the name of a race of kings who reigned in the
Cimmerian Bosporus forty-two years, b. c. 480 —
438. (Diod, xii. 31, with Wesseling's note.)

ARCHA'GATHUS {'ApxayaBos). 1. The son
of Agathocles, accompanied his father in his ex-
pedition into Africa, b. c. 310. While there he
narrowly escaped being put to death in a tumult
of the soldiers, occasioned by his having murdered
L^'ciscus, who reproached him with committing
incest with his step-mother Alcia. When Aga-
thocles was summoned from Africa by the state of
affairs in Sicily, he left Archagathus behind in
command of the army. He met at first with some
success, but was afterwards defeated three times,
and obliged to take refuge in Tunis. Agathocles
returned to his assistance ; but a mutiny of the
soldiers soon compelled him to leave Africa again,
and Archagathus and his brother were put to death
by the troops in revenge, B. c. 307. (Diod. xx,33,
57 — 61; Justin, xxii. 8.)

2. The son of the preceding, described as a
youth of great bravery and daring, murdered Aga-
thocles, the son of Agathocles, that he might suc-
ceed his grandfather. He was himself killed by
Maenon. (Diod. xxi. Eel. 12.)

ARCHA'GATHUS ('Apxa7«0os), a Pelopon-
nesian, the son of Lysanias, who settled at Rome
ns a practitioner of medicine, b. c. 219, and, ac-
cording to Cassius Hemina (as quoted by Pliny,
//. N. xxix. 6), was the first person who made
it a distinct profession in tliat city. He was
received in the first instance with great respect,
the ''Jus Quiritium" was given him, and a
shop was bought for him at the public expense ;
but his practice was observed to be so severe,
that he soon excited the dislike of the people at
large, and produced a complete disgust to the
profession generally. The practice of Archagathus
seems to have been almost exclusively surgical,
and to have consisted, in a great measure, in the
use of the knife and powerful caustic applications.
(Rostock, Hist, of Med.) [ W. A. G.]

ARCHEBU'LUS i^ hpxf^ovXos), of Thebes, a
lyric poet, who appears to have lived about the
j-ear b. c. 280, as Euphorion is said to have been
instructed by him in poetry. (Suid. s.r. Evtpopiwv.)
A particular kind of verse which was frequently
used by other lyric poets, was called aftej him.
(Hephaest. Enchir. p. 27.) Not a fragment of his
poetry is now extant. [L. S.]

ARCHEDE'xMUS or ARCHEDA'MUS ('Ap-
Xe57j/ios or 'Apx^Sa/ios). 1. A popular leader at
Athens, took the first step against the generals who
had gained the battle of Arginusae, b. c. 406, by
imposing a fine on Erasinides, and calling him to
account in a court of justice for some public money
which he had received in the Hellespont. (Xen.
Hell. vii. 1. § 2.) This seems to be the same

ARCHEGETES.

Archedemus of whom Xenophon speaks in the
Memorabilia (ii. 9), as originally poor, but of con-
siderable talents both for speaking and public
business, and who was employed by Criton to pro-
tect him and his friends from the attacks of
sycophants. It appears that Archedemus was a
foreigner, and obtained the franchise by fraud, fur
which he was attacked by Aristophanes {Ha?i.
419) and by Eupolis in the Baptae. (Schol. ad
Aristoph. I. c.) Both Aristophanes {Ran. 588)
and Lysias {c. Alcib. p. 536, ed. Reiske) call him
blear-eyed {yKaixwv').

2. 'O UiiK-nl^ mentioned by Aeschines (c. Ctes.
p. 531, ed. Reiske), should be distinguished from
the preceding.

3. An Aetolian (called Archidamus by Livy),
who commanded the Aetolian troops which assist-
ed the Romans in their war with Philip. In b. c.
199 he compelled Philip to raise the siege of
Thaumaci (Liv. xxxii. 4), and took an active part
in the battle of Cj-noscephalae, b. c. 197, in which
Philip was defeated. (Polyb. xviii. 4.) When the
war broke out between the Romans and the
Aetolians, he was sent as ambassador to the
Achaeans to solicit their assistance, B. c. 192 (Liv.
xxxv. 48); and on the defeat of Antiochus the
Great in the following year, he went as ambassador
to the consul M'. Acilius Glabrio to sue for peace.
(Polyb, XX. 9.) In B. c. 169 he was denounced to
the Romans by Lyciscus as one of their enemies.
(Polyb. xxviii. 4.) He joined Perseus the same
year, and accompanied the jNIacedonian king in his
flight after his defeat in 168. (Liv. xliii. 23, 24,
xliv. 43.)

4. Of Tarsus, a Stoic philosopher (Strab. xiv.
p. 674 ; Diog. Laert. vii. 40, 68, 84, 88), two of
whose works, Ilep: *wj/^s and TifpX l,Toixflwv,
are mentioned by Diogenes Laertius. (vii. 55,
134.) He is probably the same person as the
Archedemus, whom Plutarch {de Ewdlio, p. 605)
calls an Athenian, and who, he states, went into the
countrj'- of the Parthians and left behind him the
Stoic succession at Babylon. Archedemus is also
mentioned by Cicero {Acad. Quaest ii. 47), Seneca
{Epist. 121), and other ancient writers.

ARCHE'DICE ('Apx«5»«:77), daughter of Hippias
the Peisistratid, and given in marriage by him after
the death of Hipparchus to Aean tides, son of Hip-
poclus, the tyrant of Lampsacus. She is famous
for the epitaph given in Thucydides, and ascribed
by Aristotle to Simonides, which told that, with
father, husband, and sons in sovereign power, still
she retained her meekness. (Thuc. vi. 59 ; Arist.
Rltet. i. 9.) [A. H. C]

ARCHE'DICUS {'ApxeSiKos), an Athenian
comic poet of the new comedy, who wrote, at the
instigation of Timaeus, against Dcmochaies, the
nephew of Demosthenes, and supported Antipater
and the Macedonian party. The titles of two of
his plays are preserved, Aiafxaprdvuiv and Qi]aavp6s.
He flourished about 302 b. c. (Suidas, s. v. ; Athen.
vi. p. 252, f., vii. pp. 292, e., 294, a. b., x. p. 467,
e., xiii. p. 610, f. ; Polyb. xii. 13.) [P. S.]

ARCHE'GETES ("Apx'JTeT^^ 1. A surname
of ApoUo^ under Avhich he was worshipped in se-
veral places, as at Naxos in Sicily (Thuc. vi. 3 ;
Pind. Pylh. v. 80), and at Megara. (Pans. i. 42.
§ 5.) The name has reference either to Apollo as
the leader and protector of colonies, or as the
founderof towns in general, in which case the import
of the name is nearly the same as ^fos -naTpcfos.

ARCHELAUS.

2. A surname of Asclopius, under which he was
worshipped at Tithorea in Phocis. (Paus. x. 32.
§ 8.) [L. S.]

ARCHELA'US {'Apxe^aos), a son of Temenus,
a Heraclid, who, when expelled by his brothers,
lied to king Cisseus in Macedonia. Cisseus pro-
mised hira the succession to his throne and the
hand of his daughter, if he would assist hira against
his neighbouring enemies. Archelaus perfoimed
what was asked of him ; but when, after the defeat
of the enemy, he claimed the fulfilment of the pro-
mise, Cisseus had a hole dug in the earth, filled
it with burning coals, and covered it over with
branches, that Archelaus might fall into it. The
plan was discovered, and Cisseus himself was
thrown into the pit by Archelaus, who then fled,
but at the command of Apollo built the town of
Aegae on a spot to which he was led by a goat.
According to some accounts, Alexander the Great
was a descendant of Archelaus. (Hygin. Fub. 219.)
Two other mythical personages of this name occur
in Apollodorus. (ii. 1. § 5, 4. § 5, &c.) [L. S.]

ARCHELA'US ('ApxeAaos), the author of a
poom consisting of upwards of three hundred bar-
barous Greek iambics, entitled Uepl rijs 'Upas
Te'xJ^s, De Sacra Arte (sc. Chrysopoeia). No-
thing is known of the events of his life; his date
also is uncertain, but the poem is evidently the
work of a comparatively recent writer, and must
not be attributed to any of the older authors of
this name. It was published for the first time in
the second volume of Ideler's Physid et Medici
Graeci Minores, Berol. 1842, 8vo,; but a few ex-
tracts had previously been inserted by J. S. Bernard,
in his edition of Palladius, De Febribus, Lugd.
Bat. 1745, 8vo. pp. 1 GO— 163. [W. A. G.]

ARCHELA'US {'Apxe\aos), one of the illegiti-
mate sons of Amvntas IL by Cygnaea. Himself
and his two brothers (Archideus or Arrhidaeus,
and Menelaus) excited the jealousy of their half-
brother Philip ; and, this having proved fatal to
one of them, the other two fled for refuge to
Olynthus. According to Justin, the protection
which they obtained there gave occasion to the
Olynthian war, B. c. 349 ; and on the capture of
the city, B. c. 347, the two princes fell into Philip's
hands and were put to death. (Just. vii. 4, viii.
3.) [E. E.]

ARCHELA'US, bishop of Caesarkia in Cap-
padocia, wrote a work against the heresy of the
Messalians, which is referred to by Photins. (Cod.
52.) Cave places him at 440 a. n. (Hist. Lit.
sub. ann.) [P. S.]

ARCHELA'US, king of Cappadocia. [Ar-
chelaus, general of Mithridates, No. 4, p. 263.]

ARCHELA'US, bishop of Carrha in Meso-
potamia, A. D. 278, held a public dispute with the
heretic Manes, an account of which he published
in Syriac. The work was soon translated both
into Greek and into Latin. (Socrates, //. E. i. 22 ;
Hieron. de Vir. Illustr. 72.) A large fragment of
the Latin version was published by Valesius, in his
edition of Socrates and Sozomcn. The same ver-
sion, almost entire, was again printed, with the
fragments of the Greek version, by Zaccagnius,
in his Collect. Monument. Vet,, Rom. 1698, and by
Fabricius in his edition of Hippolvtus. [P. S.]

ARCHELA'US {'ApxeXaos), "a. Greek geogra-
pher, who wrote a work in which he described all
the countries which Alexander the Great had tra-
versed. (Diog. Laert. ii. 1 7.) This statement would

ARCHELAUS.

261

lead us to conjecture, that Archelaus was a contem-
porary of Alexander, and perhaps accompanied him
on his expeditions. But as the work is ctmpletely
lost, nothing certain can be said about the matter.
In like manner, it must remain uncertain whether
this Archelaus is the same as the one whose "■ Eu-
boeica" are quoted by Harpocration (s. v. 'A\6u-
trqaos, where however Maussac resids J rchemuchus),
and whose works on rivers and stones are men-
tioned by Plutarch {deFluv. 1 and 9) and Stobaeus.
(Florilep.i.lS.) [L. S.]

ARCHELA'US {'Apxi\aos), son of Herod
the Great by Malthace, a Samaritan woman, is
called by Dion Cassius 'HpoJSrjs na\ai(TTr}u6s,
and was whole brother to Herod Antipas. (Dion
Cass. Iv. 27 ; Joseph. Ant. xvii. 1. § 3, 10. § 1 ;
Bell. Jud. i. 28. § 4.) The will of Herod, which
had at first been so drawn up as to exclude
Archelaus in consequence of the false represent-
ations of his eldest brother Anti pater, was after-
ward altered in his favour on the discovery of
the latter's treachery [see p. 203] ; and, on the
death of Herod, he was saluted as king by the
army. This title, however, he declined till it
should be ratified by Augustus ; and, in a speech
to the people after his father''s funeral, he made
large professions of his moderation and his wil-
lingness to redress all grievances. (Joseph. Ant.
xvii. 4. § 3, 6. § 1, 8. §§ 2—4 ; BeU. Jud. i. 31.
§ 1, 32. § 7, 33. §§ 7—9.) Immediately after
this a serious sedition occurred, which Archelaus
quenched in blood {^Ant. xvii. 9. §§ 1 — 3 ; Bell.
Jud. ii. 1 ; comp. Aid. xvii. 6 ; Bell. Jud. i. 33),
and he then proceeded to Rome to obtain the con-
firmation of his father's will. Here he was opposed
by Antipas, who was supported by Herod's sister
Salome and her son Antipater, and ambassadors
also came from the Jews to complain of the cruelty
of Archelaus, and to entreat that their country
might be annexed to Syria and ruled by Roman
governors. The will of Herod was, however, rati-
fied in its main points by Augustus, and in the
division of the kingdom Archelaus received Judaea,
Samaria, and Idumaea, with the title of Ethnarch,
and a promise of that of king should he be found
to deserve it. {Ant. xvii. 9, 11; Bell. Jud. ii.
2, 6 ; Euseb. Hist. Ecc. i. 9 ; comp. Luke, xix.
12—27.) On his return from Rome he set the
Jewish law at defiance by his marriage with
Glaphyra (daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappado-
cia), the widow of his brother Alexander, by
whom she had children living (Levit. xviii. 16, xx.
21 ; Deut. XXV. 5) ; and, his general government
being most tyrannical, he was again accused before
Augustus by the Jews in the 10th year of his
reign {a. d. 7), and, as he was unable to clear
himself from their charges, he was banished to
Vienna in Gaul, where he died. {Ant. xvii. 13 ;
Bell. Jud. ii. 7. $ 3 ; Strab. xvi. p. 765 ; Dion
Cass. Iv. 27 ; Euseb. Hid. Ecc. i. 9.) [E. E.]

ARCHELA'US ('Apx^^aos), king of Mace-
donia from B. c. 413 to 399. According to Plato,
he was an illegitimate son of Perdiccas II. and ob-
tained the throne by the murder of his uncle Alee-
tas, his cousin, and his half-brother (Plat. Gorg.
p. 471; Athon. v. p. 217, d. ; Ael. V. H. xii. 43),
further strengthening himself by marriage whh
Cleopatra, his fiither's widow. (Plat. Gonj. p. 471,
c; Aristot. Polit. V. 10, ed. Bekk.) Nor does there
appear to be any valid reason for rejecting this
story, in spite of the silence of Thucydides, who

262 ARCHELAUS.

had no occasion to refer to it, and of the remarks
of Athenaeus, who ascribes it to Phito's love of scan-
dal. (Thuc. ii. 100; Athen. xi. p. 506, a. e.; Mitford,
Gr. Hist. ch. 34, sec. 1 ; Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. vol. v.
p. 157.) In B.C. 410 Pydna revolted from Archelaus,
but he reduced it with the aid of an Athenian squa-
dron under Theramenes, and the better to retain it,
in subjection, rebuilt it at a distance of about two
miles from the coast. (Diod. xiii. 49 ; Wess. ad
loc.) In another war, in which he was involved
with Sirrhas and Arrhabaeus, he purchased peace
by giving his daughter in marriage to the former.
( Aristot. Po/iY. I.C.; comp. Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. vol.
V. p. 158.) For the internal improvement and se-
curity of his kingdom, as well as for its future
greatness, he effectually provided by building fort-
resses, forming roads, and increasing the army to a
stronger force than had been known under any of
the former kings. (Thuc. ii. 100.) He established
also at Aegae (Arr. Anab. i. p. 11, f.) or at Dium
(Diod. xvii. 16 ; Wess. ad Diod. xvi. 55), public
games, and a festival which he dedicated to the | opened the campaign no more than 10,000 assem-

ARCHELAUS.

rived ill Greece, and immediately marched towards
Attica. As he was passing through Boeotia, Thebes
deserted the cause of Archelaus, and joined the
Romans. On his arrival in Attica, he sent a part
of his army to besiege Aristion in Athens, while
he himself with his main force went straight on to
Peiraeeus, where Archelaus had retreated within
the v/aUs. Archelaus maintained himself during a
long-protracted siege, until in the end, Sulla, des-
pau'ing of success in Peiraeeus, turned against
Athens itself. The city was soon taken, and then
fresh attacks made upon Peiraeeus, with such suc-
cess, that Archelaus was obliged to withdraw to
the most impregnable part of the place. In the
meanwhile, Mithridates sent fresh reinforcements
to Archelaus, and on their arrival he withdrew
with them into Boeotia, B. c. 86, and there assem-
bled all his forces. Sulla followed him, and in the
neighbourhood of Cliaeroneia a battle ensued, in
which the Romans gained such a complete victorj',
that of the 120,000 men with whom Archelaus had

Muses and called "Olympian." His love of litera-
ture, science, and the fine arts is well known. His
palace was adorned with magnificent paintings by
Zeuxis (Ael. V. H. xiv. 17); and Euripides, Aga-
thon, and other men of eminence, were among his
guests. (Ael. V. H. ii. 21, xiii. 4; Kiihn, ad Ael.
V. H. xiv. 17; SchoL ad Aristoph. Ran. 85.) But
the tastes and the (so-called) refinement thus intro-
duced failed at least to prevent, even if they did
" not foster, the great moral corruption of the court.
(Ael. //. cc.) Socrates himself received an invita-
tion from Archelaus, but refused it, according to
Aristotle {Rhet. ii. 23. § 8), that he miglit not sub-
ject himself to the degradation of receiving favours
which he could not return. Possibly, too, he was
influenced by disgust at the corruption above al-
luded to, and contempt for the kiug''s character.
(Ael. V. H. xiv. 17.) We read in Diodorus, that
Archelaus was accidentally slain on a hunting party
by his favourite, Craterus or Crateuas (Diod. xiv.
37; Wess. ad loc.) ; but according to other accounts
of apparently better authority, Craterus murdered
him, either from ambition, or from disgust at his
odious vices, or from revenge for his having broken
his promise of giving him one of his daughters in
marriage. (Aristot. Polit. v. 10, ed. Bekk ; Ael.
V. H. viii. 9; Pseud.- Plat. Alcib. ii. p. 141.) [E.E.]
ARCH EL A'U S ('Apx^Aaos), a general of Mith-
niDATES, and the greatest that he had. He was a
native of Cappadocia, and the first time that his
name occurs is in B. c. 88, when he and his brother
Neoptolemus had the command against Nicomedes
III. of Bithynia, whom they defeated near the
river Amnius in Paphlagonia. In the next year
he was sent by Mithridates with a large fleet and
army into Greece, where he reduced several islands,
and after persuading the Athenians to abandon the
cause of the Romans, he soon gained for Mithri-
dates nearly the whole of Greece south of Thessaly.
In Boeotia, however, he met Bruttius Sura, the
legate of Sextius, the governor of IVIacedonia, with
whom he had during three days a hai-d struggle
in the neighbourhood of Cliaeroneia, until at last,
on the arrival of Lacedaemonian and Achaean
auxiliaries for Archelaus, the Roman general with-
drew to Peiraeeus, which however was blockaded
and taken possession of by Archelaus. In the
meantime, Sulla, to whom the command of the
war against iMithridatcs had been given, had ar-

bled at Chalcis in Euboea, where Archelaus had
taken refuge. Sulla pursued his enemy as far as
the coast of the Euripus, but having no fleet, he
was obliged to allow him to make his predatory
excursions among the islands, from which, how-
ever, he afterwards was obliged to return to Chalcis.
Mithridates had in the meantime collected a fresh
army of 80,000 men, which Doryalus or Dorylaus
led to Archelaus. With these increased forces,
Archelaus again crossed over into Boeotia, and in
the neighbourhood of Orchomenos was completely
defeated by Sulla in a battle which lasted for two
days. Archelaus himself was concealed for three
days after in the marshes, until he got a vessel
which carried him over to Chalcis, where he col-
lected the few remnants of his forces. When
Mithridates, who was himself hard pressed in Asia
by C. Fimbria, was informed of this defeat, he
commissioned Archelaus to negotiate for peace on
honourable terms, B. c. 85. Archelaus accordingly
had an interview with Sidla at Delium in Boeotia.
Sulla's attempt to make Archelaus betray his mas-
ter was rejected with indignation, and Archelaus
confined himself to concluding a preliminary treaty
which was to be binding if it received the sanction
of ]\Iithridates. While waiting for the king's an-
swer, Sulla made an expedition against some of the
barbarous tribes which at the time infested Mace-
donia, and Avas accompanied by Archelaus, for
whom he had conceived great esteem. In his an-
swer, Mithridates refused to surrender his fleet,
which Archelaus, in his interview with Sulla, had
likewise refused to do ; and when Sulla would not
conclude peace on any other tenns, Archelaus him-
self, who was exceedingly anxious that peace should
be concluded, set out for Asia, and brought about
a meeting of Sulla and his king at Diu-danus in
Troas, at which peace Avas agreed upon, on condi-
tion that each party should remain in possession of
what hiid belonged to them before the war. This
peace v/as in so far unfavourable to Mithridates, as
he had made all his enormous sacrifices for nothing;
and when Mithridates began to feel that he had
made greater concessions than he ought, he also
began to suspect Archelaus of treachery, and the
latter, fearing for his life, deserted to the Romans
just before the outbreak of the second Alithridatic
war, B. c. 81. He stimulated jVIurena not to wait
for the attack of the king, but to begin hostilities

auciielaus.

at onco. From tliis inomciit Archelaus is no more
mentioiiod in history, but several writers state in-
cidentally, that he was honoured by the Roman
senate. '(Appian, de Bdl. Miihrid. 17 — 64 ; Plut.
Sidl. 11—24; Liv. Epit. 81 and 82; Veil. Pat.
ii. 25 ; Floras, iii. 5 ; Oros. vi. 2 ; Pans. i. 20. § 3,
&c., Aurel. Vict, de Vir. Jlluslr. 75, 70 ; Dion Cass.
Fraqm. n. 173, ed. Reimar.; Sallust. Fragm. Hist.
lib. iv.)

2. A son of the preceding. (Strab. xvii. p. 796 ;
Dion Cass, xxxix. 57.) In the year b. c. 63,
Pompey raised him to the dignity of priest of the
goddess (Enyo or Bellona) at Comana, which was,
according to Strabo, in Pontus, and according to
llirtius {de Bell. Alex. 66), in Cappadocia. The
dignity of priest of the goddess at Comana conferred
upon the person who held it the power of a king
over the place and its immediate vicinity. (Appian,
de Dell. Milhr. 114 ; Strab. I. c, xii. p. 558.) In
IJ. c. 6^., when A. Gabinius, the proconsul of Syria,
was making preparations for a Avar against the
Parthians, Archelaus went to Syria and offered to
take part in the war ; but this plan was soon aban-
doned, as other prospects opened before him. Be-
renice, the daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, who after
the expulsion of her father had become queen of
Egypt, wished to marry a prince of royal blood,
and Archelaus, pretending to be a son of Mithri-
dates Eupator, sued for her hand, and succeeded.
(Strab. //. cc. ; Dion Cass. /. c.) According to Strabo,
the Roman senate would not permit Archelaus to
take part in the war against Parthia, and Arche-
laus left Gabinius in secret ; whereas, according to
Dion Cassius, Gabinius was induced by bribes to
assist Archelaus in his suit for the hand of Bere-
nice, while at the same time he received bribes
from Ptolemy Auletes on the understanding that
he would restore him to his throne. Archelaus
enjoyed the honour of king of Egypt only for six
months, for Gabinius kept his promise to Ptolemy,
and in k. c. 55 he marched with an army into
Egypt, and in the battle which ensued, Archelaus
lost his crown and his life. His daughter too was
put to death. (Strab. //. cc; Dion Cass, xxxix. 58;
Liv. Epit. lib. 105 ; Cic. ;)ro BaUr. Post. 8; Val.
Max. x. 1, extern. 6.) M. Antonius, who had been
connected with the family of Archelaus by ties of
hospitality and friendship, had his body searched
for among the dead, and buried it in a manner
worthy of a king. (Plut. Ant. 3.)

3. A son of the preceding, and his successor in
the office of high priest of Comana. (Strab. xvii.
p. 796, xii. p. 558.) In B.C. 51, in which year
Cicero was proconsiil of Cilicia, Archelaus assisted
with troops and money those who created disturb-
ances in Cappadocia and threatened king Ariobar-
zanes II.; but Cicero compelled Archelaus to quit
Cappadocia. (Cic. ad Fam. xv. 4.) In b. c. 47,
J. Caesar, after the conclusion of the Alexandrine
war, deprived Archelaus of his office of high priest,
and gave it to Lycomedcs. {A^^\tm,deBel.l.Mitkr.
121; Ilirt. de Bell. Ale.v. 66.)

4. A son of the preceding. (Strab. xvii. p. 796.)
In B. c. 34, Antony, after having expelled Ariara-
thes, gave to Archelaus the kingdom of Cappadocia
• — a favour which he owed to the channs of his
mother, Glaphyra. (Dion Cass. xlix. 32 ; Strab.
xii. p. 540.) Appian (de Bell. Civ. v. 7), who
places this event in the year B. c. 41, calls the son
of Glaphyra, to whom Antony gave Cappadocia,
Sisinna ; which, if it is not a mistake, may have

ARCHELAUS.

263

been a wimame of Archelaus. During the war
between Antony and Octavianus, Archelaus wa8
among the allies of the former. (Plut. Ant. 61.)
After his victory over Antony, Octavianus not
only left Archelaus in the possession of his king-
dom (Dion Cass. li. 3), but subsequently added to
it a part of Cilicia and Lesser Armenia. (Dion
Cass. liv. 9 ; Strab. xii. p. 534, &c.) On one oc-
casion, during the reign of Augustus, accusations
were brought before the emperor against Archelaus
by his own subjects, and Tiberius defended the
king. (DionCass. Ivii.l7; Suet. m. 8.) But after-
wards Tiberius entertained great hatred of Arche-
laus, the cause of which was jealous}', as Archelaus
had paid greater attentions to Caius Caesar than to
him. (Comp. Tacit. AnnaL ii. 42.) When there-
fore Tiberius had ascended the throne, he enticed
Archelaus to come to Rome, and then accused him
in the senate of harbouring revolutionary schemes,
hoping to get him condemned to death. But Ar-
chelaus was then at such an advanced age, or at
least pretended to be so, that it appeared unneces-
sary to take away his life. He was, however,
obliged to remain at Rome, where he died soon
after, A. D. 17. Cappadocia Avas then made a
Roman proviioce. (Dion Cass., Tacit. II. cc.; Suet.
Tih. 37, Calig. 1; Strab. xii. p. 534.) [L. S.]

The annexed coin of Archelaus contains on the
reverse a club and the inscription BASIAEHS AP-
XEAAf)T 4>IA(A?)OnATPIA05 TOT KTISTOT.
He is called KTicrrris, according to Eckhel (iii. p.
201), on account of his having founded the city of
Eleusa in an island of the same name, oflP the coast
of Cilicia. (Comp. Joseph. Ant. xvi. 4. § 6.)

ARCHELA'US ('Apx^^aos), a imiilosopher
of the Ionian school, called Fhi/sicus from having
been the first to teach at Athens the physical doc-
trines of that philosophy. This statement, which,
is that of Laertius (ii. 16), is contradicted by the
assertion of Clemens Alexandrinus [Strom, i. p. 30),
that Anaxagoras /xeTT^yayev and ttjj 'Iwi'ias 'A6r>-
va^e rv,v 5iaTpL§i]v, but the two may be reconciled
by supposing Avith Clinton {F. II. ii. p. 51), that
Archelaus AA-as the first Athenian Avho did so. For
the fact that ho Avas a natiA-e of Athens, is consi-
dered by Hitter as nearly established on the autho-
I'ity of Simplicius (in Pliys. Aristot. fol. 6, b.), as it
was probably obtained by him from Theophrastus ;
and Ave therefore reject the statement of other
Avriters, that Archelaus Avas a Milesian. He Avas
the son of Apo'lodorus, or as some say, of IMydon,
Midon, (Suid.) or Myson, and is sjiid to have
taught at Lampsacus before he established himself
at Athens. He is conunonly reported to have
numbered Socrates and Euripides among his pupils.
If he Avas the instructor of the fonner, it is strange
that he is never mentioned by Xenophon, Pkto,
or Aristotle ; and the tradition which coiniects him
Avith Euripides m.ay have arisen from a confusion
with his namesake Archelaus, king of Macedonia,
the Avell-known patron of that poet.
I The doctrine of Archelaus is remarkable, as

£64 ARCHELAUS.

forming a point of transition from the older to the
newer form of philosophy in Greece. In the men-
tal history of all nations it is observable that scien-
tific inquiries are first confined to natural objects,
and afterwards pass into moral speculations ; and
so, among the Greeks, the lonians were occupied
with physics, the Socratic schools chiefly with
ethics. Archelaus is the union of the two : he was
the last recognized leader of the former (succeeding
Diogenes of ApoUonia in that character), and added
to the physical system of his teacher, Anaxagoras,
some attempts at moral speculation. He held that
air and infinity (to aireipov) are the principle of
all things, by which Plutarch (Plac. Phil. i. 3)
supposes that he meant infinite air; and we are
told, that by this statement he intended to exclude
the operations of mind from the creation of the
world. (Stob. Eel. Phys. i. 1, 2.) If so, he abandoned
the doctrine of Anaxagoras in its most important
point ; and it therefore seems safer to conclude
with Ritter, that while he wished to inculcate
the materialist notion that the mind is formed of
air, he still held infinite mind to be the cause of
all things. This explanation has the advantage of
agreeing very fairly with that of Simplicius (/. c.) ;
and as Anaxagoras himself did not accurately dis-
tinguish between mind and the animal soul, this
confusion may have given rise to his pupil's doc-
trine. Archelaus deduced motion from the opposi-
tion of heat and cold, caused of course, if w^ adopt
the above hypothesis, by the will of the material
mind. This opposition separated fire and water,
and produced a slimy mass of earth. While the
earth was hardening, the action of heat upon its
moisture gave birth to animals, which at first were
nourished by the mud from which they sprang,
and gradually acquired the power of propagating
their species. All these animals were endowed
with mind, but man separated from the others, and
established laws and societies. It was just from
this point of his physical theory that he seems to
have passed into ethical speculation, by the propo-
sition, that right and wrong are ov cpva-ei oAAa y6ij.(f}
— a dogma probably suggested to him, in its form at
least, by the contemporary Sophists. But when we
consider the purely mechanical and materialistic
character of his physics, which make ever}'^ thing
arise from the separation or distribution of the pri-
mary elements, we shall see that nothing, except
the original chaotic mass, is strictly by nature
((pixrei), and that Archelaus assigns the same origin
to right and wrong tliat he does to man. Now a
contemporaneous origin with that of the human
race is not very different from what a sound sys-
tem of philosophy would demand for these ideas,
though of course such a system would maintain
quite another origin of man ; and therefore, assum-
ing the Archelaic physical system, it does not ne-
cessarily follow, that his ethical principles are so
destructive of all goodness as they appear. This
view is made almost certain by the fact that De-
mocritus taught, that the ideas of sweet and bitter,
warm and cold, &c., are by pvfios, which can be
accounted for only by a similar supposition.

Of the other doctrines of Archelaus we need
only mention, that he asserted the earth to have
the form of an egg, the sun being the largest of the
stars ; and that he correctly accounted for speech
by the motion of the air. J'or this, according to
Plutarch {Plac. Phil. iv. 19), he was indebted
to Anaxagoras.

ARCHELAUS.

Archelaus flourished B. c. 450. In that year
Anaxagoras withdrew from Athens, and during
his absence Archelaus is said to have taught So-
crates. (Laert. I. c.) To the authorities given
above add Brucker, Hist. Crit. Phil. ii. 2, 1 ; Ritter,
Geschichte der Phil. iii. 9 ; Tennemann, Gru?idriss
der Gesch. der Phil. § 107. [G. E. L. C]

ARCH EL A' US {'kpx^><aos\ a Greek poet, is
called an Egyptian, and is believed to have been
a native of a town in Egypt called Chersonesus, as
he is also called Chersonesita. (Antig. Caryst. 19 ;
Athen. xii. p. 554.) He wrote epigrams, some of
which are still extant in the Greek Anthology,
and Jacobs seems to infer from an epigram of his
on Alexander the Great (Anthol. Planud. 120)
that Archelaus lived in the time of Alexander and
Ptolemy Soter. Lobeck {Aglaoph. p. 749), on the
other hand, places him in the reign of Ptolemy
Euergetes II. But both of these opinions are
connected with chronological difficulties, and
Westermann has shewn that Archelaus in all pro-
bability flourished under Ptolemy Philadelphus, to
whom, according to Antigonus Carystius (/. c,
comp. 89), he narrated wonderful stories {irapor-
ho^a) in epigrams. Besides this peculiar kind of
epigrams, Archelaus wrote a work called iSiocpvijy
i. e. strange or peculiar animals (Athen. ix. p. 409;
Diog. Laert. ii. 17), which seems to have likewise
been written in verse, and to have treated on
strange and paradoxical subjects, like his epigrams.
(Plin. Elench. lib. xxviii.; Schol. ad Nieand. Thcr.
822 ; Artemid. Oneirocr. iv. 22. Compare Wester-
mann, Scriptor. Rer. mirabil. Gra£ci, p. xxii., &c.,
who has also collected the extant fragments of
Archelaus, p. 158, &c.) [L. S.]

ARCHELA'US {^ Apxe^aos), a Greek rheto-
rician of uncertain date, who wrote on his pro-
fession ; whence he is called rext'oypdcpos ^rjTwp.
(Diog. Laert. ii. 17.) [L. S.]

ARCHELA'US, a sculptor of Priene, the son
of ApoUonius, made the marble bas-relief repre-
senting the Apotheosis of Homer, which formerly
belonged to the Colonna family at Rome, and is
now in the Townley Gallery of the British Museum
(Inscription on the work). The style of the bas-
relief, which is little, if at all, inferior to the best
remains of Grecian art, confinns the supposition
that Archelaus was the son of ApoUonius of Rhodes
[Apollonius], and that he flourished in the first
century of the Christian aera. From the circum-
stance of the "Apotheosis" having been found in
the palace of Claudius at Bovillae (now Frattocchi),
coupled with the known admiration of that emperor
for Homer (Suet. Claud. 42), it is generally supposed
that the work was executed in his reign. A de-
scription of the bas-relief, and a list of the works
in which it is referred to, is given in The Toionley
Gallery, in the Library of Entertaining Knowledge^
ii. p- 120. [P. S.]

^ ARCHELA'US ('ApxeAoos), king of Sparta,
7th of the Agids, son of Agesilaus I., contempo-
rary with Charilaus, with whom he took Aegys, a
town on the Arcadian border, said to have revolt-
ed, but probably then first taken. (Pans. iii. 2 ;
Plut. Lye. 5 ; Euseb. Praep. v. 32.) [A. H. C.J

ARCHELA'US ('ApxeAaos), son of Theodo-
Rus, was appointed by Alexander the Great the
military commander in Susiana, B.C. 300. (Arrian.
iii. 16 ; Curt. v. 2.) In the division of the provinces
in 323, Archelaus obtained Mesopotamia. (Dexipp.
op. Phot. Cod. 82, p. G4, b., ed. Bekker.)

ARCHESTRATUS.

ARCHE'MACHUS ('Apxfuaxos). There are
two mythical personages of this name, concerning
whom nothing of interest is known, the one a son
of Heracles and the other a son of Priam. (Apollod.
ii. 7. § 8, iii. 12. § 5.) [L. S.]

ARCHE'MACHUS {'Apxffiaxos), of Euboea,
wrote a work on his native country, which con-
sisted at least of three books. (Strab. x. p. 465 ;
Athen. vi. p. 204, a. ; Clem. Alex. Strom, i. p.
327, a. ed. Paris, 1629 ; Harpocrat. s. v. KorvKaiou
6pos ; Pint, de Is. et Osir. c. 27.) Whether this
Archelaus was the author of the grammatical work
At MeTwj/u/xfat (SchoL ad ApoUon. Jihod. iv.
262), is uncertain.

ARCHEMO'RUS {'Apxefioopos), a son of the
Nemean king Lycurgus, and Eurydice. His real
name was Opheltes, which Avas said to have been
changed into Archemorus, that is, "the Forerunner
of death," on the following occasion. When the
Seven heroes on their expedition against Thebes
stopped at Nemea to take in water, the nurse of
the child Opheltes, while shewing the way to the
Seven, left tlie child alone. In the meantime, the
child was killed by a dragon, and buried by the
Seven. But as Amphiaraus saw in this accident
an omen boding destruction to him and his com-
panions, they called the child Archemorus, and
instituted the Nemean games in honour of him.
(Apollod. iii. 6. § 4.) [L. S.]

ARCHE'NOR ('Apx^"tt'p), one of the Niobids
(Hygin. Fab. 11), and perhaps the same who is
called by Ovid {Met. vi. 248) Alphenor. The
names of the Niobids, however, differ very much
ill the different lists. [L. S.]

ARCHES IT A. [Arcesilaus, Artists, No. 4.]

ARCHE'STRATUS ('ApxeVrpaTos). 1. One
of the ten (TTcaTTjyoi who were appointed to super-*
sede Alcibiadcs in the command of the Athenian
fleet after the battle of Notium, b. c. 407. Xeno-
phon and Diodorus, who give us his name in this
list, say no more of him ; but we learn from Lysias
that he died at Mytilene, and he appears therefore
to have been with Conon wheil Callicratidas
chased the Athenian fleet thither from 'EkutSu-
vr\<Toi (Xen. JleU. i. 5. § 16 ; Diod. xiii. 74, 77,
78; Lys. 'AttoA, Z(>)po^. p. 162; Schn, ad Xen.
Ilell. i. 6. § 16 ; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. iv. p. 1 19,
note 3.)

2. A member of the )8ouAi^ at Athens, who
during the siege of the city after the battle of
Aegospntami, u. c. 405, was thrown into prison
for advising capitulation on the terms required by
the Spartans. (Xen. Hell. ii. 2. § 15.)

3. The mover of the decree passed by the
Athenians at the instigation of Agnonides, that an
embassy should be sent to the Macedonian king
Arrhidaeus Philip, and the regent Polysperchon,
to accuse Phocion of treason, b. c. 318. (Plut.
Plioc. 0. 33.) Schneider {ad Xen. Hell. ii. 2.
§ l'''>)i by a strange anachronism, identifies this
Archestratus with the one mentioned immediately
above. [E. E.]

ARCHE'STRATUS ('ApxcTTpaTos). 1. Of
Gela or Syracuse (Athen. i. p. 4, d), but more
usually described as a native of Gela, appears to
have lived about the time of tlie younger Dio-
nysius. He travelled through various countries in
order to become accurately acquainted with every
tiling which could be used for the table ; and gave
the results of his researches in an Epic poem on
the Art of Cookery, which was celebrated in an-

ARCHIAS.

i;65

tiquity, and is constantly referred to by Athenaeus.
In no part of the Hellenic world was the art of
good living carried to such an extent as in Sicily
(the Siculac dopes, Hor. Carm. iii. 1. 18, became
proverbial) ; and Terpsion, who is described as a
teacher of Archestratus, had already written a
work on the Art of Cookery. (Athen. viii. p. 337,
b.) The work of Archestratus is cited by the an-
cients under five different titles, — TaarpoKoyia,
TaaTpovojiia, 'O^/OTroua, Aet7ri/oAo7ia, and 'HSuTra-
0€(o. Ennius wrote an imitation or translation of
this poem under the title of (7ar7«/na Hedypathelica
or Hedypathica. (Apul. Apol. p. 484, Oudend.)
Archestratus delivered his precepts in the style
and with the gravity of the old gnomic poets,
whence he is called in joke the Hesiod or Theognis
of gluttons, and his work is referred to as the
" Golden Verses," like those of Pythagoras. (Athen.
vii. pp. 3 10, a. 320, f.) His description of the various
natural objects used for the table was so accurate,
that Aristotle made use of his work in giving an
account of the natural history of fishes. The ex-
tant fragments have been collected and explained
by Schneider, in his edition of Aristotle's Natural
History (vol. i. pp. Iv. — Ixxv.), and also by Do-
menico Scina, under the title of " I frammenti
della Gastronomia di Archestrato raccolti e volga-
rizzati," Palermo, 1823, 8vo.

2. The author of a work HepX AuAtjtwj/ (Athen.
xiv. p. 634, d.) seems to be a different person from
the one mentioned above.

ARCHETI'MUS {'Apx^rifios), of Syracuse,
wrote an account of the interview of Thales and
the other wise men of Greece with Cypselus of
Corinth, at which Archetimus was present. (Diog.
Laert. i! 40.)

A'RCHIAS Ckpxias), of Corinth, the founder
of Syracuse, B. c. 734. He was a Heracleid, either
of the Bacchiad or the Temenid line, and of high
account at Corinth. In consequence of the death,
of Actaeon [Actaeon, No. 2] he resolved to leave
his country. He consulted the Delphic Oracle,
which directed him, says Pausanias, who gives the
three hexameters, "to an Ortygia in Trinacria,
where Arethusa and Alpheius reappeared." Ac--
cording to an account given in Strabo, Steph.
Byz., and at greater length, with the four verses
of the Oracle, by the Scholiast to Aristophanes,
he and Myscellus, the founder of Crotoii, were
inquiring together, and when the Pythoness asked
which they would choose, health or wealth,
Myscellus chose health, and Archias wealth ; a
decision with which, it was thought, the after-
fortunes of their colonies were connected. Archias
sailed in company, we are also told b}' Strabo,
with Chersicrates, his countryman, and left him at
Corcyra : as also Myscellus at Croton, in the
founding of which he assisted. Thence he pro-
ceeded to his destination. (Thuc. vi. 3 ; Pint.
Amat. Narr. p. 772 ; Diod. Kac. ii. p. 288 ; Paus.
V. 7. § 2 ; Strabo, vi. pp. 262, 269 ; Steph. Byz.
s. V. Syracus.; Schol. ad Arist. Eq. 1089. See
also Clinton, F. II. B. c. 734, and vol. ii. pp. 264,
265 ; Muller's Dor. i. 6. § 7.) [A. H. C]

ARCHIAS {'Apxias). 1. A Spartan, who fell
bravely in the Lacedaemonian attack upon Samos
in B. c. 525. Herodotus saw at PiUina in Laconia
his grandson Archias. (Herod, iii. 55.)

2. Of Thurii, originally an actor, was sent in
B. c. 322, after the battle of Cranoii, to apprehend
the orators whom Antipater had demanded of the

>G6

ARCHIAS.

Athenians, and who had fled from Athens. He
seized Hyperides and others in the sanctuary of
Aeacus in Aegina, and transported them to Cleo-
nae in Argolis, where they were executed. He
also apprehended Demosthenes in the temple of
Poseidon in Calaiireia. Archias, who was nick-
named (pvyaSodripas, the hunter of the exiles,
ended his life in great poverty and disgrace. (Plut.
Dem. 28, 29, Vit. X. Orat p. 849 ; Arrian, ap.
Phot. p. Q% b. 41, ed. Bekker.)

3. The governor of Cyprus under Ptolemy, re-
ceived a bribe in order to betray the isknd to
Demetrius, b. c. 155, but being detected he hanged
liimself. (Polyb. xxxiii. 3.)

4. An Alexandrine grammarian, probably lived
about the time of Augustus, as he was the teacher
of Epaphroditus. (Suidas, s. v. 'EiracppoBiros ;
Villoison, Proleg. ad A poll. Lex. Horn. p. xx.)

A'RCHIAS, A. LICl'NIUS, a Greek poet,
born at Antioch in Syria, about b. c. 120. His
name is known chiefly from the speech of Cicero*
in his defence, which is the only source of inform-
ation about him, and must therefore be very ques-
tionable evidence of his talent, considering that the
verses of Archias had been employed in celebrating
the part which that orator played in the conspiracy
of Catiline. He was on intimate terms with many
of the first families in Rome, particularly with the
Licinii, whose name he adopted. His reception
during a journey through Asia Minor and Greece
{pro Arch. c. 3), and afterwards in Grecian Italy,
where Tarentum, Rhogiura, Naples, and Locri en-
rolled him on their registers, shews that his repu-
tation was, at least at that time, considerable. Jn
B. v.. ] 02 he came to Rome, still young (though not
60 young as the expression "praetextatus" (c. 3)
litenilly explained would lead us to suppose ; comp.
Clinton, F. H. iii. p. 542), and was received in the
most friendly way by Lucullus {ad Alt. i. 16. 9),
Marius, then consul, Hortensius the father, Metel-
lus Pius, Q. Catulus, and Cicero. After a short
stay, he accompanied Lucullus to Sicily, and fol-
lowed him, in the banishment to which he was
sentenced for his management of the slave war in
that island, to Ileraclea in Lucania, in which town,
as being a confederate town and having more pri-
vileges than Tarentum, he was enrolled as a citizen.
He was in the suite of L. Lucullus, — in Asia under
Sulla, again in B. c. 76 in Africa, and again in the
third Mithridatic war. As he had sung the Cim-
bric war in honour of Marius, so now he wrote a
poem on this war, which he had witnessed (c. 9),
in honour of Lucullus. We do not hear whether
he finished his poem in honour of Cicero's consul-
ship (c. 11) ; in B. c. 61, when he Avas already old,
he had not begun it {ad Att i. 16); or Avhether
he ever published his intended Caeciliana, in ho-
nour of Metellus Pius. He wrote manj"^ epigrams :
it is still disputed, whether any of those preserved
imder his name in the Anthologia were really his
Avritings. (Comp. Ilgen, Opuscula, ii. p. 46 ; Clin-
ton, iii. p. 452, note k.) These are all of little
merit. In B.C. 61, a charge was brought against
him, probably at the instigation of a party opposed
to his patrons, of assuming the citizenship ille-
gally, and the trial came on before Q. Cicero, who

* Schroeter has attacked the genuineness of this
oration {Graiio quae %'idgo fertitr pro Archia, &c.,
Lips. 1818), which is however as fully established
as that of any other of Cicero's speeches.

ARCHIDAMUS.

was praetor this year. (Schol. Bob. p. 354, ed.
Orelli.) Cicero pleaded his cause in the speech by
which the name of Archias has been preserved.
" If he had no legal right, yet the man who stood
so high as an author, whose talent had been em-
ployed in celebrating Lucullus, Marius, and him-
self, might well deserve to be a Roman citizen.
The register certainly, of Heraclea, in which his
name Avas enrolled, had been destroyed by fire in
the ]\Iarsian Avar; but their ambassadors and L.
Lucullus bore Avitness that he was enrolled there.
He had settled in Rome many years before he be-
came citizen, had given the usual notice before
Q. Metellus Pius, and if his property had never
been enrolled in the censor's register, it Avas be-
cause of his absence Avith Lucullus — and that Avas
after all no proof of citizenship. He had made
Avills, had been an heir (comp. Did. of Ant. s.r.
Tcstamentum, Heres), and his name Avas on tlie
civil list. But, after all, his chief claim Avas his
talent, and the cause to Avhich he had applied it."
If Ave may believe Cicero (c. 8) and Qiiintilian
(x. 7. § 19), Archias had the gift of making good
extempore verses in great numbers, and AA-^as re-
markable for the richness of his language and his
A-aried range of thought. [C. T. A.]

ARCH i'BIUS {'ApxlSios). 1. An Alexandrine
grammarian, the son or father of the grammarian
Apollonius [Apollonius, No. 5, p. 238], Avrote an
interpretation of the Epigrams of Callimachus.
(Suidas, s. v.)

2. Of Leucas or Alexandria, a grammarian, Avho
taught at Rome in the time of Trajan. (Suid. s. v.)
ARCHI'BIUS {'ApxiSios), a Greek surgeon, of
whom no particulars are known, but Avho unist
have lived in or before the first century after
Christ, as he is quoted by Heliodonis (in Cocchi's
Graecor. Chiriirg. Lihri, ^c, P'lor. 1754, fol. p. 96)
and Galen. {De Aniid. ii. 10, vol. xiv. p. 159 ; De
Compos. Medicam. sec.Gen. v. 14, vol. xiii. p. 849.)
Pliny mentions (//. N. xviii. 70) a person of the
same name who wrote a foolish and superstitious
letter to Antiochus, king of Syria ; but it is un-
certain Avhich king is meant, nor is it known that
this Archibius Avas a phvsician. [W. A. G.]

ARCHIDAMEIA ( 'Apx'SaVeta ). 1. The
priestess of Demeter, Avho, through love of Aristo-
raenes, set him at liberty Avhen he had been taken
prisoner. (Pans. iv. 17. § 1.)

2. The grandmother of Agis IV., Avas put to
death, together Avith her grandson, in b. c. 240.
(Plut. Agis, 4, 20.)

3. A Spartan Avoman, who distinguished herself
by her heroic spirit Avhen Sparta Avas nearly taken
by Pyrrhus in b. c. 272, and opposed the plan
Avhich had been entertained of sending the women
to Crete. Plutarch {Pi/rrh. 27) calls her 'Apx'*
SaiJ.ia, but Polyaenus (viii. 49) ^Apx'^Safxis. The
latter writer calls her the daughter of king Cleadas
(Cleomenes ?).

ARCHIDA'MUS I. {'ApxiSaptos), king of
Sparta, 12th of the Eurypontids, son of Anaxi-
damus, contemporary' with the Togeatan war, Avhich
followed soon after the end of the second Mes-
senian, in b. c. 668. (Pans. iii. 7. § 6, comp. 3.

5.)

[A. H.C.]

ARCHIDA'MUS II., king of Sparta, 17th of
the Eurypontids, son of Zeuxidamus, succeeded to
the throne on the banishment of his grandfather
Leoty chides, B. c. 469. In the 4th or perhaps
rather the 5th year of his reign, his kingdom was

ARCIIIDAMUS.

viBited by the tremendous calamity of tlie great
earthquake, by which all Laconia was shaken, and
Sparta made a heap of ruins. On this occasion
his presence of mind is said to have saved his peo-
ple. Foreseeing the danger from the Helots, he
summoned, by sounding an alarm, the scattered
surviving Spartans, and collected them around him,
apparently at a distance fron? the ruins, in a body
sufficient to deter the assailants. To him, too,
rather than to Nicomedes, the guardian of his col-
league, Pleistoanax, (Pleistarchus was probably
dead,) would be committed the conduct of the
contest with the revolted Messenians, which oc-
cupies this and the following nine years. In the
expeditions to Delphi and to Doris, and the hos-
tilities with Athens down to the 30 years' truce,
his name is not mentioned ; though in the discus-
sion at Sparta before the final dissolution of that
truce he comes forward as one who has nad expe-
rience of many wars. Of the Peloponnesian war
itself we find the first 10 years sometimes styled
the Archidamian war ; the share, however, taken
in it by Archidamus was no more than the com-
mand of the first two expeditions into Attica ; in
the .3rd year, of the investment of Plataea ; and
again of the third expedition in the 4th year, 428
B. c. In 427 Cleomenes commanded ; in 426
Agis, son and now successor of Archidamus. His
death must therefore be placed before the beginning
of this, though probably after the beginning of that
under Cleomenes ; for had Agis already succeeded,
he, most likely, and not Cleomenes, would have
commanded ; in the 42nd year, therefore, of his
reign, b. c. 427. His views of this momentous
struggle, as represented by Thucydides, seem to
justify the character that historian gives him
of intelligence and temperance. Plis just estimate
of the comparative strength of the parties, and
his reluctance to enter without preparation on
a contest involving so much, deserve our admira-
tion ; though in his actual conduct of it he may
seem to have somewhat wasted Lacedaemon's
moral superiority. The opening of the siege of
Plataea displays something of the same deliberate
character ; the proposal to take the town and ter-
ritory in trust, however we may question the pro-
bable result, seems to breathe his just and temperate
ppirit. He may at any rate be safely excluded
from all responsibility for the cniel treatment of
the besieged, on their surrender m the year of his
death. We may regard him as the happiest in-
stance of an accommodation of the Spartan character
to altered circumstances, and his death as a mis-
fortune to Sparta, the same in kind though not in
degree as that of Pericles was to Athens, with
whom he was connected by ties of hospitality and
whom in some points he seems to have resembled.
He left two sons and one dimghter, Agis by his
first wife, Lampito or Lampido, his father's half-
sister ; Agesilaus by a second, named Eupolia (ap-
parently the woman of small stature whom the
Kphors fined hira for marrying), and Cynisca, the
only woman, we are told, who carried off an Olympic
victory. (Thuc. i, ii. iii.; Diod. xi. 63 ; Paus. iii.
7. §§ 9, 10; Plut. a?«o«, 16, Ages. 1 ; Herod.
Ti. 71.) [A.H.C.]

ARCHIDA'MUS III., king of Sparta, 20th
of the Eurypontids, was son of Agesilaus II.
"We first liear of him as interceding with his father
in behalf of Sphodrias, to whose son Cleonymus he
was attached, and who was thus saved, through

ARCHIDAMUS.

2C7

I the weak affection of Agesilaus, from the punish-
' ment which his unwarrantable invasion of Attica
had deserved, b. c. 378. (Xen. Hell. v. 4. §§ 25 —
33 ; Diod. xv. 29 ; Plut. A(/es. c. 25 ; comp. Plut.
Pel. c. 14.) In B.C. 371, he was sent, in conse-
quence of the illness of Agesilaus (Xen. Hell. v. 4.
§ 58 ; Plut. Jges. c. 27), to succour the defeated
Spartans at Leuctra ; but Jason of Pherae had al-
ready mediated between them and the Thebans,
and Archidamus, meeting his countrymen on their
return at Aegosthena in Megara, dismissed the
allies, and led the Spartans home. (Xen. Hell. vi.
4. §§ 17 — 26 ; comp. Diod. xv. 54, 55; Wess. ad
loc; Thirl wall's Greece, vol. v. p. 78, note.) In
367, with the aid of the auxiliaries furnished by
Dionysius I. of Syracuse, he defeated the Arcadians
and Argives in what has been called the "Tearless
Battle," from the statement in his despatches, that
he had won it without losing a man (Xen. Hell.
vii. 1. § 28; Plut. Ages. c. 33; Polyaen. i. 45;
Diod. XV. 72) ; and to the next year, 366, must be
assigned the "Archidamus" of Isocrates, written
perhaps to be delivered by the prince in the Spar-
tan senate, to encourage his country in her resolu-
tion of maintaining her claim to Messenia, when
Corinth had made, with Sparta's consent, a separate
peace with Thebes. (Xen. Hell. vii. 4. § 9.) In
364, he was again sent against Arcadia, then at
war with Elis (Xen. Hell. vii. 4. § 20, &c.; Just,
vi. 5) ; and in 362, having been left at home to
protect Sparta while Agesilaus went to join the
allies at Mantineia, he baffled the attempt of Epa-
minondas on the city. (Xen. Hell. vii. 5. § 9, &c.;
Diod. XV. 82, 83 ; Plut. Ages, c.34 ; Isocr. Ep. ad A rch.
§ 5.) He succeeded his father on the throne in 361.
In 356, we find him privately furnishing Philomelus,
the Phocian, with fifteen talents, to aid him in his
resistance to the Amphictyonic decree and his
seizure of Delphi, whence arose the sacred war.
(Diod. xvi. 24 ; Just. viii. I ; comp. Paus. iv. 4 ;
Theopomp. ap. Paus. iii. 10.) In 352, occurred
the war of Sparta against Megalopolis with a view-
to the dissolution {dioiKKT/xos) of that community ;
and Archidamus was appointed to the command,
and gained some successes, though the^ enterprise
did not ultimately succeed. (Diod. xvi. 39 ; Paus.
viii. 27 ; Demosth. pro Mec/al.; comp. Aristot. Po-
lit. v. 10, ed. Bekk.) In the last year of the sacred
war, 346, we find Archidamus marching into Pho-
cis at the head of 1000 men. According to Dio-
dorus (xvi. 59), the Phocians had applied for aid
to Sparta, but this seems questionable fi:om v/hat
Aeschines {de Fals. Leg. p. 45) reports as the ad-
vice of the Phocian leaders to Archidamus, "to
alann himself about the dangers of Sparta rather
than of Phocis," Demosthenes {de Fals. Leg. p. 365 )
hints at a private understanding between Philip
and the Spartans, and at some treachery of his to-
wards them. Whether however on this account,
or as being distrusted by Phalaccus (Aesch. de Fals.
Leg. p. 46), or as finding it impossible to effect
anything on behalf of the Phocians, Archidamus,
on the arrival of Philip, withdrew his forces and
returned home. In 338, he went to Italy to aid tlie
Tarentines against the Lucanians, and there he fell
in battle on the very day, according to Diodorus,
of Philip's victory at Chaeroneia. (Diod. xvi. 63, 88;
Paus. iii. 10; Strab. vi. p. 280; Theopomp. ap.
Allien, xii. p. 536, c. d. ; Plut. Agis, c. 3.) The
Spartans erected a statue of hina at Olympia, which
is mentioned by Pausanias. (vi. ch. 4, 15.) [£.£.]

268

ARCHIGENES.

ARCHIDA'MUS IV., king of Sparta, 23r(l of
the Eurvpontids, was the son of Eudaraidas I. and
the grandson of Archidamus III. (Plut. A<;is, 3.)
He was king in B. c. 296, when he was defeated
by Demetrius Poliorcetes. (Plut. Demetr. 35.)

ARCHIDA'MUS V., king of Sparta, 27th of
the Eurypontids, was the son of Eudamidas II.,
and the brother of Agis IV. On the murder of
his brother Agis, in b. c. 240, Archidamus fled
from Sparta, but obtained possession of the throne
some time after the accession of Cleomenes, through
the means of Aratus, who wished to weaken the
power of the Ephors : it appears that Cleomenes
also was privy to his recall. Archidamus was,
however, slain almost immediately after his return
to Sparta, by those who had killed his brother and
who dreaded his vengeance. It is doubtful whether
Cleomenes was a party to the murder. (Plut.
Cleom. 1, 5 ; comp. Polyb. v. 37, viii. 1.) Archi-
damus V. was the last king of the Eurypontid
race. He left sons, who were alive at the death of
Cleomenes in B. c. 220, but they were passed over,
and the crown given to a stranger, Lycurgns.
(Polyb. iv. 35 ; Clinton, F. H. ii. Append, c. 3.)

ARCHIDA'MUS, the Aetolian. [Archeda-
Mus, No. 3.]

ARCHIDA'MUS {" kpx^^a{xos), a Greek physi-
cian of whom no particulars are known, but who
must have lived in the fourth or fifth century B. c,
as Galen quotes one of his opinions {De Simpl.
Medicam. Temj>er. ac Facidt. ii. 5, &c., vol. xi. p.
471, &c.), which was preserved by Diodes of
Carystus. A physician of the same name is men-
tioned by Pliny {H. N. Ind. Auct.), and a few
fragments on veterinary surgery by a person
named Archedemus are to be found in the " Vete-
rinariae Medicinae Libri Duo," first published in
Latin by J. Ruellius, Paris, 1530, fol., and after-
wards in Greek by S. Grynaeus, Basil. 1537,
4to. [W. A. G.]

ARCHI'DICE ('Apx'St'/fi?), a celebrated hetaira
of Naucratis in Egypt, whose fame spread through
Greece, was arrogant and avaricious. (Herod, ii.
1 36 ; Aelian, V. H. xii. 63; Athen. xiii. p. 596, d.)

ARCHI'GENES ('A^x'Te^^y), ^^^ eminent an-
cient Greek physician, whose name is probably
more familiar to most non-professional readers than
that of many others of more real importance, from
his being mentioned by Juvenal, (vi. 236, xiii. 98,
xiv. 252.) He was the most celebrated of the sect
of the Eclectici {Did. of Ant. s.v. Ededici), and was
a native of Apamea in Syria ; he practised at Rome
in the time of Trajan, a. d. 98- 11 7, where he enjo}'-
ed a very high reputation for his professional skill.
He is, however, reprobated as having been fond of
introducing new and obscure terms into the science,
and having attempted to give to medical writings a
dialectic form, which produced rather the appear-
ance than the reality of accuracy'. Archigenes
published a treatise on the pulse, on which Galen
Avrote a Commentary ; it appears to have contained
a number of minute and subtile distinctions, many
of which have no real existence, and were for the
most part the result rather of a preconceived hj'po-
thesis than of actual observation ; and the same
remark may be applied to an arrangement which
he proposed of fevers. He, however, not only en-
joyed a considerable degree of the public confidence
during his life-time, but left behind him a number
of disciples, who for many years maintained a re- i
Bpectable rank in their profession. The name of |

ARCHILOCHUS.

the father of Archigenes was Philippus ; he was a
pupil of Agathinus, whose life he once saved
[Agathinus]; and he died at the age either of
sixty-three or eighty-three. (Suid. s. v. 'Apxiy. ;
Eudoc. Violar. ap. Villoison, Anecd. Gr. vol. i. p.
Q5.) The titles of several of his works are pre-
served, of which, however, nothing but a few
fragments remain ; some of these have been pre-
served by other ancient authors, and some are still
in MS. in the King's Library at Paris. (Cramer's
Anecd. Gr. Paris, vol. i. pp. 394, 395.) By some
writers he is considered to have belonged to the
sect of the Pneumatici. (Galen, Introd. c. 9. vol.
xiv. p. Gd9.) For further particulars respecting
Archigenes see Le Clerc, Hist, de la Med. ; Fabric.
BibL Gr. vol. xiii. p. 80, ed. vet. ; Sprengel, Hist,
de la Med.; Haller, BibL Medic. Prad. vol. i.
p. 198 ; Osterhausen, Hist. Sectae Ptieiimatic. Med.
Altorf, 1791, 8vo.; 'i{a.r\e%&^ Analeda Historico-Crit.
de ArcMgcne, ^c, Bamberg, 4 to. 1816; Iscnsee,
Gesch. der Med. ; Rostock's History of Medicine,
from which work part of the preceding account is
taken. [W. A. G.J

ARCHI'LOCHUS {'hpxi^oxos), of Pares, was
one of the earliest Ionian lyric poets, and the first
Greek poet who composed Iambic verses according
to fixed rules. He flourished about 714-676 b. c.
(Bode, Geschidde der Lyr. Dichtk. i. pp. 38, 47.)
He was descended from a noble family, who held
the priesthood in Paros. His grandfather was
Tellis, who brought the worship of Demeter into
Thasos, and whose portrait was introduced by
Polygnotus into his painting of the infernal regions
at Delphi. His father was Telesicles, and his mo-
ther a slave, named Enipo. In the flower of his
age (between 710 and 700 b. c), and probably
after he had already gained a prize for his hymn to
Demeter (Schol. inAristopLAv. 1762), Archilochus
went from Paros to Thasos with a colony, of which
one account makes him the leader. The motive
for this emigration can only be conjectured. It
was most probably the result of a political change,
to which cause was added, in the case of Archilo-
chus, a sense of personal wrongs. He had been a
suitor to Neobule, one of the daughters of Lycam-
bes, who first promised and afterwards refused to
give his daughter to the poet. Enraged at this
treatment, Archilochus attacked the whole family
in an iambic poem, accusing Lycambes of perjury,
and his daughters of the most abandoned lives.
The verses were recited at the festival of Demeter,
and produced such an eflfect, that the daughters of
Lycambes are said to have hung themselves through
shame. The bitterness which he expresses in his
poems towards his native island (Athen. iii. p. 76,
b.) seems to have arisen in part also from the low
estimation in which he was held, as being the son
of a slave. Neither was he more happy at Thasos.
He draws the most melancholy picture of his
adopted country, which he at length quitted in
disgust. (Plut. de Exil. 12. p. 604 ; Strabo, xiv.
p. 648, viii. p. 370 ; Eustath. in Odyss. i. p. 227 ;
Aelian, V. H. xii. 50.) While at Thasos, he in-
curred the disgrace of losing his siiield in an en-
gagement with the Thracians of tlie opposite con-
tinent ; but, like Alcaeus under similar circum-
stances, instead of being ashamed of the disaster,
he recorded it in his verse. Plutarch {Inst. Lacon.
p. 239, b.) states, that Archilochus was banished
from Sparta the very hour that he had arrived
there, because he had written in his poems, that a

ARCHILOCIIUS.

nan had better throw away his amis than lose his
life. But Valerius Maximus (vi. 3, ext. 1 ) says,
that the poems of Archilochus were forbidden at
Sparta because of their licentiousness, and especi-
ally on account of the attack on the daughters of
Lycambes. It must remain doubtful whether a
confusion has been made between the personal
history of the poet and the fate of his works, both
in this instance and in the story that he won the
prize at Olympia with his hymn to Heracles
(Tzetzes, Cliil. i. G85), of which thus much is cer-
tain, that the Olympic victors used to sing a hymn
by Archilochus in their triumphal procession. (Pin-
dar, Olymp. ix. 1.) These traditions, and the cer-
tain fact that the fivme of Archilochus was spread,
in his lifetime, over the whole of Greece, together
with his unsettled character, render it probable
that he made many journeys of which we have no
account. It seems, that he visited Siris in Lower
Italy, the only city of which he speaks well.
(Athen. xii, p. 523, d.) At length he returned to
Paros, and, in a war between the Parians and the
people of Naxos, he fell by the hand of a Naxian
named Calondas or Corax. The Delphian oracle,
which, before the birth of Archilochus, had pro-
mised to his father an immortal son, now pro-
nounced a curse upon the man Avho had killed
him, because "he had slain the servant of the
]\Iuses." (Dion Chrj'sost. Orat. 33, vol. ii.

Archilochus shared with his contemporaries,
Thaletas and Terpander, in the honour of esta-
blishing lyric poetry throughout Greece. The in-
vention of the elegy is ascribed to him, as well as
to Callinus ; and though Callinus was somewhat
older than Archilochus [Callinus], there is no
doubt that the latter was one of the earliest poets
who excelled in this species of composition. jMe-
leager enumerates him among the poets in his
Corona. (38.)

But it was on his satiric iambic poetry that the
fame of Archilochus was founded. The first place
in this style of poetry was awarded to him by the
consent of the ancient writers, who did not hesi-
tate to compare him with Sophocles, Pindar, and
even Homer, — meaning, doubtless, that as they
stood at the head of tragic, lyric, and epic poetry,
60 was Archilochus the first of iambic satirical
writers ; while some place him, next to Homer,
above all other poets. (Dion Chrysost. I. c. ; Longin.
xiii. 3 ; Velleius, i. 5 ; Cicero, Orat. 2 ; Hera-
cleitus, ap. Diog. La'cH. ix. 1.) The statues of
Archilochus and of Homer were dedicated on the
same day (Antip. Thessal. Epigr. 45), and two
faces, which are thought to be their likenesses, are
found placed together in a Janus-like bust. (Vis-
conti, Jcon. Grec. i. p. 62.) The emperor Hadrian
judged that the Muses had shown a special mark
of favour to Homer in leading Archilochus into a
different department of poetry. {Epig. 5.) Other
testimonies are collected by Liebel (p. 43).

The Iambics of Archilochus expressed the
strongest feelings in the most unmeasured lan-
guage. The licence of Ionian democracy and the
bitterness of a disappointed man were united with
the highest degree of poetical power to give them
force and point. In countries and ages unfamiliar
with the political and religious licence which at
once incited and protected the poet, his satire was
blamed for its severity (Liebel, p. 41) ; and the
emotion accounted most conspicuous in his verses

ARCHILOCHUS.

269

was "rage," as we see in the line of Horace (A.J'.
79):

"Archilochum proprio rabies armavit iambo,"
and in the expression of Hadrian (I.e.), Kvaauvrns
idfiSovs ; and his bitterness passed into a proverb,
'Apxi^oxov TraT(7s. But there must have been
something more than mere sarcastic power, there
must have been truth and delicate wit, in the sar-
casms of the poet whom Plato does not hesitate to
call "the very wise," (tou cocpayrdTov, Repuh. ii.
p. 365.) Quintilian (x. I. § 60) ascribes to him the
greatest power of expression, displayed in sen-
tences sometimes strong, sometimes brief, with ra-
pid changes {quum va/idae, turn breves vibrantesque
senteniiae), the greatest life and nervousness (plip
rimum sanguinis atque neriiorum), and considers
that whatever blame his works deserve is the fault
of his subjects and not of his genius. In the latter
opinion the Greek critics seem to have joined.
(Plut. de Aud. 13, p. 45, a.) Of modem writers,
Archilochus has been perhaps best understood by
Miiller, who says, " The ostensible object of Ar-
chilochus' Iambics, like that of tjie later comedy,
was to give reality to caricatures, every hideous
feature of which was made more striking by being
magnified. But that these pictures, like carica-
tures from the hand of a master, had a striking
truth, may be inferred from the impression which
Archilochus"' iambics produced, both upon contem-
poraries and posterity. Mere calumnies could
never have driven the daughters of Lycambes to
hang themselves, — if, indeed, this story is to be
believed, and is not a gross exaggeration. But we
have no need of it ; the universal admiration
which was awarded to Archilochus' iambics proves
the existence of a foundation of truth ; for when
had a satire, which was not based on truth, uni-
versal reputation for excellence ? When Plato
produced his first dialogues against the sophists,
Gorgias is said to have exclaimed "Athens has
given birth to a new Archilochus!" This com-
parison, made by a man not unacquainted with
art, shows at all events that Archilochus must have
possessed somewhat of the keen and delicate satire
which in Plato was most severe where a dull lis-
tener would be least sensible of it." (History of
tlve Literature of Greece., i. p. 135.)

The satire of preceding writers, as displayed for
example in the Margiles, was less pointed, because
its objects were chosen out of the remote world
which furnished all the personages of epic poetry ;
while the iambics of Archilochus were aimed at
those among whom he lived. Hence their per-
sonal bitterness and sarcastic power. This kind of
satire had already been employed in extempora-
neous effusions of wit, especially at the festivals of
Demeter and Cora, and Dionysus. This raillery,
a specimen of which is preserved in some of the
songs of the chorus in Aristophanes' Frogs, was
called iambus; and the same name was applied to
the verse which Archilochus invented when he in-
troduced a new style of poetry in the place of
these irregular effusions. For the measured move-
ment of the heroic hexameter, with its arsis and
thesis of equal lengths, he substituted a movement
in which the arsis was twice as long as the thesis,
the light tripping character of which was admirably
adapted to express the lively play of wit. Accord-
ing as the arsis followed or preceded the thesis, the
verse gained, in the former case, strength, in the
latter, speed and lightness, which arc the charac-

270

ARCHIMEDES.

tcristics respectively of the iambus and of the iro-
chee. These short feet he formed into continued
fcvsteras, by uniting every two of them into a pair
(a metre or dipodia), in which one ai'sis was more
Btrongly accentuated than the other, and one of
the two theses was left doubtful as to quantity, so
that, considered with reference to musical rhythm,
each dipod formed a l>ar.* Hence arose the great
kindred dramatic metres, the iambic trimeter and
the trochaic tetrameter, as well as the shorter forms
of iambic and trochaic verse. Archilochus was the
inventor also of the epode, which was formed by
subjoining to one or more verses a shorter one.
One form of the epode, in which it consists of
three trochees, was called the ithyphallic verse
(ldv(pa\\os). He used also a kind of verse com-
pounded of two different metrical structures, v>-hich
was c<dled asynarieie. Some writers ascribe to
him the invention of the Saturnian verse. (Bent-
ley's Dissertation on Flialaris.) Archilochus in-
troduced several improvements in music, which
Lcga-A about his time to be applied to the public
recitations of poetr}'.

The best opportunity we have of judging of the
structure of Archilochus' poetrj-^, though not of its
satiric character, is furnished by the Epodes of
Horace, as we learn from that poet himself {Epist.
i. 19. 23):

" Parios ego primum iambos
Ostendi Latio, numeros animosque secutils
Archilochi, non res et agentia verba Lycamben."

Some manifest translations of Archilochus may be
traced in the Epodes. The fragments of Archi-
lochus which remain are collected in J ucohs^ A nthol.
Grace., Gaisford's Poet. Grace. JMin.^ Bergk's
Foet. Lyrici Graec, and by Liebel, Archilochi Jie-
liquiac. Lips. 1812, 8vo.

Fabricius (ii. pp. 107 — 110) discusses fully the
passages in which other writers of the name are
supposed to be mentioned. [P. S.]

ARCHIME'DES {'Apxifiv^vs), of Syracuse,
the most famous of ancient mathematicians, was
born B. c. 287, if the statement of Tzetzes, which
makes him 75 years old at his death, be correct.

Of his family little is known. Plutarch calls
liim a relation of king Hiero ; but Cicero ( Tusc.
Difp. V. 23), contrasting him apparently not with
Dionj-sius (as Torelli suggests in order to avoid
the contradiction), but with Plato and Archytas,
says, " humilem homunculum a pulvere et radio
cxcitabo." At any rate, his actiuil condition in
life does not seem to have been elevated (Silius
Ital, xiv. 343), though he was certainly a friend, if
not a kinsman, of Hiero. A modern tradition
makes him an ancestor of the Syracusan virgin
martyr St. Lucy. ( Rival tus, in vit. Archim. Maz-
zticheUi, p. 6.) In the early part of his life he
travelled into Egypt, where he is said, on the
authority of Proclus, to have studied under Couon
the Samian, a mathematician and astronomer
(mentioned by Virg. Bel. iii. 40), who lived under
the Ptolemies, Philadelphus and Euergetes, and
for whom he testifies his respect and esteem in

* These two remarks apply to tlie fcrst arsis
and the Jirst thesis of the iumldc metre, and to the
second arsis and the second thesis of the trochaic :

ARCHIMEDES.

several places of his works. (See the introductions
to the Quadratura Paraboles and the De Helicibus.)
After visiting other countries, he returned to
Syracuse. (Diod. v. 37.) Livy (xxiv. 34) calls
him a distinguished astronomer, " unicus spectiitor
coeli siderumque;" a description of which the truth
is made sufficiently probable by his treatment of
the astronomical questions occurring in the Arena-
rius. (See also Macrob. Somn. Scip. ii. 3.) He
was popularly best known as the inventor of
several ingenious machines ; but Plutarch {Marcell.
c. 14), who, it should be observed, confounds the
application of geometry to mechanics \\'ith the
solution of geometrical problems by mechanical
means, represents him as despising these con-
trivances, and only condescending to withdraw
himself from the abstractions of pure geometry at
the request of Hiero. Certain it is, however, tliat
Archimedes did cultivate not only pure geometry,
but also the mathematical theory of several branches
of physics, in a truly scientific spirit, and with
a success which placed him very far in advance
of the age in which he lived. His theory of the
lever was the foundation of statics till the discovery
of the composition of forces in the time of Newton,
and no essential addition was made to the princi-
ples of the equilibrum of fluids and floating bodies,
established by him in his treatise " De Insidenti-
bus," till the publication of Stevin's researches on
the pressure of fluids in 1608. (Lagrange, Mec.
Anal. vol. i. pp. 11, 176.)

He constructed for Hiero various engines of war,
which, many years afterwards, were so far effectual
in the defence of Syracuse against Marcellus, as to
convert the siege into a blockade, and delay the
taking of the city for a considerable time. (Plut.
Marcell 15-18 ;*Liv. xxiv. 34; Polyb. viii. 5-9.)
The accounts of the performances of these engines
are evidently exaggerated ; and the story of the
buTTiing of the Roman ships by the reflected rays
of the sun, though very current in later times, is
probably a fiction, since neither Polybius, Livj'-,
nor Plutarch gives the least hint of it. The earliest
writers who speak of it are Galen {De Temper, iii.
2) and his contemporary Lucian (Hippias, c. 2),
who (in the second century) merely allude to it as
a thing well known. Zonaras (about A. D. 1100)
mentions it in relating the use of a similar appa-
ratus, contrived by a certain Proclus, when Byzan-
tium was besieged in the reign of Anastasius ;
and gives Dion as his authority, without referrinj^
to the particular passage. The extant works of
Dion contain no allusion to it, Tzetzes (about
1 150) gives an account of the principal inventions
of Archimedes (Chil. ii. 103 — 156), and amongst
them of this burning machine, which, he says, set the
Roman ships on fire when they came within a
bow-shot of the walls ; and consisted of a large
hexagonal mirror with smaller ones disposed round
it, each of the latter being a polygon of 24 sides.
The subject has been a good deal discussed in
modem times, particularly by Cavalieri (in cap. 29
of a ti'act entitled " Del Specchio Ustorio," Bologna,
1650), and by Buffon, who has left an elaborate
dissertation upon it in his introduction to the his-
tory of minerals. (Oeuvres, torn. v. p. 301, &c.)
The latter author actually succeeded in igniting
wood at a distance of 150 feet, by means of a
combination of 148 plane min-ors. The question
is also examined in vol. ii. of Peyrard's Archi-
medes ; and a prize essay upon it by Capelle is

ARCHIMEDES,
transliitod from tlie Dutch in Gilbert's " Aiinnlcn
<]er I'hysik," vol. liii. p. •24"2. The most pro-
});ible conclusion seems to be, that Archimedes had
oil some occasion set fire to a ship or ships by
means of a burning mirror, and that later writers
I'alscly connected the circumstance with the sioge
of Syracuse. (See Ersch and Gruber's Cyclop,
art. ArcJiim. note, and Gibbon, chap. 40.)

The following additional instances of Archi-
mi-des' skill in the application of science have
been collected from various authors by Rivaltus
(who edited his works in lb' 1 5) and others.

He detected the mixture of silver in a crown
which Hiero had ordered to be made of gold, and
detennined the proportions of the two metids, by
a method suggested to him by the overflowing of
the water \\ hen he stepped into a bath. When
the thought struck him he is said to have been so
much pleased that, forgetting to put on his clothes,
he ran home shouting cupTj/ca, euprj/ca. The par-
ticulars of the calculation are not preserved, but it
probably depended upon a direct comparison of the
weights of certain volumes of silver and gold with
the weight and volume of the crown ; the volumes
being measured, at least ii. the case of the crown,
by the quantity of water displaced when the masfe
v.'as immersed. It is not likely that Archimedes
was at this time acquainted with the theorems
demonstrated in his hydrostatical treatise con-
cerning the loss of xfcight of bodies immersed in
water, since he would hardly have evinced such
lively gratification at the obvious discovery that
they might be applied to the problem of the crown;
liis delight must rather have arisen from his now
first catching sight of a line of investigation which
led immediately to the solution of the problem
in question, and ultimately to the important
theorems referred to. (Vitruv. ix. 3. ; Proclus.
Comm. in lib. i. Eucl. ii. 3.)

He superintended the building of a ship of ex-
traorflinary size for Hiero, of which a description
is given in Athenaeus (v. p. 206, u), where he is
also said to have moved it to the sea by the help
of a screw. According to Proclus, this ship was
intended by Hiero as a present to Ptolemy ; it may
possibly liave been the occasion of Archimedes'
visit to Eg}-pt.

He invented a machine called, from its form.
Cochlea, and now known as the water-screw of
Archimedes, for pumping the water out of the hold
of this vessel ; it is said to have been also used in
Eg}-pt by the inhabitants of the Delta in irrigating
their lands. (Died. i. 34; Vitruv. x. 11.) An
investigation of the mathematical theory of the
water screw is given in Ersch and Gruber. The
Arabian historian Abulpharagius attributes to
Archimedes the raising of the dykes and bridges
used as defences against the overflowing of the
Nile. (Pope-Blount, Censura, p. 32.) Tzetzes
and Oribasius {de Much, xxvi.) speak of his Tria-
p(isl, a machine for moving large weights; probably
a combination of pulleys, or wheels and axles. A
In/dratdic organ (a musical instrument) is mention-
ed by Tertullian (c/e Anima, cap. 14), but Pliny
(vii. 37) attributes it to Ctesibius. (See also Pap-
pus, Math. Coll. lib. 8, introd.) An apparatus
called loculus. apparently somev/hat resembling the
Chinese puzzle,, is also attributed to Archimedes.
( Fortunatianus, do Arte Metrica,, p. 2G84.) His
most celebrated performance was the construction
of a spluire ; a kind of orrery, representing the

ARCHIMEDES. 271

movements of the heavenh' bodies, of which we
have no particular description. (Claudian, Kpigr.
xxi. in Sphueram Archimcdis; Cic.A'it<^ Dcor.'n. 35,
Tiisc. Di^p. i. 2.5 ; Sext. Empir. adv. Math. ix. 115;
Lactant. Dii'. Inst. ii. 5 ; Ov. Fust. vi. 277.)

When Syracuse was taken, Archimedes was
killed by the Roman soldiers, ignorant or careless
who he might be. The accounts of his death vary
in some particulars, but mostly agree in describing
him as intent upon a mathematical problem at the
time, lie was deeply regretted by Marcellus, who
directed his burial, and befriended his surviving
relations. (Liv. xxv. 31; Vaier. Max. viii, 7. § 7;
Plut. ^[arcetl. 19 ; Cic. de fin. v. 19.) Upon his
tomb was placed the figure of a sphere inscribed
in a cylinder, in accordance with his known wisli,
and in commemoration of the discovery which he
most valued. When Cicero was quaestor in Sicily
(n. c. 75) he found this tomb near one of the gates
of the city, almost hid amongst briars, and forgotten
by the Syracusans. {Tnsc. Disp. v. 23.)

Of the general character of Archimedes we have
no direct account. But his apparently disinterest-
ed devotion to his friend and admirer Hiero, in
whose service he was ever ready to exercise his
ingenuity upon objects which his own taste would
not have led him to choose (for there is doubtless
some truth in what Plutarch says on this point) ;
the afl'ectionate regret which he expn^sses for his
deceased master Conon, in writing to his surviving
friend Dositheus (to whom most of his works are
addressed) ; and the luiaffected simplicity with
which he announces his own discoveries, seem to
afford probable grounds for a favourable estimate
of it. That his intellect was of the very highest
order is unquestionable. He possessed, in a degree
never exceeded unless by Newton, the inventive
genius which discovers new provinces of inquiry,
and finds new points of view for old and familiar
objects; the clearness of conception which is
essential to the resolution of complex phaenomena
into their constituent elements ; and the power
and habit of intense and persevering thought, with-
out which other intellectual gifts fire comparatively
fruitless. (See the introd. to the treatise " De Con.
et Sphaer.") It may be noticed that he resembled
other great thinkers, in his habit (^-pomplete ab-
straction from outward things, when inflecting on
subjects which made considerable demands on his
ment{il powers. At such times he would forget to
eat his meals, and require compulsion to take him
to the bath. (Plut. /. c.) Compare the stories of
Newton sitting great part of the day half dressed
on his bed, while composing the Principia ; and of
Socrates standing a whole day and night, thinking,
on the same spot. (Plat. Symp. p. 220, c. d.) The
success of Archimedes in conquering difficulties
seems to have made the expression irpSSKyj/xa 'Ap-
X'/U-^Sciot' proverbial. (See Cic. ad Ait. xiii. 28,
pro Cluent. 32.)

The following works of Archimedes have come
down to us : A treatise on Equiponderants and
Centi-es of Grainty, in Avhich the theory of the
equilibrium of the straight lever is demonstrated,
both for commensurable and incommensurable
weights ; and various properties of the centres of
gravity of plane surfaces bounded by three or four
straight lines, or by A straight line and a parabola,
are established.

Tlic Quadrature of the Parabola^ in which it is
proved, that the area cut off from a parabola by

ir.

ARCHIMEDES.

nay chord is equal to two-thirds of the parallelo-
gram of which one side is the chord in question,
and the opposite side a tangent to the parabola.
This was the first real example of the quadrature
of a curvilinear space ; that is, of the discovery of
a rectilinear figure equal to an area not bounded
entirely by straight lines.

A treatise on tJie Sp/tere and Cylinder^ in which
various propositions relative to the surfaces and
volumes of the sphere, cylinder, and cone, were
demonstrated for the first time. Many of them
are now familiarly known ; for example, those
which establish the ratio (|) between the volumes,
and also between the surfaces, of the sphere and
circumscribing cylinder ; and the ratio {\) between
the area of a great circle and the surface of the
sphere. They are easily demonstrable by the
modern analytical methods , but the original dis-
covery and geometrical proof of them required the
genius of Archimedes. Moreover, the legitimacy
of the modem applications of analysis to questions
concerning curved lines and surfaces, can only be
proved by a kind of geometrical reasoning, of
which Archimedes gave the first example. (See
Lacroix, Diff". Cal. vol. i. pp. 63 and 431 ; and
compare De Morgan, Dif. Cat. p. 32.)

The book on the Dimension nfthe Circle consists
of three propositions. 1st. Every circle is equal
to a right-angled triangle of which the sides con-
taining the right angle are equal respectively to its
radius and circumference. 2nd. The ratio of the
area of the circle to the square of its diameter is
nearly that of 11 to 14. 3rd. The circumference
of the circle is greater than three times its diameter
by a quantity greater than ff of the diameter but
less than -f of the same. The last two proposi-
tions are established by comparing the circum-
ference of the circle with the perimeters of the
inscribed and circumscribed polygons of QQ sides.

The treatise on Spirals contains demonstrations
of the principal properties of the curve, now known
as the Spiral of Archimedes, which is generated by
the uniform motion of a point along a straight line
revolving uniformly in one plane about one of its
extremities. It appears from the introductory
epistle to Dositheus that Archimedes had not been
able to put these theorems in a satisfactory form
without long-continued and repeated trials; and
tliat Conon, to whom he had sent them as pro-
blems along with various others, had died without
accomplishing their solution.

The book on Conoids and Splieroids relates
chiefly to the volumes cut off by planes from the
solids so called ; those namely which are generated
by the rotation of the Conic Sections about their
principal axes. Like the work last described, it
was the result of laborious, and at first unsuccess-
ful, attempts. (See the introduction.)

The Arenarius (6 Waixiiir-qs) is a short tract
addressed to Gelo, the eldest son of Hiero, in
which Archimedes proves, that it is possible to
assign a number greater than that of the grains of
sand which would fill the sphere of the fixed stars.
This singular investigation was suggested by an
opinion which some persons had expressed, that
the sands on the shores of Sicily were either in-
finite, or at least would exceed any numbers which
could be assigned for them ; and the success with
■vvhich the difficulties caused by the awkward and
imperfect notation of the ancient Greek arithmetic
are eluded by a dence identical in principle with

AIICIIIMEDES.

the modem method of logarithms, affords one of
the most striking instances of the great mathema-
tician's genius. Having briefly discussed the
opinions of Aristarchus upon the constitution and
extent of the Universe [Aristarchus], and
described his own method of determining the ap-
parent diameter of the sun, and the magnitude of
the pupil of the eye, he is led to assume that the
diameter of the sphere of the fixed stars may be
taken as not exceeding 100 million of millions of
stadia ; and that a sphere, one haKrvKos in diame-
ter, cannot contain more than 640 millions of
grains of sand ; then, taking the stadium, in round
numbers, as not greater than 10,000 5a«TuAoz, he
shews that the number of grains in question could
not be so great as 1000 myriads multiplied by the
eighth term of a geometrical progression of which
the first term was unity and the common ratio a
myriad of myriads ; a number which in our nota-
tion would be expressed by unity with 63 ciphers
annexed.

The two books On Floating Bodies (iTcpl rwv
'OxovfjLevuv) contain demonstrations of the laws
which determine the position of bodies immersed
in water ; and particularly of segments of spheres
and parabolic conoids. They are extant only in
the Latin version of Commandine, with the ex-
ception of a fragment Uepl rwv "TSari ecpiaTa^
ixfvoiv in Ang. Mai's Collection, vol. i. p. 427.

The treatise entitled Lemmata is a collection of
15 propositions in plane geometry. It is derived
from an Arabic MS. and its genuineness has been
doubted. (See Torelli's preface.)

Eutocius of Ascalon, about A. D. 600, wrote a
commentary on the Treatises on the Sphere and
Cylinder, on the Dimension of the Circle, and on
Centres of Gravity. All the works above men-
tioned, together with this Commentary, were found
on the taking of Constantinople, and brought first
into Italy and then into Germany. They were
printed at Basle in 1544, in Greek and Latin, by
Hervagius. Of the subsequent editions by far the
best is that of Torelli, "Archira. quae supers,
omnia, cum Eutocii Ascalonitae commentariis.
Ex recens. Joseph. Torelli, Veronensis," Oxon,
1792. It was founded upon the Basle edition,
except in the case of the Arenarius, the text of
which is taken from that of Dr. Wallis, who pub-
lished this treatise and the Dimensio Circuli, with
a translation and notes, at Oxford, in 1679. (They
are reprinted in vol. iii. of his works.)

The Arenarius, having been little meddled with
by the ancient commentators, retains the Doric
dialect, in which Archimedes, like his countryman
Theocritus, wrote. (See Wallis, Op. vol. iii. pp.
537, 545. Tzetzes says, eA676 Se Kal ^wpiarrl^
(pavrj 'ZvpaKovaia, Hd )8co, Kal xaptCTiwi/t rdv yav
Kivriaa irdaau.) A French translation of the
works of Archimedes, with notes, was published
by F. Peyrard, Paris, 1808, 2 vols. 8vo., and an
English translation of the Arenarius by G. Ander-
son, London, 1784.

(G. M. Mazuchelli, Notizie istoricke e critiche
intorno alia vita, alle invenzioni, ed agli scritti di
Ai-chimede, Brescia, 1737, 4to. ; C. M. Brandelii,
Dissertatio sistens Archimedis vitam^ ejusque in
Mathesiyimerita, Grj'phiswald. 1789,4to.; Martens,
in Ersch und Gruber, Allgemeine Enct/clopadiCf
art. Archimedes; Quarterly Review, vol. iii. art.
Pe>/rard''s Archimedes; Rigaud, The Arenarius of
ArchimedcSy Oxford, 1837, printed for the Aslimo-

ARCH I PP us.

lean Society ; Fabric. Bibl. Grace, vol. ii. p. 544 ;
Pope- Blount, Censura celdjriorum Authorum^ Lond.
1690, fol.) [W. F. D.]

ARCHIME'DES, of Tralles, wrote coramento-
ries upon Homer and Plato, and also a work upon
mechanics. (Suidas, »-. r.; Eudocia, p. 74.)

ARCHIME'LUS {'Apxif^V^os\ the author of
an epigram on the great ship of Hiero, which ap-
pears to have been built about 220 B. c. (Athen.
V. p. 209.) To this epigram Brunck (Analect. ii.
p. 64) added another, on an imitator of Euripides,
the title of which, however, in the Vatican MS. is
ApxifJ-vSovs^ which there is no good reason for
altering, although we have no other mention of a
poet named Archimedes. [P. S.]

ARCHI'NUS {"Apx^vos). 1. An Athenian
statesman and orator. He was a native of Coele,
and one of the leading Athenian patriots, who to-
gether with Thrasybulus and Anytus occupied
Phyle, led the Athenian exiles back, and over-
threw the government of the Thirty tyrants, B. c.
403. (Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 742.) It was on
the advice of Archinus that Thrasybixlus proclaim-
ed the general amnesty (Aeschin. de Fals. Leg.
p. 338) ; Archinus, moreover, carried a law which
afforded protection to those included in the amnesty
against sycophantism. (Isocrat. in Callim. p. 618.)
Although the name of Archinus is obscured in
history by that of Thrasybulus, yet we have every
reason for believing that he v/as a better and a
greater man. Demosthenes says, that he was often
at the head of armies, and that he was particularly
great as a statesman. When Thrasybulus proposed,
contrary to law, that one of his friends should be
rewarded with a crown, Archinus opposed the
illegal proceeding, and came forward, as accuser of
Thrasybulus. (Aeschin. c. Ctedph. p. 584.) He
acted in a similar manner when Thrasybidus en-
deavoured in an illegal way to procure honours for
Lysias. (Plut. Vit. X. Oral. p. 835, f.; Phot. Cod.
260.) There are several other passages of ancient
writers which attest that Archinus was a skilful
and upright statesman. He is also of importance
in the literary history of Attica, for it was on his
advice that, in the archonship of Eucleides, B. c.
403, the Ionic alphabet i^luviKd. ypafi/MTa) was
introduced into all public documents, (Suid. s. v.
'Safilav 6 Sij/xos.) Some ancient as well as modem
writers have believed that Archinus wrote a
fimeral oration, of which a fragment was thought
to be preserved in Clemens of Alexandria. (Strom.
vi, p. 749.) But this is a mistake which arose
with Dionysius of Halicarnassus {De adm. vi
tlicend. in Demosth. p. 178) from a misunderstood
passage of Plato. {Menex. p. 403.) See Valesius,
ad Harpocrat p. 101, &c. ; Ruhnken, Hist. Orai.
O'raec. p. xlii. ; Taylor, Li/siae Vita, p. 141, &c.)

2, A Greek historian of uncertain date, who
wrote a work on the historj' of Thessaly which is
now lost. (Schol. ad Find. Pyth. iii. 59 ; Steph.
Byz. s.v. Aoirtov.) [L. S.]

ARCHIPPUS ("ApxtTH-os), an Achaean, who
accompanied Andronidas to Diaeus, the commander
of the Achaeans, to oifer peace from the Romans,
B. c. 146. He was seized by Diaeus, but released
upon the payment of forty minae. (Polyb. xl. 5,
comp. c. 4, init.) There was another Archippus,
an Achaean, who expelled the garrison of Nabis
from Argos, b. c. 194. (Liv. xxxiv. 40.)

ARCHIPPUS (^ApxiTTTTos), an Athenian comic
poet of the old comedy, gained a single prize B. c.

ARCHYTAS.

273

415. (Suidas, s. V.) His chief play was 'Ix^Gj,
" the Fishes," in which, as far as can be gathered
from the fragments, the fish made war upon the
Athenians, as excessive eaters of fish, and at length
a treaty was concluded, by which Melanthius, the
tragic poet, and other voracious fish-eaters, were
given up to be devoured by the fishes. The wit of
the piece appears to have consisted chiefly in play-
ing upon words, which Archippus was noted for
carrying to great excess. (Schol. i?i Aristoph. Vesp.
481, Bekker.) The other plays of Archippus,
mentioned by the grammarian^, are 'Aficpirpvusu^
'Hpa/cATjs yafjLwv^ "Ovov aKid^ IIKovtos, and 'Pivuu.
Four of the lost plays which are assigned to Aris-
tophanes, were by some ascribed to Archippus,
namely, IlotTjcris, Kavayos, Nrjcrot, Njygts or n/oSos.
(Meineke, i, 207—210.) Two Pythagorean phi-
losophers of this name are mentioned in the list of
Fabricius. {BiOl. Grace, i. p. 831.) [P. S.]

ARCHI'TELES {'ApxiTiXrjs). 1. Father of
the boy Eunomus, whom Heracles killed by acci-
dent on his visit to Architeles. The father forgave
Heracles, but Heracles nevertheless went into vo-
luntary exile. (ApoUod. ii. 7. § 6 ; Died. iv. 36,
who calls the boy Eurynomus; Athen. ix. p. 410,
&c.)

2. A son of Achaeus and Automate, and brother
of Archander, together -with whom he carried on a
war against Lamedon. (Pans. ii. 6. § 2.) He mar-
ried Automate, the daughter of Danaus. (vii. 1.
§ 3.) [L. S.]

ARCHITI'MUS ('Apxlrifios), the author of a
work on Arcadia. (Plut. Quaest. Grace, c. 39.)

ARCHO, the daughter of Herodicus, a Thessa-
lian chief, whose children met with the tragical
death mentioned by Livy. (xl. 4.) [Theoxena.]

ARCHON ("Apx^"). 1. The Pellaean, ap-
pointed satrap of Babylonia after the death of
Alexander, b.c. 323 (Justin, xiii. 4; Diod. xviii. 3),
is probably the same as the son of Cleinias men-
tioned in the Indian expedition of Alexander.
(Arrian, Tnd. c. 18.)

2. Of Aegeira, one of those who defended the
conduct of the Achaean league with reference to
Sparta before Caecilius Metellus, b. c. 1 85. He
was one of the Achaean ambassadors sent to Egypt
in B. c. 168 (Polyb. xxiii. 10, xxix. 10), and is
perhaps the same as the Archo, the brother of
Xenai'chus, mentioned by Livy. (xli. 29.)

ARCHYTAS ('ApxyTos), of Amphissa, a
Greek poet, who was probably a contemporary of
Euphorion, about b. c. 300, since it was a matter
of doubt with the ancients themselves whether the
epic poem Vepavos was the work of Archytas or
Euphorion. (Athen. iii. p. 82.) Plutarch {Quaest.
Gr. 15) quotes from him an hexameter verse con-
cerning the country of the Ozolian Locrians. Two
other lines, which he is said to have inserted in
the Hermes of Eratosthenes, are preserved in
Stobaeus. {Serm. Iviii. 10.) He seems to have
been the same person whom Laertius (viii. 82) calls
an epigrammatist, and upon whom Bion wrote an
epigram which he quotes, (iv. 52.) [L. S.]

ARCHY'TAS ('AoxuTos), of Mytilene, a
musician, who may perhaps have been the author
of the work Hepl Av\6uv, which is ascribed to
Archytas of Tarentum. (Diog. Laert. viii. 82 ;
Athen, xiii. p. 600, f., iv. p. 184, e.)

ARCHY'TAS {'Apxvras), a Greek of Taren-
tum, who was distinguished as a philosopher,
mathematician, general, and statesman, and waa

T

274 ARCHYTAS.

no less admired for his integrity and virtue, both
in public and in private life. Little is known of
his history, since the lives of him by Aristoxenus
and Aristotle (Athen. xii. p. 545) are lost. A
brief account of him is given by Diogenes Laertius.
(viii. 79 — 83.) His father's name was Mnasar-
chus, Mnesagoras, or Histiaeus. The time when
he lived is disputed, but it was probably about 400
B. c, and onwards, so that he was contemporary
with Plato, whose life he is said to have saved by
his influence withjhe tyrant Dionysius (Tzetzes,
Cldl. X. 359, xi. 362 ; Suidas, s. v. ^hpx^ras)^ and
with whom he kept up a familiar intercourse. (Cic.
de Sened. 12.) Two letters v/hich are said to
have passed between them are preserved by Dio-
genes (/. c. ; Plato, Ep. 9). He was seven times
the general of his city, though it was the custom
for the office to be held for no more than a year,
and he commanded in sevei-al campaigns, in all of
which he was victorious. Civil affairs of the
greatest consequence were entrusted to him by his
fellow-citizens. After a life which secured to him
a place among the very greatest men of antiquity,
he was drowned while upon a voyage on the
Adriatic. (Hon Carm. i. 28.) He was greatly
admired for his domestic virtues. He paid par-
ticular attention to the comfort and education of
his slaves. The interest which he took in the
education of children is proved by the mention of a
child's rattle (7rA.aTa77i) among his mechanical in-
ventions. (Aelian, V. H. xiv. 19; Aristot. Fol.
viii. 6. § 1.)

As a philosopher, he belonged to the Pythagorean
school, and he appears to have been himself the
founder of a new sect. Like the Pythagoreans in
general, he paid much attention to mathematics.
Horace {I.e.) calls him "maris et terrae numeroque
carentis arenae Mensorem." He solved the pro-
blem of the doubling of the cube, (Vitruv. ix. praef.)
and invented the method of analytical geometry.
He was the first who applied the principles of
mathematics to mechanics. To his theoretical sci-
ence he added the skill of a practical mechanician,
and constructed various machines and automatons,
among which his wooden flying dove in particular
was the wonder of antiquity. (Gell. x. 12.) He
also applied mathematics with success to musical
science, and even to metaphysical philosophy. His
influence as a philosopher was so great, that Plato
was undoubtedly indebted to him for some of his
views ; and Aristotle is thought by some writers
to have borrowed the idea of his categories, as well
as some of his ethical principles, from Archytas.

The fragments and titles of works ascribed to
Archytas are very numerous, but the genuineness
of many of them is greatly doubted. Most of
them are found in Stobaeus. They relate to phy-
sics, metaphysics, logic, and ethics. A catalogue of
them is given by Fabricius. (5«6. G'ra<3c. i. p. 833.)
Several of the fragments of Archytas are published
in Gale, Opusc. Mythol. Cantab. 1671, Amst. 1688.
A work ascribed to him "on the 10 Categories,"
was published by Camerarius, in Greek, under the
title ^Pi.p-x}iTov <p(p6jx€voi S^Ka \6yoL KadoKiKoi^
Lips. 1564; and in Greek and Latin, Ven. 1571.
A full collection of his fragments is promised in the
Teniamen de A rchytae Tareniini vita aique operibus.,
a Jos. Navarro, of which only one part has yet ap-
peared, Hafn. 1820.

From the statement of lamblichus ( Vit Pyth. 23),
tbAt Archytas was a hearer of Pythagoras, some

ARDALUS.

writers have thought that there were two Pytha-
gorean philosophers of this name. But lamblichas
was undoubtedly mistsiken. (Bentley's Pluilaris.)
The writers of this name on agriculture (Diog
Laert. I c; Varro, B. 7?. i. 1 ; Columella, R. R. i. 1 ),
on cookery {o-^uprvriKa, lamblich, Vit. Pyth. 29,
34; Athen. xii. p. 516, c), and on architecture
(Diog. I. c; Vitruv. vii. praef.), are most probably
identical with the philosopher, to whom the most
various attainments are ascribed.

Busts of Archytas are engraved in Gronovius'
Thesaur. Antiq. Grace, ii. tab. 49, and in the Anli-
chita d''Ercolano, v. tab. 29, 30.

(Schmidii Dissert, de Archyta Tarent. Jenae,
1683 , Vossius, de Seient. Math. 48. § 1 ; Montucla,
Hist. Matlies. vol. i. pt. i. 1. iii. p. 137; Ritter,
Geschichte der Pytliag. Philos. p. 65.) [P. S.]

ARCTI'NUS ('Ap/fTtros), of Miletus, is called
by Dionysius of Halicarnassus {A. R. i. 68, &c.)
the most ancient Greek poet, whence some writers
have placed him even before the time of Homer ;
but the ancients who assign to him any certain
date, agree in placing him about the commence-
ment of the Olympiads. We know from good
authority that his father's name was Teles, and
that he was a descendant of Nautes. (Suid. s. v.
'ApKTlvos ; Tzetzes, Chi/, xiii. 641.) He is called
a disciple of Homer, and from all we know about
him, there was scarcely a poet in his time who
deserved this title more than Arctinus. He was
the most distinguished among the so-called cyclic
poets. There were in antiquity two epic poems
belonging to the cycle, which are unanimously
attributed to him. 1. The Aethiopis (Aldioitis), in
five books. It was a kind of continuation of
Homer's Iliad, and its chief heroes were Memnon,
king of the Ethiopians, and Achilles, who slew
him. The substance of it has been preserved by
Proclus. 2. The Destruction of Jlion ('l\iov
irepo-i's), in two books, contained a description of
the taking and destruction of Troy, and the sub-
sequent events until the departure of the Greeks.
The substance of this poem has likewise been pre-
served by Proclus. A portion of the Little Hiad
of Lesches was likewise called 'l\iou irepais, but
the account which it gave differed materially from
that of Arctinus. [Lesches.] A third epic poem,
called Ttraj/Ojuaxia, that is, the fight of the gods
with the Titans, and which was probably the first
poem in the epic cycle, was ascribed by some to
Eumelus of Corinth, and by others to Arctinus.
(Athen. i. p. 22, vii. p. 277.) The fragments of
Arctinus have been collected by Diintzer (Die
Fragm. der ep. Poes. his auf Alex. pp. 2, &c., 16,
&c., 21, &c., Naehtrag, p. 16) and Diibner. {Homeri
Carm. et Cycli Epici Reliquiae., Paris, 1837.) Cora-
pare C. W. Miiller, De Cyclo Graecorum Epieo .
Welcker, Der Episclie Cyclus., p. 211, &c. ; Bode,
Gesch. der Ep, Dichtkunst der Hellen. pp. 276, &c.,
378, &c. [L.S.]

ARC YON ('ApKuwv), or, as others read, Alcyon
('AAkucji/), a surgeon at Rome, mentioned by Jose-
phus (Ant. xix. 1) as having been called in to
attend to those persons who had been wounded at
Caligula's assassination, a. d. 41. [W. A. G.]

A'RDALUS ("ApSaXos), a son of Hephaestus,
who was said to have invented the flute, and to
have built a sanctuary of the Muses at Troezen,
who derived from him the surname Ardalides or
Ardaliotides. (Paus. ii. 31. §3; Hesych. s. v.
'ApSoAtSes.^ [L. S.J

AREITHOUS.

A'RDEAS ('ApSeay), a son of Odysseus and
Circe, the mythical founder of the town of Ardea
in the country of the Rutuli. (Dionys. i. 72 ;
Steph. Byz. s. v. "Aureia.) fL. S.]

A'RDiCES of Corinth and TELETH ANES of
Sicyon, were, according to Pliny (xxxv. 5), the
first artists who practised the monogram, or draw-
ing in outline with an indication also of the parts
within the external outline, but without colour, as
in the designs of Flaxman and Retzsch. Pliny,
after stating that the invention of the earliest form
of drawing, namely, the external outline, as marked
by the edge of the shadow {umbra hominis lineis
circumducfa, or pictura lineaiHs)^ was claimed by
the Egyptians, the Corinthians, and the Sicyonians,
adds, that it was said to have been invented by
Philocles, an Egyptian, or by Cleanthes, a Corin-
thian, and that the next step was made by Ardices
and Telephanes, who first added the inner lines of
the figure {>rpargentes lineas iiitus). [P. S.]

ARDYS ("AfjSi's). 1. King of Lydia, succeeded
his father Gyges, and reigned from B.C. 680 to 631.
He took Priene and made war against Miletus.
During his reign the Cimmerians, who had been
driven out of their abodes by the Nomad Scythians,
took Sardis, with the exception of the citadel.
(Herod, i. 15, 16 ; Paus. iv. 24. § 1.)

2. An experienced general, commanded the right
wing of the army of Antiochus the Great in his
battle against Molo, B. c. 220. [See. p, 196, b.]
He distinguished himself in the next year in the
siege of Seleuceia. (Polyb. v. 53, 60.)

ARE'GON ('Ap7j7wj/), a Corinthian painter,
who, in conjunction with Cleanthes, ornamented
the temple of Artemis Alpheionia at the mouth of
the Alpheius in Elis. He painted Artemis riding
on a gritfin. (Strab. vii. p. 343.) If Cleanthes be
the artist mentioned by Pliny (xxxv. 5), Aregon
must be placed at the very earliest period of the
rise of art in Greece. [Cleanthes.] [P. S.]

ARE'GON IS {'Kptiyovis), according to the Or-
phic Argonautica (127), the wife of Ampycus and
mother of Mopsus. Hvginus {Fab. 14) calls her
Chloris. ^ ' [L. S.]

AREIA ('Apcta), the warlike. 1. A surname
of Aphrodite, when represented in full armour like
Ares, as was the case at Sparta. (Paus. iii. 17. §5.)

2. A surname of Athena, under which she was
worshipped at Athens. Her statue, together with
those of Ares, Aphrodite, and Enyo, stood in the
temple of Ares at Athens. (Paus. i. 8. § 4.) Her
worship under this name was instituted by Orestes
after he had been acquitted by the Areiopagus of
the murder of his mother, (i. 28. § 5.) It was
Athena Areia who gave her casting vote in cases
where the Areiopagites were equally divided.
(Aeschyl. Eum. 753.) From these circumstances,
it has been inferred, that the name Areia ought not
to be derived from Ares, but from opo, a prayer, or
from ope'w or dpeV/cco, to propitiate or atone for.

3. A daughter of Cleochus, by whom Apollo be-
came the father of Miletus. (ApoUod. iii. 1. § 2.)
For other traditions about Miletus, see Acacallis
and Miletus. [L. S.]

AREI'LYCUS ('Ap7jr\u/cos). Two mythical
personages of this name occur in the Iliad, (xiv.
451, xvi. 308.) [L. S.]

AREI'THOUS {'Apvteoos), king of Ame in
Boeotia, and husba'id of Philomedusa, is called in
the Iliad (vii. 8,&c.) Kop wtjttjs, because he fought
with no other weapon but a club. He fell by the

ARENE.

276

hand of the Arcadian Lycurgus, who drove him
into a narrow defile, where he could not make use
of his club. Erythalion, the friend of Lycurgus,
wore the armour of Areithous in the Trojan war.
(Hom. //. vii. 138, &c.) The tomb of Areithous
was shewn in Arcadia as late as the time of Pau-
sanias. (viii. 11. § 3.) There is another mythical
personage of this name in the Iliad (xx.487). [L.S.]

AREIUS {'Ape7os), a surname of Zeus, which
may mean either the warlike or the propitiating
and atoning god, as Areia in the case of Athena.
Under this name, Oenomaus sacrificed to him as
often as he entered upon a contest with the suitors
of his daughter, whom he put to death as soon as
they were conquered. (Paus. v. 14. § 5.) [L. S.]

AREIUS or ARIUS ("Apetoy), a citizen of
Alexandria, a Pythagorean or Stoic philosopher in
the time of Augustus, who esteemed him so highly,
that after the conquest of Alexandria, he declared
that he spared the city chiefly for the sake of
Areius. (Plut. Ant. 80, ApoplUh. p. 207; Dion
Cass. li. 16; Julian. Epist. 51 ; comp. Strab. xiv.
p. 670.) Areius as well as his two sons, Diony-
sius and Nicanor, are said to have instructed Au-
gustus in philosophy. (Suet. Aug. 89.) He is
frequently mentioned by Themistius, who says
that Augustus valued him not less than Agrippa.
(Theraist. Orat. v. p. 63, d. viii. p. 108, b. x. p.
130, b. xiii. p. 173, c. ed. Petav. 1684.) From
Quintilian (ii. 15. § 36, iii. 1. § 16) it appears,
that Areius also taught or wrote on rhetoric.
(Comp. Senec. consol. ad Marc. 4 ; Aelian, V. H.
xii. 25 ; Suid. s. v. Q4wv.) [L. S.]

AREIUS, LECA'NIUS {AcKduios "Apeios), a
Greek physician, one of whose medical formulae is
quoted by Andromachus (ap. Gal. De Compos.
Medicam. sec. Gen. v. 13, vol. xiii. p. 840), and
who must therefore have lived in or before the
first century after Christ. He may perhaps be the
same person who is several times quoted by Galen,
and who is sometimes called a follower of Ascle-
piades, 'Aa-KXTjiriddeios {De Compos. Afedicam. sec.
IjOcos, v. 3, vol. xii. p. 829 ; ibid. viii. 5, vol.
xiii. p. 182*; De Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. v.
15, vol. xiii. p. 857), sometimes a native of Tarsus
in Cilicia {De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, iii. 1,
vol. xii. p. 636 ; ibid. ix. 2, vol. xiii. p. 247), and
sometimes mentioned without any distinguishing
epithet. {De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, x. 2,
vol. xiii. p. 347 ; De Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen.
V. 11, 14. vol. xiii. pp. 827, 829, 852.) He may
perhaps also be the person who is said by Soranus
( Vita Hippocr. init., in Hipp. Opera, vol. iii. p.
850) to have written on the life of Hippocrates,
and to whom Dioscorides addresses his work on
Materia Medica. (vol. i. p. 1.) Whether all these
passages refer to the same individual it is impos-
sible to say for certain, but the writer is not aware
of any chronological or other difficulties in the
supposition. [W. A. G.]

ARE'LLIUS, a painter who was celebrated
at Rome a little before the reign of Augustus,
but degraded the art by painting goddesses after
the likeness of his own mistresses. (Plin. xxxv.
37.) [P. S.]

ARE'LLIUS FUSCUS. [Fuscus.]

ARENE. [Aphareus.]

* In this latter passage, instead of ''Agelov
*A(r/c\7j7rK£8ou we should read 'Aoet'ou 'Ao-KATjirio-
Seiov. [AscLEPiADES Areius.]

t2

276 ARES.

C. ARE'NNIUS and L. AHE'NNIUS, were
tribunes of the plebs in b. c. 210. L. Arennius
was praefect of the allies two years afterwards,
B. c. '208, and was taken prisoner in the battle in
Avhich Marcellus was defeated by Hannibal (Liv.
xxvii. 6, 26, 27.)

ARES ("ApTjs), the god of war and one of the
great Olympian gods of the Greeks. He is repre-
sented as the son of Zeus and Hera. (Horn. //. v.
893, &c. ; Hes. Tlieog. 921 ; Apollod. i. 3. § 1.)
A later tradition, according to which Hera con-
ceived Ares by touching a certain flower, appears
to be an imitation of the legend about the birth of
Hephaestus, and is related by Ovid. {Fast. v. 255,
&c.) The character of Ares in Greek mythology
•will be best understood if we compare it with that
of other divinities who are likewise in some way
connected with war. Athena represents thought-
fulness and wisdom in the affairs of war, and pro-
tects men and their habitations during its ravages.
Ares, on the other hand, is nothing but the per-
sonification of bold force and strength, and not so
much the god of war as of its tumult, confusion,
and horrors. His sister Eris calls forth war, Zeus
directs its course, but Ares loves war for its own
sake, and delights in the din and roar of battles,
in the slaughter of men, and the destruction of
towns. He is not even influenced by piirty-spirit,
but sometimes assists the one and sometimes the
other side, just as his inclination may dictate ;
whence Zeus calls him aK\oirp6(TaK\os. {11. v. 889.)
The destructive hand of this god was even believed
to be active in the ravages made by plagues and
epidemics. (Soph. Oed. Tyr. 185.) This savage
and sanguinary character of Ares makes him hated
by the other gpds and his own parents. (//. v.
889 — 909.) In the Iliad, he appears surrounded
by the personifications of all the fearful phenomena
and effects of war (iv. 440, &c., xv. 119, &c.);
but in the Odyssey his character is somewhat
softened down. It was contrary to the spirit
which animated the Greeks to represent a being
like Ares, with all his overwhelming physical
strength, as always victorious ; and when he comes
in contact with higher powers, he is usually con-
quered. He was wounded by Diomedes, who was
assisted by Athena, and in his fall he roared like
nine or ten thousand other warriors together. (//.
V. 855, &c.) When the gods began to take an
active part in the war of the mortals, Athena op-
posed Ares, and threw him on the ground by
hurling at him a mighty stone (xx. 69, xxi. 403,
&c.); and when he lay stretched on the earth, his
huge body covered the space of seven plethra.
The gigantic Aloadae had likewise conquered and
chained him, and had kept him a prisoner for thir-
teen months, until he was delivered by Hermes,
(v. 385, &c.) In the contest of Typhon against
Zeus, Ares was obliged, together with the other
gods, to flee to Egj'pt, where he metamorphosed
himself into a fish. (Antonin. Lib. 28.) He was
also conquered by Heracles, with whom he fought
on account of his son Cycnus, and obliged to re-
turn to Olympus. (Hesiod, Scut. Here. 461.) In
numerous other contests, however, he was victo-
rious. This fierce and gigantic, but Avithal hand-
some god loved and was beloved by Aphrodite :
he interfered on her behalf with Zeus (v. 883),
and lent her his war-chariot, (v, 363 ; comp. Aph-
rodite.) When Aphrodite loved Adonis, Ares
in his jealousy metamorphosed himself into a bear.

ARESAS.

and killed his rival. [Adonis.] According to a
late tradition. Ares slew Halirrhotius, tiie son of
Poseidon, when he was on the point of violating
Alcippe, the daughter of Ares. Hereupon Poseidon
accused Ares in the Areiopagus, where the Olym-
pian gods were assembled in court. Ares was
acquitted, and this event was believed to have
given rise to the name Areiopagus. {Did. of Ant.

S.V.)

The warlike character of the tribes of Thrace
led to the belief, that the god's residence was in
that country, and here and in Scythia were the
principal seats of his worship. (Hom. Ckl. viii. 361,
with the note of Eustath. ; Ov. Ars Am. ii. 585 ;
Statius, Theb. vii. 42; Herod, iv. 59, 62.) In
Scythia he was woi-shipped in the form of a sword,
to which not only horses and other cattle, but men
also were sacrificed. Respecting the worship of an
Egyptian divinity called Ares, see Herodotus, ii. 64.
He was further worshipped in Colchis, where the
golden fleece was suspended on an oak-tree in a
grove sacred to him. (Apollod. i. 9. § 16.) From
thence the Dioscuri were believed to have brought
to Laconia the ancient statue of Ares which was
preser\-ed in the temple of Ares Thareitas, on the
road from Sparta to Therapnae. (Paus. iii. 19. § 7,
Sic.) The island near the coast of Colchis, in which
the StA-mphalian birds were believed to have dwelt,
and which is called the island of Ares, Aretias,
Aria, or Chalceritis, was likewise sacred to him.
(Steph. Byz. s. v. "Apeos vrjaos ; Apollon. Rhod. ii.
1047; Plin. H.N. vi. 12; Pomp. Mela, il 7. § 15.)

In Greece itself the worship of Ares was not
very general. At Athens he had a temple con-
taining a statue made by Alcamenes (Paus. i. 8.
§ 5) ; at Geronthrae in Laconia he had a temple
with a grove, where an annual festival was cele-
brated, during which no woman was allowed to
approach the temple, (iii. 22. § 5.) He was also
worshipped near Tegea, and in the town (viii. 44.
§ 6, 48. § 3), at Olympia (v. 15. § 4), near Thebes
(Apollod. iii. 4. § 1 ), and at Sparta, where there
was an ancient statue, representing the god in
chains, to indicate that the martial spirit and vic-
tory were never to leave the city of Sparta. (Paus.
iii. 1 5. § 5.) At Sparta human sacrifices were
offered to Ares. (Apollod. Fragm. p. 1056, ed.
He}'ne.) The temples of this god were usually
built outside the towns, probably to suggest the
idea that he was to prevent enemies from approach-
ing them.

All the stories about Ares and his worship in
the countries north of Greece seem to indicate that
his worship was introduced in the latter country
from Thrace ; and the whole character of the god,
as described by the most ancient poets of Greece,
seems to have been thought little suited to be re-
presented in works of art : in fact, we hear of no
artistic representation of Ares previous to the time
of Alcamenes, who appears to have created the
ideal of Ares. There are few Greek monuments
now extant with representations of the god ; he
appears principally on coins, reliefs, and gems.
(Hirt. MytJwL BUderh. i. p. 51.) The Romans
identified their god Mars with the Greek Ares.
[Mars.] ^ ^ [L. S.]

A'RESAS ('ApeVos), of Lucania, and probably
of Croton, was at the head of the Pythagorean
school, and the sixth in succession from Pj'thagoras.
Some attribute to him a work "about Human Na-
ture," of which a fragment is preserved by Stobacus

ARETAEUS.

(Ed i. p. 847, ed. Heeren) ; but others suppose it
to have been written by Aewira. [Aksaka.J

ARESTOR i'Ap^aTup), the tiither of Argus
Panoptes, the guardian of lo, who is therefore
called Arestorides. (Apollod. ii. 1. §3; Apollon.
Rhod. i. 112; Ov. Met. i. 624.) According to
Pausanias (ii. 16. § 3), Arestor was the husband
of Mycene, the daughter of Inachus, from whom
the town of Mycenae derived its name. [L. S.]

ARETADES ('ApTjTaSrjs), of Cnidus, of uncer-
tain date, wrote a work on Macedonian affairs
(MoKeSoi/i/cd) in three books at Icabt, and another
on the history of islands (vrjaiwriKoi) in two books
at least. (Plut. ParalL 11,27.) It is uncertain
whether the Aretades referred to by Porphyry
{up. Euseh. Pruep. Ev. x. 3), as the author of a
work Ileol avviyLirrwaiws, is the same as the above
or not.

ARETAEUS ('ApeToros), one of the most cele-
brated of the ancient Greek physicians, of whose
life, however, no particulars are known. There is
some uncertainty respecting both his age and coun-
try ; but it seems probable that he practised in the
lirst century after Christ, in the reign of Nero or
Vespasian, and he is generally styled "theCappado-
cian" (KaTTTraSol). He wrote in Ionic Greek a
general treatise on diseases, which is still extant,
and is certainly one of the most valuable reliques
of antiquity, displaying great accuracy in the
detail of symptoms, and in seizing the diagnostic
character of diseases. In his practice he followed
for the most part the method of Hippocrates, but
he paid less attention to what have been styled
*' the natui-al actions "of the system ; and, contrary
to the practice of the Father of Aledicine, he did
not hesitate to attempt to counteract them, when
they appeared to him to be injurious. The account
which he gives of his treatment of various diseases
indicates a simple and sagacious system, and one of
more energy than that of the professed Methodici.
Thus he freely administered active purgatives ; he
did not object to narcotics ; lie was much less
averse to bleeding ; and upon the whole his Materia
Medica was both ample and efficient. It may be
asserted generally that there are few of the ancient
physicians, since the time of Hippocrates, who
appear to have been less biassed by attachment to
any peculiar set of opinions, and whose account of
the phenomena and treatment of disease has better
stood the test of subsequent experience. Aretaeus
is placed by some writers among the Pneumatic!
{Did. of Ant. s. v. Piieumatici), because he main-
tained the doctrines which are peculiar to this
sect ; other systematic writers, however, think
that he is better entitled to be placed with the
Eclectics. {Did. of Ant. s. v. EcWtici.)

His work consists of eight book, of which four are
entitled Ilcpl PlItiuiv kuI ^rifieiwv'O^ewv KoiXpouiwu
nafltSf, De Causis et Sig7iis Acutorum et Diutumo-
rum Morborum ; and the other four, Tlepl OcpoTreias
*0^euv Kol Xpovluv Xladwc, De Curutione Acutorum
et DiutwnoruDi Morfx)ruvi. They are in a tolerably
complete state of preservation, though a few chap-
ters are lost. The work was first published in a
Latin translation by J. P. Crassus, Venet. 1552,
4to., together with Rufus Ephesius. The first
Greek edition is that by J. Goupylus, Paris, 1554,
8vo., which is more complete than the Latin ver-
sion of Crassus. In 1723 a magnificent edition in
folio was published at the Clarendon press at Ox-
ford, edited by J. ^^'igan, containing an improved

ARETAS.

277

text, a new Ljitin version, learned dissertations
and notes, and a copious index by Maittaire. In
1731, the celebrated Boerhaave brought out a new
edition, of which the text and Latin version had
been printed before the appearance of Wigan's,
and are of less value than his ; this edition, how-
ever, contains a copious and useful collection of
annotations by P. Petit and D. VV. Triller. The last
and most useful edition is that by C. G. Kiihn,
Lips. 1828, 8vo., containing Wigan's text, Latin
version, dissertations, &c., together with Petit's
Commentary, Triller's Emendations, and Mait-
taire's Index. A new edition is preparing for
the press at this present time by Dr. Ermerins,
of Middelburg in Zealand. (See his preface, p.
viii., to Hippocr. De Vict. Rat. in Morb. Acut.
Lugd. Bat. 1841.) The work has been translated into
French, Italian, and German ; there are also two
English translations, one by J. Moffat, Lond. 1785,
8vo., and the other by T. F. Reynolds, Lond.
1837, 8vo., neither of which contains the whole
work. Further information respecting the medical
opinions of Aretaeus may be found in Le Clerc's
Hist, de la Med. ; Haller's Bibl. Medic. Prad. vol.
i. ; Sprengel's Hist, de la Med. ; Fabricius, BUd.
Gr. vol. iv. p. 703, ed. Harles ; Isensee, Gesch. der
Med. See also Bostock, Hint, of Med., and
Choulant's Handbuch der Buclierkunde fur dit:
Aeltere Mediciti^ from which two works the pre-
ceding article has been chiefly taken. [W. A. G.]

ARETA'PHILA (*ApeTa</)i'Aa), of Cyrene, lived
at the time of the Mithridatic war. Nicocrates,
the tyrant of Cyrene, killed her husband, Phaedi-
mus, and compelled her to live with him ; but she
at length delivered the city from tyranny by pro-
curing the murder of Nicocrates, and subsequently
of his brother Leander, when he acted in the same
tyrannical manner. (Plut. de Mid. virt. p. 255, &c.)

A'RETAS ('Aperas), the name of several kings
of Arabia Petraea.

1. The contemporary of Jason, the high-priest of
the Jews, and of Antiochus Epiphanes, about b. c.
170. {2Maccab.\. 8.)

2. A contemporary of Alexander Jannaeus, king
of Judaea. This Aretas is probably the same who
reigned in Coele- Syria after Antiochus XII., sur-
named Dionysus. He was invited to the kingdom
by those who had possession of Damascus. (Jo-
seph. Antiq. xiii. 13. § 3, 15. § 2.) Subsequently
he seems to have been compelled to relinquish
S}Tia ; and we next hear of his taking part in the
contest between Aristobulus and Hyrcanus for the
Jewish crown, though whether this Aretas is the
same as the one who ruled over Syria may be
doubted. At the advice of Antipater, HjTcanus
fled to Aretas, who invaded Judaea in b. c. 65, in
order to place him on the throne, and laid siege to
Jerusalem. Aristobulus, however, purchased the
intervention of Scaurus and Gabinius, Pompey's
legates, who compelled Aretas to raise the siege.
(Joseph. A7d. xiv. i. § 4, c. 2, Bell. Jud. i. 6. § 2.)
[ArIvSTOBULCS, No. 2.] After Pompey had re-
duced Syria to the form of a Roman province, he
turned his arms agjiinst Aretas, b. c. 64, who sub-
mitted to him for a time. This expedition against
Aretas preceded the war against Aristobulus in
Judaea, which Plutarch erroneously represents as
the first. (Dion Cass, xxxvii. 15 ; Appian, Mithr.
106 ; Plut. Pomp. 39, 41.) The war agahist
Aretas was renewed after Pompey's departure
from Asia; and Scaurus, Pompey's legate, who

278

ARETE.

remained behind in Syria, invaded Arabia Petraea,
but was unable to reach Petra. He laid waste,
however, the surrounding country, and withdrew
his anny on Aretas' paying 300 talents. (Joseph.
Ant. xiv. 5. § 1.) This expedition of Scaurus is
commemorated on a coin, which is given under
Scaurus. The successors of Scaurus in Syria also
prosecuted the war with the Arabs. (Appian, Syr.
50.)

3. The father-in-law of Herod Antipas of
Judaea. Herod dismissed his wife, the daughter
of Aretas, in consequence of having formed an
incestuous connexion with Herodias, his brother
Philip's wife, as we learn from the Evangelists.
To revenge the wrongs of his daughter, Aretas
made war upon Herod, and defeated him in a
great battle. Herod applied for assistance to the
Romans ; and Vitellius, the governor of Syria, re-
ceived an order to punish Aretas. He accordingly
marched against Petra; but while he was on the
road, he received intelligence of the death of
Tiberius (a. d. 37), and gave up the expedition in
consequence. (Joseph. Aid, xviii. 5. §§ 1, 3.)
This Aretas seems to have been the same who had
possession of Damascus at the time of the conver-
sion of the Apostle Paul, a. D. 31. (2 Corinth, xi.
32, 33; Acts ix. 19 — 25.) It is not improbable
that Aretas obtained possession of Damascus in a
war with Herod at an earlier period than Josephus
has mentioned ; as it seems likely that Aretas
would have resented the affront soon after it was
given, instead of allowing so many years to inter-
vene, as the narrative of Josephus would imply.
The Aretas into whose dominions Aelius Gallus
came in the time of Augustus, is prolfably also the
same as the father-in-law of Herod. (Strab. xvi.
p. 781.)

The following is a coin of Aretas, king of
Damascus, but whether it belongs to No. 2 or No.
3 is doubtful. (Eckhel, iii. p. 330.) Perhaps it is
a coin of No. 2, and may have been struck when
he took possession of Syria at the invitation of the
inhabitants of Damascus : in that case there
would have been good reason for the inscription
*IAEAA.HN02 upon it.

COIN OF aretas.

ARE'TE ('Ap^TTj), the wife of Alcinous, king
of the Phaeacians. In the Odyssey she appears as
a noble and active superintendent of the household
of her husband, and when Odysseus arrived in the
island, he first applied to queen Arete to obtain
hospitable reception and protection. (Horn. Od. vi.
310, vii. QB, &c., 142.) Respecting her connexion
with the story of Jason and Medeia, see Alci-
nous. • [L. S.]

A'RETE ('ApexTj), daughter of the elder Dio-
nysius and Aristomache. She was first married to
Thearides, and upon his death to her uncle Dion, the
brother of lier mother Aristomache. After Dion had
fled from Syracuse during the reign of the younger
Dionysius, Arete was compelled by her brother to

ARETHUSA.

marry Timocrates, one of his friends ; but she was
again received by Dion as his wife, when he had
obtained possession of Syracuse and expelled the
younger Dionysius. After Dion's assassination,
B. c. 353, Arete was imprisoned together with her
mother, and brought forth a son while in confine-
ment. Arete and Aristomache were subsequently
liberated and kindly received by Hicetas, one of
Dion's friends, but he was afterwards persuaded by
the enemies of Dion to drown them. (Plut. Z)/ow,
6, 21, 51, 57, 58; Aelian, V. H. xii. 47, who
erroneously makes Arete the mother, and Aristo-
mache the wife of Dion.)

ARE'TE ('ApTjTTj), daughter of Aristippus, the
founder of the Cyrenaic school of philosophy. She
was instructed by him in the principles of his sys-
tem, which she transmitted to her son, Aristippus
;UT7TpoS/5a/cTos, to whom Ritter (Gesch. der Fhil.
vii. 1 . 3) ascribes the formal completion of the ear-
lier Cyrenaic doctrine. We are told by Diogenes
Laertius (ii. 72), that her father taught her con-
tentment and moderation, both by precept and
practice, and the same duties are insisted on in an
epistle now extant, said to be addressed to her by
him. This letter is certainly spurious [Aristip-
pus], although Laertius mentions among the writ-
ings of Aristippus an itricTToK-fi irpos 'Ap-qryju ttjj/
^vyar^pa. Whether the letter lo which he refers
was the same as that which we possess, is uncer-
tain ; but the fact that it was extant in his time
would not prove its authenticity. Aelian (//. A.
iii. 40) calls Arete the sister of Aristippus, but this
assertion is opposed to the statement of all other
writers ; and, besides, the passage which contains
it is corrupt. (Diog. Laert. ii. 72, 86 ; Brucker,
Hht. Crit. Phil. ii. 2, 3.) [G. E. L. C]

ARETES of Dyrrachium, an ancient chrono-
grapher, some of whose calculations Censorinus {de
Die Nat. 18, 21) mentions.

A'RETHAS ('Ap€0as). 1. Archbishop of Cae-
sareia in Cappadocia at an uncertain time (a. d.
540, according to Coccius and Cave), appears to
have succeeded Andreas. He wrote a commen-
tary on the Apocalypse {(rvWoyr] e^-qyrio-ewu etc
diacpopocv dyicov avSpdv eis rriv 'Iwduvov tov dya-
TTTj/.i.evov Kol evayyeXicTTov 'AiroKaKvrpiv), which,
as its title implies, was compiled from many pre-
previous works, and especially from that of An-
dreas. It is usually printed with the works of
Oecumenius.

2. Presbyter of Caesareia in Cappadocia, wrote a
work " on the translation of St. Euthymius, patri-
arch of Constantinople," who died a. d. 911. The
date of Arethas is therefore fixed at 920. (Oudinus,
Comment, de Script. Eccles. ii. p. 426, who, without
sufficient reason, identifies the former Arethas with
this writer.)

3. The author of an epigram " On his own
Sister" (eTrl rr? Ihia dSe\^r]), which is found in
the Vatican MS. under the title of 'Apeda toO
SiaKouov. (Jacobs, Paralip. ex Cod. Vatic. No.
211, in Anthol. Grace, xiii. p. 744.) If the
words added in the margin, y^yov6ros Se koX
apx^T^t'CTKOTTOv Kaicraoeias KamraSoKias^ mav be
taken as an authority, he was the same person as
the Archbishop of Caesareia. [P. S.]

ARETHU'SA ('Apeeovaa), one of the Nereids
(H3-gin. Praef. p. 9, ed. Staveren ; Virg. Geory. iv.
344), and the nymph of the famous well Arethusa
in the island of Ortygia near Syracuse. [Alpheu.'s.]
Virgil {Eclog. iv. 1, x. 1) reckons her among the

ARGAKUS.

Sicilian nymphs, and as the divinity who inspired
pastoral poetry. The Syracusans represented on
many of their coins the head of Arethusa sur-
rounded by dolphins, (llasche, Lex. Numism. i, 1,
p. 107.) One of the Hesperides likewise bore the
name of Arethusa. (ApoUod. ii. 5. § 1 1.) [L. S.]

M. ARETHU'SIUS ('Ap€0ou(7-ios), the author
of a confession of faith, promulgated in the third
council of Sirmium, a. d. 359, and was subse-
quently a martyr under Julian. (Socrat. H. E. ii.
30, with Valesius' note ; Nazian. Orat. 48 ; Tille-
mont, vii. p. 726.)

ARE'TUS ("Apr/Tos). Two mythical personages
of this name are mentioned in Homer. (//. xvii.
494, 517, and Od. iii. 413.) [L. S.]

A'REUS I. ('A/?€uj), succeeded his grandfather,
Cleomenes II., as king of Sparta, of the Eurys-
thenid family, B. c. 309, his father, Acrotatus,
having died before him. He reigned 44 years.
(Diod. XX. 29.)

In the year 280 B. c, a league of the Greek
states was formed, at tlie instigation of Sparta,
acting under the influence of its ally, Ptolemy
Ceraunus, to free themselves from the dominion
of Antigonus Gonatas. The first blow was
struck by Areus, who, having obtained a decree
of the Amphyctions against the Aetolians, be-
cause they had cultivated the sacred land of
Cirrha, attacked Cirrha unexpectedly, and plun-
dered and bumt the town. His proceedings were
viewed by the Aetolian shepherds on the mountains,
who formed themselves into a body of about 500
men, and attacked the scattered troops of Areus.
These, ignorant of the number of their enemies,
were struck with a panic and fled, leaving 9000 of
their number dead. Thus the expedition turned
out fruitless, and the attempts of Sparta to renew
the war met with no encouragement from the other
states, which suspected that the real design of
Sparta was not to liberate Greece, but to obtain
the supremacy for herself. (Justin, xxiv. 1 : it is
scarcely credible that the numbers can be right.)

When Sparta was attacked by Pyrrhus, in B. c.
272 [Acrotatus], Areus was absent on an ex-
pedition in Crete. He returned straight to Sparta,
and formed an alliance with the Argives, the effect
of which was, that Pyrrhus drew off his forces
from Sparta to attack Argos. (Pans, iii, 6. § 2 ;
Plut. Pyrrh. 26—29.) In the year 267, Areus
united with Ptolemy Philadelphus in an unsuc-
cessful attempt to save Athens from Antigonus
Gonatas. (Pans. iii. 6. § 3 ; Justin, xxvi. 2.) He
fell in a battle against the Macedonians at Corinth,
in the next year but one, 265 B. c, and was suc-
ceeded by his son Acrotatus. (Plut. Ayis^ 3 ;
Justin, xxvi., Prol.) He was the king of Sparta
to whom the Jews sent the embassy mentioned in
1 M'lcc. xii. 20.

2. Areus II., a posthumcuis son of Acrotatus,
was born as king probably in 264 a. d., and died
at the age of eight years. He was succeeded by
his great uncle, Leonidas II. (Plut. Agis^ 3 ; Pans,
iii. 6. § 3.) [P. S.]

AREUS ('Apcus), a Spartan exile, who was re-
stored to his country with Alcibiades, another
exile [see p. 100, a. J, about B. c. 184, by the
Achaeans, but afterwards went as ambassador to
Rome to accuse the Achaeans. (Polyb. xxiii. 11,
12, xxiv. 4 ; Liv. xxxix. 35 ; Paus. vii. 9. § 2.)

ARGAELjS ('A/ryaros), king of Macedonia
was the son and successor of Perdiccas I., who

ARGEIUS.

279

according to Herodotus and Thucydides, was the
founder of the dynasty. Thirty-four years are
given as the length of his reign by Dexippus [ap.
Syncdl. p. 494, Dind.), but apparently without any
authority. (Herod, viii. 139; Justin, vii. 2.)

There was a pretender to the Macedonian crown
of this name, who, with the assistance of the Illy-
rians, expelled Amyntas 1 1, from his dominions ( b. c.
393), and kept possession of the throne for two
years. Amyntas then, with the aid of the Thessa-
lians, succeeded in expelling Argaeus and recover-
ing at least a part of his dominions. It is probably
the same Argaeus who in B. c. 359 again appears
as a pretender to the throne. He had induced the
Athenians to support his pretensions, but Philip,
who had just succeeded to the regency of the king-
dom, by his intrigues and promises induced them
to remain inactive. Argaeus upon this collected a
body of mercenaries, and being accompanied by
some Macedonian exiles and some Athenian troops,
who were permitted by thoir general, Manlias, to
join him, he made an attempt upon Aegae, but
was repulsed. On his retreat to Methone, he was
intercepted by Philip, and defeated. What be-
came of him we are not informed. (Diod. xiv. 92,
xvi. 2, 3; Dem. c. Aristocr. p. 660 ; Thirl wall,
vol. V. pp. 161, 173.) [C. P. M.]

A'RGALUS {"kpyaXos), the eldest son of
Amyclas, and his successor in the throne of Sparta,
(Paus. iii. 1. § 3.)

ARGANTHO'NE (^ kfyyavewvn), a fair maiden
in Mysia, who used to hunt alone in the forests.
Rhesus, attracted by the fame of her beauty, came
to her during the chase ; he succeeded in winning
her love, and married her. After he was slain at
Trov by Diomedes, she died of grief. (Parthen.
Erot. 36 ; Steph. Bvz. s. v. 'hpyavecavis.) [L. S.]

ARGANTHO'NIUS {'Apyavewvios\ king of
Tartessus in Spain, in the sixth centuiy B. c,
received in the most friendly manner the Pho-
caeans who sailed to his city, and gave them money
in order that they might fortify their city. He is
said to have reigned 80 years, and to have lived
120. (Herod, i. 163 ; Strab. iii. p. 151 ; Lucian,
Macrob. 10 ; Cic. de Se?ied. 19 ; Plin. //, iV. vii.
48 ; Val. Max. viii. 13, ext. 4.)

ARGAS ('Ap7as), who is described as vS/xuv
irouvpaiv Kal dpya\eu)v iroirjT'^i. (Plut. Detn. 4 ;
Athen. xiv. p. 638, c. d,, comp. iv. p, 131, b.)

ARGEIA {'Apyfia). 1. A surname of Hera
derived from Argos, the principal seat of her wor-
ship. (Paus. iii. 13. § 6.)

2. Argeia also occurs as the name of several
mythical personages, as — a. The wife of Inachus
and mother of lo. (Hygin. Fab. 145 ; comp. Apol-
lod. ii. 1. §3.) b. The wife of Polybus and mo-
ther of Argus, the builder of the ship Argo. (Hy-
gin. Fab. 14.) c. A daughter of Adrastus and
Amphithea, and wife of Polyneices. (Apollod. i. 9.
§ 13, iii. 6. § 1 ; Hygin. Fab. 72.) d. A daughter
of Autesion and wife of Aristodemus, the Ileraclid,
by whom she became the mother ot Eurysthenes
and Procles. (Herod, vi. 52; Paus. iv. 3. § 3;
Apollod. ii. 7. §2.) [L.S.]

ARGEIPHONTES {'Apyfi(p6vTvs), a surname
of Hermes, by which he is designated as the mur-
derer of Argus Panoptes. (Horn. //. ii. 103, and
numerous other passages in the Greek and Latin
poets.) [L. S.]

ARGEIUS ('Apyeios), was one of the Elean
deputies sent to Persia to co-operate with Pelopidas

280

ARGONAUTAE.

(b. c. 367) in counteracting Spartan negotiation
and attaching Artaxerxes to the Theban cause.
(Xen. Hell. vii. 1. § 33.) He is again mentioned
by Xenophon {Hell. vii. 4. § 15), in his account of
the war between the Arcadians and Eleans (b. c.
365), as one of the leaders of the democratic party
at Elis. (Comp. Diod. xv. 77.) [E. E.]

ARGE'LIUS, wrote a work on the Ionic temple
of Aesculapius, of which he was said to have been
the architect. He alse wrote on the proportions of
the Corinthian order {de Symmetriis Corinthiis). His
time is unknown. (Vitruv. vii. praef. § 12.) [P.S.]

ARGENNIS ('Ap76J/j/£s), a surname of Aphro-
dite, which she derived from Argennus, a favourite
of Agamemnon, after whose death, in the river
Cephissus, Agamemnon built a sanctuaiy of Aph-
rodite Argennis. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'Apyevuis ;
Athen. xiii. p. 608.) [L. S.]

M. ARGENT A'RI US, the author of about
thirty epigrams in the Greek Anthology, most of
which are erotic, and some are plays on words.
We may infer from his style that he did not live
before the time of the Roman empire, but nothing
more is known of his age. (Jacobs, Atitkol. Graec.
xiii. pp. 860, 861.) [P. S.]

ARGES. [Cyclopes.]

ARGILEONIS (^ KpyiKeuvis), mother of Bra-
sidas. When the ambassadors from Araphipolis
brought the news of his death, she asked if he had
behaved bravely ; and on their speaking of him in
reply as the best of the Spartans, answered, that
the strangers were in error ; Brasidas was a brave
man, but there were many better in Sparta. The
answer became famous, and Argileonis is said to
have been rewarded for it by the ephors. (Plut.
Lye. 25, Apophih. Lac.) [A. H. C]

ARGl'OPE ('Ap7»o7rrj), a nymph by whom
Philammon begot the celebrated bard, Thamyris.
She lived at first on mount Parnassus, but wiien
Philammon refused to take her into his house as
his wife, she left Parnassus and went to the coun-
try of the Odrysians in Thrace. (Apollod. i. 3. § 3;
Paus. iv. 33. § 4.) Two other mythical personages
of this name occur in Diod. iv. 33, and Hygin.
Fab. 178. [L. S.J

ARGIUS, a sculptor, was the disciple of Poly-
cletus, and therefore flourished about 388 B. c.
(Plin. xxxiv. 19.) Thiersch {EpocIie7i^ p. 275)
supposes tliat Pliny, in the words '"''Aryius, Asopo-
dorns" mis-translated his Greek authority, which
had 'Apyeios 'AacoTrSSwpos, "Asopodorus the Ar-
give." But Argius is found as a Greek proper name
in both the forms, "Apyios and 'Apyetos. (Apollod.
ii. 1.^5; Aristoph. Eccles. 201.) [P. S.J

ARGO. [Argonautae.]

ARGONAUTAE {'ApyovaOTai)., the heroes and
demigods who, according to the traditions of the
Greeks, undertook the first bold maritime expedi-
tion to Colchis, a far distant country on the coast
of the Euxine, for the purpose of fetching the
golden fleece. Thej' derived their name from the
ship Argo, in which the voyage was made, and
which was constructed by Argus at the command
of Jason, the leader of the Argonauts. The time
which the Greek traditions assign to this enter-
prise is about one generation before the Trojan
war. The story of the expedition seems to have
been known to the author of the Odyssey (xii. 69,
&c.), who states, that the ship Argo was the only
one that ever passed between the whirling rocks
{ir4rpai irhayKrai). Jason is mentioned several

ARGONAUTAE.

times in the Iliad (vii. 467, &c., xxi. 40, xxiii.
743, &c.), but not as the leader of the Argonauts.
[Jason.] Hesiod {Tlieoy. 992, &c.) relates the
story of Jason saying that he fetched Medeia at
the command of his uncle Pelias, and that she bore
him a son, Medeius, who was educated by Cheiron.
The first trace of the common tradition that Jason
was sent to fetch the golden fleece from Aea, the
city of Aeetes, in the eastern boundaries of the
earth, occurs in Mimnermus {ap. Strab. i. p. 46,
&c.), a contemporar}' of Solon ; but the most an-
cient detailed account of the expedition of the
Argonauts which is extant, is that of Pindar.
{Pyth. iv.) Pelias, who had usurped the throne of
lolcus, and expelled Aeson, the father of Jason,
had received an oracle that he was to be on his
guard against the man who sliould come to him
with only one sandal. When Jason had grown
up, he came to lolcus to demand the succession to
the throne of his father. On his way thither, he
had lost one of his sandals in crossing the river
Anaurus. Pelias recognised the man indicated by
the oracle, but concealed his fear, hoping to destroy
him in some way ; and when Jason claimed th«
throne of his ancestors, Pelias declared himself
ready to yield ; but as Jason was blooming in
youthful vigour, Pelias entreated him to propitiate
the manes of Phrixus by going to Colchis and
fetching the golden fleece. [Phrixus; Helle.]
Jason accepted the proposal, and heralds were sent
to all parts of Greece to invite the heroes to join him
in the expedition. When all were assembled at lol-
cus, they set out on their voyage, and a south wind
carried them to the mouth of the Axeinus Pontus
(subsequently Euxinus Pontus), where they built
a temple to Poseidon, and implored his protection
against the danger of the whirling rocks. The
ship then sailed to the eastern coast of the Euxine
and ran up the river Phasis, in the country of
Aeetes, and the Argonauts had to fight against the
dark-eyed Colchians. Aphrodite inspired Medeia,
the daughter of Aeetes, with love for Jason, and
made her forget the esteem and affection she owed
to her parent. She was in possession of magic
powers, and taught Jason how to avert the dan-
gers which her father might prepare for him, and
gave him remedies with which he was to heal his
woimds. Aeetes promised to give up the fleece to
Jason on condition of his ploughing a piece of land
with his adamantine plough drawn by fire-breath-
ing oxen. Jason undertook the task, and, follow-
ing the advice of JNIedeia, he remained unhurt by
the fire of the oxen, and accomplished what had
been demanded of him. The golden fleece, which
Jason himself had to fetch, was hung up in a
thicket, and guarded by a fearful dragon, thicker
and longer than the ship of the Argonauts. Jason
succeeded by a stratagem in slaying the dragon,
and on his return he secretly carried away Medeia
with him. They sailed home by the Erythraean
sea, and arrived in Lemnos. In this account of
Pindar, all the Argonauts are thrown into the
background, and Ja&ou alone appears as the acting
hero. The brief description of their return through
the Erythraean sea is difficult to understand. Pin-
dar, as the Scholiast on ApoUonius Rhodius (iv.
259) remarks, like some other poets, makes the
Argonauts return through the eastern current of
Oceanus, which it must be supposed that they en-
tered through the river Phasis ; so that they sailed
from the Euxine through the river Phasis into the

ARGON AUTAE.

eastern ocean, and then round Asia to the southern
coast of Libya. Here the Argonauts landed, and
carried their ship through Libya on their shoulders
until they came to the lake of Triton, through
which they sailed northward into the Mediterra-
nean, and steered towards Lemnos and lolcus.
The Erythraean sea in this account is the eastern
ocean. There is scarcely any other adventure in
the ancient stories of Greece the detail of which
has been so difterently related by poets of all kinds.
The most striking differences are those relative to
the countries or seas through which the Argonauts
returned home. As it was in most cases the object
of the poets to make them return through some un-
known country, it was necessary, in later times, to
shift their road, accordingly as geographical know-
ledge became more and more extended. While
thus Pindar makes tLem return through the eastern
ocean, others, such as ApoUonius Rhodius and
ApoUodorus, make them sail from the Euxine into
the rivers Ister and Eridjinus into the western
ocean, or the Adriatic ; and others, again, such as
the Pseudo-Orpheus, Timaeus, and Scymnus of
Cliios, represent them as sailing through the river
Tanais into the northern ocean, and round the
northern countries of Europe. A fourth set of
traditions, which was adopted by Herodotus, Cal-
liraachus, and Diodorus Siculus, made them return
by the same way as they had sailed to Colchis.

All traditions, however, agree in stating, that
the object of the Argonauts was to fetch the golden
fleece which was kept in the country of Aeetes.
This fleece was regarded as golden as early as the
time of Hesiod and Pherecydes (Eratosth. Cataat.
19), but in the extant works of Hesiod there is
no trace of this tradition, and Mimnermus only
calls it "a large fleece in the town of Aeetes,
where the rays of Helios rest in a golden chamber."
Simonides and Acusilaus described it as of purple
colour. (Schol. ad Eurip. Med. 5, ad Apollon. Rhod.
iv. 1147.) If, therefore, the tradition in this form
had any historical foundation at all, it would seem
to suggest, that a trade in furs with the countries
north and east of the Euxine was carried on by
the Minyans in and about lolcus at a very early
time, and that some bold mercantile enterprise to
those countries gave rise to the story about the
Argonauts. In later traditions, the fleece is uni-
versally called the golden fleece; and the won-
drous ram who wore it is designated by the name
of Chrysomallus, and called a son of Poseidon and
Theophane, the daughter of Brisaltes in the island
of Crumissa. (Hygin. Fah. 188.) Strabo (xi.
p. 499 ; comp. Appian, de Bell. Mithnd. 103) en-
deavours to explain the stor}' about the golden
fleece from the Colchians' collecting by means of
skins the gold sand which was earned down in
their rivers from the mountains.

The ship Argo is described as a pentecontoros,
that is, a ship with fifty oars, and is siiid to have
conveyed the same number of heroes. The Scho-
liast on Lycophron (17.t) is the only writer who
states the number of the heroes to have been one
hundred. But the names of the fifty heroes are not
the simie in all the lists of the Argonauts, and it is
a useless task to attempt to reconcile them. (Apol-
lod. i. 9. § 16 ; Hygin. Fab. 14, with the commen-
tators ; compare the catalogue of the Argonauts in
Burmann's edition of Val. Flaccus.) An account
of the writers who had made the expedition of the
Argonauts the subject of poems or critical investi-

ARGOXAUTAE.

281

gations, and whose works were used by ApoUo-
nius Rliodius, is given by the Scholiast on this
poet. Besides the Argonautics of the Pseudo-
Orpheus, we now possess only those of Apolloniua
Rhodius, and his Roman imitator, Valerius Flaccus.
The account which is preserved in ApoUodorus'
Bibliotheca (i. 9. §§ 16 — 27) is derived from the
best sources that were extant in his time, and
chiefly from Pherecydes. We shall give his ac-
count here, partly because it is the pla<nest, and
partly because it may fill up those parts which
Pindar in his description has touched upon but
slightly.

When Jason was commissioned by his uncle
Pelias of lolcus to fetch the golden fleece, which
was suspended on an oak-tree in the grove of Area
in Colchis, and was guarded day and night by a
dragon, he commanded Argus, the son of Phrixus,
to build a ship with fifty oars, in the prow of
which Athena inseited a piece of wood from the
speaking oaks in the grove at Dodona, and he in-
vited all the heroes of his time to take part in the
expedition. Their first landing-place after leaving
lolcus was the island of Lemnos, where all the
women had just before murdered their fathers and
husbands, in consequence of the anger of Aphro-
dite. Thoas alone had been saved by his daughters
and his wife Hypsipyle. The Argonauts united
themselves with the women of Lemnos, and Hyp-
sipyle bore to Jason two sons, Euneus and Nebro-
phonus. From Lemnos the Argonauts sailed to
the country of the Doliones, where king Cizycus
received them hospitably. They left the country
during the night, and being thrown back on the
coast by a contrary wind, they were taken for
Pelasgians, the enemies of the Doliones, and a
struggle ensued, in which Cizycus was slain ; but
being recognised by the Argonauts, they buried
him and mourned over his fate. They next landed
in Mysia, where they left behind Heracles and
Polyphemus, who had gone into the country in
search of Hylas, whom a nymph had carried off
while he was fetching water for his companions.
In the country of the Bebryces, king Amycus
challenged the Argonauts to fight with him ; and
when Polydeuces was killed by him, the Argo-
nauts in revenge slew many of the Bebryces, and
sailed to Salmydessus in Thrace, where the seer
Phineus was tormented by the Harpyes. When
the Argonauts consulted him about their voyage,
he promised his advice on condition of their deli-
vering him from the Harpyes. This was done by
Zetes and Calais, two sons of Boreas ; and Phineus
now advised them, before sailing through the Sym-
plegades, to mark the flight of a dove, and to judge
from its fate of what they themselves would have
to do. When they approached the Sj-raplegades,
they sent out a dove, which in its rapid flight
between the rocks lost only the end of its tail.
The Argonauts now, with the assistance of Hera,
followed the example of the dove, sailed quickly
between the rocks, and succeeded in passing through
without injuring their ship, with the exception of
some ornaments at the stem. Henceforth the
Symplegades stood immoveable in the sea. On
their arrival in the country of the Mariandyni, the
Argonauts were kindly received by their king,
Lycus. The seer Idmon and the helmsman Tiphys
died here, and the place of the latter was supplied
by Ancaeus. They now sailed along the Thernio-
don and the Caucasus, until they arrived at th«

282

ARGONAUTAE.

mouth of the river Phasis. The Colchian king
Aeetes promised to give up the golden fleece, if
Jason alone would yoke to a plough two fire-
breathing oxen with brazen feet, and sow the teeth
of the dragon which had not been used by Cadmus
at Thebes, and which he had received from Athena.
The love of Medeia furnished Jason with means to
resist fire and steel, on condition of his taking her
as his wife ; and she taught him how he was to
create feuds among and kill the warriors that were
to spring up from the teeth of the dragon. While
Jason was engaged upon his task, Aeetes formed
plans for burning the ship Argo and for killing all
the Greek heroes. But Meaeia's magic powers
sent to sleep the dragon who guarded the golden
fleece; and after Jason had t<iken possession of
the treasure, he and his Argonauts, together with
Medeia and her young brother Absyrtus, embarked
by night and sailed away. Aeetes pursued them,
but before he overtook them, Medeia murdered
her brother, cut him into pieces, and threw his
limbs overboard, that her father might be detained
in his pursuit by collecting the limbs of his child.
Aeetes at last returned home, but sent out a great
number of Colchians, tlireatening them with the
punishment intended for Medeia, if they returned
without her. While the Colchians were dispersed
in all directions, the Argonauts had already reached
the mouth of the river Eridanus. But Zeus, in
his anger at the murder of Absyrtus, raised a
storm which cast the ship from its road. When
driven on the Aljsyrtian islands, the ship began to
speak, and declared that the anger of Zeus would
not cease, unless they sailed towards Ausonia, and
got purified by Circe. They now sjiiled along the
coasts of the Ligyans and Celts, and through the
sea of Sardinia, and continuing tlieir course along
the coast of Tyrrhenia, they arrived in the island
of Aeaea, where Circe purified them. When they
were passing by the Sirens, Oqiheus siing to pre-
vent the Argonauts being allured by them. Butes,
however, swam to them, but Aphrodite carried
him to Lilybaeum. Thetis and the Nereids con-
ducted them through Scylla and Charybdis and
between the whirling rocks (Trerpat irKa-yKTai) ;
and sailing by the Trinacian island with its oxen
of Helios, they came to the Phaeacian island of
Corcyra, where they were received by Alcinous.
In the meantime, some of the Colchians, not being
able to discover the Argonauts, had settled at the
foot of the Ceraunian mountains ; others occupied
the Absyrtian islands near the coast of Illyricum ;
and a third band overlook the Argonauts in the
island of the Phaeacians. But as their hopes of
recovering Medeia were deceived by Arete, the
queen of Alcinous, they settled in the island, and
the Argonauts continued their voyage. [Alcinous.]
During the night, they were overtaken by a storm ;
but Apollo sent brilliant flashes of lightning which
enabled them to discover a neighbouring island,
which they called Anaphe. Here they erected an
altar to Apollo, and solemn rites were instituted,
which continued to be observed down to very late
times. Their attempt to land in Crete was pre-
vented by Talus, who guarded the island, but was
killed by the artifices of Medeia. From Crete
they sailed to Aegina, and from thsnce between
Euboea and Locris to lolcus. Respecting the
events subsequent to their arrival in lolcus, see
Aeson, Medeia, Jason, Pelias. ( Compare
Schoeneraann, de Geograpliia ArgonaiUaruvi^ Got-

ARGYRUS.
tingen, 1788; Ukert, Geog. der Griech. u. Rom,
i. 2. p. 320, &c. ; MUller, Orchom. pp. 164, &c.,
267, &c.) The story of the Argonauts probably
arose out of accounts of commercial enterprises
which the wealthy Minyans made to the coasts of
the Euxine. [L. S.]

ARGUS ("ApToO- 1- The third king of
Argos, was a son of Zeus and Niobe. (Apollod. ii.
1. § 1, &c.) A Scholiast {ad Horn. //. i. 1 15) calls
him a son of Apis, whom he succeeded in the
kingdom of Argos. It is from this Argus that the
country afterwards called Argolis and all Pelopon-
nesus derived the name of Argos. (Hygin. Fab.
145 ; Paus. ii. 16. § 1, 22. $ 6, 34. $ 5.) By Eu-
adne, or according to others, by Peitho, he became
the father of Jasus, Peiranthus or Peiras, Epi-
daurus, Criasus, and Tiryns. (Schol. ad Eurip. Plioen,
1151, 1147 ; ad Eurip. Orest. 1252, 1248, 930.)

2. Surnamed Panoptes. His parentage is stated
differently, and his father is called Agenor, Ares-
tor, Inachus, or Argus, whereas some accounts de-
scribed him as an Autochthon. (Apollod. ii. 1, 2,
i*tc. ; Ov. Met. i. 264.) He derived his surname,
Panoptes, the all-seeing, fiom his possessing a
hundred eyes, some of which were always awake.
He was of superhuman strength, and after he had
slain a fierce bull which ravaged Arcadia, a Satyr
who robbed and violated persons, the serpent
Echidna, which rendered the roads unsafe, and the
murderers of Apis, who was according to some ac-
counts his father, Hera appointed him guardian of
the cow into which lo had been metamorphosed.
(Comp. Schol. ad Eurip. Phoeti. 1151, 1213.)
Zeus commissioned Hermes to carry off the cow,
and Hermes accomplished the task, according to
some accounts, by stoning Argus to death, or 'ac-
cording to others, by sending him to sleep by the
sweetness of his play on the flute and then cutting
oft' his head. Hera transplanted his eyes to the
tail of the peacock, her favourite bird. (Aeschyl.
Prom.; Apollod. Ov. 11. cc.)

3. The builder of the Argo, the ship of the Argo-
nauts, was according to Apollodorus (ii. 9. ^^ 1, lc5),
a son of Phrixus. Apollonius Rhodius (i. 112) calls
him a son of Arestor, and others a son of Hestor
or Polybus. (Schol. ad ApoUon. Rhod. i. 4, ad
Lycophr. 883; Hygin. Fab. 14; Val. Flacc. i. 39,
who calls him a Thespian.) Argus, the son of
Phrixus, was sent by Aeetes, his grandfather, after
the death of Phrixus, to take possession of his in-
heritance in Greece. On his voyage thither
he suffered shipwreck, was found by Jason
in the island of Aretias, and carried back to
Colchis. (ApoUon. Rhod. ii. 1095, &c. ; Hygin.
Fab. 21.) Hyginus {Fab. 3) relates that after the
death of Phrixus, Argus intended to flee with his
brothers to Athamas. [L. S.]

ARGYRA ('Ap7»pa), the nymph of a well in
Achaia, was in love with a beautiful shepherd-b(ty,
Selemnus, and visited him frequently, but when
his youthful beauty vanished, she forsook him.
The boy now pined away with grief, and Aphro-
dite, moved to pit}', changed him into the river
Selemnus. There was a popular belief in Achaia,
that if an unhappy lover bathed in the water of
this river, he would forget the grief of his love.
(Paus. vii. 23. $ 2.) [L. S.]

ARGYRUS, ISAAC, a Greek monk, who
lived about ihe year a. d. 1373. He is the
author of a considerable number of works, but only
one of them has yet been published, viz. a work

AiUADNE.

upon the method of finding the time when Easter
should be celebrated (•jrao'xaA.'os Kauoiv), wliich he
dedicated to Andronicus, praefect of the town of
Aenus in Thessaly, It was first edited, with a
Latin translation and notes, by J. Christmann, at
Heidelberg, 1611, 4to., and was afterwards insert-
ed by Petavius in his " Uranologiura" (Paris,
1G30, fol., and Antwerp, 1703, fol.), with a new
Latin translation and notes ; but the last chap-
ter of the work, which is contained in Chrisi-
mann's edition and had been published before
by Jos, Scaliger, is wanting in the " Uranologium."
Petavius inserted in his *' Uranologiura " also a
second " canon paschalis" (iii. p. 384), which he
ascribes to Argyrus, but without having any
authority for it. There exist in various European
libraries, in MS., several works of Argyrus, which
have not yet been printed. (Fabricius, BiU. Gr.
xi. p. 126, &c. ; Cave, Hist. Lit. i. Append, p. 63,
ed. London.) [L. S.J

ARIABIGNES (^ kpia§i-yirf]s), the son of Da-
reius, and one of the commanders of the fleet of
his brother Xerxes, fell in the battle of Salamis,
B. c. 480. (Herod, vii. 97, viii. 89.) Plutarch
calls hira {Them. c. 14) Ariamenes, and speaks of
him as a brave man and the justest of the brothers
of Xerxes. The same writer relates {de Fratern.
Am. p. 448 ; comp. Apophth. p. 173), that this
Ariamenes (called by Justin, ii. 10, Artemenes)
laid claim to the throne on the death of Dareius, as
the eldest of his sons, but was opposed by Xerxes,
who maintained that he had a right to the crown
as the eldest of the sons born after Dareius had
become king. The Persians appointed Artabanus
to decide the dispute ; and upon his declaring in
favour of Xerxes, Ariamenes immediately saluted
his brother as king, and was treated by him with
great respect. According to Herodotus (vii. 2),
who calls the eldest son of Dareius, Artabazanes,
this dispute took place in the life-time of Dareius.

ARIADNE {' Apia^vt])^ a daughter of Minos
and Pasiphae or Creta. (Apollod. iii. 1. § 2.)
When Theseus was sent by his father to convey
the tribute of the Athenians to Minotaurus,
Ariadne fell in love with him, and gave him the
string by means of which he found his way out of
the Labyrinth, and which she herself had received
from Hephaestus. Theseus in return promised to
marry her (Plut. TUes. 1 9 ; Hygin. Fab. 42 ;
Didym. cut Odyss. xi. 320), and she accordingly
left Crete with him ; but when they arrived in the
island of Dia (Naxos), she was killed there by
Artemis. (Horn. Od. xi. 324.) The words added
in the Odyssey, ^lovvaov fjutprupiriaiv, are difficult
to understand, unless we interpret them with
Pherecydes by " on the denunciation of Dionysus,"
because he was indignant at the profanation of his
grotto by the love of Theseus and Ariadne. In
this case Ariadne was probably killed by Artemis
at the moment she gave birth to her twin children,
for she is said to have had two sons by Theseus,
Oenopion and Staphylus. The more common tradi-
tion, however, was, that Theseus left Ariadne in
Naxos alive ; but here the statements again differ,
for some relate that he was forced by Dionysus to
leave her (Diod. iv. 61, v. 51 ; Pans. i. 20. § 2, ix.
40. § 2, X. 29. § 2), and that in his grief he forgot
to take down the \Aack sail, which occasioned the
death of his father. According to others, Theseus
faithlessly forsook her in the island, and ditferent
motives are given for this act of faithlessness.

ARIANTAS.

2I?3

(Plut. Thes. 20; Ov. Afet. viii. 175, fferoid. 10;
Ilygin. Faf>. 43.) According to this tradition,
Ariadne put an end to her own life in despair, or
was saved by Dionysus, who in amazement at her
beauty made her his wife, raised her am.ong
the immortals, and placed the crown which he
gave her at his marriage with her, among the stars.
(Hesiod. Theoff. 949 ; Ov, Met. I. c. ; Uy gin. Poet.
Astr. ii. 5.) The Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius
(iii. 996) makes Ariadne become by Dionysus the
mother of Oenopion, Thoas, Staphylus, Latromis,
Euanthes, and Tauropolis. There are several cir-
cumstances in the story of Ariadne which offered the
happiest subjects for works of art, and some of the
finest ancient works, on gems as well as paintings,
are still extant, of which Ariadne is the subject.
(Lippert, Dactylioth. ii. 51, i. 383, 384 ; Mattel,
Gem. Aid. iii. 33 ; Pitture d'' Ercolano^ ii. tab. 14 ;
Bellori, Adm. Rom. Antiq. Vest. tab. 48 ; Bottiger,
Archueol. Mus. part i.) [L. S.]

ARIAETHUS('Apfai0os), of Tegea, the author
of a work on the early history of Arcadia. (Hygin.
PolL Astr. ii, 1 ; Dionys. i, 49, where 'Apiaido) is
the right reading.)

ARIAE'US I'Apiaios), or ARIDAF/US {'Api-
Baios), the friend and lieutenant of Cyrus, com-
manded the barbarians in that prince's army at
the battle of Cunaxa, B. c. 401. (Xen. Aria/j. i. 8.
§ 5; Diod. xiv. 22; comp. Plut. Artax. c, 11.)
After the death of Cyrus, the Cyrean Greeks
offered to place Ariaeus on the Persian throne ;
but he declined making the attempt, on the ground
that there were many Persians superior to himself,
who would never tolerate him as king. {AnuL ii.
1. ^4, 2. § 1.) He exchanged oaths of fidelity,
however with the Greeks, and, at the commence-
ment of their retreat, marched in company with
them ; but soon afterwards he purchased his par-
don from Artaxerxes by deserting them, and aid-
ing (possibly through the help of liis friend Menon)
the treachery of Tissaphernes, whereby the princi-
pal Greek generals fell into the hands of the Per-
sians. (AmiL ii. 2. § 8, &c., 4, §§ 1, 2, 9, 5.
§§ 28, 38, &c. ; comp. Plut, Artax. c. 18,) It
was perhaps this same Ariaeus who was em-
ployed by Tithraustes to put Tissaphernes to death
in accordance with the king's order, b. c 396.
(Polyaen, viii. 16; Diod. xiv. 80; Wess. and Palm.
ad loc. ; comp. Xen. Hell. iii. 1 . § 7.) In the ensuing
year, b. c. 395, we again hear of Ariaeus as having
revolted from Artaxerxes, and receiving Spithridates
and the Paphlagonians after their desertion of the
Spartan service. (Xen. Hell. iv. 1. § 27 ; Plut.
Ages. c.W.) [E. E.]

ARIA'MENES. [Ariabignes.]

ARIAMNES ('ApjoMJ'^y)- ^- KJ"g' or "^^re
properly satrap, of Cappadocia, the son of Datmnes,
and father of Ariarathes I., reigned 50 years.
(Diod. xxxi. Ed. 3.)

II. King of Cappadocia, succeeded his father
Ariarathes II. He was very fond of his children,
and shared his crown with his son Ariarathes III.
in his life-time. (Diod. /. c.)

ARIAMNES. [Abgarus, No. 1.]

ARIANTAS CApmvTds), a king of the Scy-
thians, who, in order to learn the population of his
people, commanded every Scythian to bring him
an arrow-head. With these arrow-heads he made
a brazen or copper vessel, which was set up in a
place called Exampaeua, between the rivers Borys*
thenes and Hypanis. (Herod, iv. 81.)

284

ARIARATHES.

ARIA'NUS {'Apiav6s), a friend of Bolis, was
employed by him to betray Achaeus to Antiochus
the Great, u. c. 214. (Polyb. viii. 18, &c.) [See
p. 8, a.]

AllIAPEITHES {'Apiaireidris), a king of the
Scythians, the father of Scyles, was treacherously
killed by Spargapeithes, the king of the Agathyrsi.
Ariapeithes was a contemporary of Herodotus, for
he tells us that he had from Tinmes, the guardian
of Ariapeithes, an account of the family of Ana-
charsis. (Herod, iv. 76, 78.)

ARIARA'THES {'Apiapddr,^.) There are a
great many Persian names beginning with Aria — ,
Ario — , and Art — , which all contain the root Ar,
which is seen in 'ApraToi, the ancient . national
name of the Persians (Herod, vii. 61), and "Apioi
or '^Apeioi, likewise an ancient designation of the
inhabitants of the table land of Persia. (Herod,
iii. 93, vii. 62.) Dr. Rosen, to whom we are in-
debted for these remarks, (in Quarterly Journal of
Education^ vol. ix. p. 336,) also observes that the
name Arii is the same with the Sanscrit word
Arya^ by which in the writings of the Hindus the
followers of the Brahmanical law are designated.
He shews that Arya signifies in Sanscrit " honour-
able, entitled to respect," and Arta^ in all pro-
bability, " honoured, respected." In Aria-ralhes,
the latter }mrt of the word apparently is the same
as the Zend rata, "great, master" (Bopp, Verylei-
clicnde Gra/nnuitik, p. 196), and the name would
therefore signify "an honourable master." (Comp.
Pott, Etymologisclie Forschungen, p. xxxvi., &c.)

Ariarathes was the name of several kings of
Cappadocia, who traced their origin to Anaphas,
one of the seven Persian chiefs who slew the
Magi. [Anaphas.]

I. The son of Ariamnes I., was distinguish-
ed for his love of his brother Holophernes, whom
he sent to assist Ochus in the recovery of Egypt,
B. c. 350. After the death of Alexander, Perdiccas
appointed Eumenes governor of Capjmdocia ; but
upon Ariarathes refusing to submit to Eumenes,
Perdiccas made war upon him. Ari;u-athes was
defeated, taken prisoner, and crucitied, together
with many of his I'ektions, b. c. 322. Eumenes
then obtained possession of Cappadocia. Ariarathes
was 82 years of age at the time of his death : he
had adopted as his son, Ariarathes, the eldest son
of his brother Holophernes. (Diod. xxxi. Eel. 3,
where it is stated that he fell in battle ; Diod.
xviii. 16 ; Arrian, ap. Phot. Cod. 92, p. 69, b. 26.
ed. Bekker ; Appian, Mitkr. 8 ; Lucian, Macrob.
13 ; Plut. Eunien. 3 ; Justin, xiii. 6, whose ac-
count is quite erroneous.)

II. Son of Holophernes, fled into Armenia
after the death of Ariaratlies 1. After the death
of Eumenes, b. c. 315, he recovered Cappadocia
with the assistance of Ardoates, the Armenian
king, and killed Amj-ntas, the Macedonian go-
vernor. He was succeeded by Ariamnes II., the
eldest of his three sons. (Diod. xxxi. Ed. 3.)

III. Son of Ariamnes II., and grandson of
the preceding, married Stratonice, a daughter of
Antiochus II., king of Syria, and obtained a share
in the government during the life-time of his
father. (Diod. I. c.)

IV. Son of the preceding, was a child at his
accession, and reigned b. c. 220 — 163, about 57
years. (Diod. I. c. ; Justin, xxix. 1 \ Polyb. iv. 2.)
He married Antiochis, the daughter of Antiochus
III., king of Syria, and, in consequence of this

ARIARATHES.

alliance, assisted Antiochus in his war against the
Romans. After the defeat of Antiochus by the
Romans, b. c. 190, Ariarathes sued for peace iu
188, which he obtained on favourable terms, as
his daughter was about that time betrothed to
Eumenes, the ally of the Romans. In B. c. 183 —
1 19, he assisted Eumenes in his war against Phar-
naces. Polybius mentions that a Roman embassy
was sent to Ariarathes after the death of Antiochus
IV., who died b. c. 164. Antiochis, the wife of
Ariarathes, at first bore him no children, and ac-
cordingly introduced two supposititious ones, who
were called Ariai'athes and Holophernes. Subse-
quently, however, she bore her husband two
daughters and a son, Mithridates, afterwards
Ariarathes V., and then informed Ariarathes of
the deceit she had practised upon him. The other
two were in consequence sent awa}' from Cap-
padocia, one to Rome, the other to Ionia. (Liv.
xxxvii. 31, xxxviii. 38, 39 ; Polyb. xxii. 24, xxv.
2, 4, xxvi. 6, xxxi. 12, 13; Appian, Syr. 5, 32,
42 ; Diod. /. c.)

V. Son of the preceding, previously called Mi-
thridates, reigned 33 years, b. c. 163 — 130.
He was surnamed Philopator, and was distin-
guished by the excellence of his character and his
cultivation of philosopliy and the liberal arts.
According to Livy (xlii. 19), he was educated at
Rome ; but tliis account may perhaps refer to the
other Ariarathes, one of tlie supposititious sons of
the late king. In consequence of rejecting, at the
wish of the Romans, a marriage with the sister of
Demetrius Soter, the latter made war upon him,
and brought forward Holophernes, one of the sup-
posititious sons of the late king, as a claimant of the
throne. Ariarathes was deprived of his kingdom,
and fled to Rome about B. c. 158. He was re-
stored l)y the Romans, who, however, appear to
have allowed Holophenies to reign jointly with
him, as is expressly stated by Appian {Syr. 47),
and implied by Polybius (xxxii. 20). The joint
government, however, did not last long ; for we
find Ariarathes shortly afterwards named as sole
king. In b. c. 154, Ariarathes assisted Attains in
his war against Prusias, and sent his son Demetrius
in command of his forces. He fell in B. c. 130, in
the war of the Romans against Aristonicus of Per-
gamus. In return for the succours which he had
brought the Romans on that occasion, Lycaonia
and Cilicia were added to the dominions of his
family. By his wife Laodice he had six children ;
but they were all, with the exception of the
youngest, killed by their mother, that she might
obtain the government of the kingdom. After she

ARIARATHES;

had been put to death by tlie people on account of
her crueltj', her younjreRt son succeeded to the
crown. (I)iod. /. r., Exc. xxiv. p. 626, ed. Wess.;
Polyb. iii. 5, xxxii. 20, 23, xxxiii. 12 ; Justin,
XXXV. 1, xxxvii. 1.)

VT. The youngest son of the preceding, reign-
ed about 34 years, b. c. 130 — ^^. He was a
child at his succession. He married Laodice,
the sister of Mithridates Eupator, king of Pontus,
and was put to death by Mithridates by means
of Gordius. (Justin, xxxvii. 1 , xxxviii, ] ; Mem-
iion,ap. Phot. Cod. 224, p. 230, a. 41, ed. Bekker.)
On his death the kingdom was seized by Nico-
medes, king of Bithynia, who married Laodice,
the widow of the late king. But Nicomedes was
»oon expelled by Mithridates, who placed upon
the throne.

ARIGNOTUS.

285

VII. A son of Ariarathes VI. He was, how-
ever, also murdered by Mithridates in a short
time, who now took possession of his kingdom.
(Justin, xxxviii. 1.) The Cappadocians rebelled
against Mithridates, and placed upon the throne,

VIII. A second son of Ariarathes VI. ; but
he was speedily driven out of the kingdom by
Mithridates, and shortly afterwards died a natural
death. By the death of these two sons of
Ariarathes VI., the royal family was extinct.
Mithridates placed upon the throne one of his own
sons, who was only eight years old. Nicomedes
sent an embassy to Rome to lay claim to the
throne for a youth, who, he pretended, was a third
son of Ariarathes VI. and Laodice. Mithridates
also, with equal shamelessness, says Justin, sent
an embassy to Rome to assert that the youth,
whom he had placed upon the throne, was a de-
scendant of Ariarathes V., who fell in the war
against Aristonicus. The senate, however, did not
assign the kingdom to either, but granted liberty
to the Cappadocians. But as the people wished
for a king, the Romans allowed them to choose
whom they pleased, and their choice fell upon
Ariobarzanes. (Justin, xxxviii. 1, 2 ; Strab. xii.
p. 540.)

IX. A son of Ariobarzanes II., and brother
of Ariobarzanes III.(Cic. ad Fam. xv. 2), reigned
six years, b. c. 42 — 36. When Caesar had con-
firmed Ariobarzanes III. in this kingdom, he
placed Ariarathes under his brother's government.
Ariarathes succeeded to the crown after the battle
of Philippi, but was deposed and put to death by
Antony, who appointed Archelaus as his successor.
(Appian, n. C. V. 7 ; Dion Cass. xlix. 32 ; Val.
Max. ix. 15, ex. 2.)

Clinton makes this Ariarathes the son of Ario-
barzanes III. (whom he calls the second) ; but as

there were three kings of the name of Ariobarzanes,
gnindfather, son, and grandson [Ariobarzanes],
and Strabo (xii. p. 540) says that the family be-
came extinct in three generations, it seems most
probable, that this Ariarathes was a brother of
Ariobarzanes III. Cicero {ad Ait. xiii. 2) speaks
of an Ariarathes, a son of Ariobarzanes, who came
to Rome in b. c. 45 ; but there seems no reason to
believe that he was a different person from the one
mentioned above, the son of Ariobarzanes II.

Respecting the kings of Cappadociiv, see Clinton,
F. H. vol. iii. Appendix, c. 9.

The four coins that have been given above, have
been placed under those kings to whom they are
usually assigned ; but it is quite uncertain to whom
they really belong. The coins of these kings bear
only three surnames, ET2EBOT2, Eni*ANOT5,
and *IA0MHT0P02. On the reverse of all,
Pallas is represented. (Eckhel, iii. p. 198.)

ARIASPES ('ApwoTTT^s), called by Justin (x. 1)
Ariarates, one of the three legitimate sons of Arta-
xerxes Mnemon, was, after the death of his eldest
brother Dareius, driven to commit suicide by the
intrigues of his other brother, Ochus. (Plut. Artax.
c. 30.)

ARIBAEUS CApi€aios), the king of the Cap-
padocians, was slain by the HjTcanians, in the time
of the elder Cyrus, according to Xenophon's Cyro-
paedia. (ii. l.'§5, iv. 2. § 31.)

ARICI'NA (ApiKiVt?), a surname of Artemis,
derived from the town of Aricia in Latium, where
she was worshipped. A tradition of that place
related that Hippoiytus, after being restored to life
by Asclepius, came to Italy, ruled over Aricia, and
dedicated a grove to Artemis. (Pans. ii. 27. § 4.)
This goddess was believed to be the Taurian
Artemis, and her statue at Aricia was considered
to be the same as the one which Orestes had
brought with him from Tauris. (Serv. ad Aen. ii.
116; Strab. v. p. 239 ; Hygin. Fab. 261.) Ac-
cording to Strabo, the priest of the Arician Artemis
was always a run-away slave, who obtained his
office in the following manner : — The sacred grove
of Artemis contained one tree from which it was
not allowed to break off a branch ; but if a slave
succeeded in effecting it, the priest was obliged to
fight with him, and if he was conquered and killed,
the victorious slave became his successor, and
might in his turn be killed by another slave, who
then succeeded him. Suetonius {Calig. 35) calls
the priest rea: 7iemorensis. Ovid (Fast. iii. 260,
&c.), Suetonius, and Pausanias, speak of contests
of slaves in the grove at Aricia, which seem to
refer to the frequent fights between the priest and
a slave who tried to obtain his office. [L. S.]

ARIDAEUS. [Ariaeus; Arrhidaeus.]

ARIDO'LIS ('Api'SwAjs), tyrant of Alabanda in
Caria, accompanied Xerxes in his expedition against
Greece, and was taken by the Greeks off Artemi-
sium, B. c. 480, and sent to the isthmus of Corinth
in chains. (Herod, vii. 195.)

ARIGNO'TE {'Apiyvcir-n), of Samos, a female
Pythagorean philosopher, is sometimes described as
a daughter, .it other times merely as a disciple of
Pythagoras and The.nno. She wrote epigrams and
several works upon the worship and mysteries of
Dionvsus. (Suidas, .s-.r. 'Ap»7vciJTi7, ©cavc^, YluOay.^
Clem'. Alex. Strom.^ iv. p. .522, d., Paris, 1629;
Harpocrat. s. v. Evo7.)

ARIGNO'TUS ('Apiyj/orros), a Pythagorean in
the time of Lucian, was renowned for his wisdom.

286

ARIOBARZANES.

and had the surname of iepos. [hucian, Philopseud.
c. 29 &c.)

' ARIMA'ZES CApiixd^v^) or ARIOMA'ZES
('ApiOjitofTjs), a chief who had possession, in B. c
328, of a Aery strong fortress in Sogdiana, usually
railed the Rock, which Droysen identifies with a
place called Kohiten, situate near the pass of
Kolugha or Derbend. Arimazes at first refused to
surrender the place to Alexander, but afterwards
yielded when some of the Macedonians had climbed
to the summit. In this fortress Alexander found
Roxana, the daughter of the Bactrian chief, Oxy-
artes, whom he made his wife. Curtius (vii. 1 1 )
relates, that Alexander crucified Arimazes and the
leading men who were taken ; but this is not men-
tioned by Arrian (iv. 1 9) or Polyaenus (iv. 3. ^ 29),
and is improbable. (Comp. Strab. xi. p. 517.)

ARIMXESTUS ('ApliJ.vrj(TTos), the com-
mander of the Platacans at the battles of jNIarathon
and Plataea. (Pans. ix. 4. § 1 ; Herod, ix. 72;
Plut- Arist. c. 11.) The Spartan who killed Mar-
donius is called by Plutarch Arinmestus, but by
Herodotus Aeimestus. [Abimnestus.]

ARIOBARZA'NES CApio§ap^dvr,s). 1. The
name of three kings or satraps of Pontus.

I. Was betrayed by his son Mithridates to the
Persian king. (Xen. Q/r. viii. 8. § 4 ; Aristot.
Potit. V. 8. § 15, ed. Schneid.) It is doubtful
whether this Ariobarzanes is the same who con-
ducted the Athenian ambassadors, in B. c. 405, to
the sea-coast of Mysia, after they had been de-
tained three years by order of Cyrus (Xen. Nell.
i. 4. § 7 ), or the same who assisted Antalcidas in
B.C. 388. (Id.v. 1. §28.)

II. Succeeded his fiither, iMitliridates I., and
reigned 26 years, b. c 363—337. (Diod. xvi. 90.)
He appears to have held some high office in
the Persian court five years before the death of
his father, as we find him, apparently on behalf of
the king, sending an embassy to Greece in B. c.
368. (Xen. Hell. vii. 1. § 27.) Ariobarzanes, who
is called by Diodonis (xv. 90) satrap of Pbrj'gia,
and by Nepos {Datum, c. 2) satrap of Lydia, Ionia,
and Phrygia, revolted from Artaxerxes in B. c. 362,
and may be regarded as the founder of the inde-
pendent kingdom of Pontus. Demosthenes, in
B. c. 352, speaks of Ariobarzanes and his three
sons having been lately made Athenian citizens.
{Iji Aristocrat, pp. 666, 687.) He mentions him
again { pro R/uxl. ■p. 193) in the following year,
B. c. 351, and says, that the Athenians had sent
Timotheus to his assistance ; but that when the
Athenian general saw that Ariobarzanes was in
open revolt against the king, he refused to assist
him.

III. The son of Mithridates TIL, began to reign
B. c. 266 and died about b. c. 240. He obtained
possession of the city of Amastris, which was sur-
rendered to him. (Memnon, cc. 16, 24, ed. Orelli.)
Ariobarzanes and his father, Mithridates, sought
the assistance of the Gauls, who had come into
Asia twelve years before the death of Mithridates,
to expel the Egyptians sent by Ptolemy. (Apollon.
ap. Sieph. Byz. s. v. "KyKvpa.) Ariobarzanes was
succeeded by Mithridates IV.

2. The satrap of Persis, fled after the battle of
Guagamela, B. c. 331, to secure the Persian Gates,
a pass which Alexander had to cross in his march to
Persepolis. Alexander was at first unable to force
the pass ; but some prisoners, or, according to other
accounts, a Lycian, having acquainted him with a

ARIOBARZANES.

way over the mountains, he was enabled to gain
the heights above the Persian camp. The Persians
then took to flight, and Ariobarzanes escaped with
a few horsemen to the mountains. (Arrian, iii. 18 ;
Diod. xvii. 68 ; Curt. v. 3, 4.)

3. The name of three kings of Cappadocia.
Clinton {F. H. iii. p. 436) makes only two of this
name, but inscriptions and coins seem to prove that
there were three.

I. Surnaraed Philoromaeus (^iXopd/xaios) on
coins (b. c. 93 — 63), was elected king by the
Cappadocians, under the direction of the Romans,
about B.C. 93. (Justin, xxxviii. 2; Strab. xii. p. 540;
Appian, Milhr. 10.) He was several times ex-
pelled from his kingdom by Mithridates, and as
often restored by the Romans. He seems to have
been driven out of his kingdom immediately after
his accession, as we find that he was restored by
Sulla in b. c. 92. (Plut. Sulla, 5 ; Liv. Epil. 70;
Appian, MUhr. 57.) He was a second time ex-
pelled about b. c. 90, and fled to Rome, He was
then restored by M.' Aquillius, about b. c. 89
(Appian, MUhr. 10, 11 ; Justin, xxxviii. 3), but
was expelled a third time in B.c. 88. In this year
war was declared between the Romans and Mith-
ridates ; and Ariobarzanes was deprived of his
kingdom till the peace in B. c. 84, when he again
obtained it from Sulla, and was established in it
by Curio. (Plut. Sulla, 22, 24 ; Dion Cass. Fragm.
173, ed. Reim. ; Appian, Milhr. 60.) Ariobar-
zanes appears to have retained possession of Cap-
padocia, though frequently harassed by Mithridates,
till B. c. QQ, when Mithridates seized it after the
departure of LucuUus and before the arrival of
Pompey. (Cic. pro Leg. Man. 2, 5.) He was,
however, restored by Pompey, who also increased
his dominions. Soon after this, probably about
B. c. 63, he resigned the kingdom to his son.
(Appian, il/iVAr. 105, 114, B. C. i. 103 ; Val.Max.
V. 7. § 2.) We learn from a Greek inscription
quoted by Eckhel (iii, p. 199), that the name of
his wife was Athenais, and that their son was
Philopator. The inscription on the coin from
which the annexed drawing was made, is indis-
tinct and partly effaced : it should be BA2IAEfl2
APIOBAPZANOT ^lAOPHMAIOT. Pallas is re-
presented holding a small statue of Victory in her
light hand.

II. Sumamed Philopator (^iKoTrdrup), according
to coins, succeeded his father b. c, 63. The time
of his death is not known ; but it must have been
previous to B.C. 51, in which year his son was
reigning. He appears to have been assassinated,
as Cicero (ad Fam. xv. 2) reminds the son of the
fate of his father. Cicero also mentions this Ario-
barzanes in one of his orations. [De Prov. Cons. 4.)
It appears, from an inscription, that his wife, as
well as his father's, was named Athenais.

III. Surnamed Eusebes and Philoromaeus (E^
aeS-^s Kal ^iKopci/xaios), according to Cicero (ad
Fam. XV. 2) and coins, succeeded his father not
long before b. c. 51. (Cic. I. c.) While Cicero was
in Cilicia, he protected Ariobarzanes from a con-

ARION.

spimcy which was formed against him, and esta-
blished him in his kingdom. {Ad Fam. ii. 17,
XV. 2, 4, 5, ad Att v. 20; Plut. Cic. 36.) It
appears from Cicero that Ariobarzanes was very
poor, and that he owed Pompoy and AI. Brutus
large sums of money. {Ad Ait. vi. 1 — 3.) In
the war between Caesar and Pompey, he came to
the assistance of the latter with five hundred horse-
men. (Caes. B. C. iii. 4 ; Flor. iv. 2.) Caesar,
however, forgave him, and enlarged his territories.
He also protected him against the attacks of Phar-
naces, king of Pontus. (Dion Cass. xli. 63, xlii. 48;
Hirt. Bell. Alex. 34, &c.) He was slain in B.c. 42
by Cassius, because he was plotting against him in
Asia. (Dion Cass, xlvii. 33 ; Appian, B. C. iv. 63.)
On the annexed coin of Ariobarzanes the inscrip-

ARIOVISTUS.

287

ti(m is BA2IAEn2 APIOBAPZANOT ET2EB0T2
KAI *IAOPnMAIOT. (Eckhel, iii. p. 200.)

ARIOMARDUS ('AptoVapSos), a Persian word,
the latter part of which is the same as the Persian
inerd (vir), whence comes merdi (virilitas, virtus).
Ario-vmrdus would therefore signify " a man or
liero honourable, or entitled to respect." (Pott,
Etymologische Forschungen, p. xxxvi.) Respecting
the meaning oi Ario., see Ariarathes.

1 The son of Dareius and Parmys, the daughter
of Smerdis, commanded the Moschi and Tibareni
in the army of Xerxes, (Herod, vii. 78.)

2. The brother of Artuphius, commanded the
Caspii in the army of Xerxes. (Herod, vii. 67.)

3. The ruler of Thebes in Egypt, one of the
commanders of the Egyptians in the army of
Xerxes. (Aesch. Pers. 38, 313.)

ARI'ON ('Apjwf). 1. An ancient Greek bard
and great master on the cithara, was a native of
Methymna in Lesbos, and, according to some ac-
counts, a son of Cyclon or of Poseidon and the
nymph Oncaea. He is called the inventor of the
dithvrambic poetry, and of the name dithyramb.
(Herod, i. 23; Schol. ad Find. 01. xiii. 25.) All
traditions about him agree in describing him as a
contemporan,' and friend of Periander, tyrant of
Corinth, so that he must have lived about B. c.
700. He appears to have spent a great part of his
life at the court of Periander, but respecting his
life and his poetical or musical productions,
scarcely anything is known beyond the beautiful
story of his escape from the sailors with whom he
sailed from Sicily to Corinth. On one occasion,
thus runs the story, Arion went to Sicily to take
part in some musical contest. He won the prize,
and, laden with presents, he embarked in a Corin-
thian ship to return to his friend Periander. The
rude sailors coveted his treasures, and meditated
his murder. Apollo, in a dream, informed his be-
loved bard of the plot. After having tried in vain
to save his life, he at length obtained permission
once more to seek delight in his song and playing
on the cithara. In festal attire he placed himself
in the prow of the ship and invoked the gods in
inspired strains, and then threw himself into the
sea. But many song-loving dolphins had assem-

bled round the vessel, and one of them now took
the bard on its back and carried him to Taenarus,
from whence he returned to Corinth in safety, and
related his adventure to Periander. When the
Corinthian vessel arrived likewise, Periander in-
quired of the sailors after Arion, and they said
that he had remained behind at Tarentum ; bat
Avhen Arion, at the bidding of Periander, came
forward, the sailors owned their guilt and were
punished according to their desert. (Herod, i. 24 ;
Gcllius, xvi. 19 ; Hygin. Fab. 194 ; Paus. iii. 25.
^ 5.) In the time of Herodotus and Pausanias
there existed on Taenarus a brass monument,
which was dedicated there either by Periander or
Arion himself, and which represented him riding
on a dolphin. Arion and his cithara (lyre) were
placed among the stars. (Hj'gin. I. c. ; Serv. ad
Virg. Edog. viii. 54 ; Aelian, H. A. xii. 45.) A
fragment of a hymn to Poseidon, ascribed to Arion,
is contained in Bergk's Foetae Lynci Graeci^ p.
566, &c.

2. A fabulous horse, which Poseidon begot by
Demeter ; for in order to escape from the pursuit
of Poseidon, the goddess had metamorphosed her-
self into a mare, and Poseidon deceived her by
assuming the figure of a horse. Demeter after-
wards gave birth to the horse Arion, and a
daughter whose name remained unknown to the
uninitiated. (Paus. viii. 25. § 4.) According to
the poet Antimachus {ap. Paus. I. c.) this horse
and Caerus were the offspring of Gaea ; whereas,
according to other traditions, Poseidon or Zephyrus
begot the horse by a Harpy. (Eustath. ad Horn.
p. 1051 ; Quint. Smyrn. iv. 570.) Another story
related, that Poseidon created Arion in his con-
test with Athena. (Serv. ad Virg. Georg. i. 12.)
From Poseidon the horse passed through the
hands of Copreus, Oncus, and Heracles, from whom
it was received by Adrastus. (Paus, i. c. ; Hesiod.
Scut. Here. 120.) [L. S.]

ARIOVISTUS, a German chief, who engaged
in war against C. Julius Caesar in Gaul, b. c. 58.
For some time before that year, Gaul had been
distracted by the quaiTels and wars of two parties,
the one headed by the Aedui (in the modern
Burgundy), the other by the Arverni (Auvergne),
and Sequani (to the W. of Jura). The latter called
in the aid of the Germans, of whom at first about
15,000 crossed the Rhine, and their report of the
wealth and fertility of Gaul soon attracted large
bodies of fresh invaders. The number of the
Germans in that country at length amounted to
120,000 : a mixed multitude, consisting of mem-
bers of the following tribes : — the Harudes, Mar-
comanni, Triboci, Vangiones, Nemetes, Sedusii,
and Suevi, most of whom had lately occupied the
country stretching from the right bank of the
Rhine to the Danube, and northwards to the
Riesengebirge and Erzgebirge, or even beyond
them. At their head was Ariovistus, whose name
is supposed to have been Latinized from //cer, " a
host," and Furst, " a prince," and who was so
powerful as to receive from the Roman senate the
title of amicm. They entirely subdued the Aedui,
and compelled them to give hostages to the Sequani,
and swear never to seek help from Rome. But it
fared worse with the conquerors than the con-
quered, for Ariovistus first seized a third part of
the Sequanian territory, as the price of the triumph
which he had won for them, and soon after de-
manded a second portion of equal extent. Divi-

288 ARISBE.

tiacus, the only noble Aeduan who had neither
given hostiiges nor taken the oath, requested help
from Caesar, and was accompanied by a numerous
deputation of Gallic chiefs of all tribes, who had
now forgotten their mutual quarrels in their terror
of the common foe. They all expressed the greatest
fear lest their request should be known to Ario-
vistus, and the Sequani regarded him with such
awe, that they durst not utter a word to Caesar,
but only shewed their misery by their downcast
looks. Caesar, who was afraid that first Gaul and
then Italy would be overrun by the barbarians,
sent orders to Ariovistus to prevent the irruption
of any more Germans, and to restore the hostages
to the Aedui. These demands were refused in
the same haughty tone of defiance which Ariovistus
had before used in declining an interview proposed
by Caesar. Both parties then advanced with war-
like intentions, and the Romans seized Vesontio
(Besanfon), the chief town of tlie Sequani. Here
they were so terrified by the accounts which they
heard of the gigantic bulk and fierce courage of the
Germans, that they gave themselves up to despair,
and the camp was filled with men making their
wills. Caesar reanimated them by a brilliant
speech, at the end of which he said that, if they
refused to advance, he should himself proceed with
his favourite tenth legion only. Upon this they
repented of their despondency, and prepai-ed for
battle. Before this could take place, an inter-
view between Caesar and Ariovistus was at last
held by the request of the latter. They could
come, however, to no agreement, but the battle
was still delayed for some days ; Ariovistus con-
triving means of postponing it, on account of a
prophecy that the Germans would not succeed if
they engaged before the new moon. The battle
ended by the total defeat of ^Vriovistus, who im-
mediately fled with his army to the Rhine, a
distance of 50 miles from the field. Some crossed
the river by swimming, others in small boats, and
among the latter Ariovistus himself. His two
wives perished in the retreat ; one of his daughters
was taken prisoner, the other killed. The fame of
Ariovistus long survived in Gaul, so that in Tacitus
{Hist. iv. 73) we find Cerealis telling the Treveri
that the Romans had occupied the banks of the
Rhine, " nequh alius Ariovisttis ref/no Galliarum
putireinr.'''' This shews that the representation
which Caesar gives of his power is not exaggerated.
(Caes. JS, G. i. 31—53; Dion Cass, xxxviii. 31,
*:c.; Plut. Caes. 18 ; Liv. EpU. 104.) [G.E.L.Cl
ARIPHRON ('Ap((i>poou). 1. The father of
Xanthippus, and grandfather of Pericles. (Herod,
ri. 131, 136, vii. 33, viii. 131 ; Pans. iii. 7. § 8.)

2. The brother of Pericles. (Plat. Protag. p.
320, a.)

3. Of Sicyon, a Greek poet, the author of a beau-
tiful paean to health ('Tyt'eia), which has been
preserved by Athenaeus. (xv. p. 702, a.) The
beginning of the poem is quoted by Lucian {do
iMpsu inter Salt. c. 6.) and Maximus Tyrius (xiii.
1.) It is printed in Bergk's Poetae Lyi-ici Graeci,
p. 841.

ARISBE ('AptV§rj). 1. A daughter of Merops
and first wife of Priam, by whom she became the
nio'.her of Aesacus, but was afterwards resigned to
Hyrtacus. (Apollod. i. 12. § 5.) According to
Borae accounts, the Trojan town of Arisbe derived
its name from her. (Steph. Byz. s. v.)

2. A daughter of Teucer and wife of Dardanus.

ARISTAENUS.

She was a native of Crete, and some tradition
stated that it was this Arisbe who gave the name
to the town of Arisbe. (Steph. Byz. *■. v. ; Lycophr.
1308.) According to others, Bateia was the wife
of Dardanus. (Apollod. iii. 12. § 1 ; comp. Eustath.
ad Horn. p. 894.)

3. A daughter of Macarus, and wife of Paris,
from whom the town of Arisbe in Lesbos derived
its name. (Steph. Bvz. s.v.; Eustath. I.e.) [L.S.]

ARISTAE'NETUS ('Apto-TaiVeros), of Dymae,
an Achaean general, the commander of the Achaean
cavalry on the right wing in the battle of Mantiiieia,
B. c. 207. (Polyb. xi. 11.) [Aristaenus.j

2. The author of a work on Phaselis, of which
the first book is quoted by Stephanus Byz. (s. v.
reAa.) He appears also to have written on Egypt
and the good things of the Nile. (Eudoc. Viol. p.
67.) Fabricius {Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 697) mentions
several other persons of this name.

ARISTAE'NETUS ('Api(rTo/./eToy),the reputed
author of two books of Love-Letters (eTritrToAol
epwTj/cai), which were first edited by Sambucu?,
(Antwerp, 1566), and subsequently bv de Pauw,
(Utrecht, 1736), Abresch, (Zwo'U. 1749), and
Boissonade (1822). These Letters are taken al-
most entirely from Plato, Lucian, Philostratus.
and Plutarch ; and so owe to their reputed author
AristaenetuB nothing but the connexion. They
are short unconnected stories of love adventures ;
and if the language in occasional sentences, or
even paragraphs, is terse and elegant, yet on the
whole they aie only too insipid to be disgusting.

Of the author nothing is known. It has been
conjectured, that he is the same as Aristaenetus of
Nicaea, to whom several of Libanius' Epistles are
addressed, and who lost his life in the earthquake
in Nicomedia, a. d. 358. (Comp. Ammian. Mar-
cell, xvii. 7.) That this supposition, however, is
erroneous, is proved by the mention of the cele-
brated pantomimus Caramallus in one of the epis-
tles, who is mentioned in the fifth century by
Sidonius Apolloniaris (xxiii. 267) as his contem-
ponirv. Sidonius died A. D. 484. [C. T. A.]

ARISTAENUS ('ApiWoivos), of Megalopolis,
sometimes called Aristaenetus by Polybius
(Schweigh. ad Pohjh. xvii. 1) and Pfutarch \PU-
lop. 13, 17). Aristaenus, however, appears to be
the correct name. He was strategus of the Achaean
league in b. c. 198, and induced the Achaeans to
join the Romans in the war against Philip of Ma-
cedon. Polybius defends him from the charge of
treachery for having done so. In the following
year (b. c. 197) he was again strategus and accom-
panied the consul T. Quinctius Flamininus to his
interview with Philip. (Polyb. xxxii. 19 — 21,
32 ; Polyb. xvii. 1, 7, 13.) In the same year he
also persuaded the Boeotians to espouse the side
of the Romans. (Liv. xxxiii. 2.) In b. c. 195,
when he was again strategus, he joined Flamininus
with 10,000 foot and 1 000 horse in order to attack
Nabis. (Liv. xxxiv. 25, &c.) He was also
strategus in b. c. 185, and attacked Philopoeraen
and Lycortas for their conduct in relation to the
embassy that had been sent to Ptolemy. (Polvb.
xxiii. 7, 9, 10.)

Aristaenus was the political opponent of Philo-
poemen, and showed more readiness to gratify the
wishes of the Romans than Philopoemen did. He
was eloquent and skilled in politics, but not dis-
tinguished in war. (Polyb. xjcv. 9 ; comp. Plut.
Phihp. 17 ; Pans. viii. 51. § 1.)

ARISTAEUS.

ARISTAEON. [Aristakus.]

AlllSTAEUS (^Apia-Toios), an ancient divinity
worshipped in various parts of Greece, as in
Thessiily, Ceos, and Boeotia, but especially in
the islands of the Aegean, Ionian, and Adriatic
seas, which had once been inhabited by Pelasgians.
The different accounts about Aristtieus, who once
was a mortal, and ascended to the dignity of a god
through the benefits he had conferred upon man-
kind, seem to have arisen in different places and
independently of one another, so that they referred
to several distinct beings, who were subsequently
identified and united into one. He is described
either as a son of Uranus and Ge, or according to
a more general tradition, as the son of Apollo by
Cyrene, the grand-daughter of Peneius. Other,
but more local traditions, call his father Cheiron
or Carystus. (Diod. iv. 81, &c.; Apollon. Rhod.
iii. 500, &c. with the Schol.; Find. Pi/th. ix. 45,
&c.) The stories about his youth are very mar-
vellous, and shew hira at once as the favourite of
the gods. His mother Cyrene had been carried
off by Apollo from mount Pelion, where he found
her boldly fighting with a lion, to Libya, where
Cyrene was named after her, and where she gave
birth to Aristaeus. After he had grown up, Aris-
taeus went to Thebes in Boeotia, where he learned
from Cheiron and the muses the arts of healing
and prophecy. According to some statements he
married Autonoe, the daughter of Cadmus, who
bore him several sons, Charraus, Calaicarpus, Ac-
taeon, and Polydorus. (Hesiod. T/teog. 975.)
After the unfortunate death of his son Actaeon, he
left Thebes and went to Ceos, whose inhabitants
he delivered from a destructive drought, by erecting
an altar to Zeus Icmaeus. This gave rise to an
identification of Aristaeus with Zeus in Ceos.
From thence he returned to Libya, where his
mother prepared for him a fleet, with which he
sailed to Sicily, visited several islands of the
Mediterranean, and for a time ruled over Sar-
dinia. From these islands liis worship spread
over Magna Graecia and other Greek colonies.
At last he went to Thrace, where he became ini-
tiated in the mysteries of Dionysus, and after
having dwelled for some time near mount Haemus,
where he founded the town of Aristaeon, he dis-
appeared. (Comp. Paus. x. 17. § 3.) Aristaeus
is one of the most beneficent divinities in ancient
mythology: he was worshipped as the protector of
flocks and shepherds, of vine and olive plantations ;
he taught men to hunt and keep bees, and averted
from the fields the burning heat of the sun and
other causes of destruction ; he was a i&eos vofxios,
dypfiis, and aAe|7jT7fp. The benefits which he con-
ferred upon man, differed in different places ac-
cording to their especial wants: Ceos, which was
much exposed to heat and droughts, received
through him rain and refreshing winds ; in Thes-
saly and Arcadia he was the protector of the flocks
and bees. (Virg, Geort;. i. 14, iv. 283, 317.)
Justin (xiii. 7) throws everything into confusion
by describing Nomios and Agreus, which are only
surnames of Aristaeus, as his brothers. Respect-
ing the representations of this divinity on ancient
coins, see Rasche, Lex. Numism. i. 1. p. 1100, and
respecting his worship in general Briindsted,
lieisen, ^c in Griech. i. p. 40, &c. [L. S.]

ARISTAEUS, the original name according to
Justin (xiii. 7) of Battus, the founder of Cyrene.
[Battl's.]

ARISTAGORAS.

289

ARISTAEUS {'Api(TTa7os), the son of Damo-
phon, of Croton, a Pythagoraean philosopher, who
succeeded Pythagoras as head of the school, and
married his widow Theano. (Iambi, c. 36.) He
was the author of several mathematical works,
which Euclid used. (Pappus, lib. vii. Matltem.
Coll. init.) Stobaeus has given {Eel. i. 6, p.
429, ed. Heeren) an extract from a work on
Harmony {Uepl 'Ap/xovias), by Aristaeon, who
may be the same as this Aristaeus. (Fabric.
liiljl. Graec. i. p. 836.)

ARISTAEUS. [Aristeas.]

ARISTA'GORA {'ApiaTuyopa). 1. An
hetaira, the mistress of the orator Hyperidcs,
against whom he afterwards delivered two orations.
(Athen. xiii. pp. 590, d. 586, a. 587, d- 588, c. ;
Harpocrat. s. v. 'Acpvai.)

2. A Corinthian hetaira, the mistress of Deme-
trius, the grandson of Demetrius Phalereus.
(Athen. iv. p. 167, d. e.)

ARISTA'GORAS {'Api(TTay6f>as), of Miletus,
brother-in-law and cousin of Histiaeus, was left by
him, on his occupation of Myrcinus and during his
stay at the Persian court, in charge of the govern-
ment of Miletus. His misconduct in this situation
caused the first interruption of an interval of uni-
versal peace, and commenced the chain of events
which raised Greece to the level of Persia. In 50 1
B. c, tempted by tlie prospect of making Naxos
his dependency, he obtained a force for its reduc-
tion from the neighbouring satrap, Artaphemes.
While leading it he quarrelled with its commander ;
the Persian in revenge sent warning to Naxos, and
the project failed. Aristagoras finding his treasure
wasted, and himself embarrassed through the failure
of his promises to Artaphernes, began to meditate
a general revolt of Ionia. A message from His-
tiaeus determined him. His first step was to seize
the several tyrants who were still with the arma-
ment, deliver them up to their subjects, and pro-
claim democracy ; himself too, professedly, surren-
dering his power. He then set sjiil for Greece, and
applied for succours, first at Sparta ; but after using
every engine in his power to win Cleomenes, the
king, he was ordered to depart : at Athens he was
better received ; and with the troops from twenty
galleys which he there obtained, and five added by
the Eretrians, he sent, in 499, an anny up the
country, which captured and burnt Sardis, but was
finally chased back to the coast. These allies now
depai-ted ; the Persian commanders were reducing
the maritime towns ; Aristagoras, in trepidation
and despondency, proposed to his friends to mi-
grate to Sardinia or Myrcinus. This course he
was bent upon himself; and leaving the Asiatic
Greeks to allay as they could, the storm he had
raised, he fled with all who would join him to
Myrcinus. Shortly after, probably in 497, while
attacking a town of the neighbouring Edonians, he
was cut off with his forces by a sally of the be-
sieged. He seems to have been a supple and elo-
quent man, ready to venture on the boldest steps,
as means for mere personal ends, but utterly lack-
ing in address to use them at the right moment ;
and generally weak, ineflicient, and cowai'dly.
(Herod, v. 30—38, 49—51, 97—100, 124—126 ;
Thuc. iv. 102.) [A. H. C]

ARISTA'GORAS {'Apurrayopas). 1. Tyi-ant
of Cuma, son of Heracleides, one of the Ionian
chiefs left by Dareius to guard the bridge over the
Danube. On the revolt of the lonians from Per-

t290

ARISTARCHUS.

sia, B. c. 500, Aristagoras was taken by stratagem
and delivered up to his fellow-citizens, who, how-
ever, dismissed him uninjured. (Herod, iv. 138,
V. 37, 38.)

2. Tyrant of Cyzicus, one of the Ionian chiefs
left by Dareius to guard the bridge over the
Danube. (Herod, iv. 138.)

ARISTA'GORAS {'ApKrrayopas), a Greek
writer on Egypt. (Steph. Byz. s. vv. 'Epjxorvfi-
6ius, TaKOfiipos, NtKt'ou KoifJUff, "^eSd^ 'EKKtjvucou;
Aelian, H. A. xi. 10.) Stephanus Byz. (s. v.
rvuatK6Tro\is) says, that Aristagoras was not much
younger than Plato, and from the order in which
he is mentioned by Pliny (H. N. xxxvi. 12. s.
1 7) in the list of authors, who wrote upon Pyra-
mids, he would appear to have lived between, or
been a contemporary of, Duns of Samos and Arte-
miodorus of Ephesus.
ARISTA'GORAS, comic poet. [Metagenes.]
ARI'STANAX ('Apjarofal), a Greek physi-
cian, of whose life nothing is known, and of whose
date it can be positively determined only that, as
he is mentioned by Soranus (De Arte Obsletr. p.
201 ), he must have lived some tune in or before the
second century after Christ. [W. A. G.]

ARISTANDER {'Apicrav^pos), the most cele-
brated soothsayer of Alexander the Great. He
survived the king. (Arrian, Anab. iii. 2, iv. 4,
&c.; Curt. iv. 2, 6, 13, 15, vii. 7; Vhxt. Alex.
25 ; Aelian, V. II. xii. 64 ; Artemid. i. 31, iv.
24.) The work of Aristander on prodigies, which
is referred to by Pliny {H. N. xvii. 25. s. 38 ;
Elenchus, lib. viii. x. xiv. xv. xviii.) and Lucian
(Philopat. c 21), was probably written by the
soothsaver of Alexander.

ARISTANDER, of Paros, was the sculptor of
one of the tripods which the Lacedaemonians made
out of the spoils of the battle of Aegospotami (b.c.
405), and dedicated at Arayclae. The two tripods
had statues beneath them, between the feet : that
of Aristander had Sparta holding a lyre ; that of
Polycleitus had a figure of Aphrodite. (Pans. iii.
18. §5) [P.S.]

ARISTARCHUS {'Apltrrapxos). 1. Is named
with Peisander, Phrynichus, and Antiphon, as a
principal leader of the "Four Hundred" (b. c. 411)
at Athens, and is specified as one of the strongest
anti-democi-atic partisans. (Thuc. viii. 90.) On
the first breaking out of the counter-revolution we
find him leaving the council-room with Theramenes,
and acting at Peiraeeus at the head of the young
oligarchical cavalry {ib. 92) ; and on the downfall
of his party, he took advantage of his ofiice as
strategus, and rode off with a party of the most
barbarous of the foreign archers to the border fort
of Genoe, then besieged by the Boeotians and
Corinthians. In concert with them, and under
cover of his command, he deluded the garrison, by
a statement of terms concluded with Sparta, into
surrender, and thus gained the place for the enemy.
{Ib. 98.) He afterwards, it appears, came into the
hands of the Athenians, and was with Alexicles
brought to trial and punished with death, not later
than 406. (Xen. Hell. i. 7. § 28 ; Lycurg. c. Leocr.
p. 164; Thiriwall, iv. pp. 67 and 73.) [A. H. C]

2. There was an Athenian of the name of
Aristarchus (apparently a different person from the
oligjirchical leader of that name), a conversation
between whom and Socrates is recorded by Xeno-
phon. {Mem. ii. 7.)

3. A Lacedaemouianj who in b. c. 400 was

ARISTARCHUS.
sent out to succeed Cleander as harmost of Byzan-
tium. The Greeks who had accompanied Cyrus
in his expedition against his brother Artaxerxes,
had recently returned, and the main body of them
had encamped near Byzantium. Several of them,
however, had sold their arms and taken up their
residence in the city itself. Aristarchus, following
the instructions he had received from Anaxibius,
the Spartan admiral, whom he had met at Cyzicus,
sold all these, amounting to about 400, as slaves.
Having been bribed by Phamabazus, he prevented
the troops from recrossing into Asia and ravaging
that satrap's province, and in various ways annoyed
and ill-treated them. (Xen. A7iab. vii. 2. §§ 4 — 7,
vu. 3. §§ 1—3, vii. 6. §§ 13,24.)

4. One of the ambassadors sent by the Phocaeans
to Seleucus, the son of Antiochus the Great, b. c.
190. (Polyb. xxi. 4.)

5. A prince or ruler of the Colchians, appointed
bv Pompey after the close of the Mithridatic war.
(Appian, de BeU. MUh. c. 114.) [C. P. iAI.]

ARISTARCHUS C^piarapxos), of Alexan-
dria, the author of a work on the interpretation of
dreams. ('OveipoKptra, Artemid. iv. 23. )

ARISTARCHUS {'Aplarapxas), the Chro-
NOGRAPHER, the author of a letter on the situa-
tion of Athens, and the events which took place
there in the time of the Apostles, and especially of
the life of Dionysius, the Areiopagite. (Hildui-
nus, Ep. ad Ludovicum., quoted by Vossius, Hist.
Graec. p. 400, &c. ed. Westermann.)

ARISTARCHUS {'Apicrrapxas), the most
celebrated grammarian and critic in all antiquity,
was a native of Samothrace. He was educated at
Alexandria, in the school of Aristophanes of By-
zantium, and afterwards founded himself a gram-
matical and critical school, which flourished for a
long time at Alexandria, and subsequently at Rome
also. Ptolemy Philopator entrusted to Aristarchus
the education of his son, Ptolemy Epiphanes, and
Ptolemy Physcon too was one of his pupils.
(Athen. ii. p. 71.) Owing, however, to the bad
treatment which the scholars and philosophers of
Alexandria experienced in the reign of Phjscon,
Aristarchus, then at an advanced age, left Egypt
and went to Cyprus, where he is said to have died
at the age of sevent^'-two, of voluntary starvation,
because he was suffering from incurable dropsy.
He left behind him two sons, Aristagoras and
Aristarchus, who are likewise allied grammarians,
but neither of them appears to have inherited any-
thing of the spirit or tilents of the father.

The numerous followers and disciples of Aris-
tarchus were designated by the names of oi
' Api(TT(ipx€ioi or ol ott' 'Apiardpxov. Aristarchus,
his master Aristophanes, and his opponent Crates
of Mallus, the head of the grammatical school at
Perganius, were the most eminent grammarians of
that period ; but Aristarchus surpassed them all in
knowledge and critical skill. His whole life was
devoted to grammatical and critical pursuits, with
the view to explain and constitute correct texts of
the ancient poets of Greece, such as Homer, Pindar,
Archilochus, Aeschylus, Sophocles, Aristophanes,
Ion, and others. His gi-ammatical studies embraced
everything, which the term in its widest sense then
comprised, and he together with his great contem-
poraries are regarded as the first who established
fixed principles of grammar, though Aristarchus
himself is often called the prince of grammarians
0 Kopv^atos Tfci/ ypafij-LttTiKW}^, or 6 jpajxiuniKiif

ARISTARCHUS.

TCTos). Siiidas ascribes to him more tlian 800
commentaries {vvoixvi/iiJLaTa), while from an expres-
sion of a Scholiast on Horace {Epist. ii. 1. '257)
some writers have inferred, that Aristarchus did
not write anything at all. Besides these vTrofiv-ft-
/(iOTo, we find mention of a very important work,
TTfpi avaXoyias, of which unfortunately a very few
fragments only are extant. It was attacked by
Crates in a work irepi avwixaXlas. (Gellius, ii. 25.)
All the works of Aristarchus are lost, and all that
we have of his consists of short fragments, which
are scattered through the Scholia on the above-
mentioned poets. These fragments, however,
would be utterly insufficient to give us any idea of
the immense activity, the extensive knowledge,
and above all, of the uniform strictness of his
critical principles, were it not that Eustathius, and
still more the Venetian Scholia on Homer (first
published by Villoison, Venice, 1788, fol.), had
preserved such extracts from his works on Homer,
as, notwithstanding their fragmentary nature,
shew us the critic in his whole greatness. As far as
the Homeric poems are concerned, he above all
things endeavoured to restore their genuine text,
and carefully to clear it of all later interpolations
and corruptions. He marked those verses which
he thought spurious with an obelos, and those
which he considered as particularly beautiful with
an asterisk. It is now no longer a matter of doubt
that, generally speaking, the text of the Homeric
poems, such as it has come down to us, and the
division of each poem into twenty-four raphsodies,
are the work of Aristarchus ; that is to say, the
edition which Aristarchus prepared of the Homeric
poems became the basis of all subsequent editions.
To restore this recension of Aristarchus has been
more or less the great object with nearly all the
editors of Homer, since the days of F. A. Wolf, a
critic of a kindred genius, who first shewed the
great importance to be attached to the edition of
Aristarchus. Its general appreciation in antiquity
is attested by the fact, that so many other gram-
marians, as Callistratus, Aristonicus, Didymus, and
Ptolemaeus of Ascaloji, wrote separate works upon
it. In explaining and interpreting the Homeric
poems, for which nothing had been done before his
time, his merits were as great as those he acquired
by his critical labours. His explanations as well
as his criticisms were not confined to the mere
detail of words and phrases, but he entered also
upon investigations of a higher order, concerning
mythology, geography, and on the artistic composi-
tion and structure of the Homeric poems. He was
a decided opponent of the allegorical interpretation
of the poet which was then beginning, which some
centuries later became very general, and was per-
haps never carried to such extreme absurdities as
in our own days by the author of " Homerus."
The antiquity of the Homeric poems, however, as
well as the historical character of their author,
seem never to have been doubted by Aristarchus.
He bestowed great care upon the metrical correct-
ness of the text, and is said to have provided the
works of Homer and some other poets with ac-
cents, the invention of which is ascribed to Aristo-
phanes of Byzantium. It cannot be surprising
that a man who worked with that independent
critical spirit, had his enemies and detractors ; but
such isolated statements as that of Athenaeus (v.
p. 177), in which Athenncles of Cyzicus is pre-
ferred to Aristarchus, are more than counter-

ARISTARCHUS.

291

balanced by others. A Scholiast on Homer (//.
iv. 235) declares, that Aristarchus must be followed
in preference to other critics, even if they should
be right; and Panaetius (Athen. xiv. p. 634)
called Aristarchus a /idmis, to express the skill
and felicity with which he always hit the truth in
his criticisms and explanations. (For further in-
formation see Matthesius, Dissertatio de Aristarclio
Grammatico, Jena, 1725, 4to.; Villoison, Proleg.
ad ApoUon. Lea: Horn. p. xv., &c., Proleg. ad Horn.
Iliad, p. xxvi., &c.; and more especially F. A.
Wolf, Prolegom. in Horn. p. ccxvi., &c., and Lehrs,
De Aristarchi Studiis Homericis Regimont. Pruss.
1833, 8vo.) [L. S.]

ARISTARCHUS {'Apiarapxos). 1. A Greek
PHYSICIAN, of whom no particulars are known, ex-
cept that he was attached to the court of Berenice,
the wife of Antiochus Theos, king of Syria, b. c.
261 — 246 (Polyaen. Strateg. viii. 50), and per-
suaded her to trust herself in the hands of her
treacherous enemies.

2. Some medical prescriptions belonging to an-
other physician of this name are quoted by Galen
and Aetius, who appears to have been a native of
Tarsus in Cilicia. (GaL De Compos. Medicam. ec.
Lac. v. 1 1, vol. xiii. p. 824.) [W. A. G.]

ARISTARCHUS {'Apicrrapxos), of Samos,
one of the earliest astronomers of the Alexandrian
school. We know little of his histor}', except that
he was living between B. c. 280 and 264. The
first of these dates is inferred from a passage in
the fiiydKr] avvra^is of Ptolemy (iii. 2, vol. i. p.
163, ed. Halma), in which llipparchus is said to
have referred, in his treatise on the length of the
year, to an observation of the summer solstice made
by Aristarchus in the 50th year of the 1st Calippic
period : the second from the mention of him in
Plutarch (de Facie in Orbe Lunae)^ which makes
him contemporary with Clean thes the Stoic, the
successor of Zeno.

It seems that he employed himself in the deter-
mination of some of the most important elements
of astronomy ; but none of his works remain, ex-
cept a treatise on the magnitudes and distances of
the sun and moon {jtepl fjny^Quv koL diroaTriiudTut/
ri\iou Kol (T€XT]inris). We do not know whether
the method employed in this work was invented
by Aristarchus (Suidas, s. v. <^iK6<To<pos^ mentions
a treatise on the same subject by a disciple of
Plato) ; it is, however, verj- ingenious, and correct
in principle. It is founded on the consideration
that at the instant when the enlightened part of
the moon is apparently bounded by a straight line,
the plane of the circle which separates the dark
and light portions passes through the eye of the
spectator, and is also perpendicular to the line join-
ing the centres of the sun and moon ; so that the dis-
tances of the sun and moon from the eye are at
that instant respectively the hj-pothenuse and side
of a right-angled triangle. The angle at the eye
(which is the angular distance between the sun
and moon) can be observed, and then it is an easy
problem to find the ratio between the sides con-
taining it. But this process could not, unless by
accident, lead to a true result ; for it would be im-
possible, even with a telescope, to determine with
much accuracy the instant at which the phaenome-
non in question takes place ; and in the time of
Aristarchus there were no means of measuring
angular distances with sufficient exactness. In
fact, he takes the angle at the eye to be 83 degrees

u2

292

ARISTARCHUS.

whereas its real value is less than a right angle by
about half a minute only ; and hence he infers that
the distance of the sun is between eighteen and
twenty times greater than that of the moon, where-
as the true ratio is about twenty times as great, the
distances being to one another nearly as 400 to 1.
The ratio of the true diameters of the sun and
moon would follow immediately from that of their
distances, if their apparent (angular) diameters
were known. Aristai'chus assumes that their ap-
parent diameters are equal, which is nearly true ;
but estimates their common value at two degrees,
which is nearly four times too great. The theory
of parallax was as 3'et unknown, and hence, in
order to compare the diameter of the earth with
the magnitudes already mentioned, he compares
the diameter of the moon with that of the earth's
shadow in its neighbourhood, and assumes the
latter to be twice as gre.it as the former. (Its
mean value is about 84'.) Of course all the nume-
rical results deduced from these assumptions are,
like the one first mentioned, very erroneous. The
geometrical processes employed shew that nothing
like trigonoinetr\' was known. No attempt is
made to assign the absolute values of the magni-
tudes whose ratios are investigated ; in fact, this
could not be done without an actual measurement
of the earth — an operation which seems to have
been first attempted on scientific principles in the
next generation. [Eratosthenes.] Aristarchus
does not explain his method of determining the
apparent diameters of the sun and of the earth's
shadow ; but the latter must have been deduced
from observations of lunar eclipses, and the former
may probably have been observed by means of the
skuphium by a method described by Macrobius.
{Somn. Scip. i. 20.) This instrument is siiid to
have been invented by Aristarchus (Vitruv. ix. .9):
it consisted of an improved gnomon [Anaximan-
dkr], the shadow being received not upon a hori-
zontal plane, but upon a concave hemispherical
surface having the extremity of the style at its
centre, so that angles might be measured directly
by oj'cs instead of bj' their tangents. The gross
error in tlie vakie attributed to the sun's apparent
diameter is remai'kable ; it appears, however, that
Aristarchus must afterwards have adopted a mucli
more correct estimate, since Archimedes in the
i^a/x/uiTTjs (WaJlis, Op. vol. iii. p. 51.5) refers to a
treatise in which he made it only half a degree.
Pappus, whose commentary- on the book Trepi fj.eye-
6(ip, &c is extant, does not notice this emendation,
whence it has been conjectured, that the other
works of Aristarchus did not exist in his time,
having perhaps perished with the Alexandrian
library.

It has been the common opinion, at least in mo-
dern times, that Anstarchus agreed with Philolaus
and other astronomers of the Pythagorean school
in considering the sun to be fixed, and attributing
a motion to the eartL Plutarch {de/ac. in orb. lun.
p. 922) siu's, that Cleanthes thought that Aristar-
chus ought to be accused of impiety for supposing
{yTToriQifxevos^ that the heavens were at rest, and
that the earth moved in an oblique circle^ and also
about its own axis (the true reading is evidently
KkidvQ-ns (^€To diiv ^ApicTTapxov, k, t. X.) ; and
Diogenes Laertius, in his list of the works of Cle-
anthes mentions one wpos 'ApicxTapxov. (See also
Sext. Empir. adv. Math. p. 410, c; Stobaeus, i. 26.)
Archimedes, in the y^^a/jLjilr-qs (/. c), refers to the

ARISTEAS.

same theory. (viroTiQeTai yap, k. t. A.) But the
treatise Tr^p\ yL^y^Qcov contains not a word upon the
subject, nor does Ptolemy allude to it when he
maintains the immobility of the earth. It seems
therefore probable, that Aristarchus adopted it ra-
ther as a hi/potlu'sis for particular purposes than as
a statement of the actual system of the universe.
In fact, Plutarch, in another place {Plat. Quaesi.
p. 1006) expressly says, that Aristarchus tJiught it
only hypotheticaliy. On this question, see Sciiau-
bach. {Gesch. d. Griech. Astronomie, p. 468, <itc.)
It appears from the passage in the ^afxixh-ns allud-
ed to aboTe, that Aristarchus had much juster
views than his predecessors concerning the extent
of the universe. He maintained, namely, that the
sphere of the fixed stars was so large, that it bore
to the orbit of the earth the relation of a sphere to
its centre. What he meant by the expression, is
not clear : it may be interpreted as an anticipation
of modern discoveries, but in this sense it could
express only a conjecture which the observations
of the age were not accurate enough either to con-
firm or refute — a remark which is equally applica-
ble to the theory of the earth's motion. Whatever
may be the truth on these points, it is probable
that even the opinion, that the sun was nearly
twenty times as distant as the moon, indicates a
great step in advance of the popular doctrines.

Censorinus {de Die Nata/i, c. 18) attributes to
Aristarchus the invention of the magmas annus of
2484 years.

A Latin translation of the treatise irepl fieyeBtHv
was published by Geor. Valla, Venet. 1498, and
another by Commandine, Pisauri, 1572. The
Greek text, with a Latin translation and the com-
mentary of Pappus, was edited by Wallis, Oxon.
1688, and reprinted in vol. iii. of his works.
There is also a French translation, and an edition
of the text, Paris, 1810. (Delambre, Hid. de
PAstronomie Ancienne^ liv. i. chap. 5 and 9 ; La-
place, Syst. du Monde., p. 381; Schaubach in Ersch
and Gruber's Encydop'ddic.) [W. F. D.J

ARISTARCHUS {'ApicrTapxos) of Tegea, a
tragic poet at Athens, was contemporary with
Euripides, and flourished about 454 B. c. He
lived to the age of a hundred. Out of seventy
tragedies which he exhibited, onh' two obtained
the prize. (Suidas, s. r. ; E\is,eh. Chron. Arincn.)
Nothing remains of his works, except a few lines
(Stobaeus, Tit. 63. § 9, tit. 120. § 2; Athen.
xiii. p. 612, f.), and the titles of three of his plays,
namely, the 'Ao-/c\7jirtos, which he is said to have
written and named after the god in gratitude for
his recovery from illness (Suidas), the 'AxtAAews,
which Ennius translated into Latin (Festus, s. v.
prolaio acre), and the TavTaXos. ^Stobaeus, ii.
L § 1.) ' [P. S.]

ARISTARETE, a painter, the daughter and
pupil of Nearchus, was celebrated for her picture
of Aesculapius. (Plin. xxxv. 40. § 43.) [P. S.]
ARI'STEAS ('Apjirreas), of Proconnesus, a son
of Caystrobius or Demochares, was an epic poet,
who flourished, according to Suidas, about the
time of Croesus and Cyrus. The accounts of his
life are as fabulous as those about Abaris the Hyper-
borean. According to a tradition, which Herodo-
tus (iv. 15) heard at Metapontum, in southern
Italy, he re-appeared there among the living 340
years after his death, and according to this tradi-
tion Aristeas would belong to the eighth or ninth
century before the Christian era ; and there are

ARISTEAS.
other traditions which place him before the time of
Homer, or describe him as a contemporary and teach-
er of Homer. (Strab. xiv. p. 639.) In the account of
Herodotus (iv. 13—16), Tzetzes (Chil. ii. 724,
&c.) and Suidas (s. v.), Aristeas was a magician,
who rose after his death, and whose soul could
leave and re-enter its body according to its plea-
sure. He was, like Abaris, connected with the
worship of Apollo, which he was said to have in-
troduced at Metapontum. Herodotus calls him
the favourite and inspired bard of Apollo ((poi-
66\afnrTos). He is said to have travelled through
the countries north and east of the Euxine, and to
have visited the countries of the Issedones, Ari-
maspae, Cimmerii, Hyperborei, and other mythical
nations, and after his return to have written an
epic poem, in three books, called to. 'Apiixdaireia, in
which he seems to have described all that he had
seen or pretended to have seen. This work, which
was unquestionably full of marvellous stories, was
nevertheless looked upon as a source of historical and
geographical infonnation, and some writers reckoned
Aristeas among the logographers. But it was
nevertheless a poetical production, and Strabo (i. p.
21, xiii. p. 589) seems to judge too harshly of
him, when he calls him an dur^p yaijs ft ris dWos.
The poem " Arimaspeia" is frequently mentioned
by the ancients (Paus. i. 24. § 6, v. 7. § 9 ; Pol-
lux, ix. 5 ; GeDius, ix. 4 ; Plin. H. N. vii. 2),
and thirteen hexameter verses of it are preserved
in Longinus [De Sublim. x. 4) and Tzetzes {Chil.
vii. 686, &c.). The existence of the poem is thus
attested beyond all doubt ; but the ancients them-
selves denied to Aristeas the authorship of it.
(Dionys. Hal. Jiid. de Tkiccyd. 23.) It seems to
have fallen into oblivion at an early period. Sui-
das also mentions a theogony of Aristeas, in prose,
of which, however, nothing is known. (Vossius,
De Hist. Graec. p. 10, &c. ed. Westermann ; Bode,
Gesch. der Ephch. Dichtk. pp. 472—478.) [L. S.]
ARI'STEAS ('Apfo-Tcos). 1. Son of Adei-
mantus. [Aristeus.]

2. Of Chios, a distinguished officer in the re-
treat of the Ten Thousand. (Xen. Anab. iv. I.
§ 28, vi. § 20.)

3. Of Stratonice, was the victor at the Olympic
games in wrestling and the pancratium on the
same day, 01. 191. (Paus. v. 21. § 5; Krause,
Olympia, p. 249.)

4. An Argive, who invited Pyrrhus to Argos,
B. c. 272, as his rival Aristippus was supported by
Antigonus Gonatas. (Plut. Pyrrli. 30.)

5. A grammarian, referred to by Varro. {L.L.
X. 75, ed. Miiller.)

ARI'STEAS or ARISTAEUS, a Cj-prian by
nation, was a high officer at the court of Ptolemy
Philadelphus, and was distinguished for his mili-
tary talents. Ptolemy being anxious to add to
his newly founded library at Alexandria (b. c.
273) a copy of the Jewish law, sent Aristeas and
Andreas, the commander of his body-guard, to
Jerusalem. They carried presents to the temple,
and obtained from the high-priest, Eleazar, a ge-
nuine copy of the Pentateuch, and a body of
seventy elders, six from each tribe, who could
translate it into Greek. On their arrival in
Egypt, the elders were received with great distinc-
tion by Ptolemy, and were lodged in a house in
the island of Pharos, where, in the space of
seventy-two days, thej' completed a Greek version
of the Pentateuch, which was called, from the

ARISTEIDES. 293

number of the translators, kotcJ Toits iSSofn^Koma
( the Septuagint ), and the same name was extend-
ed to the Greek version of the whole of the Old
Testament, when it had been completed under the
auspices of the Ptolemies. The above account is
given in a Greek work which professes to be a
letter from Aristeas to his brother Philocrates, but
which is generally admitted by the best critics to
be spurious. It is probably the fabrication of an
Alexandrian Jew shortly before the Christian
aera. The fact seems to be, that the version of the
Pentateuch was made in the reign of Ptolemy
Soter, between the years 298 and 285 b. c. for the
Jews who had been brought into Egypt by that
king in 320 b. c. It may have obtained its name
from its being adopted by the Sanhedrim (or
council of seventy) of the Alexandrian Jews. The
other books of the Septuagint version were trans-
lated by different persons and at various times.

The letter ascribed to Aristeas was first printed
in Greek and Latin, by Simon Schard, Basil. 1561,
8vo., and reprinted at Oxford, 1692, 8vo. ; the
best edition is in Gallandi Biblioth. Pair. ii. p.
771. (Fabric. Bib. Graec. iii. 660.)

The story about Aristeas and the seventy inter-
preters is told, chiefly on the authority of the let-
ter but differing from it in some points, by Aristo-
bulus, a Jewish philosopher {ap. Euseb. Praep.
Evan. xiii. 12), Philo Judaeus {VU. Mos. 2), Jo-
sephus {Ant. Jud. xii. 2), Justin Martyr {Cohort,
ad Graec. p. 13, Apol. p. 72, IMal. cum Tryph. p.
297), Irenaeus {Adv. Haer. iii. 25), Clemens
Alexandrinus {Strom, i. p. 250), Tertullian
{Apolog. 18), Eusebius {Praep. Evan. viii. 1),
Athanasius {Synop. S. Scrip, ii. p. 156), Cyril of
Jerusalem {Cutech. pp. 36, 37), Epiphanius {De
Mens, et Pond. 3), Jerome {Praef. in Pentateuch;
Quaesi. in Genes. Prooem.), Augustine {De Civ.
Dei, xviii. 42, 43), Chrj^sostom {Adv. Jud. 1. p.
443), Hilary of Poitiers {In Psalm. 2), and
Theodoret. (Praef. in Psahn.) [P. S.]

ARI'STEAS and P API AS, sculptors, of Aphro-
disium in Cyprus, made the two statues of centaurs
in dark grej' marble which were found at Hadrian's
villa at Tivoli in 1746, and ai'e now in the Capito-
line museum. They bear the inscription APICTEAC
KAI nAniAC A*POAICIEIC. From the style of
the statues, which is good, and from the place
where they were discovered, Winckelmann sup-
poses that they were made in the reign of Hadrian.
Other statues of centaurs have been discovered,
very much like those of Aristeas and Papias, but
of better workmanship, from which some writers
have inferred that the latter are only copies. The
two centaurs are fully described by Winckelmann
( Werke, vi. 282, with Meyer's note ; vii. 247), and
figured by Cavaceppi {Raccolta di Statue, i. tav. 27,
28) and Foggini {Mus. Capit. tav. 13, 14.) [P.S.]

ARISTEIDES ('Apio-Tet'STjs). 1. SonofLysima-
chus, the Athenian statesman and general, makes his
first certain appearance in history as archon epony-
mus of the year 489 b. c. (Mar. Par. 50.) From
Herodotus we hear of him as the best and justest
of his countrymen ; as ostracised and at enmity
with Themistocles ; of his generosity and bravery
at Sakimis, in some detail (viii. 79, 82, and 95) ;
and the fact, that he commanded the Athenians in
the campaign of Plataea. (ix. 28.) Thucydides
names hira once as co-ambassador to Sparta with
Themistocles, once in the words tov ctt' 'Apiarfidov
<l>6pov. (i. 91, v. 18.) In the Gorgias of Plato, he

294

ARISTEIDES.

is the example of the virtue, so rare among states-
men, of justice, and is said " to have become singu-
larly famous for it, not only at home, but through
the' whole of Greece." (p. 526, a. b.) In Demos-
thenes he is styled the assessor of the (pSpos (c.
Aristocr. pp. 689, 690), and in Aeschines he has the
title of " the Just." (c. Tim. p. 4. 1. 23, c. Ctes. pp. 79.
1. 38, 90. 11. 18,20, ed. Steph.) Added to this, and by
it to be corrected, we have, comprehending the sketch
by Cornelius Nepos, Plutarch's detailed biography,
derived from various sources,* good and bad.

His family, we are told, was ancient and noble
(Callias the torch-bearer was his cousin) ; he was
the political disciple of Cleisthenes (Plut. 2, An.
Sent, p. 790), and partly on that account, partly
from persond character, opposed from the first to
Themistoclcs. They fought together, Aristeides
as the commander of his tribe, in the Athenian
centre at Marathon ; and when Miltiades hurried
from the field to protect the city, he was left in
charge of the spoil. Next year, 489, perhaps in
consequence, he was archon. In 483 or 482 (ac-
cording to Nepos, three years earlier) he suffered
ostracism, whether from the enmities, merely, which
he had incurred by his scrupulous honesty and
rigid opposition to corruption, or in connexion,
further, with the triumph of the maritime and
democratic policy of his rival. He wrote, it is
said, his own name on the sherd, at the request of
an ignorant countryman, who knew him not, but
took it ill that any citizen should be called just
beyond his neighbours. The sentence seems to
have still been in force in 480 (Herod, viii. 79 ;
Dem. c.Aristog. ii. p. 802. 1. 16), when he made his
way from Aegina with news of the Persian move-
ments for Themistocles at Salarais, and called on
him to be reconciled. In the battle itself he did
good service by dislodging the enemy, with a band
raised and armed by himself, from the islet of
Psyttaleia, In 479 he was strategus, the chief, it
would seem, but not the sole (Plut. Arist. 11, but
comp. 16 and 20, and Herod, ix.), and to him no
doubt belongs much of the glory due to the conduct
of the Athenians, in war and policy, during this, the
most perilous year of the contest. Their replies
to the proffers of Persia and the fears of Sparta
Plutarch ascribes to him expressly, and seems to
speak of an extant y^^piafM 'Apia-reidov embra-
cing them. (c. 16.) So, too, their treatment of the
claims of Tegea, and the arrangements of Pausanias
with regard to their post in battle. He gives him
further the suppression of a Persian plot among
the aristocratical Athenians, and the settlement of
a quarrel for the d/jjo-reta by conceding them to
Plataea (comp. however on this second point
Herod, ix. 71) ; finally, Avith better reason, the
consecration of Plataea and establishment of the
Eleutheria, or Feast of Freedom. On the return

* Plutarch in his Aristeides refers to the autho-
rity of Herodotus, Aeschines the Socratic, Callis-
thenes, Idomeneus, Demetrius Phalereus, who
wrote an 'Apiardd-ns (Diog. Laert. v. 80, 81),
Ariston Chius, Panaetius, and Craterus : he had
also before him here, probably, as in his Themis-
tocles (see e. 27), the standard historian, Ephorus,
Charon Lampsacenus, a contemporary writer (504
to 464, B. c), and Stesimbrotus Thasius, Deinon,
Heracleides Ponticus, and Neanthes ; perhaps also
the Atthides of Hellanicus and Philochorus, and
the Chia of Ion.

ARISTEIDES.

to Athens, Aristeides seems to have acted in cheerful
concert with Themistocles, as directing the restor-
ation of the cit)- (Heracl. Pont. 1); as his colleague
in the embassy to Sparta, that secured for it its
walls ; as proposing, in accordance with his polic}-,
perhaps also in consequence of changes in property
produced by the war, the measure which threw
open the archonship and areiopagus to all citizens
alike. In 477, as joint-commander of the Athenian
contingent under Pausanias, by his own conduct
and that of his colleague and disciple, Cimon, he
had the glory of obtaining for Athens the command
of the maritime confederacy : and to him was by
general consent entrusted the task of drawing up
its laws and fixing its assessments. This first
(popos of 460 talents, paid into a common treasury
at Delos, bore his name, and was regarded by the
allies in after times, as marking their Satumian
age. It is, unless the change in the constitution
followed it, his last recorded act. He lived, Theo-
phrastus related, to see the treasury removed to
Athens, and declared it (for the bearing of the
words see Thirl wall's Greece, iii. p. 47) a measure
unjust and expedient. During most of this period
he was, we may suppose, as Cimon's coadjutor at
home, the chief political leader of Athens. He
died, according to some, in Pontus, more probably,
however, at home, certainly after 471, the year of
the ostracism of Themistocles, and very likely, as
Nepos states, in 468. (See Clinton, F.H. in the
years 469, 468.)

A tomb was shewn in Plutarch's time at Phale-
rum, as erected to him at the public expense. That
he did not leave enough behind him to pay for his
funeral, is perhaps a piece of rhetoric. We may
believe, however, that his daughters were portioned
by the state, as it appears certain (Plut. 27; comp.
Dem. c. Li-pt. 491. 25), that his son Lysimachus
received lands and money by a decree of Alcibiades;
and that assistance was given to his grand-daughter,
and even to remote descendants, in the time of
Demetrius Phalereus. He must, so far as we
know, have been in 489, as archon eponjmius,
among the pentacosiomedimni : the wars may have
destroyed his property ; we can hardly question
the story from Aeschines, the disciple of Socrates,
that when his poverty was made a reproach in a
court of justice to Callias, his cousin, he bore wit-
ness that he had received and declined offers of
his assistance ; that he died poor is certain. This
of itself would prove him possessed of an honesty
rare in those times ; and in the higher points of
integrity, though Theophrastus said, and it may
be true, that he at times sacrificed it to his coun-
trj-'s interest, no case whatever can be adduced in
proof, and he certainly displays a sense, very un-
usual, of the duties of nation to nation.

2. Son of Lysimachus, grandson of the pre-
ceding, is in Plato's Laches represented as brought
by his father to Socrates as a future pupil. In
the Theaetetus Socrates speaks of him as one
of those who made rapid progress while in his
society, but, after leaving him prematurely, lost all
he had gained; an account which is unskilfully
expanded and put in the mouth of the young man
himself by the author of the Theages. That of
the Theaetetus in the main we may take to be true.
(Plat. Laches^ p. 179, a, &c. ; Tlieaet. p. 151, a;
Theag. p. 131, a.) [A. H. C]

3. Son of Archippus, an Athenian com-
mander of the ships si-nt to collect money from

ARISTEIDES.

the Greek states in B. c. 425 and 424. (Thuc.
iv. 50, 75.)

4. An Kleiin, conquered in the anned race at
the Olympic, in the Diaulos at the Pythian, and
in the boys' horse-race at the Nemean games.
(Paus. vi. 16. § 3.)

ARISTE'IDES, P. AELIUS {'ApicrrelSvs),
Bumamed THEODORUS, one of the most cele-
brated Greek rhetoricians of the second century
after Christ, was the son of Eudaemon, a priest of
Zeus, and bom at Adriani in Mysia, according to
some in a. d. 129, and according to others in a. d.
117. He shewed extraordinary talents even in
his early youth, and devoted himself with an al-
most unparalleled zeal to the study of rhetoric,
which appeared to him the worthiest occupation of
a man, and along with it he cultivated poetry as
an amusement. Besides the rhetorician Herodes
Atticus, whom he heard at Athens, he also received
instructions from Aristocles at Pergamus, from
Polemon at Smyrna, and from the grammarian
Alexander of Cottyaeum. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 9;
Suidas, s. V. 'ApiffT^iSris ; Aristeid. Orat. fun. in
Alex. p. 80, ed. Jebb.) After being sufficiently
prepared for his profession, he travelled for some
time, and visited various places in Asia, Africa,
especially Egypt, Greece, and Italy. The fame of
his talents and acquirements, which preceded him
everywhere, was so great, that monuments were
erected to his honour in several towns which he
had honoured with his presence. (Aristeid. Orat.
Aegypt. ii. p. 331, &c. ; Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 9.
§ 1.) Shortly before his return, and while yet in
Italy, he was attacked by an illness which lasted
for thirteen years. He had from his childhood been
of a very weakly constitution, but neither this nor
his protracted illness prevented his prosecuting his
studies, for he was well at intervals ; and in his
"Sermones Sacri" {iepol \6yoi, a sort of diary of
his illness and his recovery), he relates that he was
frequently encouraged by visions in his dreams to
cultivate rhetoric to the exclusion of all other
studies. During this period and afterwards, he
resided at Smyrna, whither he had gone on ac-
count of its baths, but he made occasional excur-
sions into the country, to Pergamus, Phocaea, and
other to\vns. (&r;«. Sacr. ii. p. 304, iv. p. 324,
&.C.) He had great influence with the emperor M.
Aurelius, whose acquaintance he had formed in
Ionia, and when in A. D. 178, Smyrna was to a
great extent destroyed by an earthquake, Aris-
teides represented the deplorable condition of the
city and its inhabitants in such vivid colours to
the emperor that he was moved to tears, and gene-
rously assisted the Smymaeans in rebuilding their
town. The Smymaeans shewed their gratitude
to Aristeides by erecting to him a brazen statue in
their agora, and by calling him the founder of their
town. (Philostr. Fit. Soph. ii. 9. § 2 ; Aristeid.
IHpist. ad M. Aurel. et Commod. i. p. 512.) Va-
rious other honours and distinctions were offered
to him at Smyrna, but he refused them, and accept-
ed only the office of priest of Asclepius, which he
held until his death, about A. d. 180, according to
some, at the age of 60, and according to others of
70. The circumstance of his living for so many
years at Smyrna, and enjoying such great honours
there, is probably the reason that in an epigram
still extant {Anthol. Planud. p. 376) he is regard-
ed as a native of Smyma. The memory of Aris-
teides was honoured in several iincient towns by

ARISTEIDES.

2.05

statues. (Liban. Epist. 1551.) One of these re-
presenting the rhetorician in a sitting attitude, was
discovered in the 16th century, and is at present
in the Vatican museum. The museum of Verona
contains an inscription to his honour. (Visconti,
Iconograph. Grecq. i. plate xxxi. p. 373, &c. ; Bar-
toli, Dissert. Sul. Museo Veronese^ Verona, 1745,
4to.)

The works of Aristeides extant are, fifty-five
orations and declamations (including those which
were discovered by Morelli and Mai), and two
treatises on rhetorical subjects of little value, viz.
TTfpl TToXiTiKov \6yov kclI TTCpl d(pe\ovs ASyov.
Some of his orations are eulogies on the power of
certain divinities, others are panegyrics on towns,
such as Smyrna, Cizycus, Rome ; one among thera
is a Panathenaicus, and an imitation of that of
Isocrates. Others again treat on subjects con-
nected with rhetoric and eloquence. The six
orations called hpol Aoyoi, which were mentioned
above, have attracted considerable attention in
modem times, on account of the various stories
they contain respecting the cures of the sick in
temples, and on account of the apparent resem-
blance between these cures and those said to be
effected by Mesmerism. (Thorlacius, Opuscul. ii.
p. 129, &c.) A list of the orations extant
as well as of the lost works of Aristeides, is given
in Fabricius {Dibl. Gr. vi. p. 15, &c.), and more
completely by Westermann. {Gesch. der Griech.
Beredtsamk. p. 321, &c.) Aristeides as an orator
is much superior to the majority of rhetoricians in
his time, whose great and only ambition was to
shine and make a momentary impression by ex-
tempore speeches, and a brilliant and dazzling
style. Aristeides, with whom thought was of far
greater importance than the form in which it ap-
peared, expressed the difference between himself
and the other rhetoricians, at his first interview
with the emperor, M. Aurelius, by saying, ovk
ic/xev Twu e/xouj/To.'j', dAAd raiv aKpiSovvTwv.
(Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 9. § 2 ; Sopat. Proleg. in
Aristid. p. 738, ed. Dind.) He despised the silly
puns, the shallow witticisms and insignificant or-
naments of his contemporaries, and sought nourish-
ment for his mind in the study of the ancients.
In his panegyric orations, however, he often en-
deavours to display as much brilliancy of style as
he can. On the whole his style is brief and con-
cise, but too frequently deficient in ease and clear-
ness. His sentiments are often trivial and spun
out to an intolerable length, which leaves the
reader nothing to think upon for himself. His
orations remind us of a man who is fond of hear-
ing himself talk. Notwithstanding these defects,
however, Aristeides is still unsurpassed by any of
his contemporaries. His admirers compared him
to Demosthenes, and even Aristeides did not
think himself much inferior. This vanity and self-
sufficiency made him enemies and opponents,
among whom are mentioned Pidladius (Liban.
Epist. 546), Sergius, and Porphyrins. (Suid. s. w.)
But the number of his admirers was far greater,
and several learned grammarians wrote commen-
taries on his orations. Besides Athanasius, Me-
nander, and others, whose works are lost, we must
mention especially Sopater of Apamea, who is pro-
bably the author of the Greek Prolegomena to the
orations of Aristeides, and also of some among the
Scholia on Aristeides,which have been published by-
Trommel {Scholia in Aristidis Oraiioncs^ Franld

296

ARISTEIDES.

1826, 8vo.), and by Dindorf (vol. iii. of his edition
of Aristeides), and which contain a great many
things of importance for mythology, history, and
antiquities. They also contain numerous fragments
of works now lost. The greater part of these
Scholia are probably compilations from the com-
mentaries of Arethas, Metrophanes, and other
grammarians. Respecting the life of Aristeides,
compare J. Masson, Collectanea Historica Aristidis
aevum et vitam spedantia, ordine chnmologico
digesta^ in the edition of Jebb, and reprinted in
that of Dindorf. The first edition of the orations
of Aristeides (53 in number) is that of Florence,
1517, fol. In 1566 W. Canter published at Basel
a Latin translation, in which many passages were
skilfully corrected. This translation, together with
the Greek text, was re-edited by P. Stephens,
1604, in 3 vols. 8vo. A better edition, with some
of the Greek Scholia, is that of Samuel Jebb, Ox-
ford, 17'22, 2 vols, 4to. Many corrections of the
text of this edition are contained in Reiske's
Animadversdones in Auct. Grace, vol. iii. Morelli
published in 1761 the oration irpos Aeirrdnfjv vrrep
dreAems, which he had discovered in a Venetian
MS. It was afterwards edited again by F. A.
Wolf, in his edition of Demosthenes' oration
against Leptines (Halle, 1789), and by Grauert in
his Declamutiones Leptineue. (Bonn, 1827, 8vo.)
This edition of Grauert contains also an oration
irpos ATffxoadei'ii irepl dreAetas, which had been
discovered by A. ^lai, and published in his Nova
Collect. Script. Vet. vol. i. p. 3. A complete edi-
tion of all the works of Aristeides, which gives a
correct text and all the Scholia, was published by
W. Dindorf, Leipzig, 1829, 3 vols. 8vo. [L. S.]
ARISTEIDES, Artists. 1. Of Thebes, was one
of the most celebrated Greek painters. His father
was Aristodemus, his teachers were Euxenidas and
his brother Nicoraachus. (Plin. xxxv. 36. §§ 7, 22.)
He was a somewhat older contemporary of Apelles
(Plin. xxxv. 36. § 19), and flourished about 360-
330 B. c. The point in which he most excelled is
thus described by Pliny {I.e.) : "Is omnium primus
animum pinxit et sensus hominum expressit, quae
vocant Gi-aeci TJO-q, item perturbationes," that is,
he depicted the feelings, expressions, and passions
which may be observed in common life. One of
his finest pictures was that of a babe approaching
the breast of its mother, who was mortally woimd-
ed, and whose fear could be plainly seen lest the
child should suck blood instead of milk. (Anthol.
Graec. ii. p. 251, Jacobs.) Fuseli {Lect. 1) has
shewn how admirably in this picture the artist
drew the line between pity and disgust. Alexander
admired the picture so much, that he removed it to
Pella. Another of his pictures was a suppliant,
whose voice you seemed almost to hear. Several
other pictures of his are mentioned by Pliny (/.f.),
and among them an Iris {ib. 40. § 41), which,
though unfinished, excited the greatest admiration.
As examples of the high price set upon his works,
Pliny {ib. 36. § 19) tells us, that he painted a pic-
ture for Mnason, tyrant of Elatea, representing a
battle with the Persians, and containing a hundred
figures, for each of which Aristeides received ten
minae ; and that long after his death, Attalus, khig
of Pergamus, gave a hundred talents for one of his
pictures. (76. and vii. 35.) In another passage
(xxxv. 8) Pliny tells us, that when Mummius was
selling the spoils of Greece, Attalus bought a pic-
ture of Bacchus by Aristeides for 600,000 sesterces,

ARISTEIDES.

but that Mummius, having thus discovered the
value of the picture, refused to sell it to Attalus,
and took it to Rome, where it was placed in the
temple of Ceres, and was the first foreign painting
which was exposed to public view at Rome. The
commentators are in doubt whether these two pas-
sages refer to the same picture. (See also Strab,
viii. p. 381.) Aristeides was celebrated for his
pictures of courtezans, and hence he was called
TTopvoypdcpos. (Athen. xiii. p. 567, b.) He was
somewhat harsh in his colouring. (Plin. xxxv. 36.
§19.) According to some authorities, the inven-
tion of encaustic painting in wax {Diet, of Ant. s.v.
Pairding, pp. 685, 686) was ascribed to Aristeides,
and its perfection to Praxiteles ; but Pliny ob-
serves, that there were extant encaustic pictures of
Pol3'gnotus, Nicanor, and Arcesilaus. (xxxv. 39.)

Aristeides left two sons, Nicerus and Ariston,
to whom he taught his art. [Ariston ; Nicerus.]

Another Aristeides is mentioned as his disciple.
(Plin. xxxv. 36. § 23.) The words of Pliny, which
are at first sight somewhat obscure, are rightly ex-
plained in the following table by Sillig. {Catal.
Art. s. V. Antoridcs.)

Aristeides of Thebes.

Niceros,
son.

I

Ariston,

son.

.1 .

Aristeides,

disciple.

Antorides and Euphranor,
disciples.

2. A sculptor, who was celebrated for his statues of
four-horsed and two-horsed chariots. Since he was
the disciple of Polycletus, he must have flourished
about 388 B. c. (Plin. xxxiv. 19. § 12.) Perhaps
he was the same person as the Aristeides who
made some improvements in the goals of the Olym-
pic stadium. (Paus. vi. 20. § 7; Bockh, Coip. la-
scrip, i. p. 39.) [P. S.j

ARISTEIDES, of Athens, one of the earliest
Christian apologetic writers, was at first a philoso-
pher, and continued such after he became a Chris-
tian. He is described by Jerome as a most elo-
quent man. His apology for Christianity, which
he presented to the Emperor Hadrian about 123
or 126 A. D., was imbued with the principles of
the Greek philosophy. It is said that the apology
of Justin, who was also a philosopher, was, to a
great extent, an imitation of that of Aristeides.
The work of Aristeides is entirely lost. (Euseb.
Hist. Eccles. iv. 3, Chron. Armen.; Hieron. de Vir.
Illust. 20; Epist. adMagii. Orat. 84, p. 327.) [P. S.]

ARISTEIDES, the author of a work entitled
MiLESlACA (MtAi7(rta/cd or MiArjaiaKol Ao'yot),
which was probably a romance, having Miletus for
its scene. It was written in prose, and was of a
licentious character. It extended to six books at
the least. (Harpocrat. s. v. h^pixriaTi/is.) It was
translated into Latin by L. Cornelius Sisenna, a
contemporary of Sulla, and it seems to have be-
come popular with the Romans. (Plut. Crass.
32; Ovid. Trist. ii. 413, 414, 443, 444; Luciau,
Amor. 1.) Aristeides is reckoned as the inventor
of the Greek romance, and the title of his work is
supposed to have given rise to the term iMilcsiu/i,
as applied to works of fiction. Some writers think
that his work was imitated by Appuleius in his
Mdmnurphosscs, and by Lucian in his Lucitis.

ARISTEUS.

The age and country of A listcides are unknown,
but the title of his work is thouglit to favour the
conjecture that he was a native of Miletus. Vos-
sius (de Hist. Graec. p. 401, ed. Westermann)
supposes, that he was the same person as the Aris-
leides of Miletus, whose works on Sicilian, Italian,
and Persian history (2j/feAtKa, 'iToAtfcci, Ilepa-t/cct)
are several times quoted by Plutarch {Parall.)^
and that the author of the historical work mpi
Kvihov was also the same person. (Schol. Pind.
Pt/ih.in.U.) [P. S.]

ARISTEIDES QUINTILIA'NUS {'Apitrrd-
Sr}s KoiVTtAtoj'os), the author of a treatise in three
books on music {Tlepl Movo-iktjs). Nothing is
known of his history, nor is he mentioned by anj-
ancient writer. But he must have lived after
Cicero, whom he quotes (p. 70), and before Marti-
anus Capella, who has made use of this treatise in
liis work De Nupiiis Philologiue et Mercurii, lib. 9.
It seems probable also that he must be placed be-
fore Ptolemy, since he does not mention the dif-
ference between that writer and his predecessors
with respect to the number of the modes. ( Aristox-
enus reckoned 13, his followers 15, but Ptolemy
only 7. See Aristeid. pp. '22, 23 ; Ptol.i/aj-m.ii. 9.)

The work of Aristeides is perhaps the most
A-aluable of all the ancient musical treatises. It
embraces, besides the theory of music {apfxoviKr)) in
the modern sense, the whole range of subjects com-
prehended under fiovaiKri, which latter science
contemplated not merely the regulation of sounds,
but the hannoiiious disposition of everj'thing in
nature. The first book treats of Harmonics and
Pliythm ; the former subject being considered under
the usual heads of Sounds, Intervals, Systems,
Genera, Modes, Transition, and Composition (/ue-
AoTToao). The second, of the moral effects and
educational powers of music ; and the third of the
immerical ratios which define musical intervals,
and of their connexion with physical and moral
science generally. Aristeides refers (p. 87) to an-
other work of his own, Ufpl IloiTjTi/c^j, which is
lost. He makes no direct allusion to any of the
ancient writers on music, except Aristoxenus.

The only edition of Aristeides is that of Mei-
bomius. It is printed, along with the latter part
of the 9th book of Martianus Capella, in his col-
lection entitled Antuiuae Miisicue Aiidoves Septeni^
Amst. 1652. A new edition of all these, and of
several other ancient musical writers, is announced
l)y Dr. J. Franzius of Berlin. (Fabric. BiLL Graec.
vol. ii. p. 259.) [W. F. D.]

ARISTEIDES, of Samos, a writer mentioned
by Varro in his work entitled "• Hebdomades," as
an authority for the opinion, that the moon com-
pleted her circuit in twenty-eight days exactly.
(Aul. Gell. A^^i. iii. 10.) [P. S.]

ARISTE'NUS ALE'XIUS. [Alexius A ris-

TKNUS.]

^ ARISTEUS ('Ap*<rT6«Js), or ARISTEAS ('Aptcr-
Tfos, Herod.). 1. A Corinthian, son of Adeimantus,
commanded the troops sent by Corinth to maintain
Potidaea in its revolt, b. c. 432. With Potidaea
he was connected, and of the troops the greater
number were volunteers, serving chiefly from at-
tachment to him. Appointed on his arrival com-
mander-in-chief of the allied infantry, he encoun-
tered the Athenian Callias, but was outmanoeuvred
and defeated. With his own division he was suc-
cessful, and with it on returning from the pursuit
he found himself cut off, but by a bold course made

ARISTION.

297

his way with slight loss into the town. This whh
now blockaded, and Aristeus, seeing no hope, bid
them leave himself with a garrison of 500, and the
rest make their way to sea. This escape was
efl'ected, and he himself induced to join in it ; after
which he was occupied in petty warfare in Chalci-
dice, and negotiations for aid from Peloponnesus.
Finally, not long before the surrender of Potidaea,
in the second year of the vvai", B. c. 430, he set out
with other ambassadors from Peloponnesus for the
court of Persia ; but visiting Sitalces the Odrysian
in their way, they were given to Athenian ambas-
sadors there by Sadocus, his son, and sent to
Athens; and at Athens, paitly from fear of the
energy and ability of Aristeus, partly in retaliation
for the cruelties practised by Sparta, he was imme-
diately put to death. (Thuc. i. GO — 65, ii. 67 ;
Herod, vii. 137; Thirl wall's Greece^ iii. pp. 102
—4, 162, 3.) [A. H. C]

2. A Corinthian, son of Pellichus, one of the
commanders of the Corinthian fleet sent against
Epidanmus, B. c. 436. (Thuc. i. 29.)

3. A Spai-tan commander, b. c. 423. (Thuc.
iv. 132.)

4. An Argive, the son Cheimon, conquered in
the Dolichos at the Olympic games. (Paus. vi.

9. § 1.)

ARl'STIAS ('Apio-Ttas), a dramatic poet, the
son of Pratinas, whose tomb Pausanias (ii. 13. §
5) saw at Phlius, and whose Satyric dramas, with
those of his father, were surpassed only by those of
Aeschylus. (Paus. /. c.) Aristias is mentioned in
the life of Sophocles as one of the poets wiih whom
the latter contended. Besides two dramas, which
were undoubtedly Satyric, viz. the Kripis and
Cyclops, Aiistias wrote three others, viz. Antaeus,
Orpheus, and Atalante, which may have been
tragedies. (Comp. Athen. xv. p. 686, a; Pollux,
vii. 31 ; Welcker, Die Griech. Trayodien^ p. QQiJ.)
ARl'STION {"ApiaTluv), a philosopher either
of the Epicurean or Peripatetic school, who made
himself tyrant of Athens, and was besieged there
by Sulla, B. c. 87, in the first Mithridatic war.
His early history is preserved by Athenaeus (v.
p. 211, Acc), on the authority of Posidonius of
Apameia, the instructor of Cicero. By him he is
called Athenion, whereas Pausanias, Appian, and
j Plutarch agree in giving him the name of Aristion.
I Casaubon on Athenaeus (/. c.) conjectures that his
I tme name was Athenion, but that on enrolling him-
I self as a citizen of Athens, he changed it to Aristion,
a supposition confirmed by the case of one Sosias
mentioned by Theophrastus, whose name wiis
altered to Sosistratus under the same circumstances.
Athenion or Aiistion was the illegitimate son of a
Peripatetic, also named Athenion, to whose pro-
perty he succeeded, and so became an Athenian
citizen. He married early, and began at the siune
time to teach philosophy, which he did with great
success at Messene and Larissa. On returning to
Athens with a considerable fortune, he was named
ambassador to Mithridates, king of Pontus, then
at war with Rome, and became one of the most
I intimate friends and counsellors of that monarch.
His letters to Athens represented the power of his
patron in such glowing colours, that his country-
men began to conceive hopes of throwing oft' the
Roman yoke. Mithridates then sent him to
Athens, where he soon contiived, through the
king's pjitronage, to assume the tyranny. His go-
vernment seems to have been of the most cniel cha-

298

ARISTIPPUS.

racter, so that he is spnken of with abhorrence by
Phitarch {Fraecept. gcr. Reip. p. 809), and classed
by him with Nabis and Catiline. He sent Apelli-
con of Teos to plunder the sacred treasury of Delos,
[Apellicon], though Appian {Mithrid. p. 189)
says, that this had already been done for him by
Mithridates, and adds, that it was by means of the
money resulting from this robbery that Aristion was
enabled to obtain the supreme power. Meantime
Sulla landed in Greece, and immediately laid siege
to Athens and the Peiraeus, the latter of which was
occupied by Archelaus, the general of Mithridates.
The sufferings within the city from famine were so
dreadful, that men are said to have even devoured
the dead bodies of their companions. At last
Athens was taken by storm, and Sulla gave orders
to spare neither sex nor age. Aristion fled to the
Acropolis, having first burnt the Odeum, lest Sulla
should use the wood- work of that building for
battering-rams and other instruments of attack.
The Acropolis, however, was soon taken, and
Aristion dragged to execution from the altar of
iMinervJi. To the divine vengeance for this im-
piety Pausanias (i. 20. § 4) attributes the loath-
some disease which afterwards terminated Sulla's
Ufe. [G. E. L. C]

ARI'STION ('Aptarfwi'), a surgeon, probably
belonging to the Alexandrian school, was the son
of Pasicrates,* who belonged to tlie same profes-
sion. (Oribas. De Afachinam. cc. 24, 26. pp. 1 80,
183.) Nothing is known of the events of his
life ; with respect to his date, he may be conjec-
tured to have lived in the second or first century
B. c, as he lived after Nymphodorus (Oribas. ibid.
p. 180), and before Heliodorus (p. 161). [W.A.G.]

ARISTIPPUS ('Apro-TtTTTTos). 1. OfLarissa,
in Thessaly, an Aleuad, received lessons from
Gorgias when he visited Thessaly. Aristippus ob-
tained money and troops from the younger Cyrus
to resist a faction opposed to him, and placed
Menon, with whom he lived in a disreputable
manner, over these forces. (Xen. Anah. L 1. §
10, ii. 6. § 28 ; Plat. Meiion, init.)

2. An Argive, who obtained the supreme power
Rt Argos through the aid of Antigonus Gonatas,
about B. c. 272. (Plut. Fyrrh. 30.)

3. An Argive, a different person from the
preceding, who also became tyrant of Argos after
the murder of Aristomachus I., in the time of
Aratus. He is described by Plutarch as a perfect
tyrant in our sense of the word, Aratus made
many attempts to deprive him of the tj^ranny, but
at first without success ; but Aristippus at length
fell in a battle against Aratus, and was succeeded
in the tyranny by Aristomachus II. (Plut. Aral.
25, &c.)

ARISTI'US FUSCUS. [Fuscus.]
ARISTIPPUS ('ApItrTtTTTTos), son of Aritades,
born at Cyrene, and founder of tlie Cyrenaic
School of Philosophy, came over to Greece to be
present at the Olympic games, where he fell in
with Ischomachus the agriculturist (whose praises
are the subject of Xenophon's Oeconomicus), and
by his description was filled with so ardent a
desire to see Socrates, that he went to Athens

* In the extract from Oribasius, given by A.
Mai in the fourth volume of his Classici Aiustores
e Vaticanis Codicibus Editi, Rom. 8vo., 1831, we
should read vtou instead of narepa in p. 152, 1. 23,
and 'ApKTTiuu instead of 'kpriuv in p. 158, 1. 10,

ARISTIPPUS.

for the purpose (Plut. de Curios. 2), and remained
with him almost up to the time of his execution,
B. c. 399. Diodorus (xv. 76) gives b. c. 366 as
the date of Aristippus, which agrees very well with
the focts which we know about him, and with the
statement (Schol. ad Aristoph. Plut. 179), that
Lais, the courtezan with whom he was intimate,
was bom b, c, 421.

Though a disciple of Socrates, he wandered both
in principle and practice very far from the teaching
and example of his great master. He was luxuri-
ous in his mode of living ; he indulged in sensual
gratifications, and the society of the notorious
Lais ; he took money for his teaching (being the
first of the disciples of Socrates who did so, Diog.
Laert. ii. 65), and avowed to his instructor that he
resided in a foreign land in order to escape the
trouble of mixing in the politics of his native city.
(Xen. Mem. ii. 1.) He passed part of his life at
the court of Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, and is
also said to have been taken prisoner by Arta-
phemes, the satrap Avho drove the Spartans from
Rhodes B, c. 396. (Diod. Sic. xiv. 79 ; see Brucker,
Hist. Crit. Phil. ii. 2, 3.) He appears, however, at
last to have returned to Cyrene, and there he spent
his old age. The anecdotes which are told of him,
and of which we find a most tedious number in
Diogenes Laertius (ii, 65, &c.), by no means give
us the notion of a person who was the mere slave
of his passions, but rather of one who took a pride
in extracting enjojnnent from all circumstances of
every kind, and in controlHng adversity and pros-
perity alike. They illustrate and confirm the two
statements of Horace (Ep. i. 1. 18), that to observe
the precepts of Aristippus is " mihi res, non me
rebus subjungere,^'' and (i. 17. 23) that, " omnis
Aristippum decuit color et status et res.'''' Thus
when reproached for his love of bodily indulgences,
he answered, that there was no shame in enjoying
them, but that it would be disgraceful if he could
not at any time give them up. When Dionysius,
provoked at some of his remarks, ordered him to
take the lowest place at table, he said, " You
wish to dignify the seat." Whether he was pri-
soner to a satrap, or grossly insulted and even spit
upon by a tyrant, or enjoying the pleasures of a
banquet, or reviled for faithlessness to Socrates by
his fellow-pupils, he maintained the same calm
temper. To Xenophon and Plato he was very ob-
noxious, as we see from the Memorabilia {I. c),
where he maintains an odious discussion against
Socrates in defence of voluptuous enjoyment, and
from the Phaedo (p, 59, c), where his absence
at the death of Socrates, though he was only at
Aegina, 200 stadia from Athens, is doubtless men-
tioned as a reproach, (See Stallbaum's note.)
Aristotle, too, calls him a sophist {Metaphys. ii.
2), and notices a story of Plato speaking to him
with rather undue vehemence, and of his replying
with calmness. {Rhet. ii. 23.) He unparted his
doctrine to his daughter Arete, by whom it was
communicated to her son, the younger Aristippus
(hence called /x7jTpoS(5a/cToj), and by him it is
said to have been reduced to a system. Laertius,
on the authority of Sotion (b. c, 205) and Panae-
tius (b. c. 143), gives a long list of books whose
authorship is ascribed to Aristippus, though he also
says that Sosicrates of Rhodes (b. c. 2.55) states,
that he wrote nothing. Among these are treatises
riepi riatSet'oy, riept 'Aper^s, Ilepl Tt/'xT?y, and
many others. Some epistles attributed to him are

ARISTIPPUS.

deservedly rejected as forgeries by Bentley. (Dis-
serlation on Plialarls^ ^c. p. 104.) One of these is
to Arete, and its spuriousness is proved, among
other arguments, by the occurrence in it of the
name of a city near Cyrcne, BepeW/CTj, which must
have been given by the Macedonians, in whose
dialect )8 stands for (/>, so that the name is equiva-
lent to ^epfviic]^ t/ie vkto^-ioits.

We shall now give a short view of the leading
doctrines of the earlier Cyrenaic school in gene-
ral, though it is not to be understood that the
system was wholly or even chiefly drawn up by
the elder Aristippus ; but, as it is impossible from
the loss of contemporary documents to separate
the parts which belong to each of the Cyrenaic
j)Iiilosophers, it is better here to combine them all.
From tlie fact pointed out by Ritter {Gcschkhte der
Philosophie, vii. 3), that Aristotle chooses Eudoxus
rather than Aristippus as the representative of the
doctrine that Pleasure is the summum bonum {Eth.
Nic. X. 2), it seems probable that but little of the
Cyrenaic system is due to the founder of the
schooL*

The Cyrenaics despised Physics, and limited their
inquiries to Ethics, though they included under
that term a much wider range of science than can
fairly be reckoned as belonging to it. So, too,
Aristotle accuses Aristippus of neglecting mathe-
matics, as a study not concerned with good and
evil, which, he said, are the objects even of the
carpenter and tanner. {Metaphys. ii. 2.) They
divided Philosophy into five parts, viz. the study
of (I) Objects of Desire and Aversion, (2) Feel-
ings and Atfections, (3) Actions, (4) Causes,
(.5) Proofs. Of these (4) is clearly connected with
physics, and (6) with logic.

1. The first of the five divisions of science is
the only one in which the Cyrenaic view is con-
nected with the Socratic. Socrates considered
happiness {i. e. the enjoyment of a well-ordered
mind) to be the aim of all men, and Aristippus,
tjiking up this position, pronounced pleasure the
chief good, and pain the chief evil ; in proof of
which he referred to the natural feelings of men,
children, and animals ; but he wished the mind to
preserve its authority in the midst of pleasure.
Desire he could not admit into his system, as it
subjects men to hope and fear : the rikos of hu-
man life was momentary pleasure {ixov6xpovos,
fxepiKTi). For the Present only is ours, the Past is
gone, and the Future uncertain ; present happiness
therefore is to be sought, and not (v^aiyiovia^
which is only the sum of a number of happy states,
just as he considered life in general the sum of
particular states of the soul. In this point the
Cyrenaics were opposed to the Epicureans. All
pleasures were held equal, though they might ad-
mit of a difference in the degree of their purity.
So that a man ought never to covet more than he
possesses, and should never allow himself to be
overcome by sensual enjoyment. It is plain that,
even with these concessions, the Cyrenaic system
destroys all moral unity, by proposing to a man as
many separate reA?) as his life contains moments.

2. The next point is to determine what is plea-

ARISTIPPUS.

299

* Ritter believes that Aristippus is hinted at
{Eth. Nic. X. 6), where Aristotle refutes the opi-
nion, that happiness consists in amusement, and
speaks of persons holding such a dogma in order
to recommend themrsclves to the fiivour of tyrants.

sure and what pain. Both are positive, t. e. plea-
sure is not the gratification of a want, nor does
the absence of pleasure equal pain. The absence
of either is a mere neg-ativc inactive state, and
both pleasure and pain are motions of the soul {iv
KivTJaei). Pain was defined to be a violent, plea-
sure a moderate motion, — the first being compared
to the sea in a storm, the second to the sea under
a light breeze, the intermediate state of no-pleasure
and no-pain to a calm — a simile not quite apposite,
since a calm is not the middle state between a
storm and a gentle breeze. In this denial of
pleasure as a state of rest, we find Aristippus ^
again opposed to Epicurus.

3. Actions are in themselves morally indifferent,
the only question for us to consider being their
result ; and law and custom are the only authori-
ties which make an action good or bad. This
monstrous dogma was a little qualified by the
statement, that the advantages of injustice are
slight ; but we cannot agree with Brucker {Hist.
Crit. ii. 2), that it is not clear whether the Cyre-
naics meant the law of nature or of men. For
Laertius says expressly, o (TTrouSaTos owSei/ Stottov
irpd^ei Sia rds eTriKeifievas ^r]fxias Koi Stf|as, and
to suppose a law of nature would be to destroy
the whole Cyrenaic sj'stem. Whatever conduces
to pleasure, is virtue — a definition which of course
includes bodily exercise ; but they seem to have
conceded to Socrates, that the mind has the great-
est share in virtue. We are told that they pre-
ferred bodily to mental pleasure ; but this state-
ment must be qualified, as they did not even confine
their pleasures to selfish gratification, but admitted
the welfare of the state as a legitimate source of
happiness, and bodily pleasure itself they valued
for the sake of the mental state resulting from it.

4. There is no universality in human concep-
tions ; the senses are the only avenues of know-
ledge, and even these admit a very limited range
of infonnatioft. For the Cyrenaics said, that men
could agree neither in judgments nor notions,
in nothing, in fact, but names. We have all
certain sensations, which we call icJiite or street;
but whether the sensation which A calls white is
similar to that which B calls by that name, we
cannot tell ; for by the common term white every
man denotes a distinct object. Of the causes
which produce these sensations we are quite igno-
rant ; and from all this we come to the doctrine of
modem philological metaphysics, that truth is
what each man troweth. All states of mind are
motions ; nothing exists but states of mind, and ^
they are not the same to all men. True wisdom
consists therefore in transfonning disagreeable into
agreeable sensations.

5. As to the Cyrenaic doctrine of proofs, no
evidence remains.

In many of these opinions we recognize the
happy, careless, selfish disposition which charac-
terized their author ; and the system resembles in
most points those of Heracleitus and Protagoras, ^
as given in Plato's Theaetetus. The doctrines
that a subject only knows objects through the
prism of the impression which he receives, and
that man is the measure of all things, are stated
or implied in the Cyrenaic system, and lead at -
once to the consequence, that what we call reality
is appearance ; so that the whole fabric of human
knowledge becomes a fantastic picture. The prin-
ciple on which all this rests, viz. that knowledge

300

ARIST0BULU3.

ia sensation, is the foundation of Locke's modern
ideology, though he did not perceive its connexion
with the consequences to which it led the Cyre-
naics. To revive these was reserved for Hume.

The ancient authorities on this subject are Dio-
genes Laertius, ii. 65, &c.; Sextus Empiricus, adv.
■ Math. vii. 11; the places in Xenophon and Aris-
totle already referred to ; Cic. Tusc. iii. 1 3, 22,
Acad. iv. 7, 46 ; Euseb. Pniep. Evang. xiv, 18, &c.
The chief modern works are, Kunhardt, Disseriatio
philoa.-hislorica de Aristippi Philosophia inoraii,
Helmstadt, 1795, 4to. ; Wieland, Aristipp und
Einige seiner Zeitgenossen^ Leipz., 1800-1802;
Ritter, Geschichte der Philosophies vii. 3 ; Brucker,
Histoi-ia Criiica Philosophiae^ ii. 2, 3. [G. E. L. C]

ARISTO CApiffTci)., the best, a surname of
Artemis at Athens. (Pans. i. 29. § 2.) [L. S.]

T. ARISTO, a distinguished Roman jurist,
who lived under the emperor Trajan, and was
a friend of the Younger Pliny. He is spoken of
by Pliny (Epist. 22) in terms of the highest praise,
as not only an excellent man and profound scholar,
but a lawyer thoroughly acquainted with private
and public law, and perfectly skilled in the practice
of his profession — in short, a living Tliesauriis Juris.
Of his merits as an author, Pliny does not speak ;
and though his works are occasionally mentioned
in the Digest, there is no direct extract from any
of them in that compilation. He wrote notes on
the Lihri Posteriorum of Labeo, on Cassius, whose
pupil he had been, and on Sabinus. ^'Arista in
decretis Frontiaiiis" or Frontinianisy is once cited
in the Digest (29. tit. 2. s. ult.) ; but what those
decreta were has never been satisfactorily explained.
He corresponded with his contemporary jurists,
Celsus and Neratius (Dig, 19. tit. 2. s". 19. § 2,
20. tit. 3. s. 3, 40. tit. 7. s. 29. § 1) ; and it ap-
pears to us to be probable that many of the responsa
and epistulae of the Roman jurisconsults were not
opinions upon cases occurring in actual practice,
but answers to the hypothetical questions of pupils
and legal friends. Other works, besides those
which we have mentioned, have been attributed to
him without sufficient cause. Some, for example,
have inferred from a passage in Gellius (xi. 18),
that he wrote de furtis ; and, from passages in the
Digest (24. tit. 3. s. 44. pr. ; 8. tit. 5. s. 8. § 5 ;
23. tit, 2. 8. 40), that he published books under
the name Digesla and Responsa. In philosophy,
this model of a virtuous lawyer is described by
Pliny as a genuine disciple of the Porch. He has
been usually supposed to belong to the legal sect of
Proculeians [Capito], though, upon one point at
least (Dig, 28, tit. 5. s, 19), his opinion differed
from the Proculeian Pegasus, and accorded with
the Sabinian Javolenus. (Strauch, Vitae JCtorum,
No. 12 ; Grotius, 2, 3, in Franck's Vitae Tripertiiae
JCtorum Vetei-um, Hal. 1718 ; lleinec. Hist. Jur.
Rom. § 260, 1; Zimmern, Rom. Rec/ds-Geschichte,
vol, i. § 89.) [J. T. G.]

ARISTO. [Ariston.]

ARISTOBU'LE {'ApL(TTo§ov\-n), the best ad-
viser, a surname of Artemis, to whom Themistocles
built a temple at Athens under this name ; and in
it he dedicated his own statue. (Plut. T/iemist.
22.) [L. S,]

ARISTOBU'LUS CApiardeoukos). 1, Of
Cassandreia, the son of Aristobulus, one of the com-
p;uiions of Alexander the Great in his Asiatic con-
quests, wrote a history of Alexander, which was
one of the chief sources used bv Arriaii in the com-

ARISTOBULUS.

position of his work. Aristobulus lived to the age
of ninety, and did not begin to write his history
till he was eighty-four. (Lucian, Macrob. 22.)
His work is also frequently referred to by Athe-
naeus (ii. p. 43, d. vi. p. 251, a, x. p. 434, d. xii.
pp. 513, f. 530, b.), Plutarch {Alea:. cc. 15, 16,
18, 21, 46, 75), and Strabo (xi. pp. 509, 518,
xiv. p. 672, XV. pp. 691—693, 695, 701, 706,
707, 714, 730, xvi. pp, 741, 766, xvii. p. 824.)
The anecdote which Lucian relates {Quomodo hist,
conscrib. c. 12) about Aristobulus is supposed by
modem writers to refer to Onesicritus.

2. Plutarch refers to a work upon stones, and
another upon the affairs of Italy, written by an
Aristobulus, but whether he is the same person as
the preceding, is uncertain. (Plut. de Fluv. c. 14.
Parull. Min. c, 32.)

3. An Alexandrine Jew, and a Peripatetic phi-
losopher, who is supposed to have lived under
Ptolemy Philometor (began to reign B. c. 180),
and to have been the same as the teacher of
Ptolemy Evergetes. (2 Maccab. i. 10.) He is said
to have been the author of commentanes upon the
books of Moses ('E|r777}(r6is ttjs Mwutrews -yga-
<py)s), addressed to Ptolemy Philometor, which are
referred to by Clemens Alexandrinus {Strom, i.
pp. 305, b. 342, b. v. p. 595, c. d), Eusebius
(Praep. Eo. vii. 13, viii. 9, ix. 6, xiii. 12), and
other ecclesiastical writers. The object of this
work was to prove that the Peripatetic philosoph v,
and in fact almost all the Greek philosophy, was
taken from the books of Moses. It is now, how-
ever, admitted that this work was not written by
the Aristobulus whose name it bears, but by some
later and unknown writer, whose object was to
induce the Greeks to pay respect to the Jewish
literature. (V.ilckenaer, Diatribe de Aristobido^
Judaco, &c. edita post auctoi-is mortem ab J. Luza-
do, Lugd. Bat. 1806.)

4. A brother of Epicuras, and a follower of his
philosophy. (Diog. Laert. x. 3, Plut. Non posse
suaviter vivi see. Epic. p. 1103, a.)

ARISTOBU'LUS (^Api(TT6gou\os\ princes of
Judaea. 1. The eldest son of Joliaunes Hyrcanus.
In B.C. 110 we find him, together with his second
brother Antigonus, successfully prosecuting for his
father the siege of Samaria, which was destroyed
in the following year. (Joseph. Ant. xiii, 10. §§ 2,
3; Bell. Jud. i. 2. § 7.) Hyrcanus dying in 107,
Aristobulus took the title of king, this being the
first instance of the assumption of that name among
the Jews since the Babylonish captivity (but comp.
Strab. xvi. p. 762), and secured his power by the
imprisonment of all his brothers except his favourite
Antigonus, and by the murder of his mother, to
whom Hyrcanus had left the government by will.
The life of Antigonus himself was soon sacrificed to
his brother's suspicions through the intrigues of the
queen and her party, and the remorse felt by
Aristobulus for this deed increased the illness
under which he was suffering at the time, and
hastened his death, (b. c. 106.) In his reign the
Ituraeans were subdued and compelled to adopt
the observance of the Jewish law. He also re-
ceived the name of *iAeAArji/ from the favour which
he shewed to the Greeks. (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 11;
Bell. Jud. i, 3.)

2. The younger son of Alexander Jannaeus and
Alexandra. (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 16. § 1; Bell. Jud.
1. 5. § 1.) During the nine years of his mother's
reign he set himself against the party of the Phart-

ARISTODULUS.

sees, whose influence she liad restored ; and after
her death, B. c. 70, he made war agtiinst his eldest
brother Ilyrcanus, and obtained from him the
resignation of the crown and the high-priesthood,
chiefly througli the aid of his father's friends,
whom Alexandra had placed in the several fort-
resses of the country to save them from the ven-
geance of the Pharisees. (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 16,
xiv. 1. § 2; JielL Jtid. i. 5, 6. § 1.) In B. c. 65
Judaea was invaded by Aretas, king of Arabia
Petraea, with whom, at the instigation of Antipater
the Idumaean, Ilyrcanus had taken refuge. By
him Aristobulus was defeated in a battle and be-
sieged in Jerusalem but Aretas was obliged to
raise the siege by Scaurus and Gabinius, Pompey's
lieutenants, whose intervention Aristobulus had
purchased. (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 2, 3. $ 2; Bell. Jud.
i. 6. §§ 2, 3.) In B. c. 63, he pleaded his cause
before Pompey at Damascus, but, finding him dis-
posed to favour Hyrcanus, he returned to Judaea
and prepared for war. On Pompey's approach,
Aristobulus, who had fled to the fortress of Alex-
andreion, was persuaded to obey his summons and
appear before him ; and, being compelled to sign
an order for the surrender of his garrisons, he
withdrew in impotent discontent to Jerusalem.
Pompey still advanced, and Aristobulus again met
him and made submission ; but, his friends in the
city refusing to perform the terms, Pompey be-
sieged and took Jenisalem, and carried away Aris-
tobulus and his children as prisoners. (Joseph.
Ant. xiv. 3, 4 ; Bdl. Jud. i. 6, 7 ; Plut. Pomp.
cc. 3.9, 45 ; Strab. xvi. p. 762 ; Dion Cass, xxxvii.
15, 16.) Appian {Bell. Mith. c. 117) erroneously
represents him as having been put to death imme-
diately after Pompey's triumph. In B. c. 57, he
escaped from his confinement at Rome with his
son Antigonus, and, returning to Judaea, was
joined by large numbers of his countrymen and
renewed the war ; but h? was besieged and taken
at Machaerus, the fortifications of which he was
attempting to restore, and was sent back to Rome
by Gabinius. (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 6. $ 1 ; Bell. Jud.
1.- 8. § 6 ; Plut. A7it. c. 3 ; Dion Cass, xxxix. 56.)
In B. c. 49, he was again released by Julius Cae-
sar, who sent him into Judaea to forward his in-
terests there ; he was, however, poisoned on the
■way by some of Pompey's party. (Joseph. Ant.
xiv. 7. § 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 9. § 1 ; Dion Cass. xli.
18.)

3. Grandson of No. 2, was the son of Alexan-
der and brother of Herod's wife Mariamne. His
mother, Alexandra, indignant at Herod's having
conferred the high-priesthood on the obscure Ana-
nelus, endeavoured to obtain that office for her son
from Antony through the influence of Cleopatra.
Herod, fearing the consequences of this application,
and urged by Mariamne's entreaties, deposed
Ananelus and made Aristobulus high-priest, the
latter being only 17 years old at the time. The
king, however, still suspecting Alexandra, and
keeping a strict and annoying watch upon her
movements, she renewed her coniplaints and de-
signs against him with Cleopatra, and at length
made an attempt to escape into Egypt with her
son. Herod discovered this, and aflected to par-
don it; but soon after he caused Aristobulus to be
treacherousl)' drowned at Jericho, b. c. 35. (Jo-
seph. Ant. XV. 2, 3; Bell. Jud. i. 22. 55 2.)

4, One of the sons of Herod the Great by
Marianmc, was sent with his brother Alexander to

ARISTOBULUS. 301

Rome, and educated in the house of PolHo. (Jo-
seph. Ant. XV. 10. $ 1.) On their return to
Judaea, the suspicions of Herod were excited
against them by their brother Antipater [Anti-
pater], aided by Pheroras and their aunt Salome,
though Berenice, the daughter of the latter, was
married to Aristobulus ; the young men themselves
supplying their enemies with a handle against them
by the indiscreet expression of their indignation at
their mother's death. In b. c. 11, they were ac-
cused by Herod at Aquileia before Augustus,
through whose mediation, however, he was recon-
ciled to them. Three years after, Aristobulus was
again involved with his brother in a charge of
plotting against their father, but a second reconci-
liation was effected by Archelaus, king of Cappa-
docia, the father-in-law of Alexander. A third
accusation, through the arts of Eurj-cles, the Lace-
daemonian adventurer, proved fatal : by pennis-
sion of Augustus, the two young men were
arraigned by Herod before a council convened at
Berytus (at which they were not even allowed to
be present to defend themselves), and, being con-
demned, were soon after strangled at Se baste,
b. c. 6. (Joseph. Ant. xvi. 1—4, 8, 10, 11 ; Bell.
Jud. i. 23 — 27 ; comp, Strab. xvi. p. 765.)

5. Surnamed "the Younger" (o cec^reptis, Joseph.
Ant. XX. 1. § 2) was son of Aristobulus and Bere-
nice, and grandson of Herod the Great. (Joseph.
Ant. xviii. 5. § 4; Bell. Jud. i. 28. § 1.) Himself
and his two brothers, — Agrippa I., and Herod the
future king of Chalcis, — were educated at Rome
together with Claudius, who was afterwards em-
peror, and who appears to have .always regarded
Aristobulus with great favour. (Joseph. Ant. xviii.
5. § 4, 6. § 1, XX. 1. § 2.) He lived at enmity with
his brother Agrippa, and drove him from the pro-
tection of Flaccus, proconsul of Syria, by the
charge of having been bribed by the Damascenes
to support their cause with the proconsul against
the Sidonians. (Joseph. Ant. xviii. G, § 3,) When
Caligula sent Petronius to Jerusalem to set up his
statues in the temple, we find Aristobulus joining
in the remonstrance against the measure. (Joseph.
Ant. xviii. 8; Bell. Jud. ii. 10; Tac. Hist. v. 9.) He
died as he had lived, in a private station (Joseph.
Bell. Jud. ii. 11. § 6), having, as appears from the
letter of Claudius to the Jews in Josephus {Ant.
XX. 1. § 2), survived his brother Agrippa, whose
death took place in A. D. 44. He was married to
lotapa, a princess of Emessa, by whom he left a
daughter of the same name. (Joseph. Ant. xviii.
5. %4; Bell. Jud. ii. 11. § 6.)

6. Son of Herod king of Chalcis, grandson of
the Aristobulus who was strangled at Sebaste, and
great-grandson of Herod the Great. In a. d. 55,
Nero made Aristobidus king of Armenia Minor, in
order to secure that province from the Parthians,
and in a. D. 61 added to his dominions some por-
tion of the Greater Armenia which had been given
to Tigranes. (Joseph. A7it. xx. 8. § 4 ; Tac. Ann.
xiii. 7, xiv. 26.) Aristobulus appears also (Joseph.
Bell. jud. vii. 7. § 1) to have obtained from the
Romans his father's kingdom of Chalcis, which had
been taken from his cousin Agrippa II., in. a. n.
52 ; and he is mentioned as joining Caesennius
Paetus, proconsul of Syria, in the war against
Antiochus, king of Commagene, in the 4th year of
Vespasian, A. d. 73. (Joseph. /. c.) He was mar-
ried to Salome, daughter of the infamous Herodias,
by whom he had three sons, Herod, Agrippa, and

302

ARISTOCLES.

Aristobulus; of these nothing further is recorded.
(Joseph. Ant xviii. 5. § 4.) [E. E.]

ARISTOBU'LUS, a painter, to whom Pliny
(xxxv. 40. § 42) gives the epithet Syrus, which
Sillig understands of one of the Cyclades. [P. S.]

ARISTOCLEIA CApia-roKXeia), a priestess in
Delphi, from whom Pythagoras said that he had
received many of his precepts. (Porphyr § 41.
p. 41, ed. Kiister.J She is called Themistocleia
in Diogenes Laertius (\iu. 21), and Theocleia
in Suidas. (s. v. Uu6ay6,:as.) Pythagoras is sjiid
to have written a letter to her. See Fabric. BiU.
Oraec. i. p. 881.

ARISTOCLEIDAS ('Apio-TOKAet'Sos), of Ac-
gina, son of Aristophanes, won the victory in the
Pancratium in the Nemean Games, but it is not
known in what Olympiad. Dissen conjectures
that it was gained before the battle of Salamis.
The third Nemean Ode of Pindar is in his honour.

ARISTOCLEIDES CApi(TTOK\dSr,s\ a cele-
brated player on the cithara, who traced his de-
scent from Terpander, lived in the time of the
Persian war. He was the master of Phrynis of
Mytilene. (Schol. ad. Aristoph. Nub. 958 ; Sui-
das, s, V. ^pvuLs.) [Phrynis.]

ARISTOCLEITUS ('Apjo-ToVXetros), as he is
called bv Plutarch (Lyscmd. c. 2), or Aristocritus
{^ ApiCTOKpiTos) or Aristocrates (^ kpiaTOKpar-qs), as
he is called by Pausanias (iii. G. § 4, 8. §§ 3, 5,
vi. 3. § 6, «&c.), the father of Lysander, the Spar-
tan lawgiver.

ARrSTOCLES CApio-Tw/fX^s). 1. Of Rhodes,
a Greek grammarian and rhetorician, who was a
contemporary of Strabo. (xiv. p. 655.) He is
probably the writer of whom Ammonius {de Dlff
Voc. under iwiKij^ios) mentions a work vepl
"jroi-qTiKris. There are several other works : viz.
iTfpl SioKcKTov (EtymoL M. s. v. Kv/xa ; comp.
Cramer's Anecdot. i. p. 231, iii. p. 298), AaKuvu>v
iroAiTiia (Athen. iv. p. 140), and a work on the
history of Italy, of which Plutarch {Parol. Minor.
25, 41) mentions the third book, — which are
ascribed to Aristocles; but whether all or only
some of them belong to Aristocles the Rhodian, is
uncertain. (Compare Clem, Alex. Strom, vi. p. 267;
Varr. deLing. Lat. x. 10, 75, ed. Miiller ; Dionys.
Hal. Dinarch. 8.)

2. Of Pergamus, a sophist and rhetorician, who
lived in the time of the emperors Trajan and
Hadrian. He spent the early part of his life upon
the study of the Peripatetic philosophy, and during
this period he completely neglected his outward
appearance. But afterwards he was seized by the
desire of becoming a rhetorician, and went to
Rome, where he enrolled himself among the pupils
of Herodes Atticus. After his return to Pergamus^
he made a complete change in his mode of life, and
appears to have enjoyed a great reputation as a
teacher of rhetoric. His declamations are praised
for their perspicuity and for the purity of the Attic
Greek ; but they were wanting in passion and
animation, and resembled philosophical discussions.
Suidas ascribes to him a work on rhetoric (rex^^j
PTjTopjK^), letters, declamations, &c. (Philostr. Vit.
Soph. ii. 3 ; Suidas, s. v. 'ApiaroK\rjs ; Eudoc. p. 66.)

3. Of Messene, a Peripatetic philosopher, whose
age is uncertain, some placing him three centuries
before and others two centuries after Christ. But
if the statement is correct, that he was the teacher
of Alexander Aphrodisias (Cyrill. c. Jtd. ii. p. 61),
he must have lived about the beginning of the third

ARISTOCLES.

century after Christ. According to Suidas (s. v.)
and Eudocia (p. 71), he wrote several works: —

1. UoTcpov (XTTovdaioTepos O/iirjpos rj UKaTwu.

2. T6x»'ou p-nropiKai. 3. A work on the god Serapis.
4. A work on Ethics, in ten books : and 5. A work
on Philosophy, likewise in ten books. The last of
these works appears to have been a history of phi-
losophy, in which he treated of the philosophers,
their schools, and doctrines. Several fragments of
it are preserved in Eusebius. {Fraep. Et-ang. xiv.
1 7-21, XV. 2, 1 4 ; Comp. Theodoret. Tlu:rup. Serin.
8, and Suidas, who also mentions some otlier works
of his.)

4. A Stoic philosopher, who wrote a commentary
in four books on a work of Chiysippus. (Suid. s.w.

'ApiCTTOKA^S.)

5. A musician, to whom Athenaeus (iv. p. 174)
attributes a work Trept x"'/"*"'-

6. The author of an epigram in the Greek An-
thology. {Append. Epigr. n. 7, ed. Tauchnitz.)

7. The author of a work called napa5o|a, which
consisted of several books. Jacobs {ad Antliol. Gr.
xiii. p. 862) is of opinion, that he is the same as
the Messenian. Some fragments of his are pre-
served in Stobaeus {Florileg. 64, 37) and the
Scholiast on Pindar. {Olymp. vii. 66.) [L. S.]

ARl'STOCLES ( "Apjo-ro^f A.^s ), a physician,
whose medicines are several times quoted by An-
dromachus. (Ap. Gal. De Compos. Medicam. sec.
Locos, vi, 6, vol, xii, p. 936 ; Ujid. viii. 7, vol. xiii.
d, p. 205 ; De Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. vii.
7, vol. xiii. p. 977.) He is also mentioned in the
first volume of Cramer's Anealota Graeca Pari-
sicnsia, p. 395. Nothing is known of the events
of his life, but he must have lived some time in or
before the first century after Christ. [W. A. G.]

ARl'STOCLES ('Apto-ro/cA^^s), sculptors. From
different passages in Pausanias we learn the follow-
ing particulars : —

(1.) Aristocles of Cj'donia was one of the most
ancient sculptors ; and though his age could not l)e
clearly fixed, it was certain that he flourished be-
fore Zancle was called Messene (Paus. v. 25. § 6),
that is, before 494 B. c.

(2.) The starting-pillar of the Hippodrome at
Olympia was made by Cleoetas, the same sculptor
by whom there was a statue at Athens bearing
this inscription :

*Os Trjv iinrd<pe(riv 'OAv/urr/a (vparo irpuTOS
TeG|e' fie KAeoiras vlos ' ApiaroKKiovs.
(vi. 20. § 7.)

(3.) There was an Aristocles, the pupil and son
of Cleoetas. (v, 24. § 1.)

(4.) Aristocles of Sicyon was the brother of
Canachus, and not much inferior to him in reputa-
tion. This Aristocles had a pupil, Synnoon, who
was the father and teacher of Ptolichus of Aegina.
(vi. 9. § 1.) We are also told, in an epigram by
Antipater Sidonius {Greek A^ithol. ii, p, 15, no, 35,
Jacobs), that Aristocles made one of three statues
of the Muses, the other two of which were made
by Ageladas and Canachus, [Ageladas.]

(5.) Pant'as of Chios, the disciple and son of
Sostratus, was the seventh disciple reckoned in
order from Aristocles of Sicyon (Paus. vi. 3. § 4),
that is, according to a mode of reckoning which
was common with the Greeks, counting both the
first and the last of the series.

From these passages we infer, that there were
two sculptors of this name : Aristocles the elder,
who is called both a Cydonian and a Sicyonian,

ARISTOCIIATES.

probal)ly because he was born at Cydonia and
practised and taught his art in Sicyon ; and Aris-
tocles the younger, of Sicyon, who was tlie grand-
son of the former, son of Cleoetas, and brother of
Canachus : and that these artists founded a school
of sculpture at Sicyon, which secured an hereditary
reputation, and of wliich we have the heads for
seven generations, namely, Aristocles, Cleoetas,
Aristocles and Canachus, Synnoon, Ptolichus,
Sostratus, and Pantias.

There is some difficulty in determining the age
of these artists ; but, supposing the date of Cana-
chus to be fixed at about 540 — 308 B. c. [Cana-
chus], we have the date of his brother, the younger
Aristocles, and allowing 30 years to a generation,
the elder Aristocles must have lived about 600 —
.568 B. c. Bockh {Corp. Inscrip. i, p. 39) places
him immediately before the period when Zancle
was first called Messene, but there is nothing in
the words of Pausanias to require such a restric-
tion. By extending the calculation to the other
artists mentioned above, we get the following table
of dates :

1. Aristocles flourished 600 to 568 b. c.

2. Cleoetas „ 570—538 „

'■{t::^:i\ - ^«-«»» »

4. Synnoon „ 510 — 478 ,

5. Ptolichus „ 480—448 „

6. Sostratus „ 450—418 „

7. Pantias „ 420—388 „
These dates are found to agree very well with all
that we know of the artists. (See the respective
articles.) Sillig {Catal. Art. s.v.) gives a table
which does not materially differ from the above.
He calculates the dates at 564, 536, 508, 480,
452, 424, and 396 b. c. respectively. In this
computJition it has been assumed that the elder
Canachus was the brother of the younger Aristo-
cles, and that Pantias was the seventh in order
from the elder Aristocles. Any other supposition
would throw the whole matter into confusion.

Pausanias mentions, as a work of the elder
Anstocles, a group in bronze representing Hercules
struggling for a girdle with an Amazon on horse-
back, which was dedicated at Olympia by Evagoras
of Zancle (v. 25. § 6) ; and, as a work of the
younger, a group in bronze of Zeus and Ganymede,
dedicated at Olympia by Gnothis, a Thessalian.
(v. 24. § 1.) The Muse by the latter, mentioned
above (4), was in bronze, held a lyre (xfAus),
and was intended to represent the Muse of the
diatonic genus of music. [P. S.]

ARISTOCLI'DES, a painter mentioned by Pliny
(xxxv. 11. 8. 40) as one of those who deserved to
be ranked next to the masters in their art. His
age and country are unknown. He painted the
temple of Apollo at Delphi. [C. P. M.]

AHISTO'CRATES ( 'ApKXToKpdT-ns). 1 . King
of Orchomenus in Arcadia, son of Aechmis, was
stoned to death by his people for violating the
virgin-priestess of Artemis Hymnia. (Paus. viii.
5. § 8, 13. § 4.)

2. King of Orchomenus in Arcadia, son of Hice-
tis, and grandson of the preceding, was the leader
of the Arcadians in the second Messenian war,
when they espoused with other nations in the Pe-
loponnesus the side of the Messenians. He was
bribed by the Lacedaemonians, and was guilty of
treacnery at the battle of the Trench ; and when
this was discovered sonic years afterwards, he was

ARISTOCYPRUS.

'SOU

stoned to death by the Arcadians. His family
was deprived of the sovereignty according to Pau-
sanias, or completely destroyed according to Poly-
bius ; but the latter statement at all events cannot
be correct, as we find that his son Aristodamus
ruled over Orchomenus and a great part of Arca-
dia. The date of Aristocrates appears to have
been about B. c. 680 — 640. (Strab. viii. p. 362 ;
Paus. iv. 17. § 4, 22. § 2, &c., viii. 5. § 8 ; Polyb.
iv. 33 ; Plut. de sera Num. Vind. c. 2 ; Midler,
Aeyinetica, p. 65, Dor. i. 7. § 11.)

3. The son of Scellias. See below.

4. A person against whom Demosthenes wrote
an oration. He wrote it for Euthycles, who ac-
cused Aristocrates of proposing an illegal decree in
relation to Charidemus. [Charidemus.]

5. General of the Rhodians, about b. c. 154,
apparently in the war against the Cretans. (Po-
lyb. xxxiii. 9, with Scweighauser's note.)

6. An historian, the son of Hipparchus, and a
Spartan, viTote a work on Lacedaemonian affairs
(AaKcaviKd)^ of which Athenaeus (iii. p. 82, e.)
quotes the fourtli book, and which is also referred
to by Plutarch {Lycurg. 4, 31, Philop. 16), and
other writers. (Steph. s. v. 'A§duTis ; Schol. ad
Soph. Track. 270.)

ARISTO'CRATES {'ApiarTOKpar-ns), an Athe-
nian of wealth and influence (Plat. Gorg. p. 472, a.),
son of Scellias, attached himself to the oligarchical
party, and was a member of the government of the
Four Hundred, which, however, he was, together
with Theramenes, a main instrument in overthrow-
ing. (Thuc. viii. 89, 92 ; Lys. c. Erat. p. 126 ;
Demosth. c. Theocr. p. 1343.) Aristophanes {Av.
126) refers to him with a punning allusion to his
name and politics. In 407, when Alcibiades, on
his return to Athens, was made commander-in-
chief, Aristocrates and Adeimantus were elected
generals of the land forces under him. (Xen. Hell.
i. 4. § 21 ; comp. Diod. xiii. Qd ; Nep. Ale. c. 7.)
li\ the same year, Aristocrates was appointed one
of the ten commanders who superseded Alcibiades,
and he was among the six who were brought to
trial and executed after the battle of Arginusae,
B. c. 406. (Xen. Hell. i. 5. § 16, 6. § 29, 7.
§§ 2, 34 ; Diod. xiii. 74, 101.) [E. E.]

ARISTO'CRATES ('ApLffTOKpdTvs), a gram-
marian, whose remedy for the tooth-ache is pre-
served by Andromachus (ap. Gal. De Compos.
Medieam. see. Loe. v. 5, vol. xii. pp. 878, 879),
and who must therefore have lived some time in or
before the first century after Christ. He is also
mentioned in the first volume of Cramer's Anecdota
Grueca Parisiensia, p. 395. [W. A. G.]

ARISTO'CREON {'ApiaroKpeo^p), a son of the
sister of Chrysippus, and a pupil of the latter.
(Diog. Laert. vii. 185 ; Plut. de Stoic. liepttgn. p.
1033.) Whether this is the same Aristocreon, as
the one who wrote a description of the world or at
least of Egypt, is uncertain. (Plin. //. iV. v. 9. s.
10, vi. 29'. s. 35, 30. s. 35; Aelian, //. A. vii.
40.)

ARISTO'CRITUS {^ Apurr6KpiTos). 1. Father
of Lysander. [Aristoclkitus.J

2. A Greek writer upon Miletus (Schol. ad
Apoll. Rhod. i. 186), who is quoted by Parthenius
(c. 11), and Pliny. (//. A; v. 31. s. 37.)

ARISTOCY'PRUS ('ApxorrJKwpos), son of
Philocyprus, whom Solon visited, the king of Soli
in Cvprus, fell in the battle against the Persians,
B. c.'498. (Herod, v. 113.)

204

ARISTODEMUS.

ARISTODE'ME ('Apia-ToH/jL-n), a Sicyonian
woman, who, according to a local tmdition of
Sicyon. became the mother of Aratus by Asclepius,
in the form of a dragon (serpent). A painting of
her and the dragon existed at Sicyon in the tem-
ple of Asclepins. (Pans. ii. 10. § 3, iv. 14. § 5.)
A daughter of Priam of this name occurs in
ApoUod. iii. 12. § 5. [L. S.]

ARISTODE'MUS {'Api(rT6dr]fxos), a son of
Aristomachus, and a descendant of Heracles, was
married to Argeia, by whom he became the father
of Eurysihenes and Procles. According to some
traditions Aristodemus was killed at Naupactus by
a flash of lightning, just as he was setting out on
his expedition into Peloponnesus (Apollod. ii. 8. §
2, &c.), or by an arrow of Apollo at Delphi be-
cause he had consulted Heracles about the return
of the Heraclids instead of the Delphic oracle.
(Pans. iii. 1. § 5.) According to this tradition,
Eurysthenes and Procles were the first Heraclid
kings of Lacedaemon ; but a Lacedaemonian tra-
dition stated, that Aristodemus himself came to
Sparta, was the first king of his race, and died a
natural death. (Herod, vi. 52 ; Xenoph. Agesil. 8.
§ 7.) Another Hei-aclid of this name, the grand-
father of the former, is mentioned by Euripides,
{Ap. Si'Iiol. ad Find. hth. iv. 104.) [L. S.]

ARISTODE'MUS ('Apta-To'STj/xos), the Spartan,
when the last battle at Thermopylae was expected,
was lying with Eurytus sick at Alpeni ; or as others
rehited, they were together on an errand from the
camp. Eurytus returned and fell among the Three
Hundred. Aristodemus went home to Sparta.
The Spartans made him ariixos; "no man gave him
light for his fire, no man spoke with him ; he was
called Aristodemus the coward" (o Tpiaas seems
to have been the legal title ; comp. Diod. xix. 70).
Stung with his treatment, next year at Plataea,
B. c. 479, he fell in doing away his disgrace by
the wildest feats of valour. The Spartans, how-
ever, though they removed his ortjuia, refused
him a share in the honours they paid to his fel-
lows, Poseidonius, Philocyon, and Amompharetus,
though he had outdone them. (Herod. viL 229 —
231 ; see Valckn. and Bahr,a(i loc.; ix. 71 ; Suidas,
t.v. AvKovpyos.) [A. H. C]

ARISTODEMUS ( 'Apjo-toStjaios ), historical.
1. A Messenian, who appears as one of the chief
heroes in the first Messenian war. In the sixth
\-ear of that war the Messenians sent to Delphi to
consult the oracle, and the ambassador Tisis brought
back the answer, that the preservation of the Mes-
senian state demanded that a maiden of the house
of the Aepytids should be sacrificed to the gods of
the lower world. When the daughter of Lyciscus
was drawn by lot, the seer Epebolus declared that
she was a supposititious child, and not a daugh-
ter of Lyciscus. Hereupon Lyciscus left his
country and went over to the Lacedaemonians.
As, however, the oracle had added, that if,
for some reason, the maiden chosen by lot could
not be sticrificed, another might be chosen in
her stead, Aristodemus, a gallant warrior, who
likeAvise belonged to the house of the Aepytids,
came forward and offered to sacrifice his own
daughter for the deliverance of his country. A
young Messenian, however, who loved the maiden,
opposed the intention of her father, and declared
that he as her betrothed had more power over her
than her father. When this reason was not list-
ened to, his love for the maiden drove him to

ARISTODEMUS.
despair, and in order to save her life, he declared
that she was with child by him. Aristodemus,
enraged at this assertion, murdered his daughter
and opened her body to refute the calumny. The
seer Epebolus, who was present, now demanded
the sacrifice of another maiden, as the daughter of
Aristodemus had not been Siicrificed to the gods,
but murdered by her father. But king Eiiphaes
persuaded the Messenians, who, in their indigna-
tion, wanted to kill the lover, who had been the
cause of the death of Aristodemus' daughter, that
the command of the oracle was fulfilled, and as he
was supported by the Aepytids, the people accept-
ed his counsel. (Paus. iv. 9. §§ 2 — 6 ; Diodor.
Fragm. Vat. p. 7, ed. Dindorf. ; Euseb. Fruep.
Evang. v. 27.) When the news of the oracle and
the manner of its fulfilment became known at
Sparta, the Lacedaemonians were desponding, and
for five years they abstained from attacking the
Messenians, until at last some favourable signs in
the sacrifices encouraged them to undertake a fresh
campaign against Ithome. A battle was fought, in
which king Euphaes lost his life, and as he left no
heir to the throne, Aristodemus was elected king
by the Messenians, notwithstanding the opposition
of some, who declared him unworthy on account of
the murder of his daughter. This happened about
B. c. 729. Aristodemus shewed himself worthy of
the confidence placed in him : he continued the
war against the Lacedaemonians, and in B. c. 724
he gained a great victory over them. The Lace-
daemonians now endeavoured to eifect by fraud
what they had been unable to accomplish in the
field, and their success convinced Aristodemus that
his country was devoted to destruction. In his
despair he put an end to his life on the 'tomb of
his daughter, and a short time after, b. c. 722, the
^Messenians were obliged to recognize the supremacy
of the Lacedaemonians. (Paus. iv. 10 — 13.)

2. Tyrant of Cumae in Campania, a contempo-
rary of Tarquinius Superbus. His history is re-
lated at great length by Dionysius. He was of a
distinguished family, and sumamed MoAa/cos, —
respecting the meaning of which the ancients them-
selves are not agreed. By his braver}' and popular
arts, he gained the favour of the people ; and hav-
ing caused many of the nobles to be put to deatli,
or sent into exile, he made himself tyrant of Cumae,
B. c. 502. He secured his usurped power by sur-
rounding himself with a strong body-guard, b}'-
disarming the people, removing the male descend-
ants of the exiled nobles from the town, and com-
pelling them to perform servile labour in the coun-
try. In addition to this, the whole of the young
generation of Cumae were educated in an effemi-
nate and enervating manner. In this way he
maintained himself for several years, until at List
the exiled nobles and their sons, supported b}^ Cam-
panians and mercenaries, recovered the possession
of Cumae, and took cruel vengeance on Aristodemus
and his family. (Dionys. Hal. vii. p. 418, &c., ed.
Sylb. ; Diod. Fragm. Lib. vii. in the ""flxcerot. de
Virt. et Vit.;-' Suidas, s. v. 'Api(TT6Sr]iJ.os.) Accord-
ing to Plutarch {de Virt. Mulier. p. 2Ulj, he as-
sisted the Romans against the Etruscans, who
endeavoured to restore the Tarquins. According
to Livy (ii. 21), Tarquinius Superbus took refuge
at the court of this tyrant, and died there. (Comp.
Niebuhr, Hist, of Form, i, p. 553, &c.)

3. Sumamed the Small (o fiiKpos), a disciple rif
Socrates, who is reported to have had a converta-

r

ARISTODEMUS.
tion with him respecting sjicrificos and divination,
which Aristodenuis despised. (Xen. Memor. Socr.
i. 4. § 2, &c.) fie wsis a great admirer of Socrates,
whose society he sought as much as possible. He
always walked barefoot, which he seems to have
done in imitiition of Socrates. (Plat.iV/wjotis.p. 173,
Pliaed. p. 229.)

4. A tragic actor of Athens in the time of Philip
of Macedonia and Demosthenes. He took a pro-
minent part in the political affairs of his time, and
belonged to the party who saw no safety except in
peace with Macedonia. (Dem. de Coron. p. 2.32,
de Fals. Lee;, pp. .344, 371.) Pemosthenes (c. Phi-
lip, iii. p. 150) therefore treats him as a traitor to
his country. He was employed by the Athenians
in their negotiations with Philip, who was fond of
him on account of his great talent for acting, and
made use of him for his own purposes. (Dem. de
Fals. Leg. p. 442 ; comp. Cic. de Re Pull. iv. 11;
Plut. Vit. X. Orut.; Schol. ad Lucian., vol. ii. p. 7.)
There was a tragic actor of the same name at
Syracuse in the time of the first Punic war. (Liv.
xxiv. 24.)

5. Of Miletus, a friend and flatterer of Anti-
gonus, king of Asia, who sent him, in B.C. 315,
to Peloponnesus with 1000 talents, and ordered
him to maintain friendly relations with Polysper-
chon and his son Alexander, to collect as large a
body of mercenaries as possible, and to conduct the
war against Cassander. On his arrival in Laconia,
he obtained permission from the Spartans to en-
gage mercenaries in their countrj^ and thus raised
in Peloponnesus an army of 8000 men. The
friendship with Polysperchon and his son Alexan-
der was confirmed, and the former was made
governor of the peninsula. Ptolemy, who was
allied with Cassander, sent a fleet against the
general and the allies of Antigonus, and Cassander
made considerable conquests in Peloponnesus. Af-
ter his departure, Aristodemus and Alexander at
first endeavoured in common to persuade the towns
to expel the garrisons of Cassander, and recover
their independence. But Alexander soon allowed
himself to be made a traitor to the cause he had
hitherto espoused, and was rewarded by Cassander
with the chief command of his forces in the Pelo-
ponnesus. In B. c. 314, Aristodemus invited the
Aetolians to support the cause of Antigonus ; and
having raised a great number of mercenaries among
them, he attacked Alexander, who was besieging
Cyllene, and compelled him to raise the siege. He
then restored several other places, such as Patrae
in Achaia and Dymae in Aetolia, to what was then
called freedom. After this, b.c. 306, Aristode-
mus occurs once more in history. (Died. xix.
67—66 ; Plut. Demetr. 16, 17.)

6. Tyrant of Megalopolis in the reign of Anti-
gonus Gonatas, and shortly before the formation
of the Achaean league. He was a native of Phi-
galea and a son of Artyla. He was one of those
tyrants who were set up at that time in various
parts of Greece through Macedonian influence.
He was honoured by the surname XgT](n6s. In
his reign, Cleomenes of Sparta and his eldest son
Acrotatus invaded the territory of Megalopolis.
A battle was fought, in which Aristodemus de-
feated the enemy and Acrotatus was slain. (Pans,
viii, 27. § 8.) Aristodemus was assjissinated after-
wards by the emissaries of Ecdemus and Derao-
phanes, two patriotic citizens of Megalopolis, and
friends of young Philopoemen. (Plut. Philop. 1.)

ARISTODEMUS.

305

His sepulchral mound in the neighbourhood of
Megalopolis was seen as late as the tijne of Pau-
sanias, (viii. 36. § 3.) [L. S.]

ARISTODE'MUS (^ hpurro^-nfios), literary.
1. Of Nysa in Caria, was a son of Menecrates,
and a pupil of the celebrated grammarian, Aristar-
chus. (Schol. ad Find. Ncm. vii. I ; Strab. xiv.
p. 650.) He himself was a celebrated grammarian,
and Strabo in his youth was a pupil of Aristodemus
at Nysa, who was then an old man. It is not im-
probable that the Aristodemus whom the Scholiast
on Pindar {^Islh. i. 1 1 ) calls an Alexandrian, is the
same as the Nysaean, who must have resided for
some time at Alexandi*ia.

2. Of Nysa, a relation {ai'(y\ii6s) of the former,
He was younger than the former, distinguished
himself as a grammarian and rhetorician, and is
mentioned among the instructors of Pompey the
Great. During the earlier period of his life he
taught rhetoric at Nysa and Rhodes ; in his later
years he resided at Rome and instructed the sons
of Pompey in grammar. (Strab. xiv. p. 650.) One
of these two grammarians wrote an historical work
(tVTogj'at), the first book of which is quoted by
Parthenius {Erot. 8), but whether it was the work
of the elder or the younger Aristodemus, and what
was the subject of it, cannot be decided. (Comp,
Varr. de Ling. Lat. x. 75, ed. Miiller ; Schol. ad
Horn. II. ix. 354, xiii. 1.)

3. Of Elis, a Greek writer, who is referred to
by Hai'pocration (s. v. 'EKKavodiKai) as an autho-
rity respecting the number of the Hellanodicae.
He is probably the same as the one mentioned by
Tertullian (c/e An. 46) and Eusebius. {p/iron. i.
p. 37 ; comp. Syncellus, p. 370, ed. Dindorf.) An
Aristodemus is mentioned by Athenaeus (xi. p.
495) as the author of a commentary on Pindar,
and is often referred to in the Scholia on Pindar,
but whether he is the Elean or Nysaean, cannot be
decided.

4. Of Thebes (Schol. ad Tlieocnt. vii. 103),
wrote a work on his native city (©TjgaiVa), which
is often referred to by ancient authors, and
appears to have treated principally of the antiqui-
ties of Thebes. Suidas (s. r. oixoXdios Zeus, where
the name ' Api(xro(pdvTi)s has been justly corrected
into 'ApKT-Tot-rifxos) quotes the second book of this
work. (Compare Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 162,
1120, 1126, 1163; Schol. ad Apollon. JUtod. ii.
906 ; Valckenaer, ad Schol. ad Eurip. PJioen. 1 120,
p. 732.)

There are many passages in ancient authors in
which Aristodemus occurs as the name of a writer,
but as no distinguishing epithet is added to the
name in those passages, it is impossible to say
whether in any case the Aristodemus is identical
witli any of those mentioned above, or distinct
from them. Plutarch {Parallel. Miti. 35) speaks
of an Aristodemus as the author of a collection of
fables, one of which he relates. A second, as the
author of 76Aora STro/LivTjjuoj'eu^uaTa, is mentioned
by Athenaeus (vi. p. 244, viii. pp. 338, 345, xiii. p.
585). A third occurs in Clemens Alexandrinus
{Strom, i. p. 133) as the author of a work irtgi
iifyqtxdroiVy and a fourth is mentioned as the epito-
mizer of a work of Herodian, which he dedicated
to one Danaus. (Suidas, s. v. 'Apta-TdS-n/xos.) A
Platonic philosopher of the same name is mentioned
by Plutarch {adv. Colot. init.) as his contem-
porary. [L. S.]

ARISTODE'MUS ( 'Apio-ro'STjuos )» artists.

306

ARISTOGEITON.

1. A painter, the father and instructor of Nico-
machus [Nicomachus], flourished probably in the
early part of the fourth century B. c. (Plin. xxxv,
10. s. 36.)

2. A statuary, who lived after the time of Alex-
ander the Great. Among other works of his
Pliny (xxxiv. 8. s. 19) mentions a statue of king
Seleucus. To what country he belonged is un-
certain.

3. A painter, a native of Caria, contemporary
with Philostratus the elder, with whom he was
connected by the ties of hospitality. He wrote a
work giving an account of distinguished painters,
of the cities in which painting had flourished most,
and of the kings who had encouraged the art.
(Philostr. Prooem. Icon. p. 4, ed. Jacobs.) [C. P. M.]

ARISTO'DICUS ('ApiffTc^SiKos). 1. Of Cyme
in Asia Minor, and son of Heracleides, When
his fellow-citizens were advised, by an oracle, to
deliver up Pactyes to the Persians, Aristodicus dis-
suaded them from it, saying, that the oracle might
be a fabrication, as Pactyes had come to them as a
suppliant. He was accordingly sent himself to
consult the oracle ; but the answer of Apollo was
the same as before ; and when Aristodicus, in
order to avert the criminal act of surrendering a
suppliant, endeavoured in a very ingenious way,
to demonstrate to the god, that he was giving an
unjust command, the god still persisted in it, and
added, that it was intended to bring ruin upon
Cyme. (Herod, i. 158, 159.)

2. The author of two epigrams in the Greek
Anthology, in one of which he is called a Rho-
dian, but nothing further is known about him.
(Bruuck^ Analect. p. 260, comp. p. 191 ; Anthd,
Cr. vii. 189, 473.) [L. S.]

ARISTOGEITON. [Harmodius.]

ARISTOGEITON {'hpitrro-yflruv), an Athe-
nian orator and adversary of Demosthenes and
Deinarchus. His father, Scydimus, died in prison,
as he was a debtor of the state and unable to pay :
his son, Aristogeiton, who inherited the debt, was
likewise imprisoned for some time. He is called a
demagogue and a sycophant, and his eloquence is
described as of a coarse and vehement character.
(Hermog. de Form. Orat. i. p. 296, and the Scho-
liast passim ; Phot. Cod. p. 496 ; Plut. Phoc. 10 ;
Quintil. xii. 10. § 22.) His impudence drew upon
him the surname of " the dog." He was often ac-
cused by Demosthenes and others, and defended
himself in a number of orations which are lost.
Among the extant speeches of Demosthenes there
are two against Aristogeiton, and among those of
Deinarchus there is one. Suidas and Eudocia
(p. 65) mention seven orations of Aristogeiton
(comp. Phot. Cod. pp.491, 495 ; Tzetz. CM.vi.94,
&c., 105, &c. ; Harpocrat. s. w. AvTOKXelSrjs and
&4pcrai'Spos), and an eighth against Phryne is men-
tioned by Athenaeus. (xiii. p. 591.) Aristogeiton
died in prison. (Plut. Apophth. Reg. p. 188, b. ;
compare Taylor, Praef. ad Demosth. Orat. c.
Aristog. in Schaefer's Apparat. Crit. iv. p. 297,
&c. ; and Aeschin. c. Timarch. p. 22 ; S. Thorlacius,
Opiu^eul. ii. pp. 201—240.) [L. S.]

ARISTOGEITON ('ApicrToveiTwi/), a statuarjs
a native of Thebes. In conjunction with Hypato-
dorus, he was the maker of some statues of the
heroes of Argive and Theban tradition, which the
Argives had made to commemorate a victory gained
by themselves and the Athenians over the Lace-
daemonians at Oenoe in Argolis, and dedicated in

ARISTOLOCHUS.

the temple of Apollo at Delphi. (Pans. x. 10. § 3.)
The names of these two artists occur together like-
wise on the pedestal of a statue found at Delphi,
which had been erected in honour of a citizen ot
Orchomenus, who had been a victor probably in the
Pythian games. (Bockh, Corp, Inscr. 25.) We
learn from this inscription that they were both
Thebans. Pliny says (xxxiv. 8. s. 19), that Hy-
patodorus lived about 01. 102. The above-men-
tioned inscription was doubtless earlier than 01.
104, when Orchomenos was destroyed by the
Thebans.

The battle mentioned by Pausanias was probably
some skirmish in the war which followed the treaty
between the Athenians and Argives, which was
brought about by Alcibiades, b. c. 420. It appears
therefore that Aristogeiton and Hypatodorus lived
in the latter part of the fifth and the early part of
the fourth centuries B. c. Bockh attempts to shew
that Aristogeiton was the son of Hj'patodorus, but
his arguments are not very convincing. [C. P. M.]

ARISTO'GENES (^ kpiaroyh-ns), was one of
the ten commanders appointed to supersede Alci-
biades after the battle of Notium, B. c. 407. (Xen.
HeU. i. 5. § 16 ; Diod. xiii. 74 ; Plut Ale. c. 36.)
He v/as one of the eight who conquered Callicratidas
at Arginusae, b. c. 406 ; and Protomachus and
himself, by not returning to Athens after the bat-
tle, escaped the fate of their six colleagues, though
sentence of condemnation was passed against them
in their absence. (Xen. Hdl. i. 7. §§ 1, 34 ; Diod.
xiii. 101.) [E. E.]

ARISTO'GENES ('Apjo-T07ev7js), the name of
two Greek physicians mentioned by Suidas, of
whom one was a native of Thasos, and wrote
several medical works, of which some of the titles
are preserved. The other was a native of Cnidos,
and was servant to Chrysippus, the philosopher,
according to Suidas ; or rather, as Galen says {de
Ven. Sect. adv. Erasistr. Rom. Deg. c. 2, de Cur.
Rat. per Ven. Sect. c. 2, vol xi. pp. 197, 252), he
was a pupil of the physician of that name, and af-
terwards became physician to Antigonus Gonatas,
king of Macedonia, b. c. 283 — 239. A physician
of this name is quoted by Celsus, and Pliny.
Hardouin (in his Index of authors quoted by
Pliny) thinks that the two physicians mentioned
by Suidas were in fact one and the same person,
and that he was called " Cnidius" from the place
of his birth, and " Thasius " from his residence ;
this, however, is quite uncertain. (Fabric. Biht. Gr,
vol. xiii. p. 83, ed. vet. ; Klihn, Additam. ad Elen-
clium Medicor. Veter. aJo. A. Fabricio.,^c. eahihitum^
Lips. 1826, 4to., fascic. iii. p. 10.) [W.A.G.]

ARISTOLAUS, a painter, the son and scholar
of Pausias. [Pausias.] He flourished therefore
about 01. 118, B. c. 308. Pliny (xxxv. 11. s. 40)
mentions several of his works, and characterises
his stvle as in the highest degree severe. [C. P.M.]

ARISTO'LOCHUS ( 'Apto-ro'Aoxos ), a tragic
poet, who is not mentioned anywhere except in the
collection of the Epistles formerly attributed to
Phalaris {Epist. 18, ed. Lennep.), where the
tyrant is made to speak of him with indignation
for venturing to compete with him in writing
tragedies. But with the genuineness of those
epistles the existence of Aristolochus must fall to
the ground, and Bentley {Plialaris, p. 260) has
shewn, that if Aristolochus were a real personage,
this tragic writer must have lived before tragedy
was known. [L. S.]

I

ARISTOMACHUS.

ARTSTO'MACHE CApicrroiMixv). 1. The
daiitrhter of Ilipparinus of Symcuse, and the sister
of Dion, was married to the elder Dionysius on
the same day that he married Doris of Locri.
She bore him two sons and two daughters, witli
one of whom, namely Arete, she afterwards
perished. (Plut. Dion, 3, 6 ; Diod. xiv. 44, xvi.
6 ; Aelian, V. JI. xiii. 1 0, who erroneously calls
her Aristaenete ; Cic. Tttsc. v. 20 ; Val. Max. ix.
13, ext. 4.) Respecting her death, see Arete.

2. Of Erj'thrae, a poetess, who conquered at the
Isthmian games, and dedicated in the treasury of
Sicyon a golden book, that is, probablj* one written
with golden letters. (Plut. St/mp. v. 2. § 10.)

ARISTO'MACHUS ('AptffToVaxos). 1- A
son of Talaus and Lysimache, and brother of
Adrastus. (Apollod, i. 9. § 13.) He was the
father of Hippomedon, one of the seven heroes
against Thebes. (Apollod. iii. 6. § 3.) Hyginus
(fhb. 70) makes Hippomedon a son of a sister of
Adrastus. (Comp. Paus. x. 10. § 2.)

2. A son of Cleodemus or Cleodaeus, and great-
grandson of Heracles, was the father of Temenus,
Cresphontes, and Aristodemus. He marched into
Peloponnesus at the time when Tisaraenus, the
son of Orestes, ruled over the Peninsula; but his
expedition failed as he had misunderstood the
oracle, and he fell in battle. (Apollod. ii. 8. § 2 ;
Paus. ii. 7. § 6; Herod, vi. 52.) Another Aris-
tomachus occurs in Paus. vi. 21. § 7. [L. S.]

ARISTO'MACHUSCApjjrrJ/iaxos). 1. Tyrant
of Argos, in the reign and under the patronage of
Antigonus Gonatas. He kept the citizens of
Argos in a defenceless condition, but a conspiracy
was formed against him, and arms were secretly
introduced into the town by a contrivance of
Aratus, who wished to gain Argos for the Achaean
league. The plot was discovered, and the persons
concerned in it took to flight. But Aristomachus
was soon after assassinated by slaves, and was suc-
ceeded by Aristippus II. (Plut. Arat. 25.)

2. Succeeded Aristippus II. in the tyranny
of Argos, apparently towards the end of the reign
of Demetrius, (b. c. 240 — 230.) He seems to
have been reliited to some of his predecessors in
the tyranny of Argos. (Polyb. ii. 59.) After the
death of Demetrius, B. c. 229, he resigned his
power, as Lydiades had done before, and several
others did now, for the influence of Macedonia in
Peloponnesus had nearly ceased, and the Aetolians
were allied with the Achaeans. Aristomachus
had been persuaded to this step by Aratus, who
gave him fifty talents that he might be able to pay
off and dismiss his mercenaries. Argos now joined
the Achae.an league, and Aristomachus was chosen
Btrategus of the Achaeans for the year B. c. 227.
(Plut. Arat. 35 ; Polyb. iu 44 ; Paus. ii. 8. § 5 ;
Plut. Cleom. 4.) In this capacity he undertook
the command in the war against Cleomenes of
Sparta, but he seems to have been checked by the
jealousy of Aratus, in consequence of which he
afterwards deserted the cause of the Achaeans and
went over to Cleomenes, who with his assistance
took possession of Argos. Aristomachus now again
assiuned the tyranny at Argos. Aratus tried in
vain to recover that city for the Achaean league,
and the consequence only was, that the tyrant
ordered 80 distinguished Argives to be put to death,
as they were suspected of being favourable to-
wards the Achaeans. Not long afterwards, how-
ever, Argos was taken by Antigonus Doson, whose

ARISTOMENES.

307

assistance Aratus had called in. Aristomachus
fell into the hands of the Achaeans, who strangled
him and threw him into the sea at Cenchreae.
(Polyb. ii. 59, 60; Plut Arat. 44; Schom, Ge-
schvMe Griechenl. p. 118, note 1.)

3. The leader of the popular party at Croton, in
the Hannibalian war, about B. c. 215. At that
time nearly all the towns of southern Italy were
divided into two parties, the people being in favour
of the Carthaginians, and the nobles or senators in
favour of the Romans. The Bruttians, who were
in alliance with the Carthaginians, had hoped to
gain possession of Croton with their assistance.
As this had not been done, they determined to
make the conquest by themselves. A deserter
from Croton informed them of the state of political
parties there, and that Aristomachus was ready
to surrender the town to them. The Bruttians
marched with an army against Croton, and as the
lower parts, which were inhabited by the people,
were open and easy of access, they soon gained
possession of them. Aristomachus, however, as if
he had nothing to do with the Bruttians, withdrew
to the arx, where the nobles were assembled and
defended themselves. The Bruttians in conjunc-
tion with the people of Croton besieged the nobles
in the arx, and when they found that they made
no impression, they applied to Hanno the Cartha-
ginian for assistance. He proposed to the Croto-
niats to receive the Bruttians as colonists within
the extensive but deserted walls of their city ; but
all the Crotoniats, with the exception of Aristoma-
chus, declared that they would rather die than sub-
mit to this. As Aristomachus, who had betrayed
the town, was unable to betray the arx also, he
saw no way but to tjike to flight, and he accord-
ingly went over to Hanno. The Crotoniats soon
after quitted their town altogether and migrated
to Locri. (Liv. xxiv. 2, 3.)

4. A Greek writer on agriculture or domestic
economy, who is quoted several times by Pliny.
(//. A^. xiii. 47, xiv. 24, xix. 26. § 4.) [L. S.]

ARISTO'MACHUS('Apj(rr<5(Uoxoy),ast;ituary,
bom on the banks of the Strjnmon, made statues
of courtezans. His age is not known. (AnthoL
Palat. vi. 268.) [C. P. M.]

ARISTOME'DES ('ApjcrTo/iTfSTjs), a statuary,
a native of Thebes, and a contemporary' of Pindar.
In conjunction with his fellow-townsman Socrates,
he made a statue of Cybele, which was dedicated
by Pindar in the temple of that goddess, near
Thebes. (Paus. ix. 25. § 3.) [C. P. M.]

ARISTO'MEDON {'Api(TTOfx45a>p\ an Argive
statuary, who lived shortly before the Persian wars,
made some statues dedicated by the Phocians at
Delphi, to commemorate their victory over the Thes-
salians. (Paus. x. 1. §§ 3—10.) [C. P. M.]

ARISTO'MENES {'ApiaronevTis), the Messe-
nian, the hero of the second war with Sparta, has
been connected by some writers with the first war
(Myron, ap. Fans. iv. 6 ; Diod. Sic. xv. 66, Fragin,
X.), but in defiance apparently of all tradition.
(Tyrt. ap. Paus. I. c. ; Muller, Dor. i. 7. § 9.) For
the events of his life our main authority is Pausa-
nias, and he appears to have principally followed
Rhianus the Cretan, the author of a lost epic poem,
of which Aristomenes was the hero. (Paus. iv 6.)
The life of Aristomenes, therefore, belongs more to
legend than to history, though the truth of its
general outline may be depended on. (Paus. iv. 22 ;
Polyb. iv. 33.)

308

ARISTOMENES.

Tmrty-nine* years had elapsed sipce the capture
of Ithome and the end of the first Messenian war,
when the spirit of Messenia, chafing nnder a de-
grading yoke (Polyb. iv, 32 ; Justin, iii. 5 ; Tyrt.
ap. Pans. iv. 14), and eager for revolt, found a
leader in Aristomenes of Andania, sprung from the
royal line of Aepytus, and even referred by legen-
dary tradition to a miraculous and superhuman
origin. (Pans. iv. 14.) Having gained promises of
assistance from Argos, Arcadia, Sicyon, Elis, and
Pisa (Pans. iv. 15 ; Strab. viii. p. 362), the hero
began the war, B. c. 685. The first battle at
Derae, before the arrival of the allies on either
side, was indecisive; but Aristomenes so distin-
guished himself there by his valour, that he was
offered the throne, but refused it, and received the
office of supreme commander. This was followed
by a remarkable exploit. Entering Sparta by
night, he affixed a shield to the temple of Athena
of the Brazen House (XoA/cfotKos), with the in-
scription, "Dedicated by Aristomenes to the god-
dess from the Spartan spoils." The next year, he
utterly defeated the enemy at the battle of the
Boar's Pillar {Kdirpov crTj^a), a place in the region
of Stenyclerus, at which the allies on both sides
were present, and the hosts were animated respec-
tively by the exhortations of Tyrtaeus and the
Messenuin Hierophants. (Paus. iv. 16 ; Miiller,
Dor. i. 5. § 1 6, i. 7. § 9, note, ii. 10. § 3.) His
next exploit was the attack and plunder of Pharae
(Pharis, //. ii. 582) ; and it was only the warning
voice of Helen and the Twin Brothers, visiting
him in a dream, that saved Sparta itself from his
assault. But he surprised by an ambush the
Laconian maidens who were celebrating at Carj-^ae
with dances the worship of Artemis, and carried
them to Messenia, and himself protected them
jfrom the violence of his followers, and restored
them, for ransom, uninjured. Next came, in the
third year of the war, at which point the poem of
Rhianus began, the battle of the Trench {(x^ydKri
rd<ppos), where, through the treachery of Aristo-
crates, the Arcadian leader, Aristomenes suffered
his first defeat, and the Messenian army was cut
almost to pieces. (Paus. iv. 17.) But the hero
gathered the remnant to the mountain fortress of
Eira, and there maintained the war for eleven
years (Rhian. ap. Paus. iv. 17), and so ravaged
the land of Laconia, that the Spartans decreed
that the border should be left im tilled. In one of
his incursions, however, they met and overpowered
him with superior numbers, and carrying him with
fifty of his comrades to Sparta, cast them into the
pit (/ceoSas) where condemned criminals were
thrown. The rest perished ; not so Aristomenes,
the favourite of the gods ; for legends told how an
eagle bore him up on its wings as he fell, and a
fox guided him on the third day from the cavern.
The enemy could not believe that he had returned
to Eira, till the destruction of an army of Corin-
thians, who were coming to the Spartans' aid,
convinced them that Aristomenes was indeed once
more amongst them. And now it was that he
offered for a second time to Zeus of Ithome the
sacrifice for the slaughter of a hundred enemies
(iKarofKpovia, cnrap. Plut. Bom. c. 25). The
Hyacintiiian festival coming on at Sparta, a truce

* This date is from Paus. iv. 15 ; but see Jus-
tin, iii. 5 ; Mull. Dor. i. 7, 10, Append, ix., Hist.
o/Gr. Lit. c. 10. § 5 ; Clint. Fast. i. p. 256.

ARISTOMENES.

was made, and Aristomenes, wandering on the
faith of it too far from Eira, was seized by some
Cretan bowmen (mercenaries of Sparta) and placed
in bonds, but again burst them, and slew his foes
through the aid of a maiden who dwelt in the
house where they lodged him, and whom he be-
trothed in gratitude to his son Gorgus. But the
anger of the Twins was roused against him, for he
was said to have counterfeited them, and polluted
with blood a Spartan festival in meir honour.
(Thirlwall, Gr. Hid. vol. i. p. 364 ; Polyaen. xi.
31.) So the favour of heaven was turned from his
country, and the hour of her fall came. A wild
fig-tree, called in the Messenian dialect by the
same name that also means a goat (rpdyos), which
overhung the Neda, touched at length the water
with its leaves, and Theoclus the seer privately
warned Aristomenes that the Delphic oracle was
accomplished, which after the battle of the Trench
had thus declared (Paus. iv. 20) :
eare rpdyos irivrjcri Ne'Srjs 4XtK6^l>oov uSwp,
ovK exi Meaai^vqu pvo^jicu,, ax^^uQef ydp o\idpos.

Sparta, therefore, was to triumph ; but the future
revival of Messenia had been declared in the pro-
phecies of Lycus, son of Pandion (Paus. iv, 20,
26, X. 12) to depend on the preservation of a sa-
cred tablet, whereon were described the forms of
worship to Demeter and Persephone, said to have
been brought of old by the priestly hero Caucon
from Eleusis to Messenia. (Paus. iv. 26.) This
holy treasure Aristomenes secretly buried in
Ithome, and then returned to Eira prepared for
the worst Soon after, the Spartans surprised Eira
by night, while Aristomenes was disabled by a
wound, even as though it had been impossible for
Messenia to fall while her hero watched ; yet for
three days and nights (though he knew the will of
the gods, and was fighting against hope) he main-
tained the struggle with his thinned and fainting
band, and at length, forming the remnant into a
hollow square, with the women and children in
the midst, he demanded and obtained a free pas-
sage from the enemy. (Paus. iv. 20, 21.) Arriving
safely and receiving a hospitable welcome in Arca-
dia, he formed a plan for surprising and assaulting
Sparta, but was again betrayed by Aristocrates :
him his countrvTuen stoned for his treachery, while
Aristomenes, gentle as brave, wept for the traitor's
fate. (Paus. iv. 22 ; Polyb. iv. 33 ; but see Mull.
Dor. i. 7. § 11.) Yet he could not bear to relin-
quish the thought of war with Sparta, and he re-
fused therefore to take the lead of the band which,
under his sons, went and settled at Rhegium. He
obtained, however, no opportunity for vengeance ;
it was not in his life that retribution was to come ;
but while he was consulting the Delphic oracle,
Damagetus, king of lalysus in Rhodes, being there
at the same time, was enjoined by the god "to
marry the daughter of the best of the Greeks."
Such a command, he thought, could have but one
interpretation ; so he took to wife the daughter of
Aristomenes, who accompanied him to Rhodes,
and there ended his days in peace. The Rhodians
raised to him a splendid monument, and honoured
him as a hero, and from him were descended the
illustrious family of the Diagoridae. (Paus. iv. 24 ;
Pind. 01. vii. ; Mlill. Dor. i. 7. § 11.) His bones
were said to have been brought back to Messenia
(Paus. iv. 32) ; his name still lived in the hearts
of his worshipping countrymen ; and later legends

ARISTOMENES.
told, when Mcssenia had once more regained her
place among the nations (b. c. 870), how at Leuc-
tra the apparition of Aristomenes had been seen,
aiding the Theban host and scattering the bands of
Sparta. (Pans. iv. 32. J [E. K]

ARISTO'MENES {'Apiarofiivrjs). 1. A
comic poet of Athens. He belonged to the ancient
Attic comedy, or more correctly to the second class
of the poets constituting the old Attic comedy.
For the ancients seem to distinguish the comic poets
who flourished before the Peloponnesian war from
those who lived during that war, and Aristomenes
belonged to the latter. (Suidas, s. v. 'Apiaro-
fihr)s ; Eudocia, p. 65 ; Argum. ad Aristoph.
Equit.) He was sometimes ridiculed by the sur-
name 0 SupoTTOio's, which may have been derived from
the circumstance that either he himself or his father,
at one time, was an artizan, perhaps a carpenter.
As early as the year b. c. 425, he brought out a
piece called iJA.o^('poi, on the same occasion that
the Equites of Aristophanes and the Satyri of
Cratinus were performed; and if it is true that
another piece entitled Admetus was performed at
the same time with the Plutus of Aristophanes, in
B. c. 389, the dramatic career of Aristomenes was
very long. {Axgwm. ad Aiistoph. Plut.) But we
know of only a few comedies of Aristomenes;
Meineke conjectures that the Admetus was brought
out together with the first edition of Aristophanes'
Plutus, an hypothesis based upon very weak
grounds. Of the two plays mentioned no frag-
ments are extant; besides these we know the
titles and possess a few fragments of three others,
viz. 1. Borjflot, which is sometimes attributed to
Aristophanes, the names of Aristomenes and Aristo-
phanes being often confoimded in the MSS. 2.
roTjres, and 3. Ai6vvaos atr/CTjTTjs. There are also
three fragments of which it is uncertain whether
they belong to any of the plays here mentioned,
or to others, the titles of which are unknown.
(Athen. i. p. 11 ; Pollux, vii. 167 ; Harpocrat. s.
V. fxeTo'iKiov. Comp. Meineke, Quaest. Seen. Spec.
ii. p. 48, &c.. Hist. Crit. Com. Gr. p. 210, &c.)

2. An actor of the old Attic comedy, who lived
in the reign and was a freed-man of the emperor
Hadrian, who used to call him 'ArTiffOTre^Stl. He
was a native of Athens, and is also mentioned as
the author of a work irpos tccs hpovpyias, the
third book of which is quoted by Athenaeus. (iii.
p. 115.) He is perhaps the same as the one men-
tioned by the Scholiast on ApoUonius Rhodius.
(i. 164.)

3. A Greek writer on agriculture, who is men-
tioned by Varro (de Be Bust. i. 1 ; Columella, i.
1 ) among those whose native place was unknown.

4. An Acarnanian, a friend and flatterer of the
contemptible Agathocles, who for a time had the
government of Egypt in the name of the young
king Ptolemy V. (Euergetes.) During the admi-
nistration of Agathocles Aristomenes was all-pow-
erful, and when the insurrection against Agathocles
broke out in B. c. 205, Aristomenes was the only
one among his friends who ventured to go and try
to pacify the rebellious Macedonians. But this
attempt was useless, and Aristomenes himself nar-
rowly escaped being murdered by the insurgents.
After Agathocles was put to death, Tlepolemus,
who had headed the insurrection, was appointed
regent. But about b. c. 202, Aristomenes
contrived to get the regency and distinguish-
ed himself now by the energy and wisdom of

ARISTON.

309

his administration no less than previously by his
faithfulness to Agathocles. Scopas and Dicaear-
chus, two powerful men, who ventured to oppose
his government, were put to death by his com-
mand. Towards the young king, Aristomenes
was a frank, open, and sincere councillor ; but as
the king grew up to manhood, he became less and
less able to bear the sincerity of Aristomenes,
who was at last condemned to death, in b. c. 192.
(Polyb. XV. 31, xviii. 36, &c. ; Diod. Excerpt,
lib. xxix., de Virt. et Vit. p. 573 ; Plut. de Discern,
Aduiat. 32.) [L. S.]

ARISTO'MENES, a painter, bom at Thasos,
is mentioned by Vitruvius (iii. Prooem. § 2), but
did not attain to any distinction. fC. P. M.]

ARISTON (^hplarwv), king of Sparta, 14th of
the Eurypontids, son of Agesicles, contemporary of
Anaxandrides, ascended the Spartan throne before
B. c. 560, and died somewhat before (Pans. iii. 7), or
at any rate not long after, 510. He thus reigned
about 50 years, and was of high reputation, of
v/hich the public prayer for a son for him, when
the house of Procles had other representatives, is a
testimony. Demaratus, hence named, was borne
him, after two barren marriages, by a third wife,
whom he obtained, it is said, by a fraud from her
husband, his friend, Agetus. (Herod, i. ^5., vi. 61 —
GQ ; Pans. iii. 7.§ 7; Plut. Apophth. Lac.) [A.H. C]

ARISTON ("Apto-Twj/), son of Pyrrhichus, a Co-
rinthian, one of those apparently who made their
way into Syracuse in the second year of the Sici-
lian expedition, 414 B. c, is named once by Thu-
cydides, in his account of the sea-fight preceding
the arrival of the second armament (413 B. c), and
styled the most skilful steersman on the side of the
Syracusans. He suggested to them the stratagem
of retiring early, giving the men their meal on the
shore, and then renewing the combat unexpectedly,
which in that battle gave them their first naval
victory, (vii. 39 ; comp. Polyaen. v. 13.) Plu-
tarch {Nicias, 20, 25) and Diodorus (xiii. 10) as-
cribe to him further the invention or introduction at
Syracuse of the important alterations in the build
of their galleys' bows, mentioned by Thucydides
(vii. 34), and said by him to have been previously
used by the Corinthians in the action off Erineus.
Plutarch adds, that he fell when the victory was just
won, in the last and decisive sea-fight. [A. H. C]

ARISTON ('Api'oTwj/), histox-ical. 1. Was
sent out by one of the Ptolemies of Egypt to ex-
plore the western coast of Arabia, which derived
its name of Poseideion from an altar which Ariston
had erected there to Poseidon. (Diod. iii. 41.)

2. A strategus of the Aetolians in b. c. 221, who,
labouring under some bodily defect, left the com-
mand of the troops to Scopas and Dorimachus,
while he himself remained at home. Notwith-
standing the declarations of the Achaeans to regard
every one as an enemy who should trespass upon
the territories of Messenia or Achaia, the Aetolian
commanders invaded Peloponnesus, and Ariston
was stupid enough, in the face of this fact, to
assert that the Aetolians and Achaeans were at
peace with each other. (Polyb. iv. 5, 9, 17.)

3. The leader of an insurrection at Cyrene in
B. c. 403, who obtained possession of the town and
put to death or expelled all the nobles. The latter
however afterwards became reconciled to the
popular party, and the powers of the government
were divided between the two parties. (Diod. xiv.
34 ; comp. Paus. iy. 26. § 2.)

310

ARISTON.

4. Of Megalopolis, v/ho, at the outbreak of the
war of the Komans against Perseus in B. c. 170,
advised the Achaeans to join the Romans, and not
to remain neutral between the two belligerent par-
ties. In the year following, he was one of the
Achaean ambassadors, who were sent to bring
about a peace between Antiochus III. and Ptolemy
Philopator. (Polyb. xxviii. 6, xxix. 10.)

5. A Rhodian, who was sent, in the spring of
B. c. 170, with several others as ambassador to
the Roman consul, Q. Marcius Philippus, in Mace-
donia, to renew the fiiendship with the Romans,
and clear his countrymen from the charges which
had been brought against them ly some persons.
(Polyb. xxviii. 14.)

6. Of Tyre, who appears to have been a friend
of Hannibal. When the latter was staying at the
court of Antiochus and meditated a fresh war
against the Romans, he despatched Ariston to Car-
thage to rouse his friends there. Hannibal, how-
ever, lest the messenger should be intercepted,
gave him nothing in writing. On Ariston's arrival
at Carthage, the enemies of Hannibal soon conjec-
tured the object of his presence from his frequent
interviews with the men of the other party. The
suspicions were at last loudly expressed, and Aris-
ton was summoned to explain the objects of his
visit. The explanations given were not very sa-
tisfactory, and the trial was deferred till the next
day. But in the night Ariston embarked and fled,
leaving behind a letter which he put up in a pub-
lic place, and in which he declared that the com-
munications he had brought were not for any pri-
vate individual, but for the senate. Respecting
the consequences of this stratagem, see Liv. xxxiv.
61, 6*2. Compare Appian, St/r. 8; Justin, xxxi.
4. [L. S.]

ARISTON ('Apro-Tftj*/), literary. 1. A son of
Sophocles by Theoris. (Suidas, s. v. 'lo<pciiv.) He
had a son of the name of Sophocles, who is said to
have brought out, in B. c. 401, the Oedipus in
Colonus of his grandfather Sophocles. (Argum. ad
St^h. Oed. Col. p. 12, ed. Wunder.) Whether he
is the same as the Ariston who is called a writer
of tragedies (Diog. Laert. vii. 164), and one of
whose tragedies was directed against Mnesthenus,
cannot be said with any certainty, though Fabri-
cius {Bibl. Gr. ii. p. 287) takes it for granted.

2. A friend of Aristotle, the philosopher, to
whom he is said to have addressed some letters.
(Diog. Laert. v. 27.)

3. A Peripatetic philosopher and a native of the
island of Ceos, where his birthplace was the toAvn
of Julis, whence he is sometimes called Kelos and
sometimes '\ovKi-/itt]s. He was a pupil of Lycon
(Diog. Laert. v. 70, 74), who was the successor of
Straton as the head of the Peripatetic school, about
B. c. 270. After the death of Lycon, about B. c.
230, Ariston succeeded him in the management of
the school. Ariston, who was, according to Cicero
{de Fin. v. 5), a man of taste and elegance, was
yet deficient in gravity and energy, which pre-
vented his writings acquiring that popularity which
they otherwise deserved, and may have been one
of the causes of their neglect and loss to us. In
his philosophical views, if we may judge from the
scanty fragments still extant, he seems to have
followed his master pretty closely. Diogenes
Laertius (vii. 163), after enumerating the woriis
of Ariston of Chios, says, that Panaetius and
Sosicrates attributed all these works, except the

ARISTON.

letters, to the Peripatetic Ariston (of Ceos). How
far this opinion is correct, we cannot, of course,
say; at any rate, however, one of those works,
^EpwTiKal diaTpi€ai, is repeatedly ascribed to the
Cean by Athenaeus (x. p. 419, xiii. p. 563, xv.
p. 674), who calls it 'EpwriKci ofwla. One work
of the Cean not mentioned by Diogenes, was en-
titled Av/ccoj/ {^Iwi. de Aud. poet. 1), in gratitude
to his master. There are also two epigrams in the
Greek Anthology (vi. 303, and vii. 457), which
are commonly attributed to Ariston of Ceos,
though there is no evidence for it. (Compare J.
G. Hubmann, Ariston von Keos, der Peripatetikery
in Jahn's Jahrb.fur Philol. 3d supplementary vol.
Leipz. 1835 ; Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. iii. p. 467, &x. ;
Jacobs, ad Anthol. xiii. p. 861.)

4. Of Alexandria, likewise a Peripatetic philoso-
pher, was a contemporary of Strabo, and wrote a
work on the Nile. (Diog. Laert. vii. 164; Strab.
xvii. p. 790.) Eudorus, a contemporary of his,
wrote a book on the same subject, and the two
works were so much alike, that the authors charged
each other with plagiarism. Who was right is not
said, though Strabo seems to be inclined to think
that Eudorus was the guilty party. (Hubmann,
/. c. p. 104.)

5. Of Pella in Palestine, lived in the time of
the emperor Hadrian or shortly after, as is inferred
from his writing a work on the insurrection of the
Jews, which broke out in the reign of this em-
peror. (Euseb. H. E. iv. 6 ; Niceph. Callist. Hist.
Ecd. iii. 24.) He also wrote a work entitled
SiaAe|is YVa-nioKov KoiX 'lao-oi/os, that is, a dialogue
between Papiscus, a Jew, and Jason, a Jewish
Christian, in which the former became convinced
of the truth of the Christian religion. (Origen. c.
Ckls. iv. p. 199; Hieronym. JEpisf. cwi Galat. iii.
13.) It was translated at an early time into Latin
by one Celsus, but, with the exception of a few
fragments, it is now lost. The introduction writ-
ten to it by the translator is still extant, and is
printed in the Oxford edition of the " Opuscula"
of Cyprian (p. 30) and elsewhere. (Hubmann,
I. c. p. 105.)

6. Of Alaea ('AAotei/s), a Greek rhetorician who
wrote, according to Diogenes Laertius (vii. 164)
scientific treatises on rhetoric. Another rhetorician
of the same name, a native of Gerasa, is mentioned
by Stephanus of Byzantium, (s. v. Fepaaa.)

The name of Axiston occurs very frequently in
ancient writers, and it has been calculated that about
thirty persons of this name may be distinguished ;
but of most of them we know nothing but the
name. They have often been confounded with
one another both by ancient and modem writers,
particularly Ariston of Chios and Ariston of Ceos.
(Sintenis, ad Plut. Themist. 3, and especially the
treatise of Hubmann referred to above.) [L. S.]

ARIS'TON ('Apio-Twj'), son of Miltiades, born
in the island of Chios, a Stoic and disciple of Zeno,
flourished about B. c. 260, and was therefore con-
temporary with Epicurus, Aratus, Antigonus Go-
natas, and with the first Punic war. Though he
professed himself a Stoic, yet he differed from Zeno
in several points; and indeed Diogenes Laertius (vii.
160, &c.) tells us, that he quitted the school of Zeno
for that of Polemo the Platonist. He is said to have
displeased the former by his loquacity, — a quality
which others prized so highly, that he acquired the
surname of Siren, as a master of persuasive elo-
quence. He was also called Phalanius, from his

ARISTON.

baldness. He rejected all branches of philosophy
but ethics, considering physiology as beyond man's
powers, and logic as unsuited to them. Even with
regard to ethics, Seneca {Ep. 8.9) complains, that
he deprived them of all their practical side, a sub-
ject which he said belonged to the schoolmaster
rather than to the philosopher. The sole object,
therefore, of ethics was to shew wherein the su-
preme good consists, and this he made to be
ddiacpopia, i. e. entire indiiference to everything
except virtue and vice. (Cic. Acad. ii. 42.) All
external things therefore were in his view perfectly
indifferent ; so that he entirely rejected Zeno's dis-
tinction between the good and the preferable {rd
irpo7}yfieva)^ i. e. whatever excites desire in the in-
dividual mind of any rational being, without being
in itself desirable or good, and of which the pure
Stoical doctrine permitted an account to be taken
in the conduct of human life. (Cic. Fin. iv. 25.)
But this notion of Trpor}yfieva was so utterly re-
jected by Ariston, that he held it to be quite in-
different whether we are in perfect health, or
afflicted by the severest sickness (Cic. Fin. ii. 1 3) ;
whereas of virtue he declared his wish that even
beasts could understand words which would excite
them to it. (Plut. Maxime c. Princip. Philosopho
esse diss. § 1.) It is, however, obvious that those
who adopt this theory of the absolute indifference
of everything but virtue and vice, in fact take
away all materials for virtue to act upon, and con-
fine it in a state of mere abstraction. This part of
Ariston's system is purely cynical, and perhaps he
wished to shew his admiration for that philosophy,
by opening his school at Athens in the Cynosarges,
where Antisthenes had taught. [Antisthenes.]
He also differed with Zeno as to the plurality of
virtues, allowing of one only, which he called the
health of the soul {liyeiav dvojxa^e^ Plut. Virt. Mor.
2). This appears to follow from the cynical parts
of his system, for by taking away all the objects
of virtue, he of course deprives it of variety ; and
so he based all morality on a well-ordered mind.
Connected with this is his paradox. Sapiens non
opinatur — the philosopher is free from all opinions
(since they would be liable to disturb his unruffled
equanimity) ; and this doctrine seems to disclose a
latent tendency to scepticism, which Cicero appears
to have suspected, by often coupling him with
Pyrrho. In conformity with this view, he des-
pised Zeno's physical speculations, and doubted
whether God is or is not a living Being. (Cic. Nat.
Deor. i. 14.) But this apparently atheistic dogma
perhaps only referred to the Stoical conception of
God, as of a subtle fire dwelling in the sky and
diffusing itself through the universe. [Zeno.] He
may have meant merely to demonstrate his posi-
tion, that physiology is above the human intellect,
by shewing the impossibility of certainly attribut-
ing to this pantheistic essence, form, senses, or life.
( Brucker, Hist. Crit.FhU. ii. 2, 9 ; Bitter, Geschichte
der Phil. xi. 5, 1.)

Ariston is the founder of a small school, opposed
to that of Herillus, and of which Diogenes Laertius
mentions Diphilus and Miltiades as members. We
learn from Athenaeus (vii. p. 281), on the authority
of Eratosthenes and ApoUophanes, two of his pu-
pils, that in his old age he abandoned himself to
pleasure. He is said to have died of a coup de
iuieil. Diogenes (/. c.) gives a list of his works,
but says, that all of them, except the Letters to
Cleauthes, were attributed by I'auuotius (u.c. 143)

ARISTONICUS.

311

and Sosicrates (b. c. 200-128) to another Ariston,
a Peripatetic of Ceos, with whom he is often con-
founded. Nevertheless, we find in Stobaeus {Serm.
iv. 110, &c.) fragments of a work of his called
d/xotufxara. [G. E. L. C]

ARISTON {'Aplffruv), a physician, of whose
life no particulars are known, but who probably
lived in the fifth century b. c, as Galen mentions
him (Comment, in Hippocr. "2)e Rat. Vict, in Morb.
Acut." i. 17, vol. XV. p. 455) with three other phy-
sicians, who all (he says) lived in old times, some
as contemporaries of Hippocrates, and the others
before him. Galen also says that he was by some
persons supposed to be the author of the work in
the Hippocratic Collection entitled Uepl AiaiTrjs
'Tyieivrjs, de SalvJyri Victus Rations. {I. c. ; De Aliment.
Facult. i. 1, vol. vi. p. 473 ; Comment, in Hippocr.
^^Aphor.''"' vi. 1, vol. xviii. pt.i. p. 9.) A medical pre-
paration by a person of the same name is quoted by
Celsus (De Medic, v. 18. p. 88) and Galen. (De Com-
pos. Medicam. sec. Locos, ix. 4. vol. xiii. p. 28 1 .) The
Ariston of Chios, mentioned by Galen (De Hippocr.
et Plat. Decret. v. 5, vii. 1, 2, vol. v. pp. 468, 589,
596), is a different person. [W. A. G.]

ARISTON. 1. A celebrated silver-chaser and
sculptor in bronze, bom at My tilene. His time is un-
known. (Plin. xxxiii. 55, xxxiv. 19. § 25.)

2. A painter, the son and pupil of Aristei-
des of Thebes [Aristeides], painted a satyr
holding a goblet and crowned with a garland. An-
torides and Euphranor were his disciples. (Plin.
XXXV. 36. § 23.) [P. S.]

ARISTON ( Apiarav) and TELESTAS (Te-
Aeo-ras), brothers, were the sculptors of a colossal
statue of Zeus which the Cleitorians dedicated at
Olympia from the spoils of many captured cities.
The statue with its pedestal was about eighteen
Greek feet high. It bore an inscription, which is
given by Pausanias, but in a mutilated state.
(Pans. V. 23. § 6.) [P. S.]

ARISTONI'CUS ('ApiffrSvLKos). 1. A tyrant
of Methymnae in Lesbos. In B. c. 332, when the
navarchs of Alexander the Great had already taken
possession of the harbour of Chios, Aristonicus
arrived during the night with some privateer ships,
and entered it under the belief that it was still in
the hands of the Persians. He was taken pri-
soner and delivered up to the Methymnaeans, who
put him to death in a cruel manner. ( AiTian, Anab.
iii. 2 ; Curtius, iv. 4.)

2. A natural son of Eumenes II. of Pergamus,
who was succeeded by Attains III. When the
latter died in b.c. 133, and made over his kingdom
to the Romans, Aristonicus claimed his father's
kingdom as his lawful inheritance. The towns,
for fear of the Romans, refused to recognise him,
but he compelled them by force of arms; and at
last there seemed no doubt of his ultimate success.
In b. c. 131, the consul P. Licinius Crassus, who
received Asia as his province, marched against
him ; but he was more intent upon making booty
than on combating his enemy, and in an ill-organ-
ized battle which was fought about the end of the
year, his army was defeated, and he himself made
prisoner by Aristonicus. In the year following,
B. c. 130, the consul M. Perpema, who succeeded
Crassus, acted with more energ)', and in the very
first engagement conquered Aristonicus and took
him prisoner. After the death of Perpema, M.*
Aquillius completed the conquest of the kingdom
of Pergaiuus, B. c. 129. Aristonicus was cairied

312

ARISTONOUS.

to Rome to adorn the triumph of Aquillius, and
was then beheaded. (Justin, xxxvi, 4 ; Liv. Epit.
59 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 4 ; Flor. ii. 20 ; Oros. v. 10 ;
SaU. Hist. 4 ; Appian, MUhrkl. 12, 62, de Bell Civ.
i. 17; Val. Max. iii. 4. § 5 ; Diod. /^ra/;m. lib. 34,
p. 598 ; Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 33, Philip, xi. 8 ;
Ascon. ad Cic. pro Scaur, p. 24, ed. Orelli.)

3. A eunuch of Ptolemy Epiphanes, who had
been brought up with the king from his early-
youth. Polybius speaks of him in terras of high
praise, as a man of a generous and warlike dispo-
sition, and skUled in political transactions. In
B. c. 185, when the king had to fight against some
discontented Egyptians, Aristonicus went to Greece
and engaged a body of mercenaries there. (Polyb.
xxiii. 16, 17.)

4. Of Alexandria, a contemporary «f Strabo
(i. p. 38), distinguished himself as a grammarian,
and is mentioned as the author of several works,
most of which related to the Homeric poems. —
1. On the wanderings of Menelaus (Trept ttjs
Mej'eAaou 7rAc£j/i7S ; Strab, /. c). 2. On the critical
signs by which the Alexandrine critics used to
mark the suspected or interpolated verses in the
Homeric poems and in Hesiod's Theogony. (Hepi
Tcov (Trtjxflwv rav rrjs 'IKiddos Kai 'OSvaaiias,
Et}Tn. M. s. w. Aux^os, epaai and oirn ; Suidas,
i-. V. 'ApKTToviKos ; Eudoc. p. 64 ; SchoL Venet. ad
Horn. II. ix. 397.) 3. On irregular grammatical
constructions in Homer, consisting of six books
[davvraKTau dvoiidrav fiiSKia ; Suidas, I. c).
These and some other works are now lost, with
the exception of a few fragments preserved in the
passages above refeixed to. (Villoison, Prolog, ad
Horn. p. 18.)

5. Of Tarentura, the author of a mythological
work which is often referred to. (Phot. Cod. 190 ;
Serv. odAen. iii. 335 ; Caes. Germ, in Arai. Phaen.
327 ; Hygin. Pott. Astr. ii. 34.) He is perhaps
the same as the one mentioned by Athenaeus (i.
p. 20), but nothing is known about him. (Roulez,
ad Ptolem. Hephaed. p. 148.) [L. S.]

ARISTONIDAS, a statuary, one of whose
productions is mentioned by Pliny {^H. N. xxxiv.
14. s. 40) as extant at Thebes in his time. It
was a statue of Athamas, in which bronze and iron
had been mixed together, that the rust of the latter,
showing through the brightness of the bronze,
might have the appearance of a blush, and so might
indicate the remorse of Athamas. [C. P. M.]

ARISTONIDES, a painter of some distinction,
mentioned by Pliny (xxxv. 11. s. 40), was the
father and instructor of Mnasitimus. [C. P. M.J

ARISTO'NOUS (^hpiarSvoos). 1. Of Gela in
SjTacuse, one of the founders of the colony of
Agrigentum, b. c. 582. (Thuc. vi. 4.)

2. Of Pella, son of Peisaeus, one of the body-
guard of Alexander the Great, distinguished him-
self greatly on one occasion in India. On the
death of Alexander, he was one of the first to pro-
pose that the supreme power should be entrusted
to Perdiccas. He was subsequently the general of
Olympias in the war with Cassander; and when
she was taken prisoner in B. c. 316, he was put
to death by order of Cassander. (Ai'rian, Anab.
Ti. 28, ap. Phot. Cod. 92, p. m, a. 14. ed. Bekker ;
Curt. ix. 5, X. 6 ; Diod. xix. 35, 50, 51.)

ARISTO'NOUS ('Apjo-ToVoos), a statuary, a
native of Aegina, made a statue of Zeus, which was
dedicated by the Metapontines at Olympia. (Pans.
V. 22. § 5 ; MiiUer, Aegin. p. 107.) [C. P. M, j

ARISTOPHANES.

ARISTO'NYMUS ( 'ApKrroJf u/tos ), a comic
poet and contemporary of Aristophanes and Amei-
psias. (Anonym. m Vit.Aristoph.; 8cho\. ad Platon.
p. 331, Bekker.) We know the titles of only two
of his comedies, viz. Theseus (Athen. iii. p. 87),
and "HXios piywv (Athen. vii. pp. 284, 287), of
which only a few fragments are extant. Schweig-
hauser and Fabricius place this poet in the reign
of Ptolemy Philadelphus, an error into which both
were led by Suidas {s.v.'Api(rT(il)uvfj.os), who, if
the reading is correct, evidently confounds the poet
with some grammarian. If there had ever existed
a grammarian of this name, and if he had written
the works attributed to him by Suidas, he would
assuredly have been mentioned by other Avriters
also. This is not the case ; and as we know that
Aristophanes of Byzantium was the successor of
ApoUonius as chief librarian at Alexandria (which
Suidas says of Ariston}Tnus), Meineke conjectures
with great probability, that the name of Aristo-
phanes has dropped out in our text of Suidas.
(Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. Gr. p. 196, &c.)

An Athenian, of the name of Aristonymus, who
was a contemporary of Alexander the Great, but
not a grammarian, is mentioned by Athenaeus.
(x. p. 452, xii. p. 538.) There were also two
writers of this name, but neither of them appears
to have been a grammarian, (Plut. de Flum. p.
1165; Stobaeu s, joassm.) [L. S.]

ARISTO'PHILUS ('Apto-T^Aos), a druggist,
of Plataea in Boeotia, who lived probably in the
fourtli century B. c. He is mentioned by Theo-
phrastus {Hist. Plant, ix. 18. § 4) as possessing the
knowledge of certain antaphrodisiac medicines,
which he made use of either for the punishment
or reformation of his slaves. [W. A. G.]

ARISTO'PHANES {'Ap^rrocpdviris), the only
WTiter of the old comedy of whom any entire works
are left. His later extant plays approximate
rather to the middle comedy, and in the Cocalus,
his last production, he so nearly approached the
new, that Philemon brought it out a second time
with very little alteration.

Aristophanes was the son of Philippus, as is
stated by all the authorities for his life, and proved
by the fact of his son also having that name, although
a bust exists with the inscription ^Api(Tro<pdv7)s
^iKtirirldov., which is, however, now generally al-
lowed to be spurious. He was an Athenian of
the tribe Pandionis, and the Cydathenaean Demus,
and is said to have been the pupil of Prodicus,
though this is improbable, since he speaks of him
rather with contempt. {Nub. 360, At: 692, Tage-
nist. Fragm. xviii. Bekk.) We are told (Schol. ad
Ran. 502), that he first engaged in the comic con-
tests when he was o'xeSoi' ^^ipdKicxKoi, and we
know that the date of his first comedy was B. c.
427 : we are therefore warranted in assigning
about B. c. 444 as the date of his birth, and his
death was probably not later than b. c. 380. His
three sons, Philippus, Araros, and Nicostratus,
were all poets of the middle comedy. Of his pri-
vate history we know nothing but that he was a
lover of pleasure (Plat. Symp. particularly p. 223),
and one who spent whole nights in drinking and
witty conversation. Accusations (his anonymous
biographer says, more than one) were brought
against him by Cleon, with a view to deprive him
of his civic rights (^evtay ypacpai), but without
success, as indeed they were merely the frait of
revenge for his attacks on that demagogue. They

ARISTOPHANES.

have, however, given rise to a number of traditions
of iiis being a Rhodian, an flgyptian, an Acgi-
licUm, a native of Camiras or of Naucratis.

The comedies of Aristophanes are of the liighest
historical interest, containing as they do an admir-
able series of caricatures on the leading men of the
day, and a contemporary commentary on the evils
existing at Athens. Indeed, the caricature is the
only feature in modem social life which at all re-
sembles them. Aristophanes was a bold and often
a wise patriot. He had the strongest affection for
Athens, and longed to see her restored to the state
in which she was flourishing in the previous gene-
ration, and almost in his own childhood, before
Pericles became the head of the government, and
when the age of Miltiades and Aristeides had but
just passed away. The first great evil of his own
time against which he inveighs, is the Peloponne-
sian war, which he regards as the work of Pericles,
and even attributes it (Pew, 606) to his fear of
punishment for having connived at a robbery said
to have been committed by Phidias on the statue
of Athene in the Parthenon, and to the influence
of Aspasia. (Ach. 500.) To this fatal war, among
a host of evils, he ascribes the influence of vulgar
demagogues like Cleon at Athens, of which also
the example was set by the more refined demagog-
ism of Pericles. Another great object of his indig-
nation was the recently adopted system of educa-
tion which had been introduced by the Sophists,
acting on the speculative and inquiring turn given
to the Athenian mind by the Ionian and Eleatic
philosophers, and the extraordinary intellectual de-
velopment of the age following the Persian war.
The new theories introduced by the Sophists
threatened to overthrow the foundations of mora-
lity, by making persuasion and not truth the object
of man in his intercourse with his fellows, and to
substitute a universal scepticism for the religious
creed of the people. The worst effects of such a
system were seen in Alcibiades, who, caring for
nothing but his own ambition, valuing eloquence
only for its worldly advantages, and possessed of
great talents which he utterly misapplied, com-
bined all the elements which Aristophanes most
disliked, heading the war party in politics, and
protecting the sophistical school in philosophy and
also in literature. Of this latter school — the lite-
rarv' and poetical Sophists — Euripides was the
chief, whose works are full of that fiereupoa-ocpia
which contrasts so offensively with the moral dig-
nity of Aeschylus and Sophocles, and for which
Aristophanes introduces him as soaring in the air
to write his tragedies (Ach. 374), caricaturing
thereby his own account of himself. {Ale. 971.)
Another feature of the times was the excessive
love for litigation at Athens, the consequent impor-
tance of the dicasts, and disgraceful abuse of their
power ; all of which enormities are made by Aris-
tophanes objects of continual attack. But though
he saw what were the evils of his time, he had
not wisdom to find a remedy for them, except the
hopeless and undesirable one of a movement back-
wards; and therefore, though we allow him to
have been honest and bold, we must deny him the
epithet of great. We subjoin a catalogue of the
comedies of Aristophanes on which we possess in-
formation, and a short account of the most remark-
able. Those marked + are extant.

B. c. 427. AairaKfis^ Bauquetters. Second prize.
The play was produced under the name of Philo-

ARISTOPHANES.

313

nides, as Aristophanes was below the legal age
for competing for a prize. Fifth year of the war.

426. Babylonians {jkv &(n(i).

425. t Achamians. (Lenaea.) Produced in the
name of Callistratus. First prize.

424, t 'iTTTrery, Kniyhts or Horsemen. (Lenaea.)
The first play produced in the name of Aristo-
phanes himself. First prize ; second Cratinus.

423. + Clouds (eV o«7Tei). First prize, Cratinus ;
second Ameipsias.

422. t Wasps. (Lenaea.) Second prize.

rTjpos (?) (€1/ (5to-T€j), according to the probable
conjecture of Suvern. (Essay on the T-qpas, trans-
lated by Mr, Hamilton.)

Clouds (second edition), failed in obtaining a
prize. But Ranke places this B. c. 411, and the
whole subject is very uncertain.

419. f Peace {Iv da-rei). Second prize ; Eu-
polis first.

414. Amphiaraus. (Lenaea.) Second prize.

"t Birds {eu darei), second prize ; Ameipsias
first ; Phrynichus third. Second campaign in Sicily.

Tecopyol (?), Exhibited in the time of Nicias.
(Plut. Nic. c, 8.)

411, + Lysistrata.

+ Thcsmophoriazusae. During the Oligarchy.

408. + First Plutus.

405. t Frogs. (Lenaea.) First prize ; Phry-
nicus second ; Plato third. Death of Sophocles.

392. t Ecclesiazusae. Corinthian war.

388. Second edition of the Plutus.

The last two comedies of Aristophanes were the
Aeolosicon and Cocalus, produced about B. c. 387
(date of the peace of Antalcidas) by Araros, one of
his sons. The first was a parody on the Aeolus
of Euripides, the name being compounded of
Aeolus and Sicon, a famous cook. {Rlmnmhes
Museum, 1828, p. 50.) The second was probably
a similar parody of a poem on the death of Minos,
said to have been killed by Cocalus, king of Sicily.
Of the Aeolosicon there were two editions.

In the AatraAeTs the object of Aristophanes was
to censure generally the abandonment of those an-
cient manners and feelings which it was the labour
of his life to restore. He attacked the modem
schemes of education by introducing a father with
two sons, one of whom had been educated accord-
ing to the old system, the other in the sophistries
of later days. The chorus consisted of a party
who had been feasting in the temple of Hercules ;
and Bp. Thirlwall supposes, that as the play was
written when the plague was at its height (Schol.
ad Ran. 502), the poet recommended a return to
the gj-mnastic exercises of which that god was the
patron (comp. Eq. 1379), and to the old system of
education, as the means most likely to prevent its
continuance.

In the Babylonians we are told, that he ** at-
tacked the system of appointing to offices by lot"
( Vit. Ai-istoph. Bekk. p. xiii.) The chorus consisted
of barbarian slaves employed in a mill, which
Ranke has conjectured was represented as belong-
ing to the demagogue Eucrates {Eq. 129, &c.),
who united the trade of a miller with that of a
vender of tow. Cleon also must have been a main
object of the poet's satire, and probably the public
functionaries of the day in general, since an action
was brought b)' Cleon against Callistratus, in whose
name it was produced, accusing him of ridiculing
the government in the presence of the allies. But
the attack appears to have failed.

314

ARISTOPHANES.

In the Acharnians, Aristophanes exhorts his
countrymen to peace. An Athenian named Dicae-
opolis makes a separate treaty with Sparta for
himself and his family, and is exhibited in the full
enjoyment of its blessings, whilst Lamachus, as
the representative of the war party, is introduced
in the want of common necessaries, and suffering
from cold, and snow, and wounds. The Knights
was directed against Cleon, whose power at this
time was so great, that no one was bold enough to
make a mask to represent his features ; so that
Aristophanes performed the character himself, with
his face smeared with wine-lees. Cleon is the con-
fidential steward of Demus, the impersonation of
the Athenian people, who is represented as almost
in his dotage, but at the same time cunning, suspi-
cious, ungovernable, and tyrannical. His slaves,
Nicias and Demosthenes, determine to rid them-
selves of the insolence of Cleon by raising up a
rival in the person of a sausage-seller, by which
the poet ridicules the mean occupation of the de-
magogues. This man completely triumphs over
Cleon in his own arts of lying, stealing, fawning,
and blustering. Having thus gained the day, he
suddenly becomes a model of ancient Athenian
excellence, and by boiling Demus in a magic caul-
dron, restores him to a condition worthy of the
companionship of Aristeides and Miltiades. {Eq.
1322.)

In the Clouds^ Aristophanes attacks the so-
phistical principles at their source, and selects as
their representative Socrates, whom he depicts in
the most odious light. The selection of Socrates
for this purpose is doubtless to be accounted for by
the supposition, that Aristophanes observed the
great philosopher from a distance only, while his
own unphilosophical turn of mind prevented him
from entering into Socrates' merits both as a teacher
and a practiser of morality ; and by the fact, that
Socrates was an innovator, the friend of Euripides,
the tutor of Alcibiades, and pupil of Archelaus;
and that there was much in his appearance and
habits in the highest degree ludicrous. The phi-
losopher, who wore no under garments, and the
same upper robe in winter and summer, — who
generally went barefoot, and appears to have pos-
sessed one pair of dress-shoes which lasted him for
life (Bdckh, Economy of Athens^ L p. 150), who
used to stand for hours in a public place in a fit of
abstraction — to say nothing of his snub nose, and
extraordinary fiice and figure — could hardly expect
to escape the license of the old comedy. The in-
variably speculative turn which he gave to the
conversation, his bare acquiescence in the stories of
Greek mythology, which Aristophanes would think
it dangerous even to subject to inquiry (see Plat.
Fhaedrus^ p. 299), had certainly produced an tm-
fiivourable opinion of Socrates in the minds of
many, and explain his being set down by Aristo-
phanes as an archsophist, and represented even as
a thief. In the Clouds, he is described as corrupt-
ing a young man named Pheidippides, who is wast-
ing his father's money by an insane passion for
horses, and is sent to the subtlety-sJiop ((ppovTiar-
r'^piov) of Socrates and Chaerephon to be still fur-
ther set free from moral restraint, and particularly
to acquire the needful accomplishment of cheating
his creditors. In this spendthrift youth it is
scarcely possible not to recognise Alcibiades, not
only from his general character and connexion
with the Sophists, but also £i-om more particular

ARISTOPHANES,
traits, as allusions to his rpavXiaiios, or inability
to articulate certain letters {Nuh. 1381; Plut. A Ic,
p.l92),and to his fancy for horse-breeding and driv-
ing. (Satyrus, ap. Allien, xii. p. 534.) Aristophanes
would be prevented from introducing him by name
either here or in the Birds, from fear of the violent
measures which Alcibiades took against the comic
poets. The instructions of Socrates teach Pheidip-
pides not only to defraud his creditors, but also to
beat his father, and disown the authority of the
gods ; and the play ends by the father's prepara-
tions to bum the philosopher and his whole esta-
blishment. The hint given towards the end, of
the propriety of prosecuting him, was acted on
twenty years afterwards, and Aristophanes was
believed to have contributed to the death of So-
crates, as the charges brought against him before
the court of justice express the substance of those
contained in the Clouds. (Plat. ApoL Sac. p. 18,
&c.) The Clouds, though perhaps its author's
masterpiece, met with a complete failure in the
contest for prizes, probably owing to the intrigues
of Alcibiades ; nor was it more successful when
altered for a second representation, if indeed the
alterations were ever completed, which Siivem
denies. The play, as we have it, contains the
parabasis of the second edition.

The Wasps is the pendant to the Knights. As
in the one the poet had attacked the sovereign
assembly, so here he aims his battery at the courts
of justice, the other stronghold of party violence
and the power of demagogues. This play furnished
Racine with the idea of Les Plaideurs. The Peace
is a return to the subject of the Achamians, and
points out forcibly the miseries of the Peloponnesian
war, in order to stop which Trygaeus, the hero of the
play, ascends to heaven on a dung-beetle's back,
where he finds the god of war pounding the Greek
states in a mortar. With the assistance of a large
party of friends equally desirous to check thic pro-
ceeding, he succeeds in dragging up Peace herself
from a well in which she is impx-isoned, and finally
marries one of her attendant nymphs. The play
is full of humour, but neither it nor the Wasps
is among the poet's greater works.

Six years now elapse during which no plays are
preserved to us. The object of the A mphiaraus and
the Birds, which appeared after this interval, was
to discourage the disastrous Sicilian expedition.
The former was called after one of the seven chiefs
against Thebes, remarkable for prophesying ill-luck
to the expedition, and therein corresponding to
Nicias. The object of the Birds has been a matter
of much dispute ; many persons, as for instance
Schlegel, consider it a mere fanciful piece of
buffoonery — a supposition hardly credible, when
we remember that every one of the plays of Aris-
tophanes has a distinct purpose connected with the
history of the time. The question seems to have
been set at rest by Siivem, whose theory, to say
the least, is supported by the very strongest cir-
cumstantial evidence. The Birds — the Athenian
people — are persuaded to build a city in the clouds by
Peisthetaerus (a character combining traits of Alci-
biades and Gorgias, mixed perhaps with some from
other Sophists), and who is attended by a sort of
Sancho Panza, one Euelpides, designed to represent
the credulous young Athenians (eueATriSes, Thuc.
vi. 24). The city, to be called Ne(pe\oi(OKKi>yia
(Clotidcuckootown), is to occupy the whole horizon,
and to cut off' the gods from all coimexion with

ARISTOPHANES,
mankind, and even from the power of receiving
sacrifices, so as to force them ultimately to surren-
der at discretion to the birds. All this scheme,
and the details which fill it up, coincide admirably
with the Sicilian expedition, which was designed
not only to take possession of Sicily, but afterwards
to conquer Carthage and Libya, and so, from the
supremacy of the Mediterranean, to acquire that
of the Peloponnesus, and reduce the Spartans, the
gods of the play. (Thuc. vi. 15, &c.; Plut. Nic. 12,
Ale. 17.) The plan succeeds; the gods send am-
bassadors to demand terms, and finally Peisthe-
taerus espouses Basileia, the daughter of Zeus.
In no play does Aristophanes more indulge in the
exuberance of wit and fancy than in this; and
though we believe Siivern's account to be in the
main correct, yet we must not suppose that the
poet limits himself to this object : he keeps only
generally to his allegory, often touching on other
points, and sometimes indulging in pure humour ;
so that the play is not unlike the scheme of Gulli-
ver's Travels.

The Lysistrata returns to the old subject of the
Peloponnesian war, and here we find miseries de-
scribed as existing which in the Acharnians and
Peace had only been predicted. A treaty is finally
represented as brought about in consequence of a
civil war between the sexes. The Tliesmophoria-
zusae is the first of the two great attacks on Euri-
pides, and contains some inimitable parodies on his
phiys, especially the Andromeda, which had just
appeared. It is almost wholly free from political
allusions ; the few which are found in it shew the
attachment of the poet to the old democracy, and
that, though a strong conservative, he was not an
oligarchist. Both the Plutus and the Ecclesiazusae
are designed to divert the prevailing mania for Do-
rian manners, the latter ridiculing the political
theories of Plato, which were based on Spartan in-
stitutions. Between these two plays appeared the
Frogs, in which Bacchus descends to Hades in
search of a tragic poet, — those then alive being
worthless, — and Aeschylus and Eiu-ipides contend
for the prize of resuscitation. Euripides is at last
dii-missed by a parody on his own famous line
r; 7Aa!o'(r* dfioifiox^i V 8e (ppv'' dvci/xoTos (Hipp,
608), and Aeschylus accompanies Bacchus to Earth,
the tragic throne in Hades being given to Sophocles
during his absence. Among the lost plays, the
Hijaoi and Fewpyol were apparently on the subject
of the much desired Peace, the former setting forth
the evils which the islands and subject states, the
latter those which the freemen of Attica, endured
from the war. The Triphales seems to have been
an attack on Alcibiades, in reference probably to
his mutilation of the Hermes Busts (Siivem, On the
Clouds, p. 85. transl.) ; and in the Tr\p\naSr\s cer-
tain poets, pale, haggard votaries of the Sophists, —
Sannyrion as the representative of comedy, Me-
litus of tragedy, and Cinesias of the cyclic writers,
visit their brethren in Hades. The Tiipas appears
from the analysis of its fragments by Siivem, to
have been named from a chorus of old men, who
are supposed to have cast off their old age as ser-
pents do their skin, and therefore probably to have
been a representation of vicious dotage similar to
that in the Knights. From a fragment in Bekker's
Anecdota (p. 43U) it is probable that it was the 9th
of the Aristophanic comedies.

Suidas tells us, that Aristophanes was the
author, in all, of 54 plays. We have hitherto

ARISTOPHANES.

315

considered him only in his historical and political
character, nor can his merits as a poet and
humorist be understood without an actual study
of his works. We have no means of comparing
him with his rivals Eupolis and Cratinus (Hor.
Sat. i. 4. 1), though he is said to have tempered
their bitterness, and given to comedy additional
grace, but to have been surpassed by Plupolis in
the conduct of his plots. (Platonius, irepl Siacp.xap.
cited in Bekker's Aiistoph.) Plato called the soul of
Aristophanes a temple for the Graces, and has in-
troduced him into his Symposium. His works
contain snatches of lyric poetry which are quite
noble, and some of his chonisses, particularly one
in the Knights, in which the horses are represented
as rowing triremes in an expedition against Corinth,
are written with a spirit and humour unrivalled in
Greek, and are not very dissimilar to English
ballads. He was a complete master of the Attic
dialect, and in his hands the perfection of that
glorious instrument of thought is wonderfully
shewn. No jflights are too bold for the range of
his fancy : animals of every kind are pressed into
his service ; frogs chaunt chonisses, a dog is tried
for stealing a cheese, and an iambic verse is com-
posed of the grunts of a pig. Words are invented
of a length which must have made the speaker
breathless, — the Ecclesiazusae closes with one of
170 letters. The gods are introduced in the most
ludicrous positions, and it is certainly incompre-
hensible how a writer who represents them in such
a light, could feel so great indignation against those
who were suspected of a design to shake the popu-
lar faith in them. To say that his plays are de-
filed by coarseness and indecency, is only to state
that they were comedies, and written by a Greek
who was not superior to the universal feeling of his
age.

The first edition of Aristophanes was that of
Aldus, Venice, 1498, which was published without
the Lysistrata and Thesmophoriazusae. That of
Bekker, 5 vols. Bvo., London, 1829, contains a
text founded on the collation of two MSS. from
Ravenna and Venice, unknown to former editors.
It also has the valuable Scholia, a Latin version,
and a large collection of notes. There are editions
by Bothe, Kuster, and Dindorf : of the Acharnians,
Knights, Wasps, Clouds, and Frogs, by Mitchell,
with English notes (who has also translated the
first three into English verse), and of the Birds
and Plutus by Cookesley, also with English notes.
There are many translations of single plays into
English, and of aU into German by Voss (Bruns-
wick, 1821), and Droysen (Berlin, 1835—1838).
Wieland also translated the Acharnians, Knights,
Clouds, and Birds ; and Welcker the Clouds and
Frogs. [G. E. L. C]

ARISTO'PHANES {'Apiffrocpdv-ns). 1. Of By-
zantium, a son of Apelles, and one of the most emi-
nent Greek grammarians at Alexandria. He was
a pupil of Zenodotus and Eratosthenes, and teacher
of the celebrated Aristarchus. He lived about B. c.
264, in the reign of Ptolemy II. and Ptolemy III.,
and had the supreme management of the library at
Alexandria. All the ancients agree in placing him
among the most distinguished critics and gram-
marians. He founded a school of his own at
Alexandria, and acquired great merits for what he
did for the Greek language and literature. He and
Aristarchus were the principal men who made out
the canon of the classical writers of Greece, in the

316

ARISTOPHANES.

selection of whom they shewed, with a few ex-
ceptions, a correct taste and appreciation of what
was really good. (Ruhnken, Hist. Or it. Orat. Gr.
p. xcv., &c.) Aristophanes was the first who in-
troduced the use of accents in the Greek language.
(J. Kr^user, Gfriech. Accentlehre, p. 167, &c.)
The subjects with which he chiefly occupied himself
were the criticism and interpretation of the ancient
Greek poets, and more especially Homer, of whose
works he made a new and critical edition {Zi6pQ(a-
cris). But he too, like his disciple Aristarchus,
was not occupied with the criticism or the explana-
tion of words and phrases only, but his attention
was also directed towards the higher subjects of
criticism : he discussed the aesthetical construction
and the design of the Homeric poems. In the
same spirit he studied and commented upon other
Greek poets, such as Hesiod, Pindar, Alcaeus,
Sophocles, Euripides, Anacreon, Aristophanes, and
others. The philosophers Plato and Aristotle like-
wise engaged his attention, and of the former, as of
several among the poets, he made new and critical
editions. (SchoL ad Hesiod. Theog. 68 ; Diog.
Laert. iii. 61; Thorn. Mag. Vita Pindari.) All
we possess of his numerous and learned works
consists of fragments scattered through the Scholia
on the above-mentioned poets, some argumenta to
the tragic poets and some plays of Aristophanes,
and a part of his Ae^eis, which is printed in Bois-
sonade's edition of Herodian's '• Partitiones."
(London, 1819, pp. 283—289.) His VKwTTai and
'TTTOyUj/jjjLioTa, which are mentioned among his
works, referred probably to the Homeric poems.
Among his other works we may mention : 1. Notes
upon the IIiVaKcs of Callimachus (Athen. ix. p.
408), and upon the poems of Anacreon. (Aelian,
H. A. vii. 39, 47.) 2. An abridgement of Aris-
totle's work Ilepl ^vaiws Zwaji', which is perhaps
the same as the Avork which is called ^ttrotxvT^yi.aTa
els 'ApJO-ToWATjj'. 3. A work on the Attic courte-
zans, consisting of several books. (Athen. xiii. pp.
567, 583.) 4. A number of grammatical works,
Buch as 'ATTi/fttl Ae^ets, AaKwviKal TKwaaai and a
work Tlepl ""AvaKoylas^ which was much used by
M. Tarentius Varro. 5. Some works of an histo-
rical character, as ©rj/Sai/ca (perhaps the same as
the 077)3atW 'dpoi), and BoiwTiKd, which are fre-
quently mentioned by ancient writers. (Suid. s. v.
'OfMoXu'ios Zeus ; Apostol. Proverb, xiv. 40 ; Pint.
de Mai. Herod. 31, 33 ; Schol. ad Tlieocrii. vii.
103 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. ''Avtikov5vX(7s, &c.) Some
modern writers have proposed in all these passages
to substitute the name Aristodemus for Aristo-
phanes, apparently for no other reason but because
Aristodemus is known to have written works un-
der the same titles. (Compare Villoison, Proleg.
ad Horn. II. pp. xxiii. and xxix.'; F. A. Wolf,
Prolegom. in Horn. p. ccxvi., &c. ; Wellauer, in
Ersch. und Gruber''s Encyclop. v. p. 271, &c.)

2. Of Mallus in Cilicia, is mentioned as a
writer on agriculture. (Varro, de Re Rust. i. 1.)

3. A Boeotian (Plut. de Malign. Herod, p. 874),
of whom Suidas (s, vv. 'OfioKwios, Qr}§aiovs opovs ;
pomp. Steph. B)'z. s. v. 'AvtikovSvXcTs) mentions
the second book of a work on Thebes (©Tj&at/cd).
Another work bore the name of Boiutiko,, and the
second book of it is quoted by Suidas. (s. v. Xai-
pci}v<cia.)

4. A Corinthian, a friend of Libanius, who
addressed to him some letters and mentions him in
others. (Liban. Epist. 76, 1186, 1228.) There is

ARISTOPHON.

also an oration of Libanius in praise of Aristo-
phanes. {Opera, vol. ii. p. 210; comp. Wolf, ad
Liban. Epist. 76.) [L. S.]

ARPSTOPHON {'Api.(TT6(p<ov). There are
three Athenians who are called orators, and have
frequently been confounded with one another (as
by Casaubon, ad Tlieophrast. Charact. 8, and Bur-
raann, ad Quintil. v. 12. p. 452). Ruhnken {Hist.
Crit. Orat. Gr. p. xlv., &c.) first established the
distinction between them.

1. A native of the demos of Azenia in Attica.
(Aeschin. c. Tim. p. 159, c. Ctes. pp. 532, 583, ed.
Reiske.) He lived about and after the end of
the Peloponnesian war. In b. c. 412, Aristophon,
Laespodius and ^Melesias were sent to Sparta
as ambassadors by the oligarchical government of
the Four Hundred. (Thuc. viii. 86.) In the
archonship of Eucleides, B. c. 404, after Athens
was delivered of the thirty tyrants, Aristophon
proposed a law which, though beneficial to the
republic, yet caused great uneasiness and troubles
in many families at Athens ; for it ordained, that
no one should be regarded as a citizen of Athens
whose mother was not a freeborn woman. (Caryst.
ap. Atlwn. xiiL p. 577 ; Taylor, Vit. Lys. p. 149,
ed. Reiske.) He also proposed various other laws,
by which he acquired great popularity and the full
confidence of the people (Dem. c. Eubul. p. 1308),
and their great number may be inferred from his
own statement (ap. Aeschin. c. Ctes. p. 583), that
he was accused 75 times of having made illegal
proposals, but that he had always come off victo-
rious. His influence with the people is most
manifest from his accusation of Iphicrates and
Tiraotheus, two men to whom Athens was so
much indebted, (b. c. 354.) He charged them
•with having accepted bribes from the Chians and
Rhodians, and the people condemned Timotheus on
the mere assertion of Aristophon. (C. Nepos,
Timoth. 3; Aristot. Rhet. 11, 23 ; Deinarch, c. De-
mosth. p. 1 1 , c. Philocl. p. 1 00.) After this event, but
still in B. c. 354, the last time that we hear of him
in history, he came forward in the assembly' to de-
fend the law of Leptines against Demosthenes, and
the latter, who often mentions him, treats the
aged Aristophon with great respect, and reckons
him among the most eloquent orators, (c. Lept. p.
501, &c.) He seems to have died soon after.
None of his orations has come down to us. (Comp.
Clinton, Fast. Hell, ad Ann. 354.)

2. A native of the demos of Colyttus, a great
orator and politician, whose career is for the greater
part contemporaneous with that of Demosthenes.
It was this Aristophon whom Aeschines served as
a clerk, and in whose service he was trained for
his public career. [Aeschines.] Clinton (i^. //.
ad ann. 340) has pointed out that he is not the
same as the one whom Plutarch ( Vit. X. Orat. p.
844) mentions, but that there the Azenian must be
understood. Uipian {ad Demosth. De Coron. p.
74, a.) confounds him with Aristophon the Azenian,
as is clear from Aeschines (c. Ctesiph. p. 585). This
orator is often mentioned by Demosthenes, though
he gives him the distinguishing epithet of 6 Ko-
AuTTeus only once {De Coron. p, 250, comp. pp.
248, 281 ; c. Mid. p. 584 ; Schol. ad Demosik.
p. 201, a.), and he is always spoken of as a man of
considerable influence and authority. As an orator
he is ranked with Diopeithes and Chares, the most
popular men of the time at Athens. There are
some passages in Demosthenes (as c. Timocr. p.

ARISTOTELES.

703, De Coroii. Trier, p. 1230) where it is un-
certain whether he is speaking of Aristophon the
Azenian or the Colytti.in.

3. Archon Eponymus of the year B. c. 330.
(Diodor. xvii. 6-2 ; Plut. Demosth. 24.) Theo-
phrastus (Charact 8) calls this Aristophon an
orator. That this man, who was archon in the
same year in which Demosthenes delivered his
oration on the crown, was not the same as the
Colyttian, "s clear from that oration itself, in which
(p. 281) the Colyttian is spoken of as deceased.
Whether he was actually an orator, as Theophrastus
states, is very doubtful, since it is not mentioned
anywhere else, and it is a probable conjecture of
Ruhnken's that the word ^TjTwp was inserted by
some one who believed that either the Azenian or
Colyttian was meant in that passage. (Clinton,
F. II. ad ann. 330.) [L. S.]

ARI'STOPHON {*Api(TTocf>£u), a comic poet
respecting whose life or age nothing is known, but
from the titles of whose comedies we must infer,
that they belonged to the middle comedy. We
know the titles of nine of his plays, viz. 1. n\a-
T(au (Athen. xii, p. 552), 2. ^iXojuiSrjs (Athen. xi.
p. 472), 3. Uvdayopi(TTT^s (Diog. Laert. viii. 38 ;
Athen. vi, p. 238, iv. p. 161, xili. p. 563), 4. Ba-
gias (Stob. Serin. 96. 19), 5. AiSv/jlol rj Uvpavuos
(Pollux, ix. 70), 6. 'Iarp6s (Athen. vi. p. 238 ;
Stob. Serm. vi. 27), 7. KaAAwj/tSrjs (Athen. xiii.
p. 559), 8. UapaKaTadriKV (Stob. Serm. 96. 21),
and 9. IleipWovs. (Athen. vii. p. 303.) We pos-
sess only a few fragments of these comedies, and
two or three ethers of which it is uncertain to
which plays they belonged. (Meineke, Hist. Crit.
Com. Or. p. 410, &c.) [L. S.]

ARI'STOPHON ('Api(rTO(/)a;;/), a painter of
some distinction, the son and pupil of Aglaophon,
and the brother of Polygnotus. He was also pro-
bably the father of the younger Aglaophon, and
born at Thasos. Some of his productions are men-
tioned by Pliny (xxxv. 11. s. 40), and Plutarch
{de audiend. Poet. 3). It is probably through a
mistake that Plutarch {Alcib. 16) makes him the
author of a picture representing Alcibiades in the
armsofNemea. [See Aglaophon.] [C.P. M.]

ARISTO'TELES ('Apio-ToreATjy), was one of
the thirty tyrants established at Athens in b. c.
404. (Xen. Hell. ii. 3. § 2.) From an allusion in
the speech of Theramenes before his condemnation
(Xen. Hell. ii. 3. § 46), Aristoteles appears to have
been also one of the Four Hundred, and to have
taken an active part in the scheme of fortifying
Eetionia and admitting the Spartans into the
Peiraeeus, b. c. 411. (Thuc. viii. 90.) In B. c.
405 he was living in banishment, and is mentioned
by Xenophon as being with Lysander during the
siege of Athens. {Hell. ii. 2. § 18.) Plato intro-
duces him as one of the persons in the "Pamie-
nides," and as a very young man at the time of
the dialogue. [E. E.]

ARISTO'TELES ('Apjo-TOTe'Arjs). I. Biogra-
phy.— Aristotle was born at Stageira, a sea-port
town of some little importance in the district of
Chalcidice, in the first year of the 99th Olympiad.
(ac. 384.) His father, Nicomachus, an Asclepiad,
was physician in ordinary to Amyntas II., king of
Macedonia, and the author of several treatises on
subjects connected with natural science. (Suidas,
s. V. 'ApKTToreKTjs.) His mother, Phaestis (or
Phaestias), was descended from a Chalcidian family
(Dionys. de Demosth. et Arist. 5); and we find

ARISTOTELES. 317

mention of his brother Arimnestus, and his sister
Arimneste. (Diog. Laert. v. 15; Suid. I.e.) IJis
father, who was a man of scientific culture, soon
introduced his son at the court of the king of Ma-
cedonia in Pella, where at an early age he became
acquainted with the son of Amyntas II., afterwards
the celebrated Philip of Macedonia, who was only
three years younger than Aristotle himself. The
studies and occupation of his father account for
the early inclination manifested by Aristotle for
the investigation of nature, an inclination which is
perceived throughout his whole life.* He lost his
father before he had attained his seventeenth year
(his mother appears to have died earlier), and he
was entrusted to the guardianship of one Proxenus
of Atarneus in Mysia, who, however, without
doubt, was settled in Stageira. This friend of his
father provided conscientiously for the education of
the young orphan, and secured for himself a lasting
remembrance in the heart of his grateful pupil.
Afterwards, when his foster-parents died, leaving
a son, Nicanor, Aristotle adopted him, and gave
him his only daughter, Pythias, in marriage. (Am-
mon. p. 44, ed. Buhle.)

After the completion of his seventeenth year, his
ardent yearning after knowledge led him to Athens,
the mother-city of Hellenic culture, (b. c. 367.)
Various calumnious reports respecting Aristotle's
youthful days, which the hatred and envy of the
schools invented, and gossiping anecdote-mongers
spread abroad (Athen. viii. p. 354 ; Aelian. V. H.v.9;
Euseb. Praep. Evangel, xv. 2 ; comp. Appuleius,
Apol. pp. 510, 511, ed. Oudendorp) to the effect
that he squandered his hereditary property in a
course of dissipation, and was compelled to seek a
subsistence first as a soldier, then as a drug-seller
{(papixaKOTTwKris), have been already amply refuted
by the ancients themselves. (Comp. Aristocles, ap.
Euseb. I. c.) When Aristotle arrived at Athens,
Plato had just set out upon his Sicilian journey,
from which he did not return for three years. This
intervening time was employed by Aristotle in
preparing himself to be a worthy disciple of the
great teacher. His hereditary fortune, which, ac-
cording to all appearance, was considerable, not
merely relieved him from anxiety about the means
of subsistence, but enabled him also to support the
expense which the purchase of books at that time
rendered necessary. He studied the works of the
earlier as well as of the contemporary philosophers
with indefatigable zeal, and at the same time
sought for information and instruction in inter-
course with such followers of Socrates and Plato as
were living at Athens, among whom we may men-
tion Heracleides Ponticus.

So aspiring a mind could not long remain con-
cealed from the observation of Plato, who soon
distinguished him above all his other disciples.
He named him, on account of his restless industry
and his untiring investigations after truth and
knowledge, the "intellect of his school" {vovs rrjs
SiaTpiSijs, Philopon. de Aetemit. Mundi adv. Pro-
clum, vi. 27, ed. Venet. 1535, fol.) ; his house, the
house of the "reader" {dvayvdcrrr]!, Ammon. I. c.;
Caelius Rhodigin. xvii. 17), who needed a curb.

* It is interesting to observe, that Aristotle is
fond of noticing physicians and their operations in
his explanatory comparisons. (Comp. e. g. Politic,
iii. 6. § 8, 10. § 4, 11. §§ 5, 6, vii. 2. § 8, 12. § I,
ed. Stahr.)

318 ARISTOTELES.

whereas Xenocrates needed the spur. (Diog.Laert
iv. 6.) And while he recommended the latter "to
sacrifice to the Graces," he appears rather to have
^WaiTieu Aristotie against the ''' too much." Aris-
totle lived at Athens for twenty years, till B. c.
347. (Apoll ap. Diog. La'trt. v. 9.) During the
whole of this period the good understanding
which subsisted between teacher and scholar con-
tinued, with some trifling exceptions, undisturbed.
For the stories of the disrespect and ingratitude of
the latter towards the former are nothing but ca-
lumnies invented by his enemies, of whom, accord-
ing to the expression of Themistius {Orat. iv.),
Aristotle had raised a whole host. (Ael. V.H.m. 19,
iv. 9 ; Euseb. Praep. Ev. xv. 2 ; Diog. Laert. ii.
109, v. 2 ; Ammon. Vit. Arist. p. 45.) Neverthe-
less, we can easily believe, that between two men
who were engaged in tlie same pursuits, and were
at the same time in some respects of opposite cha-
racters, collisions might now and then occur, and
that the youthful Aristotle, possessed as he was of
a vigorous and aspiring mind, and having possibly
a presentiment that he was called to be the founder
of a new epoch in thought and knowledge, may
have appeared to many to have sometimes entered
the lists against his grey-headed teacher with too
much impetuosit}'. But with all that, the position
in which they stood to each other was, and con-
tinued to be, worthy of both. This is not only
proved by the character of each, vv^hich we know
from other sources, but is also confirmed by the
truly amiable manner and affectionate reverence
with which Aristotle conducts his controversies
with his teacher. In particular, we may notice a
passage in the Nicomachean Ethics (i. 6), with
which others (as Ethic. Nk. ix. 7, Polit. ii. 3. § 3)
may be compared. According to a notice by
Olympiodorus (in his commentary on Plato's Gor-
gias), Aristotle even wrote a biographical \6'yos
iyKWfxia(TrLK6s on his teacher. (See Cousin, Journ.
d. Sava7is^ Dec. 1832, p. 744.)

During the last ten years of his first residence
at Athens, Aristotle himself had already assembled
around him a circle of scholars, among whom we
may notice his friend Hermias, the dynast of the
cities of Atameus and Assos in Mysia. (Strabo, xiii.
p. 614.) The subjects of his lectures were not so
much of a philosophical* as of a rhetorical and
perhaps also of a political kind. (Quintil. xi. 2.
§ 25.) At least it is proved that Aristotle entered
the lists of controversy against Isocrates, at that
time the most distinguished teacher of rhetoric.
Indeed, he appears to have opposed most decidedly
all the earlier and contemporary theories of rhetoric.
(Arist. Rliet. i. 1, 2.) His opposition to Isocrates,
however, led to most important consequences, as it
accounts for the bitter hatred which was afterwards
manifested towards Aristotle and his school by all
the followers of Isocrates. It was the conflict of
profound philosophical investigation mth the super-
ficiality of stylistic and rhetorical accomplishment ;
of systematic observation with shallow empiricism
and prosaic insipidity ; of which Isocrates might be
looked upon as the principal representative, since
he not oiily despised poetry, but held physics and

* On the other hand, Augustin {de Civit. Dei,
viii. 12) says, " Quum Aristoteles, vir excellentis
ingenii, sectam Peripateticam condidisset, et pluri-
mos discipulos, praeclara fama excellens, vivo adhuc
praeceptore in suam haeresin congregasset."

ARISTOTELES.

mathematics to be illiberal studies, cared not to know
anything about philosophy, and looked upon the
accomplished man of the world and the clever rhe-
torician as the true philosophers. On this occasion
Aristotle published his first rhetorical writings.
That during this time he continued to maintain
his connexion with the Macedonian court, is inti-
mated by his going on an embassy to Philip of
Macedonia on some business of the Athenians.
(Diog. Laert. v. 2.) Moreover, we have still the
letter in which his royal friend announces to him
the birth of his son Alexander, (b. c. 356 ; Gell.
ix. 3 ; Dion Chrysost. Orat. xix.)

After the death of Plato, which occurred during
the above-mentioned embassy of Aristotle (b. c.
347), the latter left Athens, though we do not
exactly know for what reason. Perhaps he was
offended by Plato's having appointed Speusippus
as his successor in the Academy. (Diog. Laert.
V. 2, iv. 1.) At the same time, it is more probable
that, after the notions of the ancient philosophers,
he esteemed travels in foreign parts as a necessary
completion of his education. Since the death of
Plato, there had been no longer any ties to detain
him at Athens. Besides, the political horizon there
had assumed a very different aspect. The under-
takings of PhUip against Olynthus and most of
the Greek cities of Chalcidice filled the Athenians
with hatred and anxiety. The native city of
Aristotle met with the fate of many others, and
was destroyed by Philip at the very time that
Aristotle received an invitation from his former
pupil, Hermias, who from being the confidential
friend of a Bithynian dynast, Eubulus (comp. Pol-
lux, ix. 6 ; Arist. Polil ii. 4. §§ 9, 10), had, as
already stated, raised himself to be the ruler of
the cities of Atameus and Assos. On his journey
thither he was accompanied by his friend Xeno-
crates, the disciple of Plato. Hermias, like his
predecessor Eubulus, had taken part in the at-
tempts made at that time by the Greeks in Asia
to free themselves from the Persian dominion.
Perhaps, therefore, the journey of Aristotle had
even a political object, as it appears not unlikely
that Hermias wished to avail himself not merely
of his counsel, but of his good offices with Philip,
in order to further his plans. A few years, how-
ever, after the arrival of Aristotle, Hermias, through
the treachery of Mentor, a Grecian general in the
Persian service, fell into the hands of the Persians,
and, like his predecessor, lost his life. Aristotle
himself escaped to ]\Iytilene, whither his wife,
Pythias, the adoptive daughter of the assassinated
prince, accompanied him. A poem on his unfor-
tunate friend, which is still preserved, testifies the
warm affection which he had felt for him. He
afterwards caused a statue to be erected to his
memory at Delphi. (Diog. Laert. v. 6, 7.) He
transferred to his adoptive daughter, Pythias, the
almost enthusiastic attachment which he had en-
tertained for his friend ; and long after her death
he directed in his will that her ashes should be
placed beside his own. (Diog. v. 16.)*

Two years after his flight from Atameus (b. c.

* Respecting the mode of writing the name
Hermias, see Stahr, Aristotclia, i. p. 75, where it
must be added, that according to the testimony of
Choeroboscus in the Ett/m. Magn. p. 376, Sylb,
who appeals to Aristotle himself, 'Ep/j.ias and not
'Ep/xfias must be written.

ARISTOTELES.

342) we find the philosopher accepting an invita-
tion from Philip of Macedonia, who summoned him
to his court to undertake the instruction and
education of his son Alexander, then thirteen years
of age. (Plut. Alex. 5; Quintil. i. 1.) Here
Aristotle was treated with the most marked re-
spect. His native city, Stageira, was rebuilt at
his request,* and Pliilip caused a gymnasium (called
Nymphaeum) to be built there in a pleasant grove
expressly for Aristotle and his pupils. In the time
of Plutarch, the shady walks {irepliraToi) and stone
seats of Aristotle were still shewn to the traveller.
(Plut I.e. 5.) Here, in quiet retirement from the
intrigues of the court at Pella, the future conqueror
of the world ripened into manhood. Plutarch in-
forms us that several other noble youths enjoyed the
Instruction of Aristotle with him. (Apophih. Reg.
vol. V. p. 683, ed. Reiske.) Among this number
•we may mention Cassander, the son of Antipater
(Plut. Alex. 74), Marsyas of Pella (brother of
Antigonus, afterwards king), who subsequently
wrote a work on the education of Alexander ;
Callisthenes, a relation of Aristotle, and afterwards
the historian of Alexander, and Theophrastus of
Eresus (in Lesbos). Nearchus, Ptolemy, and
Harpalus also, the three most intimate friends of
Alexander's youth, were probably his fellow pupils.
(Plut. Alex. 10.) Alexander attached himself
with such ardent affection to the philosopher,
that the youth, whom no one yet had been able to
manage, soon valued his instructor above his own
father. Aristotle spent seven years in Macedonia ;
but Alexander enjoyed his instruction without in-
terruption for only four. But with such a pupil
even this short period was sufficient for a teacher
like Aristotle to fulfil the highest purposes of
education, to aid the development of his pupil's
faculties in every direction, to awaken susceptibility
and lively inclination for every art and science,
and to create in him that sense of the noble and
great, which distinguishes Alexander from all those
conquerors who have only swept like a hurricane
through the world. According to the usual mode
of Grecian education, a knowledge of the poets,
eloquence, and philosophy, were the principal sub-
lects into which Aristotle initiated his royal
pupil. Thus we are even informed that he prepared
a new recension of the Iliad for him (77 e/c rov
i'ope7jKos,Wolf, Proleg. p. clxxxi.), that he instructed
him in ethics and politics (Plut. Alex. 7), and dis-
closed to him the abstrusities of his own speculations,
of the publication of which by his writings Alex-
ander afterwards complained. (Gell. xx. 5.) Alex-
ander's love of the science of medicine and every
branch of physics, as well as the lively interest
which he took in literature and philosophy generally
(Plut. Alex. 8), were awakened and fostered by this
instruction. Nor can the views communicated by
Aristotle to his pupil on politics have failed to
exercise the most important influence on his sub-
sequent plans ; although the aim of Alexander, to
unite all the nations under his sway into one
kingdom, without due regard to their individual
peculiarities (Plut. de Virt. Alex. i. 6, vol. ix. pp.
38, 42, ed. Hutten), was not (as Joh. v. Miiller
maintains) founded on the advice of Aristotle, but,
on the contrary', was opposed to the views of the
philosopher, as Plutaix^h {I. c. p. 88) expressly re-

ARISTOTELES.

319

* According to Diogenes Laertius (v. 4), Aris-
totle drew up a new code of laws for the city.

marks, and as a closer consideration of the po-
litics of Aristotle is of itself sufficient to prove.
(Comp. Polit. iii. 9, vii. 6, i. 1.) On the other hand,
this connexion had likewise important consequences
as regards Aristotle himself. Living in what was
then the centre and source of political activity,
his survey of the relations of life and of states, as
well as his knowledge of men, was extended. The
position in which he stood to Alexander occasioned
and favoured several studies and literary works.
In his extended researches into natural science,
and particularly in his zoological investigations, he
received not only from Philip, but in still larger
measure from Alexander, the most liberal support,
a support which stands unrivalled in the history of
civilisation. (Aelian, V. II. v. 19; Athen. ix. p.
398, e.; Plin. i^. A^. viii. 17.)

In the year b. c. 340, Alexander, then scarcely
seventeen years of age, was appointed regent by
his father, who was about to make an expedition
against Byzantium. From that time Aristotle's
instruction of the young prince was chiefly re-
stricted to advice and suggestion, which may very
possibly have been carried on by means of epis-
tolary correspondence.

In the year B. c. 335, soon after Alexander
ascended the throne, Aristotle quitted Macedonia
for ever, and returned to Athens*, after an absence
of twelve years, whither, as it appears, he had
already been invited. Here he found his friend
Xenocrates president of the Academy. He him-
self had the Lyceum, a gymnasium in the
neighbourhood of the temple of Apollo Lykeios,
assigned to him by the state. He soon assembled
round him a large number of distinguished scholars
out of all the Hellenic cities of Europe and Asia,
to whom, in the shady walks {wepiiraToi) which
surrounded the Lyceum, while walking up and
down, he delivered lectures on philosophy. From
one or other of these circumstances the name Peri-
patetic is derived, which was afterwards given to
his school. It appears, however, most correct to
derive the name (with Jonsius, Dissert, de Hist.
Perip. i. 1, pp. 419 — 425, ed. Elswich) from the
place where Aristotle taught, which was called at
Athens par excellence^ 6 irepiiraTos, as is proved
also by the wills of Iheophrastus and Lycon. His
lectures, which, according to an old account pre-
served by Gellius (xx. 5), he delivered in the
morning (duOivos irepliraTos) to a narrower circle
of chosen and confidential (esoteric) hearers, and
which were called acroamatic or acroatic^ embraced
subjects connected with the more abstruse philoso-
phy (theology), physics, and dialectics. Those
which he delivered in the afternoon (ScjAifos inpi-
iraros) and intended for a more promiscuous circle
(which accordingly he called exoteric), extended to
rhetoric, sophistics, and politics. Such a separa-
tion of his more intimate disciples and more pro-
found lectures, from the main body of his other
hearers and the popular discourses intended for
them, is also found among other Greek philosophers.
(Plat. T/ieaet. p. 152, c, Phaedon, p. 62, b.) As
regards the external form of delivery, he appears
to have taught not so much in the way of conver-
sation, as in regular lectures. Some notices have

* The story that Aristotle accompanied Alex-
ander on his expeditions, which we meet with in
later writers, as e. g. in David ad Categ. i. p. 24,
a., 33, ed. Brand., is fobulous.

320

ARISTOTELES.

been preserved to us of certain external regulations
of his school, e. g.^ that, after the exiunple of
Xenocrates, he created an archon every ten days
among his scholars, and laid down certain laws of
good breeding for their social meetings {yofxoi
(rvixTTOTiKoi, Diog. Laert. ii. 130 ; Athen. v. p. 186,
a. e.). Neither of the two schools of philoso-
phy which flourished at the same time in Athens
approached, in extent and celebrity, that of Aris-
totle, from which proceeded a large number of dis-
tinguished philosophers, historians, statesmen, and
orators. We mention here, beside Callisthenes of
Olynthus, who has been already spoken of, only
the names of Theophrastus, and his countryman
Phanias, of Eresus, the fonner of whom suc-
ceeded Aristotle in the Lyceum as president of the
school ; Aristoxenus the Tarentine, sumamed
fiQv<TiK6s ; the brothers Eudemus and Pasicrates of
Rhodes ; Eudemus of Cyprus ; Clearchus of Soli ;
Theodectes of Phaselis ; the historians Dicacar-
chus and Satyrus ; the celebrated statesman, orator,
and writer, Demetrius Phalereus ; the philosopher
Ariston of Cos; Philon; Neleus of Scepsis, and
many others, of whom an account was given by
the Alexandrine grammarian Nicander in his lost
work, Ilepl ru/V 'ApiarorfKovs frnd-qTuv.

During the thirteen years which Aristotle spent
at Athens in active exertions amongst such a circle
of disciples, he was at the same time occupied with
the composition of the greater part of his works. In
these labours, as has already been observed, he was
assisted by the truly kingly liberality of his former
pupil, who not only presented him with 800
talents, an immense sum even for our times, but
also, through his vicegerents in the conquered pro-
vinces, caused large collections of natural curiosities
to be made for him, to which posterity is in-
debted for one of his most excellent works, the
*' History of Animals." (Plin. //. N. viii. 17.)

Meanwhile various causes contributed to throw
a cloud over the latter years of the philosopher's
life. In the first place, he felt deeply the death of
his wife Pythias, who left behind her a daughter
of the same name : he lived subsequently with a
friend of his wife's, the slave Herpyllis, who bore
him a son, Nicomachus, and of whose faithfulness
and attachment he makes a grateful and substan-
tial acknowledgement in his will. (Diog. Laert. v.
1; V. 13.) But a source of still greater grief
was an interruption of the friendly relation in
which he had hitherto stood to his royal pupil.
The occasion of this originated in the opposition
raised by the philosopher Callisthenes against the
changes in the conduct and policy of Alexander.
Aristotle, who had in vain advised Callisthenes not
to lose sight of prudence in his behaviour towards
the king, disapproved of his conduct altogether,
and foresaw its unhappy issue. [Callisthenes.]
Still Alexander refrained from any expression of
hostility towards his former instructor (a story of
this kind in Diog. Laert. v. 1 0, has been corrected
by Stahr, Arisioielia, p. 133); and although, as
Plutarch expressly informs us, their former cordial
connexion no longer subsisted undisturbed, yet, as
is proved by a remarkable expression (Topicor. iii.
1, 7, ed.Buhle; comp. Albert Heydemann's German
translation and explanation of the categories of
Aristotle, p. 32, Berlin, 1835), Aristotle never lost
his truGt in his royal friend. The story, that Aris-
totle, irritated by the above-mentioned occurrence,
took part in poisoning the king, is altogether un-

ARISTOTELES.

founded. Alexander, according to all historical
testimony, died a natural death, and no writer
mentions the name of Aristotle in connexion with
the rumoiir of the poisoning except Pliny. {H. N.
XXX. 53.) Nay, even the passage of Pbny has
been wrongly understood by the biographers of
Aristotle (by Stahr as well, i. p. 13i)); for, far
from regarding Aristotle as guilty of such a crime,
the Roman naturalist, who everywhere shews that
he cherished the deepest respect for Aristotle, says,
on the contrary, just the reverse, — that the rumour
had been " magna cum infamia Aristotelis ejcco-
(/itatum."

The movements which commenced in Greece
against Macedonia after Alexander's death, b. c.
323, endangered also the peace and security ot
Aristotle, who was regarded as a friend of Mace-
donia. To bring a political accusation against him
was not easy, for Aristotle was so spotless in thia
respect, that not even his name is mentioned by
Demosthenes, or any other contemporary orator, as
implicated in those relations. He was accordingly
accused of impiety (do-eget'os) by the hierophant
Eurymedon, whose accusation was supported bj' an
Athenian of some note, named Demophilus. Such
accusations, as the rabulist Euthyphron in Plato
remarks, seldom missed their object with the mul-
titude. (Plato, Euthyph. p. 3, B., Eo5id§o.\a rd
Totavra irpos rods iroWovs.) The charge was
grounded on his having addressed a hymn to
his friend Hermias as to a god, and paid him
divine honours in other respects. (Diog. Laert.
v. 5 ; Ilgen, Disquidt. de Scd. Foesi, p. 69 ;
and the *A7roAo7j'o dae§i[as attributed to Aris-
totle, but the authenticity of which was doubted
even by the ancients, in Athen. xv. 16, p. 691).)
Certain dogmas of the philosopher were also
used for the same object. (Origen. c. Cels. i.
p. 51, ed. Hoeschel.) Aristotle, however, knew
his danger sufficiently well to withdraw from
Athens before his trial. He escaped in the be-
ginning of B. c. 322 to Chalcis in Euboea, where he
had relations on his mother's side, and where the
Macedonian influence, which was there predominant,
afforded him protection and security. In his will
also mention is made of some property which he
had in Chalcis. (Diog. Laert. v. 14.) Certain ac-
counts (Strabo, x. p. 448 ; Diog. Laqrt. x. 1) even
render it exceedingly probable that Aristotle had
left Athens and removed to Chalcis before the
death of Alexander. A fragment of a letter
written by the philosopher to his friend Antipater
has been preserved to us, in which he states his
reasons for the above-mentioned change of resi-
dence, and at the same time, with reference to the
unjust execution of Socrates, adds, that he wished
to deprive the Athenians of the opportunity of
sinning a second time against philosophy. (Comp.
Eustath. ad Horn. Od. vii. 120. p. 1573, 12. ed.
Rom. 275, 20, Bas. ; Aelian, V. H. iii. 36.)
From Chalcis he may have sent forth a defence
against the accusation of his enemies. At least
antiquity possessed a defence of that kind under
his name, the authenticity of which, however, was
already doubted by Athenaeus. (Comp. Phavorin.
ap. Diog. LatH. I. c, who calls it a ^070$ diKavi-
Kos.) However, on his refusing to answer the
summons of the Areiopagus, he was deprived of all
the rights and honours which had been previously
bestowed upon him (Aelian, V. H. xiv. 1), and
condemned to death in his absence. Meantime

t

ARISTOTELES.

the philosopher continued his studies and lectures
in Chuicis tor some time longer without molesta-
tion. He died in the beginning of August, in the
year b. c. 322, a short time before Demosthenes
(who died in October of the same year), in the 6'3rd
year of his age, from the effects, not of poison, but
of a chronic disorder of the stomach. (Censorin. de
Die Nat. 14, extr. ; ApoUod. ap. Diog. La'trt. v.
1 0 ; Dionys. /. c. 5.) The accounts of his having
committed suicide belong to the region of fables
and tales. One story (found in several of the
Christian fathers) was, that he threw himself into
the Euripus, from vexation at being unable to dis-
cover the causes of the currents in it. On the
other hand, we have the account, that his mortal
remains were transported to his native city Stageira,
and that his memory was honoured there, like that
of a hero, by yearly festivals of remembrance.
(Vet Intp. ap. Buhle, vol. i. p. 56; Ammon. p.
47.) Before his death, in compliance with the
wish of his school, he had intimated in a symbolical
manner that of his two most distinguished scholars,
Menedemus of Rhodes and Theophrastus of Eresus
(in Lesbos), he intended the latter to be his suc-
cessor in the Lyceum. (Gellius, xiii. 5.)* He also
bequeathed to Theophrastus his well-stored library
and the originals of his own writings. From his
will (in Diog. Laert. v. 21; Hermipp. a;?. Allien.
xiii. p. 589, c), which attests the flourishing state
of his worldly circumstances not less than his
judicious and sympathetic care for his family and
servants, we gather, that his adoptive son Nicanor,
his daughter Pythias, the offspring of his first mar-
riage, as well as Herpyllis and the son he had by
her, survived him. He named his friend Antipater
as the executor of his will.

If we cast a glance at the character of Aristotle,
we see a man of the highest intellectual powers,
gifted with a piercing understanding, a compre-
hensive and deep mind, practical and extensive
views of the various relations of actual life, and
the noblest moral sentiments. Such he appears in
his life as well as in his writings. Such other in-
formation as we possess respecting his character
accords most completely with this view, if we
estimate at their real value the manifest ill-will
and exaggerations of the literary anecdotes which
have come down to us. At Athens the fact of his
being a foreigner was of itself a sufficient reason
for his taking no part in politics. For the rest, he
at any rate did not belong to the party of de-
mocratical patriots, of whom Demosthenes may be
regarded as the representative, but probably coincid-
ed rather with the conciliatory politics of Phocion.
A declared opponent of absoluiium {Polit. ii. 7. § 6),
he everywhere insists on conformity to the law,
for the law is " the only safe, rational standard to
be guided by, while the will of the individual man
cannot be depended on." He wished to form the
beau ideal of a ruler in Alexander {Polit. iii. 8,
extr.), and it is quite in accordance with the
oriental mode of viewing things, when the Arabian
philosophers, as Avicenna and Abu-1-faraj, some-
times call Aristotle, Alexander's vizier. (Comp.
Schmoelder's Docunmita Philosoph. Arab. p. 74.)

The whole demeanour of Aristotle was mai-ked
by a certain briskness and vivacity. His powers
of eloquence were considerable, and of a kind

* He praised the wines of both islands, but
said he thought that of Lesbos the more agreeable.

ARISTOTELES. 2-21

adapted to produce conviction in his hearers, a girt
which Antipater praises higlily in a letter written
after Aristotle's death. (Plut. Cat. Maj. p. 354,
Coriol. p. 234.) He exhibited remarkable atten-
tion to external appearance, and bestowed much
care on his dress and person. (Timotheus, ap.
Dio(j. L. v. 1; Aelian, V. II. iii. 19.) He is de-
scribed as having been of weak health, which, con-
sidering the astonishing extent of his studies,
shews all the more the energy of his mind. (Cen-
sor, de Dienat. 14.) He was short and of slender
make, with small eyes and a lisp in his pronun-
ciation, using L for R (jpavKos, Diog. L. v. 1),
and with a sort of sarcastic expression in his
countenance (fiwKla, Aelian, iii. 19), all which
characteristics are introduced in a maliciously
caricatured description of him in an ancient epi-
gram. (Anth. 552, vol. iii. p. 176, ed. Jacobs.)
The plastic works of antiquity, which pass as por-
traits of Aristotle, are treated of by Visconti,
{Iconographie Grecque, i. p. 230.)

II. Aristotle's Writings.

Before we proceed to enumerate, classify, and
characterise the works of the philosopher, it is
necessary to take a review of the history of their
transmission to our times. A short account of this
kind has at the same time the advantage of indi-
cating the progress of the development and influ-
ence of the Aristotelian philosophy itself.

According to ancient accounts, even the large
number of the works of Aristotle which are still
preserved, comprises only the smallest part of the
writings he is said to have composed. According
to the Greek commentator David {ad Categ. Prooem.
p. 24, 1. 40, Brand.), Andronicus the Rhodian
stated their number at 1000 <rxryy()diijxara. The
Anonym. Menagii (p. 61, ed. Buhle in Avist. 0pp.
vol. 1) sets down their number at 400 fii€\ia. Dio-
genes Laertius (v. 27) gives 44 myriads as the
number of lines. If we reckon about 10,000 lines
to a quire, this gives us 44 quires, while the writ-
ings extant amount to about the fourth part of
this. (Hegel, Vorlesungcn iiUr die Gesch. der
Philosophie, vol. ii. pp. 307, 308.) Still these
statements are very indefinite. Nor do we get on
much better with the three ancient catalogues of
his writings which are still extant, those namely of
Diogenes Laertius, the Anonym. Menag., and the
Arabian writers in Casiri {Bild. Arab. Hisp. vol. i.
p. 306), which may be found entire in the first vo-
lume of Buhle's edition of Aristotle. They all three
give a mere enumeration, without the least trace of
arrangement, and without any critical remarks.
They differ not only from each other, but from
the quotations of other writers and from the titles
of the extant works to such a degree, that all idea of
reconciling them must be given up. The difficulty
of doing so is further increased by the fact, that
one and the same work is frequently quoted under
different titles (Brandis, de perditis. Arist. libr de
Ideis et de Bono, p. 7 ; Ravaisson, Miiaphysique d'
Artstotc, vol. i. p. 48, Paris, 1837), and that sections
and books appear as independent writhigs under
distinct titles. From Aristotle's own quotations of
his works criticism can here derive but little
assistance, as the references for the most part are
quite general, or have merely been supplied by
later writers. (Ritter, Gesch. der Phil. vol. iii. p.
21, not. 1.) The most complete enumeration of the
writings of Aristotle from those catalogues, as well

Y

S22

ARISTOTELES.

of the extant as of the lost works, is to be found
in Fabricius. {DM. Gr. iii, pp. 207 — 284, and pp.
388 — 407.) The lost works alone have been
enumerated by Buhle {Cominentatio de deperd. Arist.
libr. in Comment. Societ. Gotting. vol. xv. p. 57, &c.)
But the labours of both these scholars no longer
satisfy the demands of modern critical science. To
make use of, and form a judgment upon those ancient
catalogues, is still further attended with uncertainty
from the circumstance, that much that was spu-
rious was introduced among the writings of Aris-
totle at an early period in antiquity. The causes
of this are correctly assigned by Ammonius. {Ad
Arist. Categ. fol. 3, a.) In the first place, several
of the writings of the immediate disciples of Aris-
totle, which treated of like subjects under like
names, as those of Theophrastus, Eudemus Rho-
dius, Phanias, and others, got accidentally inserted
amongst the works of the Stagirite. Then we mast
add mistakes arising Sio r-qv dixuvvfilav, as in the
ancient philosophical, rhetorical, and historico-
political literature there were several writers of the
same name. Lastly, the endeavours of the Ptole-
mies and Attali to enrich their libraries as much
as possible with works of Aristotle, set in motion
a number of people, whose love of gain rendered
them not over scrupulously honest. (Comp. David,
ad Categ. p. 28, a., 15, who assigns additional
causes of falsification ; Ammon. /. c. ; Simplicius,
fol. 4, 6 ; Galen, Comment. 2 in libr. de Nat. hum.
pp. 16, 17 ; Brandis, RMn. Mus. p. 260, 1827.)
It is very possible that the Greek lists, in particu-
lar that in Diogenes Laertius, are notiing else
than catalogues of these libraries. (Trendelenburg,
ad Arist. de Anima, p. 123.)

As regards the division of Aristotle's writings,
the ancient Greek commentators, as Ammonius
(ad Categ. p. 6, b. Aid.) and Simplicius {ad Cat.
pp. 1, 6, ed. Bas.) distinguish — 1. "tiroiivr]ixariKd,
i. e. collections of notices and materials, drawn up
for his own use. 2. 'S.uvTayimTiKa^ elaborate works.
Those which were composed in a strictly scientific
manner, and contained the doctrinal lectures {aKpo-
dfffis) of the philosopher, they called aKpoafiariKd
(Gell. XX. 5, has aKpoariKa, which form, however,
Schaefer, ad Plut. vol. v. p. 245, rejects), or else
iffbrrfpiKd, iiroTTTiKa. Those, on the other hand,
in which the method and style were of a more
popular kind, and which were calculated for a cir-
cle of readers beyond the limits of the school, were
termed i^tonpiKd. The latter were composed
chiefly in the form of dialogues, particularly such
as treated upon points of practical philosophy. Of
these dialogues, which were still extant in Cicero's
time, nothing has been preserved. (The whole of
the authorities relating to this subject, amongst
whom Strab. xiii. pp. 608, 609 ; Cic. de Fin. v. 5,
adAtt. iv. 16 ; Gell. l. c. ; Plut. Alex. 5, Advers.Co-
lot. p. 1115, b. are the most important, are given
at full length in Stahr's Aristotelia, vol. ii. p. 244,
&c. ; to which must be added Sopater atque S}Tian.
ad Hermog. p. 120, in Leonhard Spengel, l,vvaywyn
Tfx^^'^i s- de Artium Scriptt. &c. p. 167.)

The object which Aristotle had in view in the
composition of his exoteric writings appears to
have been somewhat of the following kind. He
wished by means of them to come to an understand-
ing with the public. The Platonic philosophy was
so widely diffused through all classes, that it was
at that time almost a duty for eveiy educated man
to be a follower of Plato. Aristotle therefore was

ARISTOTELES.

obliged to bieak ground for his newer philosophy
by enlightening the public generally on certain
practical points. In this way originated writings
like the " Eudemus," a refutation, as it appears, of
Plato's Phaedon ; his book irepi NoVwv, a critical
extract from Plato's "Laws;" farther, writings
such as that Trepi ^iKaioavvtis^ &c. These were the
\6yoi iu Koivq} e/cSeSo/ueVoj, and Stobaeus quotes
from them quite correctly in his Floritegium, e«
Twv 'Apia-ToreXovs KOINH^N SiaTpiScSv. (Comp.
Philop. ad Arist. de Anima, i. 138, c. 2.) In Aris-
totle himself (and this has not alwaj^s been duly con-
sidered) there occurs no express declaration of this
distinction. The designations esoteric, acroamatic^
or epoptic writings, would alike be looked for in
vain in all the genuine works of the philosopher.
It is only in his answer to the complaint of Alex-
ander, that by publishing his lectures he had made
the secrets of philosophy the common property of
all, that he says, that "the acroatic (acroamatic, or
esoter-ic) books had been published and yet not
published, for they were intelligible only to one
who had been initiated into philosophy." The ex-
pression ejcoteric, on the other hand, we find in
Aristotle himself, and that in nine passages. {Efh.
Nic. i. 13, vi. 4, Eth. Eudem.. ii. 1, ii. 8, v. 4, Polit,
iii. 4, vii. 1, Phys. iv. 14, Metaph. xiii. 1.) These
very passages prove incontestably, that Aristotle
himself had not in view a division of this kind in
the sense in which it was subsequently understood.
In one instance he applies the name exoteric to
writings which, in accordance with the above-men-
tioned division, must necessarily be set down as
esoteric; and secondly, in several of those passages
the term is merely employed to denote disquisitions
which are foreign to the matter in hand. Nay,
the expression is used to denote the writings of
other authors. The whole subject concerns us
more as a point of literary history than as having
any scientific . interest. " One sees at once for
one's self," says Hegel {Gesch. der Philos. ii. p. 310,
comp. 220, 238), "what works are philosophic and
speculative, and what are more of a mere empirical
nature. The esoteric is the speculative, which,
even though written and printed, yet remains
concealed from those who do not take sufficient
interest in the matter to apply themselves vigo-
rously. It is no secret, and yet is hidden." But
the same author is wrong in maintaining, that
among the ancients there existed no difference at
all between the writings of the philosophers which
they published, and the lectures which they deli-
vered to a select circle of hearers. The contrary is
established by positive testimony. Thus Aristotle
was the first to publish what with Plato were,
strictly speaking, lectures {&ypa<pa Soy/jLara, Bran-
dis, de perd. Ar. libr. de Ideis, p. 25 ; Trendelenb.
Platojiis de Ideis doctrina ex Platone illustrata, p. 2,
&c., Beriin, 1827). Hegel himself took good care
not to allow all the conclusions to which his system
conducted to appear in print, and Kant also
found it unadvisable for a philosopher "to give
utterance in his works to all that he thought, al-
though he would certainly say nothing that he did
not think."

The genuine Aristotelian writings which are
extant would have to be reckoned amongst the
acroamatic books. The Problems alone belong to
the class designated by the ancients hypomnematic
writings. Of the dialogues only small fragments
are extant. All that we know of them places

AUTSTOTELES.

tliom, as woll as tliose of Thcophnistiis, far below
the clranuilic as well as lively and chamctcristic
dialogues of Plato. The introductions, according
to a notice in Cicero {odAtt. iv. 16), had no inter-
nal connexion with the remainder of the treatises.

Fate of Aristotle's writings. 1. In antitjuity. — If
we bear in mind the above xii vision, adopted by
the Greek commentators, it is obvious that the so-
called hjfpomnematic writings were not published
by Aristotle himself, but made their appearance
only at a later time with the whole body of his
literary remains. On the other hand, there can
be no doubt that the exoteric writings, particularly
the dialogues, were published by the philosopher
himself. But respecting the acroamatic writings,
that is, respecting the principal works of Aristotle,
an opinion became prevalent, through misunder-
standing an ancient tradition, which maintained its
ground for centuries in the history of literature,
and which, though at variance with all reason and
history, has been refuted and corrected only within
the last ten years by the investigations of German
scholars.

According to a story which we find in Strabo
(xiii. p. 608) — the main authority in this matter —
(for the accounts given by Athenaeus, Plutarch,
and Suidas, present only unimportant variations),
Aristotle bequeathed his library and original manu-
scripts to his successor, Theophrastus. After the
death of the latter, these literary treasures together
with Theophrastus' own library came into the
hands of his relation and disciple, Neleus of Scep-
sis. This Neleus sold both collections at a high
price to Ptolemy II., king of Egypt, for the Alex-
andrine library ; but he retained for himself, as an
heirloom, the original MSS. of these two philoso-
phers' works. The descendants of Neleus, who
were subjects of the king of Pergamus, knew of no
other way of securing them from the search of the
Attali, who wished to rival the Ptolemies in form-
ing a large library, than concealing them in a cellar
{Kara yijs iv Sio'ypvyi rivi), where for a couple of
centuries they were exposed to the ravages of
damp and worms. It was not till the beginning
of the century before the birth of Christ that a
wealthy book-collector, the Athenian Apellicon of
Teos, traced out these valuable relics, bought them
from the ignorant heirs, and prepared from them a
new edition of Aristotle's works, causing the ma-
nuscripts to be copied, and filling up the gaps and
making emendations, but without sufficient know-
ledge of what he was about. After the capture
of Athens, Sulla in b. c. 84 confiscated Apellicon 's
collection of books, and had them conveyed to
Rome. [Apkllicon.]

Through this ancient and in itself not incredible
story, an error has arisen, which has been handed
down from the time of Strabo to the present day.
People thought (as did Strabo himself) that they
must necessarily conclude from this account, that
neither Aristotle nor Theophi-astus had published
their writings, with the exception of some exoteric
works, which had no important bearing on their
system ; and that it was not till 200 years later
that they were brought to light by the above-men-
tioned Apellicon and published to the philosophical
world. That, however, was by no means the case.
Aristotle indeed did not prepare a complete edition,
as we call it, of his writings. Nay, it is certain
that death overtook him before he could finish
Borne of them, revise others, and put the finishing

ARISTOTELES.

32S

touch to several. Nevertheless, it cainot be de-
nied that Aristotle destined all his works for pulv
lication, and himself, with the assistance of his
disciples, particularly Theophrastus, published those
which he completed in his lifetime. This is indis-
putably certain with regard to the exoteric writ-
ings. Of the rest, those which had not been pub-
lished by Aristotle himself, were made known by
Theophrastus in a more enlarged and complete
form ; as may be proved, for instance, of the phy-
sical and historico-political writings. Other scho-
lars of the Stagirite, as for example, the Rhodian
Eudemus, Phanias, Pasicrates, and others, illus-
trated and completed in works of their own, which
frequently bore the same title, certain works of
their teacher embracing a distinct branch of learn-
ing; while others, less independently, published
lectures of their master which they had reduced to
writing. The exertions of these scholars were, in-
deed, chiefly directed to the logical writings of the
philosopher ; but, considering the well-known mul-
tiplicity of studies which characterised the school
of the Peripatetics, we may assume, that the re-
maining writings of their great master did not
pass unnoticed. But the writings of Aristotle
were read and studied, in the first two centuries
after his death, beyond the limits of the school it-
self. The first Ptolemies, who were friends and
personal patrons of Aristotle, Theophrastus, Stra-
ton, and Demetrius Phalereus, spared no expense
in order to incorporate in the library which they
had founded at Alexandria the works of the founder
of the Peripatetic school, in as complete a form as
possible. For this and, they caused numerous
copies of one and the same work to be purchased ;
thus, for example, there were forty MSS. of the
Analytics at Alexandria. ( Ammon. ad Cat. fol. 3, a.)
And although much that was spurious found its
way in, yet the acutenes? and learning of the great
Alexandrine critics and grammai'ians are a sufficient
security for us that writings of that kind were sub-
sequently discovered and separated. It cannot be
determined, indeed, how far the studies of these
men were directed to the strictly logical and meta-
physical works ; but that they studied the histori-
cal, political, and rhetorical writings of Aristotle,
the fragments of their own writings bear ample
testimony. Moreover, as is well known, Aristotle
and Theophrastus were both admitted into the
famous "Canon," the tradition of which is at any
rate very ancient, and wliich included besides only
the philosophers, Plato, Xenophon, and Aeschines.
There can therefore be little doubt, that it is quite
false that the philosophical writings of Aristotle,
for the first two centuries after his death, remained
rotting in the cellar at Scepsis; and that it was
only certain copies which met with this fate : this
view of the case accords also with the direct testi-
mony of the ancients. (Gell. xx. 5 ; Plut. Alex. 7 ;
Simplicius, Prooem. ad Ar.Phys. extr., Ar. Foct.5,
extr. ; Brandis, Abhandl. der Berlin. Akad. xvii.
p. 268.) And in this way is it to be explained
why neither Cicero, who had the most obvious in-
ducements for doing so, nor any one of the nume-
rous Greek commentators, mentions a syllable of
this tradition about the fate and long concealment
of all the more important works of Aristotle. In
saying this, however, we by no means intend to
deny — 1. That the story in Strabo has some truth
in it, only that the conclusions which he and others
drew from it must be regarded as erroneous: or

V 2

324

ARISTOTELES.

2. That the fate which befol the literary rema'.ns
of Aristotle and Theophrastus was prejudicial to
individual writings, e. g. to the Metaphysics (see
Glaser, die. Arist. Metaph. p. 8, &c.) : or 3. That
through the discovery of Apcllicon several writings,
as e.g. the Problems, and other hyporanematic
works, as the Poetics, which we now possess, may
have come to light for the first time.

Meantime, after the first two successors of Aris-
totle, the Peripatetic school gradually declined.
The heads of the school, who followed Theophrastus
and Straton, viz. Lycon, Ariston of Ceos, Critolaus,
&x;., were of less importance, and seem to have oc-
cupied themselves more in carrying out some sepa-
rate dogmas, and commenting on the works of
Aristotle. Attention was especially directed to a
popular, rhetorical system of Ethics. The school
declined in splendour and influence ; the more ab-
struse writings of Aristotle were neglected, because
their form was not sufficiently pleasing, and the
esisy superficiality of the school was deterred by
the difficulty of unfolding them. Thus the expres-
sion of the master himself respecting his writings
might have been repeated, "that they had been
published and yet not published." Extracts and
anthologies arose, and satisfied the superficial wants
of the school, while the works of Aristotle himself
were thrust into the back-ground.

In Rome, before the time of Cicero, we find only
slender traces of an acquaintance with the writings
and philosophical system of Aristotle. They only
came there with the library of Apellicon, which
Sulla had carried off from Greece. Here Tyrannion,
a learned freedman, and still more the philosopher
and literary antiquary, Andronicus of Rhodes,
twined great credit by the pains they bestowed on
them. Indeed, the labours of Andronicus form an
epoch in the history of the Aristotelian writings.
[Andronicus, p. 176, b.]

With Andronicus of Rhodes the age of commen-
tators begins, who no longer, like the first Peripa-
tetics, treated of separate branches of philosophy
in works of their own, following the principles of
their master, but united in regular commentaries
explanations of the meaning with critical observa-
tions on the text of individual passages. The po-
pular and often prolix style of these commentaries
probably arises from their having been originally
lectures. Here must be mentioned, in the first
century after Christ, Boethus, a scholar of Andro-
nicus ; NicoLAUs Damascenus ; Alexander
Aegaeus, Nero's instnictor: in the second century,
AsPASius {Etii. Nic. ii. and iv.) ; Adrastus, the
author of a work "ntpi Trjs rd^ews rwv 'ApiaToreAous
^i^Kiuv ; Galen us; Alexander of Aphrodisias
in Caria. [See p. 112,] In the third and fourth
conturies, the new-Platonists engaged zealously in
the task of explaining Aristotle : among these we
must mention Porpiiyrius, the author of the in-
troduction to the Categories, and his pupil, Iam-
BLicHUS; Dexippus; and Themistius. In the
fifth century, Procl us; Ammonius; Damascius;
David the Armenian. In the sixth century, A scle-
pius, bishop of Tralles ; Olympiodorus, a pupil
of Ammonius. Simplicius was one of the teachers
of philosophy who, in the reign of Justinian, emi-
grated to the emperor Cosroes of Persia. (Jourdain,
Recherches critiques sur rage et Voriginedes Traduc-
tions latines d'' Arist, Paris, 1819.) His comment-
aries are of incalculable value for the history of the
Ionian, Pythagorean, and Eleatic philosophy. lu-

ARISTOTELES.
deed, in every point of view, they are, together
with those of Johannes Philoponus, the most
distinguished of all the works of Greek commen-
tators which have been preserved to us. Almost
contemporaneously with them the Roman consular
BoETHius, the last support of philosophical litera-
ture in Italy (a. d. 524), translated some of the
writings of Aristotle.

The series of the rnore profound commentators
ends with these writers ; and after a long interval,
the works of Aristotle became a subject of study
and explanation among the Arabians and in the
West, while among the Greeks scarcely any one
else is to be mentioned than Joh. Da.mascenus
and Photius in the eighth and ninth centuries ;
Michael Psellus, Michael Ephesius in the
eleventh centur}' ; Geo. Pachymeres and Eu-
STRATius in the twelfth; Leo Magentenus in
the fourteenth ; and Georgius Gemistus Pletho
and Georgius of Trapezus in the fifteenth. These
borrow all that they have of any value from the
older commentators. (Corap. Labbeus, Graecor.
Aristotelis Commentator. Conspectus^ Par. 1758.)
The older editions of these commentators were
published in the most complete form at Gbttingen,
in 30 vols. The best edition is by Chr. Aug.
Brandis, Scholia in Arist. collegit, &c., Berl. 1836,
4to., in two volumes, of which as yet only the first
has appeared.

2. JJistori/ of the tvritings of Aristotle in tlie East
and among the sclioolmen of the West in tlie middle
ages. — While the study of the writings and philo-
sophy of Aristotle was promoted in the West by
Boethius,* the emperor Justinian abolished the
philosophical schools at Athens and in all the cities
of his empire, where they had hitherto enjoyed the
protection and support of the state. At that time
also the two Peripatetics, Damascius and Simpli-
cius, left Athens and emigrated to Persia, where
they met with a kind reception at the court of
Cosroes Nushirwan, and by means of translations
diffused the knowledge of Greek literature. Soon
afterwards the Arabians appeared as a conquering
people, under the Ommaiades ; and though at first
thej' had no taste for art and science, they were
soon led to appreciate them under the Abbassides,
who ascended the throne of the khalifs in the mid-
dle of the eighth centur}^ The khalifs Al-Mansur,
Harun-al-Raschid, Mamun, Motasem(753 — 842),
favoured the Graeco- Christian sect of the Nesto-
rians, who were intimately acciuainted with the
Aristotelian philosophy ; invited Greek scholars to
the court at Bagdad, and caused the philosophical
works of Greek literature, as well as the medical
and astronomical ones, to be rendered into Arabic,
chiefly fi-om Greek originals, by translators ap-
pointed expressly for the task.

Through the last of the Ommaiades, Abd-alrah-
man, who escaped to Spain on the downfall of his
house in the East, this taste for Greek literature
and philosophy was introduced into the West also.
Schools and academies, like those at Bagdad, arose
in the Spanish cities subject to the Arabs, which
continued in constant connexion with the East.
Abd-alrahraan III, (about A, D. 912) and Hakera
established and supported schools and founded
libraries ; and Cordova became for Europe what

* From the fifth century onwards the first Latin
translations of Aristotle begin with that by St.
Augustin.

ARISTOTELES.

iJngJad was for Asia. Tn Ragdiid the celebrated
physician and philosopher, Aviccnna (1036"), and
in the West Averrhoes ( 1 1 98), and his disciple,
Moses Maimonides, did most to promote the study
of the Aristotelian philosophy by means of trans-
lations, or rather free paraphrases, of the philoso-
pher's writings. Through the Spanish Christians
and Jews, the knowledge of Aristotle was propa-
gated to the other nations of the West, and trans-
lations of the writings of Avicenna, who was
looked upon as the representative of Aristotelism,
spread over France, Italy, England, and Germany.
The loijical writings of Aristotle were known to
the schoolmen in western Christendom before the
twelfth century, through the translations of Boe-
thius ; but it was not till after the crusades (about
1270), that they possessed translations of all the
writings of Aristotle, which were made either from
Arabic copies from Spain, or from Greek originals
which they had brought with them from Constan-
tinople and other Greek cities. The first western
writer who translated any of the works of Aristotle
into Latin, was Hermannus Alemannus, at Toledo
in Spain, who translated the Ethics. Other trans-
lators, whose works are in part still preserved,
were Robert, bishop of Lincoln (1253), John of
Rasingstoke(1252), Wilhelm of Moerbecke(1281),
Gerard of Cremona (1 187), Michael Scotus (1217),
and Albertus Magnus. In the years 1260 — 1270
Thomas Aquinas, the most celebrated commen-
tator on Aristotle in the middle ages, prepared,
through the instrumentality of the monk Wilhelm
of Moerbecke, a new Latin translation of the writ-
ings of Aristotle after Greek originals.* He wrote
commentaries on almost all the works of the Stagi-
rite ; and, together with his teacher, the celebrated
Albertus Magnus, rendered the same services to
the Aristotelian philosophy in the West which
Avicenna and Averrhoes had done for the East
and the Arabians in Spain. For the West, Paris
was the seat of science and of the Aristotelian phi-
losophy in particular. Next to it stood Oxford
and Cologne. Almost all the celebrated schoolmen
of the middle ages owed their education to one or
other of these cities.

3. History of the tcritings of Aristotle since the
revival of classical studies. — After Thomas Aquinas,
distinguished schoolmen, it is true, occupied them-
selves with the writings of Aristotle ; but the old
barljaric translation was read almost exclusively.
With the revival of classical studies in Italy, at
the end of the fourteenth and the beginning of the
fifteenth centurj', the writings of Aristotle and the
mode of treating them experienced a revolution.
The struggle between liberal studies and the rigi-
dity and empty quibbling of the scholastic Aristo-
telism, ended in the victory of the former. Among
the first and most distinguished promoters of the
study of Aristotle was the excellent Greek scholar,
Joh. Argyropylus of Byzantium (a.d. 1486), from
whom Lorenzo de Medici took lessons. With
him should be mentioned Theodor. Gaza (1478),
Francisc. Philelphus (1480), Georgius of Tra-
pezus, Gennadms, Leonard. Aretinus (Bruni of
Arezzo). The exertions of the last-named scholar
were warmly seconded by the learned and accom-
plished pope Nicolaus V. (1447 — 1455), who was

* This is the translation known to critics as the
retus translation the verbal accuracy of which places
it on a level with the best MSS.

ARISTOTELES. 325

himself attached to the Aristotelian philosophy.
Tlieir scholars, Angelus Politianus, Hermolaus
Barbaras, Donatus Acciajolus, Bessarion, Augus-
tinus Niphus, Jacob Faber Stapulensis, Laurentius
Valla, Joh. Reuchlin, and others, in like manner
contributed a good deal, by means of translations
and commentaries, towards stripping the writings
of Aristotle of the barbarous garb of scholasticism.
The spread of Aristotle's writings by means of
printing, first in the Aldine edition of five volumes
by Aid. Pius Manutius, in Venice, 1495 — 1498,
was mainly instrumental in bringing this about.
In Germany, Rudolph Agricola, as well as Reuchlin
and Melanchthon, taught publicly the Aristotelian
philosophy. In Spain, Genesius Sepulveda, by
means of new translations of Aristotle and his
Greek commentators made immediately from Greek
originals, laboured with distinguished success
against the scholastic barbarism and the Aristo-
telism of Averrhoes. He was supported by the
Jesuits at Coimbra, whose college composed com-
mentaries on almost all the writings of the philoso-
pher. In like manner, in France, Switzerland,
and the Netherlands, Jacob Faber, Ludwig Vives,
Erasmus of Rotterdam, and Konrad Gesner, took
an active part in promoting the study of the Aris-
totelian philosophy ; and in spite of the counter-
efforts of Franciscus Patritius and Petrus Ramus,
who employed all the weapons of ingenuity against
the writings, philosophy, and personal character of
Aristotle, the study of his philosophy continued
predominant in almost all the schools of Europe.
Among the learned scholars of the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, we find the most distin-
guished busied with Aristotle. Their lectures,
however, which gave rise to numerous commenta-
ries and editions of Aristotle, are confined princi-
pally to his rhetorical, ethical, political, and aesthe-
tical works. The works on logic and natural his-
tory were seldom regarded, the metaphysical trea-
tises remained wholly unnoticed. In Italy we
must here mention Petrus Victorius (1585), and
his imitator M. Antonius Maioragius (Conti,
1555), Franc. Robortelli (1567), J. C. Scaliger
(1558), Julius Pacius a Beriga (1635), Baptist.
Camotius, Vincent Madius, and Barthol. Lombard us,
Riccoboni, Accoramboni, Montecatinus, &c. : among
the French, Muretus, Is. Casaubon, Ph. J. Maus-
sac, Dionys. Lambinus (1572): among the Dutch,
Swiss, and Germans, Obert. Giphanius (van Giffen,
1604), the physician Theod. Zwinger (a friend of
and fellow-labourer with Lambinus, and a scholar of
Konrad Gesner), Camerarius of Bamberg (1574),
Wilh. Hilden of Beriin (1587), Joh. Sturm (1589),
Fred. Sylburg (1596), &c.

Within a period of eighty years in the sixteenth
century, besides innumerable editions of single
wiitings of Aristotle, there appeared, beginning
with the Basle edition, which Erasmus of Rotterdam
superintended, no fewer than seven Greek editions
of the entire works of the philosopher, some of
which were repeatedly reprinted. There was also
published a large number of Latin translations.
From facts of this kind we may come to some con-
clusion as to the interest felt by the learned public
in that age in the writings of the philosopher. In
England we see no signs of such studies ; and it is
only in Casaubon (in the preface to his edition of
the works of Aristotle) that we meet with the no-
tice, that at the beginning of the sixteenth century,
under the guidance of the learned physician, Tho»

326

ARISTOTELES.

mas Linacre (1524), and witli the co-operation of
his friends Latomer and Grocinius, a society was
formed there "ad illustrandam Aristotelis philoso-
phiam et vertendos denuo ejus libros." But the
undertaking does not appear to have been carried
into execution.

With Casaubon, who intended to promote the
study of Aristotle in various ways (as e. g. by a
collection of the fragments of the -KoKnCiai^ see
Casaub. ad Diog. Lai'rt. v. 27), the series of philo-
logists ends, wlio paid attention to the writings of
Aristotle ; and from the beginning of the seven-
teenth to the end of the eighteenth century the
history of Aristotelian literature is a perfect blank.
For among the large number of eminent scholars
which the Dutch school has to boast of, with the
exception of Daniel Heinsius, whose desultory la-
bours bestowed on the Poetics and Ethics hardly
deserve mentioning, not one can be named who
made Aristotle the subject of his labours; and a
complaint made by Valckenaer, respecting the neg-
lect of the philosopher among the ancients, applied
at the same time to the philologists of his own age.
( Valck. ad Sc/iul. Eurip. Phocn. p. 695.) Nor has
England, with the exception of some editions of
the Poetics by Burgess and Tyrwhitt, Goulston
and Winstanley, any monument of such studies
worthy of notice. In Germany lectures on the
Aristotelian philosophy were still delivered at the
universities ; but with the exception of Rachelius,
Piccart, Schrader, and Conring, who are of little
importance, scarcely any one can be mentioned but
the learned Joh. Jonsenius (or Jonsius, 1624 —
1659) of Holstein, and Melchior Zeidler of Konigs-
berg, of whom the first rendered some valuable
service to the history of Aristotelian literature
{Jlistorixx Peripatetica^ attached to the edition of
Launoi's work de varia Aristotelis fortuna, &c.,
Wittemberg, 1720, ed. Elswich.), while the other
was actively employed on the criticism and exegesis
of the philosopher's writings.

In Germany, Lessing was the first, who, in his
Dramaturgic, again directed attention to Aristotle,
particularly to his Poetics, Rhetoric, and Ethics.
Of the philologists, Reiz, and the school of F. A.
Wolf, e. g. Spalding, Fiilleborn, Delbriick, and
Vater, again applied themselves to the writings
of Aristotle. But the greatest ser^^ce was ren-
dered by J. G. Schneider of Saxony (1782— 1822)
by his edition of the Politics and the History of Ani-
mals. Several attempts at translations in German
were made, and J. G. Buhle, at the instigation of
Heyne and Wolf, even applied himself to an edi-
tion of the entire works of Aristotle (1791 — 1800),
which was never completed. At the commence-
ment of the nineteenth century, their ranks were
joined by Gottfried Hermann and Goethe. Mean-
time a new era for the philosophical and philologi-
cal study of the Stagirite began with Hegel, the
founder of the prevailing philosophy of this cen-
tury, who properly, so to say, was the first to dis-
close to the world the deep import of the Greek
philosopher, and strenuously advocated the study of
his works as the noblest problem connected with
classical philology. At the same time the Berlin
academy, through Bekker and Brandis, undertook
an entirely new recension of the text ; and the French
Institute, by means of prize essays, happily de-
signed and admirably executed, promoted the un-
derstanding of the several works of Aristotle, and
the means of forming a judgment respecting them.

ARISTOTELES.

The works of Ravaisson, Michelet, and Barthel-^
my-St. Hilaire are valuable in this respect. Seve-
ral French translations also made their appearance.
In England, in like manner, where the Ethics and
Rhetoric of Aristotle still maintained their place in
the course of classical instruction, some works of
merit connected with the study of Aristotle have
appeared of late, among which Taylor's transla-
tion may be particularly mentioned.

The most important editions of the entire works
of Aristotle are : 1. Aldina, editio princeps, by
Aldus Pius Manutius, Venice, 1495 — 98, 5 vols,
fol. (called also Aldina major). For the criticism
of the text, this is still the most important of all
the old editions. 2. BasiJeensis III. Basil. 1550,
fol. 2 vols., with several vjiriations from, and some
essential improvements upon, the editio princeps.
It has been especially prized for the criticism of
the Politics. The Basileensis I. and II., which
appeared at Basel in 1531 and 1539, are nothing
but bad reprints of the editio princeps. 3. Canto-
iiana, ov Aldina minor, edited by Joh. Bapt. Camo-
tius, Venice, 1551 — 53, 6 vols. 8vo. 4. St/lburg-
iana, Francof. 11 vols. 4to. 1584 — 87. This
edition of Sylburg's surpassed all the previous ones,
and even the critic of the present day cannot dispense
with it. 5. Casauboniaiia, Lugd. Batav. 1590, by
Isaac Casaubon, 2 vols. fol. reprinted in 1597, 1605,
1646. This is the first Greek and Latin edition
of the entire works of Aristotle, but prepared has-
tily, and now worthless. The same may be said
of the 6. Du Vulliana, Paris, 1619 and 1629,
2 vols, fol.; 1639, 4 vols. fol. by Guil. Du VaL
Much more important is the 7. Bipontina (not
completed), edited by Joh. Gottl. Buhle 1791 —
1800, 5 vols. 8vo. It contains only the Organon
and the rhetorical and poetical writings. The
continuation was prevented by the conflagration of
Moscow, in which Buhle lost the materials which
he had collected. The first volume, which con-
tains, amongst other things, a most copious enume-
ration of all the earlier editions, translations, and
commentaries, is of great literary value. The cri-
tical remarks contain chiefly the variations of older
editions. Little is done in it for criticism itself
and exegesis. 8. Bekkeriana. Berolini, 1831 —
1840, ex recensione Iramanuelis Bekker, edid.
Acad. Reg. Boruss., 2 vols, text, 1 voL Latin trans-
lations by various authors, which are not always
good and well chosen, and not always in accordance
with the text of the new recension. Besides these,
there are to be 2 vols, of scholia edited by Brandis,
of which only the first volume has yet appeared.
This is the first edition founded on a diligent
though not always complete comparison of ancient
MSB. It forms the commencement of a new era for
the criticism of the text of Aristotle. Unfortunately,
there is still no notice given of the MSS. made use
of, and the course in consequence pursued by the
editor, which occasions great difficulty in making
a critical use of this edition. Bekker's edition
has been reprinted at Oxford, in 11 vols. 8vo.,
with the Indices of Sylburg. Besides these, there
is a stereot3'pe edition published by Tauchnitz,
Lips. 1832, 16mo. in 16 vols., and another edition
of the text, by Weise, in one volume. Lips. 1843.

III. Enumeration and review of the

WRITINGS OF Aristotle.
We possess no safe materials for a chronological
arrangement of the several writings, such as \v:vs

ARISTOTELES.

attempted by Samuel Petitus. (Miscell. iv. 9.) Ttic
citsitions in the separate writings are of no use for
this purpose, as they are often additions made by
a later hand ; and, not un frequently, two writings
refer reciprocally to each other. (Hitter, Gcsc/i. der
Philosophies iii. p. 29, not. 1, p. 35, not. 2.) More-
over, such an arrangement is of small importance
for the works of a philosopher like Aristotle.

A systematic arrangement was first given to the
writings of Aristotle by Andronicus of Rhodes.
He placed together in pragmaties (7r/ja7)tiaTcraj)
the works which treated of the some subjects, the
logical, physical, &c. , (Porphyr. Vit. FLotin. 24 ;
Casiri, BiUioih. Arabico-Escorialens. p. 308.) His
arrangement, in which the logical pragmaty came
first, agreed, as it appears, in many other respects
with the present arrangement in the editions.
(Ravaisson, Essai sur la Metaphys. i. pp. 22 — 27.)
He seems to have been followed by Adrastus, as is
in part testified by the express evidence of Greek
interpreters. The arrangement of Andronicus ap-
pears to have been preserved in the division pecu-
liar to the Latins (/cord AotiVous), e. e. to the Latin
translators and expositors from the fourth to the
sixth century, which is spoken of in one or two
notices in the MSS. of Aristotle collated by Bekker.
{Arist. 0pp. ed. Bekker, Rliet i. 8, p. 1368, b.
ii. init. p. 1377, b., iii. init. p. 1403, b.) The di-
visions of the Greek commentators may be found
in Stahr {Aristot. ii. p. 254), with which David ad
Categ. p. 24 ; Philop. ad Categ. p. 36, ed. Berolin.
may be compared. They separate the writings of
Aristotle into three principal divisions. 1. Theoretic.
2. Practical. 3. Logical or organical^ which again
have their subdivisions. The arrangement in the
oldest printed edition of the entire works rests
probably upon a tradition, which in its essential
features may reach back as far as Andronicus. In
the Aldina the Organon (the logical writings) comes
first; then foUow the works on physical science,
including the Problems; then the mathematical
and metaphysical writings ; at the end the writings
which belong to practical philosophy, to which in
the following editions the Rhetoric and Poetics
are added. This arrangement has continued to be
the prevailing one down to the present day. In
the following survey we adhere to the arrangement
adopted by Zell, who divides the works into,
A. Doctrinal^ B. Historical^ c. Miscellaneous, D. Let-
ters, E. Poems and Speeches. Every systematic
division of course has reference principally to the
first class. The principle to be kept in view in
the division of these works must be determined
from what Aristotle says himself. According to
him, every kind of knowledge has for its object
either, 1, Merely the ascertainment of truth, or
2, Besides this, an operative activity. The latter
has for its result either the production of a work
(iToiuv), or the result is the act itself, and its pro-
cess (■jrpoTT€ij'). Accordingly every kind of know-
ledge is either I. Productive, poetic (eirto-Trj/xr?
irotrjTiKTJ); or IT. Practical (e7rKrTT7;U7; irpo/cTj/cr]) ;
or III. Theoretical (^ttiottt^/utj i&ewpTjTtKTj).* Theo-
retical knowledge has three main divisions (<^tAo-
<ro<l>iai, TrpayiMiTe7ai), namely : 1. Physical science
{hri(miiJL7} (pvffiKri) ; 2. Mathematics (eV. fiadTifiOr
Ti/cTf) ; 3. The doctrine of absolute existence (in
Aristotle ■>} TrpwTTj <pi\o(ro(pia, or eTr/oTT^/nTj ^eoKo-

• Metaph. K. 6, p. 226, Brandis, E. 1 and 2
Eth. Nic. vi. 3 and 4.

ARISTOTELES. 327

7«/C7f, or simply aocpla).* Practical science, or
pnictical philosophy (?} <pi\oao<pia Trepl to dyQpoi-
TTiva, t) TToXniKii, in the general sense of the word,
Eth. Nic. i. 2, Magna Moral, i. 1, RM. i. 2),
teaches a man to know the highest purpose of
human life, and the proper mode of striving to
attain it with respect to dispositions and actions.
It is 1. with reference to the individual man, ethics
(7}0j/cr}) ; 2. With reference to the family and do-
mestic concerns, Oeconomics {olKovoixiKifi) ; 3. With
reference to the state. Politics (iroAtrt/crJ, in the
more restricted sense of the word ; Eth. Nic. x. 9).
Lastly, in so far as science is a scientific mode of
regarding knowledge and cognition itself, and its
forms and conditions, and the application of them,
it is — IV. *E7rj(rT7f|U77 cr/coTroucra Trepl diroSci^cws
/col eTTKTTT^ixrjs {Metaph. K. i. p. 213, Brandis),
which must precede the Trpunrf (pi\o(TO(pla. {Met.
r. 3, p. 66., lin. 24.) This is Dialectics or Analytics^
or, according to our use of terms. Logic. Some-
times Aristotle recognises only the two main divi-
sions of practical and tlieoretical philosophy. {Me-
taph. ii. 1, p. 36, Brand.)

A. Doctrinal Works.

1. Dialectics and Logic.

The extant logical writings are comprehended
as a whole under the title Organon {i. e. instru-
ment of science). They are occupied with the
investigation of the method by which man arrives
at knowledge. Aristotle develops the rules and
laws of thinking and cognition from the nature of
the cognoscent faculty in man. An insight into
the nature and formation of conclusions and of
proof by means of conclusions, is the common aim
and centre of all the separate six works composing
the Organon. Of these, some ( Topica and Elench.
Sophist.) have the practical tendency of teaching us
how, in disputing, to make ourselves masters of
the probable, and, in attacking and defending, to
guard ourselves against false conclusions (Dialectics,
Eristics). In the others, on the other hand, which
are more theoretical {analytica), and which contain
the doctrine of conclusions (Syllogistics) and of
proof (Apodeictics), the object is certain, strictly
demonstrable knowledge.

Literature of the Organon. — Organon, ed. Pacius
a Beriga, Morgiis, 1584, Francof. 1597, 4to. ;
Elementa logices Aristot. ed. Trendelenburg, Berol.
1836, 8vo. 2nd. ed.' 1842 ; Explanations thereon
in Gennan, Berlin, 1842, 8vo, — Weinholtz, De
finibus et pretio logices Arist. Rostochii, 1824. —
Brandis, Utber die Reihenfolge der Buclter des Or-
ganon, &c., in the Abliandl. d. Berl. Akad., 1835,
p. 249, &c. — Biese, die Philosophic des Aristot. \. pp.
45-318. — J. Barthelemy St. Hilaire, De la Logique
d'^Aristoie, Memoire couronnee par I'lnstitut, Paris,
1838, 2 vols. 8vo.

The usual succession of the logical writings in
the editions is as follows :

1. The Karrtyoplai {Praedicamenta). In this
work Aristotle treats of the (ten) highest and most
comprehensive generic ideas, under which all the
attributes of things may be subordinated as species.
These are essence or substance (7} ov(ria), quantUy
{tvSaov'), quality {iro'iov), relation {trpos ti), place
(ttow), time (ttotc), situation {KitaBai), possession or
having (exf'"), action {iroiiiv), siiff'ering irdax^^^)-

* Metaphys. E. 1, K. 1, L. 1.

328

ARISTOTELES.

The origin of thess categories, according to Tren-
delenburg's investigation, is of a linguistic- grammati-
cal nature. (Trend, de Arist. Ckteg. BeroL 1833,
8vo.)

2. riepl epixrjveLas (de 'Elocutione oratorio)^ i. e.
concerning the expression of thoughts by means of
speech. By ep/xi^vfia Aristotle understands the
import of all the component parts of judgments
and conclusions. As the Categories are of a gram-
matical origin, so also this small treatise, which
was probably not quite completed, was, as it were,
the fii-st attempt at a philosophical system of gram-
mar. (See Classen, de Grammatkae Graecae Pri-
inordiis, Bonnae, 1 829, p. 52 ; K. E. Geppert,
Darstellung der Gramniaiischen Kategorieti, Berlin,
1836, p. 11.)

After these propaedeutical treatises, in which
definitions (opoi) and propositions {TrpoTdaeis) are
treated of, there follow, as the first part of Logic,
properly so called, 3. The two books 'AvaKiniKci
TrpdTfpa (A7iaJi/tica priora), the theory of conclu-
sions. The title is derived from the resolution of
the conclusion into its fundamental component
parts {dvaXvfiv). The word TrpSrepa, appended to
the title, is from a later hand. 4. The two books,
AvaKvTiKO, vcrrepa (also Seurepo, /LieyoAa), treat,
the first of demonstrable (apodeictic) knowledge,
the second of the application of conclusions to proof.
5. The eight books TottikcDj' embrace Dialectics,
t. e. the logic of the probable according to Aristotle.
It is the method of arriving at farther conclusions
on every problem according to probable propositions
and general points of view. From these last,
(tottoi, se/Jes etfontes argumentorum^ loci, Cic. T<yp.
c. 2, Oral. c. 14,) the work takes its name. We
must regard as an appendix to the Topica the
treatise, 6, Hepl ao<pi(TTiKuv eKeyx^i concerning
the fallacies which only apparently prove something
to us. Published separately by Winckelmann,
Leipzig, 1833, as an appendix to his edition of
Plato's Euthydemus.

2. T/teoretical Philosophy.

Its three parts are Physics, Matluimaiics, and
Metaphysics. In Physics, theoretical philosophy
considers material substances, which have the
source of motion in themselves (rd. ovra § kivov-
ixeva). In mathematics the subject is the attri-
butes of quantity and extension (to ttSctou /col t6
avvex^s), which are external to motion indeed,
but not separate from things (x«P"rra), though
they are still independent, Kaff aiira fieuovTa.
Metaphysics (in Arist. irpwrri (pi\o(TO(pia, (rotpia,
^eohoyla, ^eo\oyiKTJ cttktt'^ij.t), or <piXo(To<pia
simply) have to do with eaistence in itself and as
such (to 6v p 6v, Met. V. 1, E. 1), which in like
manner is external to motion ; but at the same
time exists by itself separably from individual
things (to xw^to-T^j' 6v koX to oxivt^tov). Their
subject therefore is the universal, the ultimate
cjiuses of things, the best, the first (to KaQoKov^
rd ahia, to &pi(TTOV^ to TrpcoTO, irepl dpxds (ttkt-
TT^uTj), absolute existence, and the one. To this
last branch belong

The Metaphysics^ in 14 books {twv ixerd rd j
<pv(nKd^ A — N), which probably originated after !
Aristotle's death in the collection of originally in- j
dependent treatises. The title also is of late i
origin. It occurs first in Plutarch (Alex. c. 7), j
and must probably be traced back to Androuicus

ARISTOTELES.
of Rhodes. Out of this pragmaty there have been
lost the writings Ile/ji <pL\o(TO(plas^ in three books,
containing the first sketch of metaphysics, and a
description of the Pythagorean and Platonic philo-
sophy ; and Uep) Ideas, in at least four books, a
polemic representation of the Platonic doctrine of
ideas. (See Brandis, Diatribe de perd. Arist.
libr. 21. 14.)

Literature of the Metaphysics. The edition by
Brandis, Berlin, 1823, of which hitherto only the
first vol., containing the text, has appeared. Scho-
lia Graeai in Arist. Met. ed. Brandis, Berol. 1837,
8vo. iv. 1 ; Biese, die Philosophie des Arist. i, pp.
310 — 661; Michelet, Exameii critique de la Me-
taph. d'' Arist., Paris, 1836 ; Ravaisson, Sicr la
Metaph. d'' Arist.., Paris, 1838 ; Glaser, rfie i\/e/apA.
des Arist. nach Composition^ Inlialt, und Alethode.
Berlin, 1841 ; Vater, Viadiciae tkeobgiae Arisio-
ielis, Lips. 1795 ; Brandis, Diatribe de perd. Arist.
libr. de Ideis et de Bono, sive de PhUosophia, Bon-
nae, 1823, and Rlieinisclies Museum, ii. 2, p. 208,
&c,, 4, p. 558, &c,; Trendelenburg, Platonis de Ideis
et Numeris Doctrina ex A ristotele illustrata. Lips.
1826 ; Starke, de Arist. de Intelligentia, sive de
Mente Sententia, Neo-Ruppini, 1833, 4to. ; Bonitz,
Observationes criticae iti Aristotelis libros metaphy-
sicos, Berol. 1842.

Mathematics, the second science in the sphere of
Theoretical Philosophy, is treated of in the follow-
ing writings of Aristotle : —

1. rie/zi ur6p.(t)v ypafifioiu, i. e. concerning indi-
visible lines, intended as a proof of the doctrine of
the infinite divisibilitj' of magnitudes. This work
was attributed by several ancient critics to Theo-
phrastus. Ed. princeps by Stephanus, 1557.

2. MTixai'tKo -npoSK-nfiaroL, Mechanical Problems,
critically and exegetically edited by Van Capelle,
Amstelod. 1812. The Roman writer Vitruvius
made diligent use of this treatise

We now come to the third main division of
Theoretical Philosophy, viz. Physics or Natural
science (Trpay/xarela s. /xcBoSos (pucriKifi, iin(n-/iix7]
TTfpJ (pvaeus, i(TTOpla ire pi (piiTecLS, Phys. i. I ; de
Caelo, iii. 1.) According to the way in which it
is treated of by Aristotle, it exhibits the following
division and arrangement : The science of Physics
considers as well the universal causes and relations
of entire nature, as the individual natural bodies.
The latter are either simple and therefore eternal
and imperishable, as the heaven, the heavenly
bodies, and the fundamental powers of the elements
(warm, cold, moist, dry) ; or they are compound,
earthly, and perishable. The compound physical
substances are, 1. such as are formed immediately
by the above-mentioned fundamental forces, as the
elements — fire, air, water, earth ; 2. collections of
homogeneous matter {6iJ.uioiJ.eprj, similaria), which
are compounded of the elements, e.g. stones, blood,
bones, flesh; 3, heterogeneous component parts (a^'o-
fj,oiofj.eprj, dissimilaria), as e. g, head, hand, &c.,
which are compounded of ditferent homogeneous
constituent parts, as of bones, blood, flesh, &c.;
4. organized objects compounded of such hetero-
geneous constituent parts : animals, plants. The
course of observation and investigation proceeds
from the whole and universal to the particular and
individual ; but in the case of each individual
portion of the representation, from the cogiioscent
observation of the external appearance to the in-
vestigation of the causes. {Pkys. i. 1, iii. 1 ; de
PartU). Animaly i. 5 ; Hist.Anim. i. 6. § 4, Schnci-

ARISTOTELES.
der.) In the latter the most important tiling is
the investigation of the purpose (to o5 eve/co,
eauia fnalis), by moans of which one arrives at
the idea of the thing {\6yos^ or r6 tI ^v dvai).
Aristotle reproaches the older investigators with
having neglected to penetrate into the purpose and
idoa {t4\os and \6yos) of the individual sides and
parts of nature, and with having always sought
merely for the material cause of things. {De
Gcnerationey v. 1, ii. 6.) In this investigation of
the purpose, the leading idea is always to shew,
that the natural object, which fonns the subject of
investigation, corresponds most completely in the
way in which it exists to the idea intended to be
rvali/.ed, and accordingly best fulfils its purpose.
{Be Partib. Anim. L 5 ; Phys. i. 8 ; De Incessu
Aniin. 2.)

According to this mode of considering the writ-
ings of this pragmaty, they will be arranged in the
following manner : —

1 . The eight books of Physics {<pv(TiKrj uKpoacris^
called also by others trepl apx^v ; the last three
books are likewise entitled inpl Kivqaiu>s by Sim-
plicius, Prooem. ad Phys. and ad vi. pp. 404-5,
ed. Berol.) In these Aristotle develops the
general principles of natural science. (Cosmology.)

The investigation of the principles of the uni-
verse is naturally succeeded by the consideration
of the principal parts of it, the heaven, the heavenly
bodies, and the elements. There follows accord-
ingly*

2. The work concerning the Heaven (vepl oipa-
voG), in four books, which is entitled irepl koVjuou
by Alexander of Aphrodisias. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr.
iii. p. 230, Harl.) According to an astronomical
notice in i. 12, the work was composed after the
year b. c. 357. See Keppler, Astron. opt. p. 357 ;
Bailly, Hisloire de V Astronomic., p. 244.

3. The two books on Production and Destruction
(irepi yiViCius Koi (pdopas, de Generatione et Cor-
ruptione)., develop the general laws of production
and destruction, which are indicated more definitely
in the process of formation which goes on in
inorganic nature, or in meteorological phaenomena.
The consideration of this forms the contents of the

4. Four books on Meteorology (fieTewpoKoyiKa,
de Meteoris). This work, which is distinguished
by the clearness and ease of its style, was com-
posed after b. c. 341, and before the time when an
acquaintance with India was obtained by Alex-
ander's expedition. (St. Croix, Eaamen critique
des Hist d'Alex. p. 703 ; Ideler, Meteorologia vet.
Graecor. et Bom., Berol. 1832.) It contains the
groundwork of a physical geography. It has been
edited by Ideler, Lips. 1834, 2 vols., with a pro-
fuse commentary. This work is commonly fol-
lowed in the editions by the treatise

5. On tfie Universe (Trcpl K6afJiOv, de Mundo), a
letter to Alexander, which treats the subject of the
last two works in a popular tone and a rhetorical
style altogether foreign to Aristotle. The whole
is probably a translation of a work with the same
title by Appuleius, as Stahr {Arist. bei den jRomem,
p. 165, &c.) has endeavoured to prove. Osann
ascribes it to the Stoic Chrysippus {Beitr'dge zur
Gi-ieck u. Bom. Litt. GescL, Dannstadt, 1 835, vol. i.
pp. 141 — 283.) The latest editor of Appuleius
(Hildebrand, Prolegg. ad Appul. vol. i. p. xli., &c.),
on the contrary, looks upon the Latin work as the
translation.

To the same division of this pnigraaty belongs

ARISTOTELES. 329

the small fragment on the local names of several
winds {avffXMV ^kmis Kal irpocnryoplai, out of the
larger work Trtpt arr}ij.eluv x*'/***"'^"? I^iog- L« v«
26 ; printed in Arist. OpP'^ ed. Du Val. vol. ii. p.
848), and a fragment extant only in a Latin form,
De f\^ili IncremcTiio.

The close of the fourth book of the Meteorologies
conducts us to the consideration of earthly natural
bodies composed of homogeneous parts (dyu.ojo/x€p-^).
Separate treatises on the inorganic bodies of the
same class, e. g. irepl ucToiWwv (Olympiod. ad
Arist. Meteorol. i. 5, vol. i. p. 133, Ideler), and
irepi T^s A/001; (Diog. L. v. 26), have perished.
Among the works on organic natural bodies, Aris-
totle himself {Meteor, i. 1) places first those on
the animal kingdom, to the scientific consideration
of which he devoted, according to Pliny {H. N.
viii. 17), fifty, according to Antigonus Carystius
(c. QQ), seventy treatises. Respecting the scien-
tific arrangement of the extant works of this
pragmaty see Trendelenburg, ad Arist. de Anima
Prooem. p. 114, &c. The work which we must
place first is

6. The History of Animals (irepl f'wcoi' fcTTopia,
called by Aristotle himself al irepl to ^wa iffro-
piai and fauK?) ta-Topla, De Partibus, iii. 14. § 5)
in nine books. In this work Aristotle treats,
chiefly in the way of description, of all the peculi-
arities of this division of the natural kingdom,
according to genera, classes, and species ; making
it his chief endeavour to give all the characteristics
of each animal according to its external and in-
ternal vital functions ; according to the manner of
its copulation, its mode of life, and its character.
This enormous work, partly the fruit of the kingly
liberality of Alexander, has not reached us quite
complete. On the other hand, respecting a tenth
book appended in the MSS., which treats of the
conditions of the productive power, scholars are not
agreed. Scaliger wants to introduce it between
the 7th and 8th books ; Camus regards it as the
treatise spoken of by Diogenes Laertius: uTrep
Tou prj yeyudv ; Schneider doubts its authenticity.
According to a notice in several MSS. (p. 633, ed.
Berolin.), it originates in the Latin recension of
the writings of Aristotle. Respecting the plan,
contents, history, and editions of the work, Schnei-
der treats at length in the Epimetra in the first
vol. of his edition. The best edition is by Schnei-
der, in four vols. 8vo., Lips. 1811.

This work, the observations in which are the
triumph of ancient sagacity, and have been con-
firmed by the results o^ the most recent investiga-
tions (Cuvier), is followed by

7. The four books on the Parts of Animals (irfpl
^axuiv fxopiwv\ in which Aristotle, after describing
the phaenomena in each species develops the causes
of these phaenomena by means of the idea to be
formed of the purpose which is manifested in the
formation of the animal. According to Titze {de
Arist. Opp.Sene., pp.55 — 58), the first book of this
work forms the introduction to the entire preceding
work on animals, and was edited by him under
the title A070S irepl (pvaews ixaKiara fxeOoSiKSs,
Prag. 1819, and Leipzig, 1823, 8vo., with a Ger-
man translation and remarks. This work, too, as
regards its form, belongs to the most complete and
attmctive of the works of Aristotle. There is a
separate work in five books

8. On the Generation of Animals (irep2 foJwp
7ci'e(T£ws), which treats of the generation of ani-

330

ARISTOTELES.

mals and the organs of generation. The fifth book
liowever does not belong to this work, but is a
treatise on tlie changes which the several parts of
the body suffer.

9. De Incessu AnimaUum ("rrepl ^uwv iropeias),
the close of which (c. 19. p. 713, ed. Bekk.), after
the external phaenomena of the animal kingdom
and of animal organization have been treated of,
leads us to the consideration of the internal cause
of these, the sottl. The consideration of this is
taken up by Aristotle in the

10. Three books on tlie Soul (irepl ^vxns). After
he has criticised the views of earlier investigators,
he himself defines the soul to be "the internal
formative principle of a body which may be per-
ceived by the senses, and is capable of life" (e/5os
aca/xaTos (pvaiKov dvvdfiei fa>7)j/ exoyros). Such an
internal formative principle is an evreAexf to ; (re-
specting this expression, see Biese, Phil, des Ai-ist.
pp. 355, 452, 479, &c.) ; the soul is therefore the
entelccheia of a body capable of life, or organized :
it is its essence (ouffjo), its x6yos. This work has
been edited by Trendelenburg, Jenae, 1833, 8vo. —
one of the most excellent editions of any separate
portion of Aristotle's writings in point of criticism
and explanation. With this work the following
treatises are connected, in which individual sub-
jects are carried out :

11. On the Motion of Animals {TrepX ^o&av kivt^-
ffeas).

1 2. Parva Naturalia, a series of essays, which,
according to their plan, form an entire work {de
Sensu, c. 1) on sense and the sensible. These
treatises come next in the following succession :

(a) On Memory and Recollectio7i {irepL ixmjfirjs
Kat dua/JLin^ffews).

(b) On Sleep and Waking (irepl Svvov Kol iyprf-
ySpcrecas).

(c) On Dreams (Trepl ivwrviup).

(d) Ufpl TTJs Kad' vTTVov fjLavTiKTJs (de Divinatione
per Somnum).

(«) riepl ixaKpoSiSTTfTos Kol fipaxv€i6TTjT0S {d«
Longitudine et Brevituie Vitae).

(/) Ilepl viOT-qros koX yi'ipws (de Juventute et
Scnectute).

(9) Tlfpl dvawvorjs {de Respiraiione).

(h) Tlepl ^uiijs Kal B-avdrov {de Vita et Morte).

With these treatises closes the circle of the
Aristotelian doctrine of animals and animal life.

13. The treatise de Sensti, according to Trendel-
enburg's conjecture, has come down to us in an
incomplete fonn, and the extant fragment irepl
dKovcTTcov* probably belongs to it. The same is
probably the case with the treatise

14. On Colours {trepl xpfyLictTcov), which, liow-
ever, Titze (/. c.p. 67) regards as a fragment of the
lost work on Plants. The fragment Trepl irve^ftaros
(de Sjnritu), of doubtful authenticity, and, accord-
ing to recent investigations, the production of a
Stoic, is connected, as regards its subject, with the
treatise irepl dvaTrvorjs. The treatise on Physio-
gnomics ((^ucrio7J''&)iH£/ca) printed in Fitinz, Sc?-iptores
Physiognoinici reteres, in like manner, is connected
with the scientific consideration of animal life.

* Preserved by Porphyrins, ad Ptolemaei Har-
monica, printed in Patrit. Discuss. Perip. p. 85, &c.
and in Wallis, 0pp. Oxon. 1699, vol. iii. p. 246, &c.

t See Arist. Hist. Anim. y.\, de Partib. Anim.
ii. 10, deJarcnt. et Senect. vi. 1, de Generat, Anim.
\. 1, extr, i. 23, and in othor passages.

ARISTOTELES.

The organization of plants had been treated o{
by Aristotle in a separate work (ttipX ^xnuv).]
The extant

15. Two books riepi ^xnoiv (de Plantis\ accord-
ing to a remark in the preface, are a translation
from a Latin translation, which again was founded
on an Arabic version of the original. In spite of
all the doubts which have been raised against their
authenticity, there are many expressions found in
them which bear an undoubtedly Aristotelian
stamp. (Compare Henschel, tie ^ risi. Botan. Philos.
Vratislaviae, 1823.)

Several anatomical works of Aristotle have been
lost. He was the first person who in any especial
manner advocated anatomical investigations, and
shewed the necessity of them for the study of the
natural sciences. He- frequently refers to investi-
gations of his own on the subject. (Hist. Anim.
i. 17, extr., iii. 2, vi. 10.) Diog. Laert. (v. 25)
mentions eight books dvaroiiwv, and one book
cKKoyfi dvarofxav, by Aristotle. According to
Aristotle's own intimations (de Gen. An. ii, 7, de
Part. An. iv. 5), these writings were illustrated by
drawings. The treatise Ei;57jjLtos rj irepl ij/ux'^s*
a dialogue called after Eudemus of Cyprus, the
friend of the philosopher, has also been lost. In
this work, of which a considerable fragment has
been preserved by Plutarch (de Consol. ad Apollon.
p. 115, b.), Aristotle refuted the proposition, that
the soul is no independent essence, but only the
harmony of the body. Whether the treatise quoted
by Diog. Laert., deVeis Trepl »|/i/x^s, belongs to this
class of works, is doubtful. Respecting the lost
medical works, see Buhle, /. c. p. 102.

3. Practical Philosophy^ or Politics.

All that falls within the sphere of practical phi-
losophy is comprehended in three principal works :
the Ethics, the Politics, and the Oeconomies. In
them Aristotle treats of the sciences which have
reference to the operation of the reason manifesting
itself in particular spheres. Their subject, there-
fore, is actio?/, morality with reference to the indi-
vidual, to the family, and to the stiite. Next to
these we place the sciences which have for their
object the exercise of the creative faculty (iroieiy),
i. e. Art.

Ethics. — The principal work on this subject is
1. 'ViQucd Nt/co/xa'xeia, in 10 books. Aristotle
here begins with the highest and most universal
end of life, for the individual as well as for the
community in the state. This is happiness (ei)5ai-
fiovia) ; and its conditions are, on the one hand,
perfect virtue exhibiting itself in the actor, and on
the other hand, corresponding bodily advantages
and favourable external circumstances. Virtue is
the readiness to act constantly and consciously
according to the laws of the rational nature of man
(opdos Aoyos). The nature of virtue shews itself
in its appearing as the medium between two ex-
tremes. In accordance with this, the several vir-
tues are enumerated and characterized. The
authenticity of the work, which an ancient tradi-
tion ascribes to Nicomachus, the son of Aristotle,
is indubitable, though there is some dispute as to
the proper arrangement of the several books. The
title Ni/cOjuaxeia /J-iKpd, under which David (l^ro-
leg. ad Caieg. p. 25, a. 40, Schol. ed. Berolin.)
quotes the work, has not yet been explained. The
best editions are by Zell, Heidelberg, 1820, 2 vols.
8vo. ; Corais, Paris, 1822, 8vo. ; Cardwell, Oxon.

ARISTOTELES.
1628, 2 vols.; Michelet, Hcrlin, 1828, 2 vola.
Beside the Nicomachoan Ethics, we find amongst
the works of Aristotle

2. 'HdiKoi EuST^/xejo, in seven books, of which
only books i. ii. iii. and vii. are independent, while
the remaining books iv. v. and vi. agree word for
word with books v, vi. and vii. of the Nicomachean
Ethics. This ethical work is perhaps a recension
of Aristotle's lectures, edited by Eudcmus.

3. 'HdiKoL MeyaAa (in David, L c. 'H0. fi^y.
UiKOfidx^ict) in two books, which Pansch {deArisL
maj/nis moral, subditicio libro, 1841), has lately
endeavoured to shew not to be a work of Aristotle,
but an abstract, and one too not made by a very
skilful hand ; whilst another critic, Glaser {die
Metaph. des Arist. pp. 53,54), looks upon it as the
authentic first sketch of the larger work.

4. The treatise Ilepi dfJtTwv Kal KaKiwv^ a collec-
tion of definitions, is of very doubtful origin, though
probably belonging to the later age of extracts.

The Ethics conduct us to the Politics. (See Eth.
Nic. X. extr.) The connexion between the two
works is so close, that in the Ethics by the word
vcrrepou reference is made by Aristotle to the Poli-
tics, and in the latter by Trp6Tepov to the Ethics.
The Aristotelian Politics (jroKiriKd; in Diogenes
Laertius, v. 24, ttoXitiktI dKp6a(ns) in eight books,
have for their object to shew how happiness is
to be attained /or tlie human commimity in the
state; for the object of the state is not merely
the external preservation of life, but " happy
life, as it is attained by means of virtue" (a^c-TTf,
perfect development of the whole man). Hence
also ethics form the first and most general founda-
tion of political life, because the state cannot attain
its highest object, if morality does not prevail
among its citizens. The house, the family, is the
element of the state. Accordingly Aristotle begins
with the doctrine of domestic economy, then pro-
ceeds to a description of the different forms of
government, after which he gives an historico-
critical delineation of the most important Hellenic
constitutions,* and then investigates which of the
constitutions is the best (the ideal of a state).
The doctrine concerning education, as the most
important condition of this best state, forms the
conclusion. Doubts have been raised by scholars
respecting the arrangement of the several books ;
and lately St. Hilairc, in the introduction to his
edition (p. Ixxvi,), has urged the adoption of a
transposition, in accordance with which the follow-
ing would be the original order of the books : i. ii.
iii. vii. viii. iv. vi. v. On the other hand, Biese
{Phil, des A list. ii. p. 400) has acutely defended
the old order.

The best editions of the Politics are by Schnei-
der, Francof. ad Viadr. 1809, 2 vols.; Corais, Paris
1821 ; Gcittling, Jenae, 1824 ; Stahr, with a Ger-
man translation, Lips. 1837 ; Barthelemy St. Hi-
laire, with a French translation, and a very good
introduction, Paris, 1837.

Of the work extant under Aristotle's name, the
Oeconomics {oiKovo/xiKd)^ in two books, only the
first book is genuine ; the second is spurious.
(Niebuhr, Kleine Schr. i. p. 412.) The first book
is ascribed to Theophrastus in a fragment of Philo-
demus. { Heradane7is. vol. iii. pp. vii. xxvii.) The

ARISTOTELES.

331

* For this section Aristotle had made preparation
by his collection of 158 Hellenic constitutions; of
which hereafter.

best editions are by Schneider, Lips. 1815 ; and
Gtittling, Jenae, 1830.

Among the lost writings of this pragmaty we
have to mention,

1. Uporp€imK65, an exhortation to the study of
philosophy.

2. Tlfpl fvycveias^ on Nobility, which, however,
ancient critics (as Plut. Aristid. 27) already looked
upon as spurious ; in which opinion most modem
scholars agree with them. (See huzac. Ledt. Atticae^
pp. 82 — 85 ; Welcker, ad Theoynid. p. lix. &c.)

B. Historical Works.

Of the large number of writings, partly politico-
historical, partly connected with the history of
literature, and partly antiquarian, belonging to this
class, only scanty fragments and solitary notices
have been preserved. The extant treatise, de
Xenophane, Zenone, et Goryia^ which is important
for an acquaintance with the Eleatic philosophy, is
only a fragment of a more comprehensive work on
the history of philosophy. (Spalding, Comment, in
prim. part, libelli de Xen. Zen. et Gory. Berol. 1793.)

The lost writings belonging to this pragmaty are

1. The Polities {iroXiriiai), a description and
history of the constitutions, manners, and usages
of 158 (Diog. Laert. V. 27 ; according to others,
250 or more) states, the historical foundation oif
the Politics. The numerous fragments of this in-
valuable work have not yet been collected with
sufficient care. The collection by Neumann (Hei-
delb. 1827) is quite unsatisfactory.

2. 'No/xifia fiapSapiKa, the Manners and Czistoms
of the Barbarians.

3. Krfo-eis, Legends of tlie foundings of Cities.

4. TlepX evp'qixa.Toiv.

For poetical literature and chronology the fol-
lowing treatises were important :

5. 'OXvixiriovLKai. {YlvdioviKoiv dvaypacpi^, NIkoi
AiovvaiaKal, Diog. Laert. v. 26.)

6. To CK Tov Ttfxaiov Kal rwv *ApxvTeloi>v, a
work the first part of which is preserved in Timaeus
Locrus {de Anima Mundi\ just as the second part,
on Archytas, is in the fragments preserved in Sto-
baeus under the name of Archytas. (0. F. Gruppe,
Ueber die Fragmente des Archytas., Berlin, 1840.)

7. Didascalia, a critico-chronological specification
of the repertory of the Athenian stage. (Diog.
Laert. v. 26.)

8. KvkXos i5 irepl iToir\Twv. (Comp. Welcker,
uber die Cyklischen Didder, p. 48.)

9. 'Airop-^fj.aTa 'OfiripiKa. (See Nitzsch, rfe Jm^.
adv. Wolfianos, Kilae, 1831.)

10. riepi 'AAe^afSpoi;, a work of doubtful au-
thenticity.

We now turn to those writings of Aristotle
which, as belonging to the eTnoTTj/xj? TrotTjTi/cT}, have
for their subject the exercise of the creative faculty,
or Art. To these belong the Poetics and Rhetoric.

1. TJie Poetics (Ilepl TrotTjTj/crjs). Aristotle pe-
netrated deeper than any of the ancients, either
before or after him, into the essence of Hellenic
art, and with the most comprehensive mind tra-
versed the region in which the intellectual life of
the Hellenes unfolded itself, and brought it under
the dominion of science. He is the father of the
aesthetics of poetry, as he is the completer of Greek
rhetoric as a science. The treatise itself is un-
doubtedly genuine ; but the explanation of its pre-
sent form is still a problem of criticism. Some
(as Gottf. Hermann and Bernhardy) look upon it

S32

ARISTOTELES.

as the first sketch of an uncompleted work ; others,
as an extract from a larger work ; others again, as
the notes, taken by some hearer, of lectures deli-
vered by Aristotle. Thus much, however, is clear,
that the treatise, as we have it at present, is an
independent whole, and, with the exception of a
few interpolations, the work of one author. Farther,
that the lost work irepl iroirfTuu, a history of the
literature of poetry, must not be confounded with
the Poetics, to which it stands in the same relation
as the Polities do to the Politics. As regards the
contents of the Poetics, Aristotle, like Plato, starts
from the principle of the imitation, or imitative re-
presentation {fj-i/x-qa-is), either of a real object exist-
ing in the external world, or of one produced by
the internal power of imagination. It is in accord-
ance with this view that the different species of
art generally, and of poetry in particular, assume
their definite forms. The activity of art is distin-
guished from practical activity in this respect :
that in the case of the former the exercise of the
creative faculty, the production of a work, is the
main thing; and that the internal condition, the
disposition, of the person who exercises this crea-
tive faculty, is a matter of indifference. The
greatest part of the treatise (cc. 6 — 22) contains a
theory of tragedy ; nothing else is treated of, with
the exception of the epos ; comedy is merely al-
luded to. The best editions of the work are by
Gottf. Hermann, Lips. 1802, with philological and
philosophical (Kantian) explanations ; Grafenhan,
Lips. 1821, an ill-arranged compilation ; Bekker,
Berol. 1832, 8vo. ; and Ritter, Colon. 1839,
8vo. Ritter considers two-tliirds of the Poetics
to consist of the interpolations of a later and
extremely silly editor; but his opinion has been
almost universally rejected in Germany. As
explanatory writings, besides Lessing's Ham-
burgisclie Dramaturifie, we need mention only
Midler, Gesch. der Theorie der Kunst bei den Alten,
pt. ii. pp. 1 — 181, and the German translation by
Knebel, Stuttgart, 1840.

2. The Rhetoric {rex^ pvropiici^), in three
books. Aristotle, in accordance with his method,
as we have already observed in the case of the
Physics, Politics, and Poetics, before proceeding to
lay down a iJieory of rhetoric, prepared a safe
foundation by means of extensive studies. These
studies gave rise to a separate historical work
(entitled 7ex»'«i' (Tvva'yoryifi), in which he collected
all the earlier theories of the rhetoricians from
Tisias and Corax onwards. From the latter work
the Aristotelian rhetoric developed itself, a work of
which, as regards its leading features, the first
sketch was drawn at an early period; — it has been
already mentioned that the first lectures and
written works of Aristotle treated of rhetoric ; — it
Avas then carefully enlarged from time to time,
and enriched with remarks drawn from the ob-
servation of human life and knowledge through
many years. The period of its composition is
treated of by Max. Schmidt, De tempore quo ah
j4 rist, libri de Arte Rhetor, conscripii et editi sint,
Halle, 1837.

Rhetoric, as a science, according to Aristotle, stands
side by side (avriarTpocpou) with Dialectics. That
which alone makes a scientific treatment of rheto-
ric possible is the argumentation which awakens
conviction {al ydp tt'ktt^is cvrexvov coti fxovov).
He therefore directs his chief attention to the
tlicory of oratorical argumentation ; and the more.

ARISTOTELES.
inasmuch as earlier rhetoricians, as he says, had
treated this most important subject in an exceed-
ingly superficial manner. The second main divi-
sion of the work treats of the production of that
favourable disposition in the hearer, in consequence
of which the orator appears to him to be worthy ol
credit. Yet it is not sufficient merely to know
what must be said, — one must also say this in a
proper manner, if the speech is to produce the in-
tended effect. Therefore in the third part he
treats of oratorical expression and arrangement.
The best edition with a commentary is the one
published at Oxford, 1820, 8vo. ; but a good critical
and explanatory edition is still a desideratum.
Among the writings of Aristotle we also find
3. A work on Rhetoric addressed to Alexander
('PTjToptK-Tf -npos 'AKe^audpov); but it is spurious,
and should probably be ascribed to Anaximenea
of Lampsacus. Others consider its author to have
been Theodectes or Corax.

C. Miscellaneous Works.

Among the writings which Aristotle left behind
him, there was undoubtedly a large number of
Collectanea, which had grown up under the hand
of the philosopher in the course of his extended
studies. To these writings, which were not
originally destined for publication, belong

1. Tlie Problems (irpoSA-T^juaTa), in 36 sections,
questions on individual points in all the depart-
ments of knowledge, a treasure of the deepest and
most acute remarks, which has been far from being
properly used and sifted. A good edition is a
desideratum. (Compare Chabanon, Trois Alemoires
sur les Problemes d''Ai-ist. in the Mem. de I' Acad,
des Inscript. vol. xlvi. p. 285, &c., p. 326, &c.

2. ©avyidaia. 'AKovafmra, short notices and ac-
counts of various phaenomena, chiefly connected
with natunil history, of very unequal value, and
in part manifestly not of Aristotelian origin. The
best edition is by Westermann, in his Rerum
AlirabU. script. Graeci, Bruns. 1839.

D. Letters.

All those which are extant are spurious: the
genuine and copious collection of Aristotle"'s letters,
which antiquity possessed, is lost. Those which
were arranged by Andronicus of Rhodes filled 20
books. (Pseudo- Demetrius, de Elocut. § 231.)
A later collection by Artemon, a learned Christian
of the third century, consisted of 8 books. (See
David, Catcg. p. 24, a. 1. 27, ed. Berol.) David
(p. 22, a. 21, Berol.) praises the clear, simple,
noble style of Aristotle's letters, a description
which is quite at variance with the character of
those that are extant. Respecting Aristotle's will,
which Diog. Laert. (v. 11 — 16) has preserved,
we have spoken before, [p. 321, a.]

E. Poems and Speeches.

There are preserved —

1. The Scolion addressed to Hermias, Avhich we
have already mentioned. (In Ilgen, Scolia, Jenae,
1798, p. 137 ; Grafenhan, Aristot. poeta, Mul-
husae, 1831, 4to.; Bergk, Poctae Lyrici Graeci.)

2. Two epigrams, the one on a statue erected to
his friend Hermias, and one on an altar dedicated
to Plato.

The speeches of Aristotle which are lost, were
'hTToXo'yia fvai^Selas trpos Evpuaedovra, of which
we have already spoken ; an 'EyKoS/xtov ttAoutow,

ARISTOTELES.
niirl nn 'EyKcifxiov A«;7oi'. Among the writings
which were foisted upon Aristotle in the middle
ages, there were the treatises (in L.itin) : 1. Mys-
ticae Ac(iypt.iorum philosop/iiae libr. xiv., a compila-
tion from Plotinus, {C/aasical Journal^ vol. xv. p.
279.) 4. De Porno (translated from the Hebrew
by Manfred, son of the emperor Frederick II.), a
treatise on the immortality of the soul. 3. Secrela
secretonim (doctrines on prudence and the art of
government), and others.

IV. Leading features of Aristotle's

Philosophy.
All that the Hellenes had as yet attained in the
whole compass of science and art, was embraced by
the gigantic mind of Aristotle, which, so to say,
traversed in thought all that the Hellenic world
had up to that time struggled and lived through,
and transmitted to posterity in his writings and
philosophy the result, as reflected in his mind, of
this earlier age. Aristotle stands at the turning
point of Hellenic life, when, after the original forms
of political existence and art were completed, after
the close of the age of production, the period of
reflection stept in, and endeavoured by the exercise
of thought to possess itself of the immense mass of
materials that had been gained. And we cannot
but admire th& Divine Providence, which sum-
moned to this task a mind like Aristotle's, at the
very time when the contemplation of the past was
still fresh and lively, and tradition still recent ; and
which called forth all his powers by placing him in
the midst of the new impetus which the Hellenic
mind had received through the Macedonian con-
quest of the world Thus did the genius of the
age find in Aristotle its first and wonderful in-
strument. We have already, in enumerating his
works, had occasion to admire the universality of
the philosopher, for whom a mythical legend of the
foundation of a city was not less attractive than
speculations on first causes and highest ends, or
observations on animal life and poetry. *' Quot
saeculis," exclaims Quintilian (Or. Inst. xii. 11.
§ 22) in astonishment, " Aristoteles didicit, utnon
solum quae ad philosophos et oratores pertinerent
scientia complecteretur, sed animalium satonimque
naturas omnes perquireret." " Aristotle," says
Hegel (Gesch. der Philosophies ii. p. 298), " pene-
trated into the whole mass and into everj-- depart-
ment of the universe of things, and subjected to
the comprehension its scattered wealth ; and the
greater number of the philosophical sciences owe to
him their separation and commencement. While
in this manner science separates itself into a series
of definitions, the Aristotelian philosophy at the
same time contains the most profound speculative
ideas. He is more comprehensive and speculative
tlftm any one else. And although his system does
not appear developed in its several parts, but the
parts stand side by side, they yet form a totality
of essentially speculative philosophy."

In giving a sketch or "sum" of Aristotle's
philosophy, we must be satisfied with a mere out-
line, to which an accurate study of Aristotle's
works alone can give completeness.* The true and
correct apprehension of the nature of Aristotle's
philosophy is due to the revolution which philoso-
phy itself has undergone in Germany through
the influence of Heg«l. The universal conception

* The best works upon his philosophy are —

ARISTOTELES.

333

which had been formed of Aristotle's philosophy
up to the time of Hegel, was, that Aristotle had
made what is called experience the principle of
knowledge and cognition. Accordingly the Aris-
totelian philosophy, as realism in the most ordinary
sense of the word, was placed in direct opposition
to the Platonic idealism. This complete misap-
prehension of the Aristotelian philosophy proceed-
ed from various causes. Firstly and chiefly, from
want of acquaintance with the writings of Aris-
totle. Little more than twenty years ago Aristotle
was still very little read. We have seen how
even the philological study of his writings was
neglected for centuries ; and the philosophical
study of them fared no better. The properiy
speculative writings, the logical and metaphysical
works, were scarcely read by any one. Nay, even
on certain aesthetical propositions (e. y. on the three
unities of the drama) false traditions prevailed,
which were utterly unsubstantiated by the Poetics.
And 3'et the Poetics was one of the most read and
most easily accessible of his writings. To this
were added other causes. Very many derived
their acquaintance with Aristotelian philosophy
from Cicero, in whose works Aristotle appears only
as a moral philosopher and natural historian.
Others confounded the so-called scholastic Aristo-
telisra with the genuine Aristotelian philosophy,
which, however, in the schoolmen appears as mere
empty formalism. Others, lastly, overlooked in
the consideration of the method in which Aristotle
philosophized the essential character of the philo-
sophy itself. This last circumstance in particular
introduced that false conception, according to which
common empeiria, experience, was looked upon as
the principle of Aristotelian philosophy. We must
therefore first endeavour to make clear Aristotle's
method.

The peculiar method of Aristotle stands in close
connexion with the universal direction which he
gave to his intellectual exertions, striving to pene-
trate into the whole compass of knowledge. In
this endeavour he certainly sets out from experi-
ence, in order first to arrive at the consciousness of
that which really eansts, and so to grasp in thought
the multiplicity and breadth of the sensible and
spiritual world. Thus he always first lays hold of
his subject externally, separates that in it which is
merely accidental, renders prominent the contra-
dictions which result, seeks to solve them and to
refer them to a higher idea, and so at last arrives
at the cognition of the ideal intrinsic nature, which
manifests itself in every separate object of reality.
In this manner he consecutively develops the ob-
jects as well of the natural as of the spiritual world,
proceeding geneticully ixom the lower to the higher,
from the more known to the less known, and
translates the world of experience into the Idea.
Accordingly he usually first points out how, when
an object is produced, it first presents itself to our
cognition generally, and then how this general ob-
ject branches out into separate species, and first
really manifests itself in these. In this way he
also develops the origin of science itself geneti-

a Hegel's Vorlesungen uber Gesch. der PkUoso-
phie, ii. pp. 298—422.

b Biese, Die Philosophie des Aristoteles in ihrem
Zusammenhanye^ mit besonderer Berucksichiigung des
philosophischen Sprachgebrauchsy vol. i., Berliii,
1835, and vol. ii., 1842.

331

ARISTOTELES.

cally ; he seizes upon the individual stops of con-
sciousness, from the impression on the senses to the
highest exercise of reason, and exhibits the internal
wealth of intellectual life. He sets out, therefore,
from the individual, the concrete individual exist-
ence of the apparent world ; and this is the empir-
ical side of his philosophy. The beginning of his
philosophical investigations is external. But the
end in view manifests itself in the course of them.
For, while in this way he begins with the external,
he steadily endeavours to bring into prominent
and distinct relief the intrinsic nature of each sepa-
jate thing according to the internal formative
principles which are inherent in it, and essentially
belong to it.

Next to this starting-point, an essential part of
his method is the exhibition and removal of the
difficulties which come in tJie way in tlie course of the
investigation {airopiai^ Su(rx^pfMi^ Comp. Metaph.
iii. \y ^. 40, 20). "For," saj-s Aristotle, "those
who investigate without removing the difficulties
are like persons who do not know whither they
ought to go, and at the same time never perceive
whether they have found what they were seeking
or not. For the end in view is not clear to such a
person, but is clear to one who has previously ac-
quired a consciousness of the difficulties. Lastly,
that person must necessarily be in a better condi-
tion for judging, who has, as it were, heard all the
opposing doctrines as though they were antagonist
parties pleading before a tribunal." Hence he
everywhere has regard to his predecessors, and
endeavours carefully to develop the foundation
and relative truth of their doctrines. {^Metaph. 1. 3,
Top. i. 2.) In this manner Aristotle proceeds with
an impartiality which reminds one of the epic re-
pose in Homer, and which may easily give him a
tinge of scepticism and indefiniteness, where the
solution does not immediately follow the aporia,
but occurs in the progress of the development.

Intimately connected with his endeavour to set
out with that which is empirically kno\vn, is his
practice of everywhere making conceptions of the
ordinary understanding of men, manners, and cus-
toms, proverbs, religious conceptions (comp. Metaph.
xii. 8, xiv. 8, de Caelo, ii. 1, de Generat. Anim. i. 2),
and above all, language, the points on which to
hang his speculative investigations. The Ethics in
particular give abundant proofs of the last. Thus,
advancing from the lower to the higher, from the
more imperfect to the more perfect, he constantly
brings into notice the enteleclieia (ivTeKex^ia), or
that to which everything, according to its pecu-
liarity, is capable of attaining ; whereupon, again
he also points out in this entelecheia the higher
principle through which the entelecheia itself be-
comes a potentiality (Srivaixis). In this manner he
exhibits the different steps of development in na-
tural existence in their internal relation to each
other, and so at last arrives at the highest unity,
consisting in the purpose and cause, which, in its
creative, organizing activity, makes of the manifold
and different forms of the universe one internally
connected whole.

With all this, however, we must bear in mind,
that this method did not lead Aristotle to a perfect
and compact system. The philosophy of Aristotle
is not such. In every single science he always, so
to say, starts afresh from the commencement. The
individual parts of his philosophy, therefore, sub-
sist independently side by side, and are not com-

ARISTOTELES.

bined by the vigorous self-development of the idea
into one whole, the several members of which ar?
mutually connected and dependent. This, the de-
monstration of the unity of idea in the entire uni-
verse of natural and spiritual life, was a problem
which was reserved for after ages.

The composition of Aristotle's writings stands
in close connexion with the method of his philoso-
phizing. Here the object of investigation is always
first laid down and distinctly defined, in order to
obviate any misunderstanding. Thereupon he
gives an historical review of the way in which the
subject has been hitherto treated by earlier philo-
sophers (Ph?/s. i. 2, &c., de Anima, i. 2, Metaph.
i. 3, &c., EiL Nic. i. 3, Magn. Mor. i. 1, Polit. ii.);
and indeed it may be remarked generally, that
Aristotle is the father of the history of philosophy.
The investigation itself then begins with the exhi-
bition of the difficulties, doubts, and contradictions
which present themselves (oTropIat, dnopi^/JUTa).
These are sifted, and discussed and explained on
all sides (JSiairopciv), and the solution and recon-
ciliation of them (Ai'ifl-is, cvnopeiu, in opposition to
dwopeiu) is given in the course of the investigation.
{Metaph. i. init. p. 40, Brandis, Phys. iv. 4, p. 211,
1. 7, ed. Berol.) In this enumeration of the various
views and apories, Aristotle is not unfrequently
explicit to a degree which wearies the reader, as it
is continued without any internal necessity.

V. Relation op the Aristotelian Puilo-
soPHY to the Platonic.
In the Platonic philosophy the opposition be-
tween the real and the ideal had completely de-
veloped itself. For while the opposition and con-
tradiction in the ideal — in the v/orld of thought —
was conquered by Plato's dialectics, the external
and sensible world was looked upon as a world of
appearance, in which the ideas cannot attain to
true and proper reality. Between these two, the
world of ideas and the visible world of appear-
ances, there exists, according to Plato, only a
passing relation of participation (fxfde^is) and
imitation, in so far namely as the ideas, as the
prototypes, can only to a certain extent rule the
formless and resisting matter, and fashion it into a
visible existence. Plato accordingly made the ex-
ternal world the region of the incomplete and bad,
of the contradictory and false, and recognized ab-
solute truth only in the eternal immutable ideas.
Now this opposition, which set fixed limits to cog-
nition, was surmounted by Aristotle. He laid
down the proposition, that the idea, which cannot
of itself fashion itself into reality, is powerless, and
has only a potential existence, and that it becomes
a living reality only by realizing itself in a creative
manner by means of its own energy. {Metaph.
xii. 6, p. 246. 8., Brandis.) The transition
of the ideal into the real, however, Aristotle ex-
plains by means of the pure idea of negation
{aTcpT](ns). That is to say, ideality and reality
are not opposed to each other, as existence and
non-existence, according to Plato's view ; but the
material itself contains in itself the opposition, the
negation, through which it comes to have a kind of
feeling of want, and strives after the ideal form, as
the ugly strives after the beautiful. The giving it
a definite form does away not with the matter,
but with the negation which is inherent in the
matter, and by that means the material is fashioned
so as to assume a definite existence. Thus matter

ARISTOTELES.

ifi that wliich is eternal, fundamental, whilst the
single object, fashioned so as to assume an indivi-
dual existence is produced, and perishes. The ma-
terial in which the negation is inherent, is the
potentiality {Suua/xis), out of which the formative
principle, as an entelecheia, fashions itself into ex-
istence. This, as the full reality (4v4pyeia), is the
higher step in opposition to the mere potentiality.
According to these definitions, the Aristotelian
philosophy progresses genetically from the lower to
the higher, from the Svvaixis to the eVreAexem of
that, of which the potential, according to its pecu-
liarity, is capable. Thus by means of the (XStj*
the universe becomes a whole consisting of mu-
tually connected members, in which these ftdr]
attain to full existence. In inorganic nature the
purpose is still identical with the necessity of the
matter ; but in organic nature it comes into exist-
ence as the soul of the enlivened object {^vxv).
The energy (ivefyyfia) of the soul is, as an entele-
cheia, tlwught^ both vovs TTaQi]TiK6s, since, as the
temporary activity of the mind, it is necessarily
dependent on the co-operation of the senses, and
vovs Tron\TiK6s, i. e. cognoscent, self-acting reason,
in so for as, in the pure element of thought freed
from what is sensuous, it elevates the finite world
into cognoscible truth. From this exalted point of
view Aristotle regjirded and subjected to inquiry
the entire empire of reality and life, as it had
developed itself up to his time in science, arts, and
politics.

VI. Aristotelian Logic.

Aristotle is the creator of the science of logic.
The two deepest thinkers of Germany, Kant and
Hegel, acknowledge that from the time of Aris-
totle to their own age logic had made no progress.
Aristotle has described the pure forms and opera-
tions of abstract reason, oi finite thought, with the
accuracy of an investigator of nature, and his logic
is, as it were, a natural history of this " finite
thought."

Aristotle obtains the categories, the fundamen-
tal conceptions of thought, from language, in which
these universal fonns of thought appear as parts of
speech. These categories {KarTryopiai, also Kariry-
opi^fj-ara, ra Karrj-yopovfieva) give all the possible
definitions for the different modes in which every-
thing that exists may be viewed; they are the
most universal expressions for the relations which
constantly recur in things ; fundamental definitions,
which cannot be comprehended under any higher
generic conception, and are, therefore, called yevij.
Yet they are not themselves generic conceptions,
which give what is essential in an object, but the
most universal modes of expressing it. An inde-
pendent existence belongs to ovcria, substance,
alone of all the categories ; the rest denote
only the different modes of what is inherent. The
categories themselves, therefore, are not an ultima-
tum, by means of which the true cognition of an
object can be attained. The most important pro-
position in Aristotle's doctrine of substances + is,
that " the universal attains to reality only in the
individual" {firi ovarwu odu rwv irpwruv ovcriwu
dSvparov tuiv dWav ri ilvai).

ARISTOTELES.

335

* elSos is the internal formative principle; ft6p<pr}
is the external form itself.

t The TrpojTTj ovffia expresses the essential qua-
lities only, the Seurcpat ovaiai are substances, in-
cluding both essential and accidental qualities.

After 8uhsta7iee {ovala) Aristotle first treats
of quantity, which with that which is relative
attaches to the material of the substance, then
passes to what is qualitative, which has reference
especially to the determination of the form of the
object. (In the Metaphysics on the other hand
(v. 15), where the categories are defined more in
accordance with our conceptions of them, the in-
vestigation on the qualitative precedes that on the
relative.) The six remaining categories are treated
of only in short outlines.

The object of the categories is, to render possi-
ble the cognition of the enormous multiplicity of
phaenomena ; since by means of them those modes of
viewing things which constantly recur in connexion
with existence are fixed, and thus the necessity for
advancing step by step ad infinitum is removed.
But in Aristotle's view they are not the ultimatum
for cognition. They rather denote only the differ-
ent modes in which anything is inherent in the
substance, and are truly and properly determined
only by means of that which is substantial. This
again is determined by the elSos, which is what is
essential in the material, and owes its existence to
the purpose of the thing. This purpose, and
nothing short of this, is an ultimatum for cognition.
The highest opposition in Avhich the purpose
realises itself is that of Zvvayiis and ti'TeAex^ia.
(Arist. de Anima, ii. c. 1.)

The categories are singh words (to dvev (rvfi-
Tr\oKj]s AeyojjLfva). As such, they are in them-
selves neither true nor false. They become both
only in the union of ideas b}- means of mutual
reference in a proposition (ret Kard (Tv}jL7r\oKriv
Aeyofieva). A proposition is the expression
(ep/xT^vfia) of reflecting thought, which separates
and combines (^Siatpeais, tn/jUTrXo/o;). This opera-
tion of thought manifests itself first of all in judg-
ment. In this way Aristotle succeeds in advan-
cing from the categories to the doctrine of the ex-
pression of thought (ep/iTiVeto). Here he treats
first of all of the component elements of the pro-
position, then of simple propositions, together with
the mode of their opposition with reference to the
true and the false; lastly, of compound propositions
[at (Tv/jLTrKeKo/xevai dTrocpdvcreis), or modal forms of
judgment (at dirocpdvaeis /.lerd Tporrov), out of
which the category of modality was afterwards
formed.

In the second part of the treatise irepl fp/jLTjueias
the different modes of opposition of both kinds of
propositions are discussed. The essence of judg-
ment, which presents itself in a visible form in the
proposition, consists in this, that the idea, which
in itself is neither true nor false, separates itself
into the momenta peculiar to it, the universal, the
particular, the individual, and that the relation be-
tween these momenta is either established by
means of affirmation, or abolished by means of
negation.

Judgment, however, stands in essential relation
to conclusion. In judgment. Universal and Parti-
cular are referred to each other; these two mo-
menta of our conceptions separate themselves, with
reference to the conclusion, into two premises
(^irpordcreis), of which the one asserts the universal,
the other the particular. {Anal. pr. i. 25 ; to ^ikv
(is v\ou, TO Se US fiepos.) The conclusion itself,
however, is that expression, in which, from certain
premises, something else beyond the premises is
necessarily deduced. But the conclusion is still

336 ARISTOTELES.

considered apart from its particular contents ; it is
treated quite as a form, and the remark is at the
same time made, that for that very reason it as yet
supplies us with no knowledfje (eTTio-TTj/xTj). But
because this abstract universal possesses greater
facilities for subjective cognition, Aristotle makes
the doctrine of the syllogism precede that of
j>roof^ for according to him, proof is a particular
kind of conclusion. {Anal. pr. i. 4.) Accordingly,
together with the mode of its formation, he treats
of the figures of the syllogism, and the different
forms of conclusion in them. (cc. 1 — 27.) Then he
gives directions for finding with ease the syllogistic
figures for each problem that is proposed (fUTropeu'),
and lastly shews how to refer given conclusions to
their principles, and to arrange them according to
premises. Thereupon, in the second book of the
Analytics, he treats of the complete conclusion
according to its peculiar determining principles
{Anal. ii. 1 — 15), points out errors and deficiencies
in concluding (cc. 16— 21), and teaches how to
refer to the syllogistic figures incomplete argu-
ments, which have for their object subjective con-
viction only. (cc. 22 — 27.)

We do not arrive at that conclusion which is
the foundation of knowledge till we arrive at
proof i. e. a conclusion conveying a distinct
meaning {(rvWoyiariJLds imai^fioviKos, diroSei^is),
which proceeds from the essential definitions of
the matter in question. Proof, in order to lead
to objective truth, necessarily presupposes prin-
ciples. Without an acquaintance with princi-
ples, we cannot attiiin to knowledge by means of
proof. Aristotle, therefore, treats first of the na-
ture of principles. They are the Universal, which
selves as a medium through which alone we can
attain to knowledge ; they have their certainty in
themselves, and are not susceptible of any additional
separate proof. In this point of view Aristotle
compares them with the immediate certainty of
sensuous perceptions. The reason {vovi) and the
exertion of the reason {v6t}(Tis), which is itself the
Universal, develops these principles {dpx<is) out of
itself.

In proof we may distinguish three things :
1. That which is proved {Anal. post. i. 7), i. e.
that which is to pertain to some definite object
{yevd rivi) considered in itself. 2. The principles
from which this is deduced. 3. The object, the
attributes of which are to be exhibited. According
to their subject-matter, proofs come into closer
relation to the particular sciences. Here the im-
portant point is, to know what science is more
accurate, and may be presupposed as the ground-
work of another {ivporfpa Icti). The knowledge
to which proof conducts by means of principles
(eTT/o-T^^Tj) has for its object necessary existence ;
conception (5(^|o), on the other hand, has for its
object that which may be otherwise constituted.
After Aristotle, in the first book of the second
Analytics, has shewn how by means of proof we
may receive a knowledge thai something is, and
u-hj/ it is so, he considers that which we cannot get
at by means of proof, but which is necessary for the
complete development of our ideas, viz. the defini-
tion of that which is substantial, by means of which
we have stated what an object is. This is effected
by definition {6pi(Tfx6s). The definition states what
the essence of a thing is, and is therefore always
universal and affirmative. It cannot be proved by
any conclusion, nor even be demonstrated by

ARISTOTELES.

j means of induction. {Anal. post. ii. 7.) We find
out the essence of a thing only when we know the
essential attributes of the thing, and its existence
itself. Aristotle analyses the different kinds of
definition (.4«a/. joos^ ii. 10), then treats of the
individual causes (for the definition declares the
why of a thing with reference to its essence), and
lastly lays down the method of finding a correct
definition. {Anal. post. ii. 11, &c. ii. 13.) The ob-
ject of definition is, to comprehend the whole ac-
cording to its essential differences, and to refer
these again to the genus, in order by these means
to bring under contemplation the whole as a unity
consisting of mutually connected and dependent
members. One aid in definition is subdivision
{Sialpecris). The definition must be clear and dis-
tinct. This distinctness is attained by endeavour-
ing first to define the particular, in order to become
acquainted with the import of it in every species.
The use of definition is especially important in
proposing problems. {Anal. post. ii. 14.)

Aristotle, however, does not, either in his Meta-
physics, or in the particular sciences, proceed ac-
cording to the abstract forms of conclusion, as he
develops them in the Organon ; but the definition
{ogiaiiids) forms the central point in the further
prosecution of his philosophical investigations. He
forms his conception of the idea of a thing (to tI
i^u ehai) in the identity of its existence and essence^
and so continually points out the universal in the
particular.

VII. Metaphysics.

The first philosophy (for such is the name Aris-
totle gives to what we call Metaphysics) is the
science of the first principles and causes of things.
{Met. ii. 3, 4.) It is theoretic science, and the
most excellent, but at the same time the most
difficult of all sciences, because its object, the uni-
versal, is removed as far as possible from the per-
ceptions of the senses. {Met. i. 2.) It is, however,
at the same time the most accurate science, because
its subject-matter is most knowable ; and the most
free, because it is sought solely for the sake of
knowledge.

There are four first causes or principles of things:
a. The substance and the idea (t; ovaia /col ro ri
riv elvai) ; b. The subject and the matter (77 v\7)
Kal t6 VTTOKeiixevov) ; c. The principle of motion
{Seev r\ apxh rrjs Kiin^aews) ; (/. The purpose and
the good (to o5 ej/e/ca koJ rd di,ya66v). The earlier
philosophers (this Aristotle shews in the first book
of the Metaphysics) recognized indeed all these
classes singly, but neither distinctly nor in connex-
ion. With full consciousness he declares, after
having developed the history of metaphysics from
the Ionian philosophers to Plato in bold and mas-
terly outlines, that this science of the first philoso-
phy had up to his time resembled a lisping child
(t^e\Aifo^e»/7?, Met. i. 10, p. 993, Bekk.;.

The consciousness of the opposition between
truth existing in and for itself, and the cognition
of it, must necessarily be presupposed in all philo-
sophizing. This consciousness, which has come out
in all its distinctness only in the philosophy of the
most recent times, Aristotle also possesses. But
he has it in the form of doubts (ctTropiat), which
rise against science itself and its definitions. These
doubts and questions, then, Aristotle considers on
all sides, and therefrom arrives at the following
result : —

ARISTOTELES.

1. There is a science which considers existence
as such, and the definitions pertaining to it as
such. 2. It is not the same with any one of the
panicuhir sciences, for all these consider only a
part of what exists and its attributes. 3. The
principles and Imjliest causes of things must have a
nature appropriate only to them.

Existence is indeed defined in various ways, and
denotes at one time the What and the idea, at
another time the condition or constitution, magni-
tude, &c., of a thing ; of all the definitions, how-
ever, the Whii^ which denotes the substance, is
the first. {Met. vii. 1. p. 1028, Bekk.) All other
definitions only state attributes or qualities of this
first definition, and are not in their nature inde-
pendent, or capable of being separated from the
6ubst{ince. On the other hand, the idea of sub-
stance {ova'ia) lies at the foundation of our ideas of
everything, and we do not arrive at the cognition
of anything when we know how great, or where,
&c., it is, but when we know wliut it is. The
question, therefore, is. What is the substance ?
ijls Tj ovaia ;) which has ever been the object
of philosophical investigation. {Met. vii. 1. p.
1028.) Aristotle distinguishes three kinds of
substances: 1. Substance perceptible by the senses
{Met. xii. 1, 2, vii. 7), which is finite and pe-
rishable, like single sensible objects. The mo-
menta of this sensible substance are, — a, the
matter, that which is fundamental, constant ; b.
particular things, the negative in relation to each
other ; c. the motive principle, the pure form or
ctSos. 2. The second higher kind of substance is
that which may be perceived by the senses, but is
imperishable, such as the heavenly bodies. Here
the active principle (eVepyeto, actus) steps in,
which, in so far as it contains that which is to be
produced, is understanding {vovs). That which it
contains is the purpose, which is realized by means
of the evipyeia. The two extremes are here po-
tentiality and agency (matter and thought), the
passive universal and the active universal. These
two are not subject to change. That which is
changed is the particular thing, and passes from
one into the other by means of something else by
which it is moved. The purpose, in so far as it
is the motive principle, is called the cause {dpx'^),
but, in so far as it is the purpose, it is the reason,
atVio. {Met. V. 1, 2.) The active principle gives
reality to that which it contains in itself: this re-
mains the same : it is still, however, matter, which
is different from the active principle, though both
are combined. That which combines them is the
J'orm, the union of both. The relation of the
newly coined idea of evreAexem, or the purpose
realized by the formative principle, to the idea of
4v4pyeia, is this : ivreKex^io, signifies in the dif-
ferent grades of existence the completion which is
in conformity with each single existing thing ;
jvnd ivepyeia denotes the actuality which is in
confonuity with this completion. {Metaph. 'vs.. 3,
]). 179. 8, Brand.) Thus the soul is essentially
i?in-€A.ex€ia.*

ARISTOTELES.

3.37

* The actuality of each thing presupposes an
original internal potentiality, which is in itself
only conceivable, not perceptible. The potenti-
ality of a thing is followed by its actuality in
reference either to mere existence or to action.
This actuality is eVepyeta, actus, and is perceptible.
But, that the potential thing may become a real

3. The third kind of substance is that in which
ivvafiis, ivepyeia, and ^j'TeAex^'" ^^^ united ; the
absolute substance; the eternal, unmoved ; but which
is at the same time motive, is pure activity (actua
purus. Met. xii. 6, ix. 8, xii. 7), is God himself.
This substance is without matter, and so also b
not a magnitude.

The chief momentum in the Aristotelian philo-
sophy is, that thought and the subject of thought
are one ; that what is objective and thought (the
ivepyeia) are one and the same. God himself is
eternal thought, and his thought is operation, life,
action^ — it is the thought of thought.* Objects
exist in their truth only in so far as they are the
subjects of thought, are thoughts. That is their
essence (ovcria). In nature, indeed, the idea
exists not as a thought, but as a body ; it han,
however, a soul, and this is its idea. In saying
this, Aristotle stands upon the highest point of
speculation : God, as a living God, is the universe.

In the course of the investigation, Aristotle, with
careful regard to, and examination of, the views of
earlier philosophers, points out that neither ab-
stractly universal, nor particular, sensuously per-
ceptible essences can be looked upon as principles
of existence. Neither the universal apart from the
particular, nor the particular by itself, can be a
principle of the natural and spiritual world; but
the absolute principle is God, — the highest reason,
the object of whose thought is himself. Thus the
dominion of the Anaxagorean vovs was declared in
a profounder manner by Aristotle. In the divine
thought, existence is at the same time implied.
Thought is the sum and substance of the universe,
and realizes itself in the eternal immutable form-
ative principles which, as the essences indwelling
(immanent) in the material, fashion themselves so
as to assume an individual existence. In man, the
thought of the divine reason completes itself so as
to become the self-conscious activity of thinking
reason. By it he recognizes in the objective world
his own nature again, and so attains to the cogni-
tion of truth. With these slight intimations, we
must here leave the subject.

VIII. The Particular Sciences.

liespedinff the Essence of the Particular Sciences^
and the division of tJiem into Theoretical and Prac-
tical Sciences. — The science of the particular can

thing, the potentiality must pass into actuality.
The principle of the transition from the potential
to the actual in a thing Aristotle calls entelecheia
(t() ivTcXes exov), because it unites both the
potentiality and the actuality. Every union of
potentiality and actuality is a motion, and accord-
ingly the entelecheia is the principle of motion (tj
TOW SvvdfjLei 6vTos evTeXex^ia, § toiovtov, Kivrjais
icTTi). The potentiality {Siua/xis) can never be-
come actuality {tvtoyeia) without entelecheia ; but
the entelecheia also cannot dispense with the poten-
tiality. If the entelecheia does not manifest itself
in a thing, it is merely a thing Kard Svvaixiv ;
if it does manifest itself, it becomes a thing kot'
kvlpy^iav. The same thing is often both together,
the former in reference to qualities which it has
not yet, but can obtain ; the latter in reference to
attributes already actually present in it. (Buhle,
in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclop'ddie.)

* Mct.Tin. p. 1074, Bekk., airov dpa voii iXinp
i(n\ TO KparuxTov kcu eoTtv t) i'Jtjctjs, vo^a^us

VOTiiTiS.

338

ARTSTOTELES.

exist only when the essence of the particular, the
vor\T6v^ i, e. the conceivable, the reasonable, is
perceived. (Met. viL 6.) It presupposes the
principles of the intellectual and real, and has
reference to that which is demonstrable from them.
The individual sciences deduce from principles the
truth of the particular by means of proof, which is
the foundation of knowledge. Their limit consiste
in this : that the individual science sets out from
something presupposed, which is recognized, and
deduces the rest from this by means of conclusion
(syllogism). That operation of the mind which
refers the particular to the universal, is the reflect-
ing understanding (Siduoia), which is opposed as
well to sensuous perception as to the higher opera-
tion of the reason. With it the diiference between
existence and thought, between truth and false-
hood, becomes a matter of consciousness.

Every single science has reference to a definite ob-
ject (7€»'oj, Anal. post. i. 28, Alet. xi. 7), and seeks
certain principles and causes of it. The particular
object therefore determines the science, and every
science deduces tlie proof out nf t/ie principles pecu-
liar to it^ i. e. out of the essential definitions of the
jKirticular object. Three things are presupposed
ibr every particular science : a. That its object,
and the essential definitions of that object (t. e. the
principles peculiar to it), exist, b. The common
principles (axioms), and c. The signification of the
essential attributes of the object According to
their common principles, all sciences are mutually
connected. Such common principles are, for ex-
ample, the law of contradiction.

The accuracy {dtxpiSna) of the single sciences
depends on the nature of their objects. The less
this is an object of sense, the more accurate is the
science of it. {Met. xiii. 3; Anal. post. i. 27;
Met. iv. 1, i. 2.) Therefore metaphysics is the
most accurate, but also the most difficult smence.
A knowledge of the kind of scientific treatment
which the subject in hand requires must be ac-
quired by intellectual cultivation. To wish to
apply in all cases the method and schematism of
a philosophy, which in constructing its theories
begins from the fundamental idea (ciKpiSm), is
pediintic (dveKcvdfpou, Met. i. 1, p. 29, Brand).
Natural science, for example, does not admit of the
application of a mere abstract definition of the
idea, for it has to take into consideration as well
the manifold, as also the accidental. The same
may be said of the province of practical science,
where, in ethics and politics, universal, thorough
definitions are not always possible, but the true
can often be exhibited only in outline (iv rvwcp^
Eth. Nic. i. 1, ii. 2, ix. 2). For the practical has
also to do with the individual, and therefore acci-
dental For that reason, experience and what is
matter of fact, have a high value as the proper
basis of cognition. For the individual existence
(roSe ri) with its formative principle, is the really
substantial ; and the sensuously perceptible
essences and those which are universal are almost
the same natures (Met xiii. 9, p. 1086, 2 Bekk.)
It is only in tliz individual that tlie universal attains

reality.

The particular sciences have for their object the
cognition of the world of appearances in its essen-
tial characteristics. For this purpose the co-opera-
tion of the senses is necessary. Therefore here
the proposition, nikil est in inteUectu quod non fuerit
in sensUf holds good. (De Anim. iii. 8.) In the

ARISTOTELEs.

vovs irad-qriKos the sensible, finite world is a ne-
cessary production of cognition. It attains to the
cognition of nothing without sensuous perception.
But it is only the vovs iroirfTiKos which attains to
the cognition of the complete truth of the sensible
world, and here vice versa the proposition holds
good: nildl est in sensu, quod non ftierii i?i in-
tellectu.

Reason is either theoretical or practical reason
(de Anim. m. 10). The object of the first is the
cognition ef truth (of the universal, the unchange-
able) ; the object of the other is the realisation, by
means of action, of the truth, the cognition of
which has been attained. (Metaph. iL 1.) Prac-
tical reason, therefore, is directed to the particular
and individual, which is determined and regulated
by the universal. (Eth. Nic. vi. 12.) The scientific
treatment of the moral (ethics and politics) has,
therefore, to investigate not so much what virtue
is ( ov yap ii'' eiSwixev ri ecTTiv ij dperri aKeirTo^eOa,
Eth. Nic. ii. 2), as rather how we may become vir-
tuous (aKK' iv dyadol yevto/ieda). Without this last
object it would be of no use. The dificrence be-
tween action and the exercise of the creative power
(irpiTTciv and iroiiiv) in the province of practical
reason, is the foundation of the difference between
morality and art. What is common to both is,
that the commencing point of the activity lies
here in the subject (Met. xi. 7), and that the ob-
ject of the activity has reference to that which
admits of different modes of existence. (Eth. Nic.
vi. 4.) The difference, thererefore, between the
two is this: that in action (TrpdrTeiv) the pur-
pose lies in the activity itself (in the irpuKTov),
whereby the will of the actor manifests itself, while
in the exercise of the creative power (Trotelv) it
lies in the work produced. (Metaph. vL 1 ;
Magn. Mor. L 35.)

The theoretical sciences have to do with that
which exists in accordance with the idea, and can
be deduced from it. Their object is either, a. the
universal, as it is the object of cognition to the
abstracting understanding, which, however, is still
restricted to one side of the material, to the quan-
titative (Met. xiii. 2), — accordingly rd dKiv-qra
dA\' ov x^wp'O'To ; or, 6. the universal, as by
means of the formative principles, which give it
some definitive shape, it attains to existence in the
essences of natural things (to dx(»>pi(TTa dKK' ovic
dKivrjTa) ; c. or lastly, their object is the universal,
as it exhibits itself as necessary existence (to didiov
Ka\ dKivTjTov Kol x^pto'Toi'). Out of these the
theoretic sciences of mathematics, physics, and
theology develop themselves, as well as the prac-
tical sciences, which have for their object action,
morality in the individual and in the state (ethics,
oeconomics, politics), or the exercise of the creative
faculty, and art (poetics, rhetoric).
A.
The Theoretical Sciences.
1. Natural Sciences.

The science of Physics (tj (pvcriK-q, ?} irepi
(pvaews eiriaT-^fj.Ti) considers that existence which
is susceptible of motion. Its object is not the
idea in its spiritual existence (to tI t]V elj/ot),
but the idea in its real existence in the material
(to Tt ecTTt). Natural existence has the origin of
motion in itself originally. Motion is change from
what exists to what exists. Nature, therefore, is
no lifeless substratum, but an organization pos-

k

AIIISTOTELES.

Rosscd of life, a process of becoming and being
produced, in which the moving power, consisting in
the formative principle, is that which gives it its
shape. In natunil existence matter (uAr;), depri-
vation ((TTfpr)(ns)y and the formative principle, are
in inseparable union. Matter is the foundation
(f the manifold, for everything, according to the
formative principle, which in itself is perfect, strives
to advance from it to that which is more perfect,
till it attains to actuiUity. The internal formative
principle, on the other hand, is the basis of what
is unchangeable in that which is manifold. For
the formative principle is in itself eternal and im-
perishable, and is perishable only in so far as it
engenders itself in the material. Natural science
considers the formative principles which in motion
and change continually reengender themselves. The
formative principle and the purpose are the same,
only conceived of in a different relation: — the
formative principle in relation to that which ac-
tually exists ; purpose, in relation to the why ? of
it. The identity of the two is the operative cause.
The relation of purpose is the highest cause, in
which all physical causes concentrate themselves.
{P/ii/s. ii. 7 — 9.) Wherever there is purpose there
is activity (irpdrTeTai, Phys. ii. 8) in relation to
this purpose, and according to the activity of each
thing, so is its natural constitution. Nature now
lias a purpose, but it is independent of all reflection
and consideration. {Phys. I. c.) It creates accord-
ing to an unconscious impulse, and its activity is a
daemo7iical, but not a divine activity {rt yap <pi<ns
ZaifjLovia oAA' ov Seta, de Div. per Somn. c. 2).
Sometimes it does not attain its object, because in
its formative process it cannot overpower the
material ; and then, through this partial frustration
of the purpose, abortions are produced. {Phys. I. c,
de Gener. Anim. iv. 4.) Nature therefore has the
foundation of its development and existence in
itself, — is its own purpose ; it is an organic whole,
in which everything is in a state of vigorous reci-
procal action, and exhibits a series of gradations
from the less perfect to the more perfect. The
fashioning active principle is the elSos, and this
when perfected is ^vTeAexf'a and hipyna, in con-
trast with which the material, as the merely po-
tential, is the lower principle. The connecting
link between the two is motion, the process of be-
coming ; accordingly motion is a condition in all
nature, and he who has not arrived at the cogni-
tion of motion does not understand nature. {Phys.
iii. 1.) Motion is the means by which everything
strives to advance from potentiality (matter) to that
actuality, of which, according to its nature, it is
capable, i. e. to the form appropriate to it, which is
its purpose. The elSos is thus what is true in the
visible object, but not apart from the process of be-
coming; but it is the basis of this process of becom-
ing itself, inasmuch as it is the active, fashioning
principle. The true principle of natural science,
therefore, lies in the dynamico-genetical method,
which looks upon nature as something continually
becoming, as it strives to advance from potentiality
to actuality. Motion itself is eternal and unpro-
duced ; it is the life {oTov ^onj ns ovcra) in all
natural things. {Phys. viii. 1.) Through this
striving of all natural existences after the imper-
ishable, everything is in some sort tilled with soul.
{De Gener. Anim. iii. 11.) The elementary bodies,
considered in themselves, have motion in them-
selves, reciprocally produce each other, and so

ARISTOTELES.

339

imitate the imperishable (as e. g. earth and fire.
Met. ix. 8). Things possessed of life produce
in the process of generation an object of like kind
with themselves {de Anim. ii. 4. 2), and so parti-
cipate in eternity as far as they can, since in their
individual existence, as one according to number
(eV dpidfjL^), they are not eternal. A constant
dynamical connexion exhibits itself in the process
of development of natural life, it aims at more and
more perfect formations, and makes the lower and
less perfect forms a preliminary condition of the
higher, so that the higher sphere comprehends also
the lower. {De Caelo, iv. 3.) Thus in the grada-
tions of the elements between earth and heaven,
the several elements are separated by no definite
limit, but pass insensibly from one to the other
{Phys. iv. 5 ; De Caelo, iv. 1, 4), and also in
organisms possessed of life the same gradation,
from the lower to the more and more perfect forms,
shews itself. {De Anima, ii. 2, 3.) Natural science
tJien must fulloto this process of development^ for it
is only in this way that it attains to a lively ap-
prehension of nature.

To develop how Aristotle, according to these
leading outlines, treats the particular natural
sciences, how he first develops the gradations of
the elements, the motion of the heavenly bodies,
and the unmoved moving principle, and then points
out the process of formation in inorganic and
organic nature, and lastly arrives at man, as the
end and centre of the entire creation, of which he
is the most complete organization {Polit. i. 8 ; Hist.
Anim. ix. 1 ; ^ Partih. Anim. iv. 10), would
lead us farther than our present limits allow. We
can only again direct attention to the excellent
delineation, a perfect model of its kind, in the
work of Biese above referred to, vol. ii. pp. 69 —
216.

2. Mathematics and the MaViematical Sciences.

Mathematics and Physics have the same objects
in common, but not in the same manner; for
mathematics abstract from the concrete attributes
of sensible things, and consider, only the quantitative,
{Met. xiii. 3.) This is the only side of that which
is material on which the understanding {tidvoia)
dwells, where it considers the universal in the
way in which it is presented by the abstractive
power of the understanding. This mode of pro-
cedure, however, does not admit of being applied
in all cases {Phys. ii. 2) ; and mathematics, from
their very nature, cannot rise above the material
and reach real existence as such. The investi-
gations of this science are restricted to one part of
material existence (irepf rt juepo? ti^s oiK^las vKtis
TToifirai r-fjt/ Bewpiav, Met. xi. 4).

The relation between the three theoretical sci-
ences, therefore, is this : the science of physics
busies itself indeed with the internal formative
principle, with that which has an absolute exist-
ence, but only in so far as this has passed into the
material, and is accordingly not immoveable. {Met,
vi. 1, xii. 7.)

The science of mathematics, on the other hand,
occupies itself indeed with that which is immove-
able and at rest, as its definitions are fixed and
unalterable ; but not with that which is absolutely
immoveable, but immoveable in so fer as it is con-
nected with matter.

The science of metaphysics, lastly, occupies itself
with that which exists really and absolutely, with
that which is eternal and immoveable.

7.1

340

ARTSTOTELES.

M.-ithematics, therefore, stand half-way between
physics and metaphysics. (Met. i. 6, p. 20, 23,
I 9, p. 33, 23, xi. 1. p. 212, 22.) Mathematical
existence exists only Swofxei (according to poten-
tiality) in the abstractive operation of the under-
standing, and is therefore no independent exist-
ence, nothing substantiaL We arrive at the
cognition of its peculiar definitions not from the
idea, but only by means of separation (e. g. auxili-
ary lines in figures for proof). On that account,
neither motion nor the idea of purpose occurs in
mathematics. {Met. iv. 2, Phys. ii. 9.) In this
science, that which is simple, as an abstractixm,
forms the starting-point, and its necessity depends
on our advancing from the simple to the composite,
or from the basis to that which is based upon it.
(Pfit/s. ii. 9.) Respecting the axioms from which
the mathematical sciences proceed, mathematics
can therefore say nothing {Met. iv. 3), because
these belong to every existing thing as such.*

Respecting the view taken by Aristotle of the
mathematical sciences, see Biese, ii. pp. 225-234.

B.

The Practical Sciences.

Mathematics, restricted as the science is to the
quantitative, can exhibit the good and the beautiful
only as they manifest themselves in that inmuitabi-
lity which consists in the fixed order and harmony
of the quantitative. But the way in which these
two, the good and the beautiful, acquire existence
in the department of the mind, is considered and
pointed out by the practical sciences. Ethics, Poli-
tics (with Oeconomics as an appendix), and Poetics
(Aesthetics, Philosophy of Art).

1. Ethics.

1. General Definilions.f — The highest and last
purpose of all action, according to Aristotle, is
luippiness {(vScufwvia. Kth. Nic. i. 2 — 7, x. b' — 8,
and elsewhere). This he defines to be the energy
{fV(pyiia) of life existing for its own sake (perfect
life), according to virtue existing by and for itself
(perfect virtue ). As the highest good, it must be
pursued for its own sake ; as the highest human
good, its essence must be derived from the peculiar
destination of man. Accordingly, happiness is the
activity of the soul in accordance with virtue dur-
ing a separate independent period of existence.
{Eth. Nic. i. 7.) The two principal component
parts of this definition are virtue, and external

* The only mathematical work of Aristotle
(/Lia07jjuaT</coj/, Diog. Laert. v. 24) quoted by an-
cient writers is lost. The method which was fol-
lowed at a later time for mathematics, re-sts alto-
gether on the doctrine of proof given in the Ana-
Ij'tics. Aristotle probably composed no separate
treatises on arithmetic and geometry. In his
Organon he frequently borrows examples from
geometry. Aristotle, as an opponent of the Pytha-
goreans, laid great stress on the separation of
arithmetic and geometrv. (Anal. post. i. 27, Met.

+ In this review of the ethical system of Aris-
totle we follow of course the progress of the Nico-
niachean Ethics, as being the principal work. The
first two books contain the general part of etliics,
the remaining eight books carry out the definitions
of this portion more closely.

ARISTOTELES.

good circumstances as means of virtue. Virtues
are of two kinds, either ijitellectual virtues (5io-
vot]TiKai), or moral virtues {-qQiKai)., according to
the distinction between the reasoning faculty, and
that in the soul which obeys the reason. Accord-
ing to this distinction, the origin of the virtues,
which Aristotle points out in the second book of
the Ethics, is also different. The intellectual vir-
tues may be learnt and taught, the ethical virtues
are acquired by practice. In the case of these,
therefore, we must liave regard to the practice of
them in particular cases ; therefore, only quite
general directions admit of being given respecting
them. Youth must be accustomed and trained
" to rejoice and be sorry in the proper way," for
grief and joy are the criteria of virtue, inasmuch
as it is the proper medium between excess and
deficiency. {Eth. Nic. n. 2.) To be able to
refrain from sensual desires with pleasure is to be
ieinfKraie. The intemperate man experiences pain
at such abstinence, when he is compelled to prac-
tise it. By the practice of virtue the man becomes
good himself; and virtue is therefore a habit, and
that too accompanied bj^ fore-choice (e|is irf)oaipr]-
rucri), which keeps the medium in our subjective
inclinations and impulses {Eth. Nic. ii. 6), and
keeps the medium in that way in which the
rational man (d (ppovi/jLos) detennines. This me-
dium assumes different forms according to the
several impulses, under the influence of which the
actor has reference either solely to himself, or to
others also. The medium is opposed to the ex-
tremes ; they contradict each other, and the proper
measiu-e or degree depends on the pai'ticular incli-
nations of the individual.

2. Sftccial part. — Virtue is based upon free,
self-conscious action. Aristotle, therefore, before
developing the several virtues specially, defines
the idea of responsibility (iii. 1-7), and then and
not before gives the development of the ethical
(iii. 8, V. extr.) and logical (vi.) virtues. As now,
in the definition of happiness, virtues and the
means of virtue formed the chief parts, so the
second section of the special part of ethics is de-
voted to the internal and external circumstances of
life, which become the means of virtue through
the good manifesting itself in them as the purpose.
Continuance in a course of virtue is connected
chiefly with firmness of character, which exhibits
itself as well in abstinence {kyKparna) which re-
sists pleasure, as in endurance {KapTfpia, a Platonic
idea : see Plat. Laches), which remains unshaken,
even by the attacks of pain. {Eth. Nic. vii. 1-12.)
This firmness therefore manifests itself especially
in the manner in which a man demeans himself
towards pleasure and pain. This leads to the
investigation of tJie essential ?iaiu7-e of pleasure and
pai?i. {Eth. Nic. vii. 12, &c.) Farther, in the
social life of men, friendship, which is itself a
virtue (viii. 1), and indeed the crown of all vir-
tues, is a principal means for a steady continuance
in virtue. Aristotle, therefore, in the 8th and 9th
books, treats of friendship with the most careful
explicitness. He shews that it forms the founda-
tion for all kinds of unions, and contributes to the
realization of the good in the smaller and larger
circles of social life. Lastly, the unrestricted exer-
cise of each species of activity directed towards the
good is accompanied by the feeling of an undis-
turbed energy, and this harmony, in which the
external and the internal are in accordance, pro-

ARTSTOTELKS.

duces a pleasure^ which exercises a powerful influ-
ence in urging the man on to virtuous activity,
besides being the constant attendant of the latter.
In this point of view Aristotle, in the 10th book
(Elh. Nic. X. 1-6), treats of pleasure as a powerful
means of virtue.

After the principal elements of the definition of
virtue have been thus gone through, the happiness
of the theon^tical life of reason, i. e. of tlie life
devoted to pliilosophical contemplation, is brought
prominently into view ; which, as a divine kind of
life, is accorded to but few men. {Eth. Nic. x. 8.)
In contrast witli this stands the Iiappiness of
active, practical life, which has its firm basis in
the ethical virtues, and in external good circum-
stances the means of carrj'ing out and accomplish-
ing the higher ends of life. 7%ts, however, can
ouly htke phice IN the state ; and so Ethics of
themselves conduct us to the doctrine of the state,
to politics.

The ethics of Aristotle preserved the most com-
plete development of the doctrine of virtue, re-
garded from the point of view chosen by the an-
cients. The problem which he here proposed to
himself was no other than this : to exhibit the
good in the process of becomiiig, in that way in
which it is a thing attainable by man, and indivi-
dualizes itself most immediately in the bents or
inclinations of men (the existence of which as such
in their natural condition, according to the view
taken by the ancients, cannot be denied). Then,
secondly, by means of practical wisdom, to deter-
mine the proper medium for these manifold bents,
and so to lay down the rule for action. Farther,
to shew that the obligation to live according to this
rule, is founded in the essential nature of the
higher rationality, and that in this those sentiments
which are finn and immoveable form the immuta-
ble basis of action.

2. Politics.
The ethics of Aristotle contain the fundamental
elements {(rroix^la, Polit. iv. 11, ed. Stahr) of
politics, of which the former sci(;nce is itself a
particular part (ttoAiti/ctj t(s, Elh. Nic. i. 1, Magn.
Mor. i. 1 .) Both have the same end — happiness,
only that it is far more noble and more divine to
conduct whole peoples and states to this end. {Po-
lit. iii. 12.) Practical wisdom and politics are one
and the same species of habit {Elh. Nic. vi. 8);
all they differ in is this : that the object of the one
is to promote the happiness of an individual, the
olijoct of the other to promote that of a community.
In the latter point of view, practical wisdom is:
o. Tiie management of the family — oeconomics.
6. In the management of the state. — o. Legislative
jiower {I'OfxoOfTiKu^), which regulates the general
Tchiihna {dpxiTeKTOVLKt^). $. Administrative poiver
{ttoMtiio'i) in the government of the state, where
action, or the special application of the laws under
particular circumstances, is concerned. The admi-
nistrative power realizes itself first in that part of
the state which deliberates on the public concerns
(^ouAeirriKT)), and which possesses the power of
applying the laws to j)ublic relations ; secondly, in
the judicial power (Si/ccmtti/ctj), with the applica-
tion of the laws to private concerns.

As the highest good is something absolutely
perfect, i. e. a thing of such a nature that it is
striven after purely for its own sake, happiness,
as it is a good of this kind, cannot be imperfect,
but the quality of self-sufficiency {mhaoKtia) must

ARISTOTELES.

Ui

pertain to it. This, however, is to be obtained
not in isolated or family life, but only in the state,
which is the union of all other circles of social life.
Man therefore, as a being created by nature
for the state and for life in the state (fcSov ttoKi-
tik6u, Polit. I. 2, iii. 6, and elsewhere), strives
after it The state, moreover, as a totality con-
sisting of organically connected members, is by
nature prior to the individual and the family ; it
is the absolute prius. As the hand of a corpse is
no mope a hand, so the anniiiilation of .the state is
at the same time the annihilation of the individual;
for only a wild beast or a god can live out of the
bounds of the state, or without it. (Polit. i. 2, extr.)
It is only through the state that avTopKfia, self-
sufficiency, not merely for the preservation of bare
life, but also for happy life,, is rendered possible.
Happiness, however, is only the consequence of an
activity of the soul consisting in complete virtue
(ap6T7j) ; consequently, in the state, and in nothing
short of it, does virtue itself attain complete reality.
And the object of the political art is the most ho-
nourable, in as far as the statesman directs all his
care to the training of such citizens as are morally
good and actively promote everything honourable
and noble. {Eth. i. 10,13, ink.} The science of
politics therefore is the necessary completion of
ethics, and it is only in reference to the state that
the latter can attain its full development. The
two sciences, therefore, in Aristotle's view, stand
in such close connexion, that in the Politics by
irpoTfpov he refers to the Ethics, and in the latter
by varepov to the Pohtics.

According to the method of genetic develop-
ment {Kara T-fju v(pT]yT)jj.4vr\u fxeOoSov, Polit. i. 1 ),
Aristotle begins in the politics with the considera-
tion of the first and most bimple human associa-
tion, the family {oiKia). A marriage of free men
and women is known only by the Hellenes, not
by the barbarians, among whom not free men and
women, but male and female slaves unite them-
selves together. The distinction between Hellenes
and barbarians, free men and slaves, in Aristotle's
view is still a primary distinction, because the
natural determining circumstance of birth (as
Hellen or barbarian) is still an essential element
in the idea of freedom. Christianity first laid
down the principle^, that freedom is founded on the
spiritual entity of man, without regard to the na-
tural determining circumstance of birth.

Out of the component parts of the family
(slaves and free persons, master and slaves, man
and wife, father and children) arise three relations:
the despotic {Sea-jroTiKTJ), nuptial {yafitic^), and
parental {reKVOTroniTiKTj ), with which is associated
besides the oiKovofitKi^. These Aristotle treats of
in the first book of the Politics. The arrangement
of the whole domestic system resembles monarchy
{Polit. i. 7), but at the same time the family is the
image of political life generally, for in it lie the
germs of friendship, constitution, and all that is
just. {Eth. Eiulem. vii. 10, p. 1242. 6, Bekk.)
After this, in the second book, he considers the
pm-jiose of the state, as the unity of a whole con-
sisting of mutually dependent and connected mem-
bers, with reference as well to imaginary (PLnto),
as to actually existing constitutions. He calls
attention to their points of superiority and inferi-
ority, and so indicates the essential conditions,
which are necessary for the foundation and realisa-
tion of the idea of a state. Thereupon in thQ

342 ARISTOTELES.

third book he develops the idea of the state ac-
cording to its separation into different forms of
government ; in the fourth book he considers the
several constitutions according to their differences
in kind, because these exercise an influence on
legislation. For legislation is dependent on the conr
stitution^ not vice versa. That is to say, constitution
is the arrangement of the powers in the state, ac-
cording to which the sovereignty (to Kvpiov) is
determined. The constitution is thus the soid of
the state. {Polit. iv. 1, iii. 4.) The laws, on the
other hand, are the determining principles, accord-
ing to which the governing body governs, and holds
in check those who transgress them. Aristotle
distinguishes aristocracy, kingdom, and republic
(iroKiTeia ?) t^ koiv^ Trpoaayspsvo/xevr} dvofiari),
and sets by the side of these the three perversions
{^TrapeK§ouT€is) of them: oligarchy, tyranny, demo-
cracy. These constitutions arise out of the three
principles, 1, of equality, founded on the prepon-
derance of number; 2, of inequality, which is
founded either, a. on the preponderance of exter-
nal strength and wealth (tyranny^ oligarchy), or b.
on the preponderance of internal .or spiritual
strength (monarchy, aristocracy). Aristotle then,
in the 5th book, c«nsiders the disturbing and pre-
serving causes in the different constitutions, always
having regard to reality and experience (Polit. iii.
17, iv. 1) ; and, for the determination of that form
of government which is best adapted for the great-
est number of states, gets this result, that in it
democratical and oligarchical principles mu&t be in-
termixed and united. (Polit. iv. 12.) From such a
mixture of the elements of constitutions result
new forms of mixed constitutions (<TvvSva<Tnoi),
which Aristotle characterizes more closely accord-
ing to the three essential functions of political
power. (Polit. iv. 14, vi) Having thus prepared
the way, the philosopher proceeds to the real
problem, to shew how a state can be so perfect-
ly constituted, as to answer to the requisitions
of human nature. He shews that the question.
What is the best constitution ? is connected with
the question. What is the most desirable mode of
life ? (Polit. vii. 1 ) he develops the external conditions
for the realisation of the best constitution (Polit.
viL 4, &c.), which are dependent on fortune, — and
then passes to the internal conditions of such a
constitution, which are independent of fortune.
(Polit. vii. 13, &c,) For these latter he finds the
central point in tlie education of youth, which he
therefore considers as a public concern of the state.
(Polit. viii. 1.) Its object is the harmonious cul-
ture of all the physical and mental powers, which
lays the foundation for that hamiony of perfect
virtue both in the man and in the citizen, in which
the purely human develops itself in all its fulness
and power. By the individual citizens of the
state (Polit. vii. 13) being trained to a virtuous,
moral life, virtue and morality become predominant
in all the spheres of political life, and accordingly
by means oi politics that is completely realised, for
which ethics form the ground-work, viz. human
happiness depending on a life in accordance with
virtue. Thus on the one hand the science of poli-
tics is again reflected to the point from which it
started — ethics, while on the other hand, inasmuch
as art and oratory are included in the circle of the
means by which the citizen is to be trainf^d, it
points beyond what is immediately connected with
itself to the departments of

ARISTOTELES.

3. Bhctoric and Aestlietica.

1. RMoric. — Here we need say but little;
partly because the works of Aristotle, which relate
to this subject, are more generally known and
read than the properly philosophical writings, and
partly because the subject itself is of considerably
less difficulty. We therefore make only some
general observations.

Rhetoric stands side by side (avTlarpocpos) with
dialectics, for both have to do with subjects, with
which, as pertaining to no particular science, every
one may make himself acquainted, and respecting
which every one deems himself capable of forming
a judgment. Every one considers himself, and is
to a certain extent, an orator and dialectician.
Rhetoric raises this routine to an artistic know-
ledge, by means of tlieory, which arrives at the
perception of the causes why, and the means by
which, the orator, who has not been theoretically
trained, attains his object. (Rliet. i. 1.) The
kernel of such a theory is the argumentation by
which conviction is produced. Enthymemes are
the foundation (aufxa. Trjs iriaTews) of argu-
mentation. Aristotle, as he himself says, first
directed his attention to the fundamental prin-
ciples of these. The ofject of Rnetoric is convic-
tion, but its business (fpyov) consists in dis-
covering that which awakens belief with respect to
the subject in hand, (Rliet. i. 1, ov to irflaai cpyov
aOTTJs, dWd TO iSeiv rd vndpxovra iridavd Trepl
eKacTTov. Comp. QuintiL ii. 15, 13; Max.
Schmidt de tempore quo ab Arid. liLri de arte
rhet. ediii, p. 8, &c.) The means of proof (irioTds)
therefore are what we are mainly concerned with.
These are partly external (witnesses, &c.), partly
artisticaU to be created by the orator ; to these
belong the personal qualities (ijdos) of the orator
himself, and the disposition of the hearers, and the
mode itself in which the arguments are exhibited.
From the means of proof we discover what is re-
quisite in the orator : he must understand how to
form condusions, must possess an insight into the
moral nature and virtues of man, as well as ah
acquaintance with the passions. (Rliet. ii. 22.)
Accordingly rhetoric grows as it were out of the
roots of dialectics and etliics. (i. 4.) For argu-
mentation, example and enthymeme are in rhetoric,
what induction and conclusion are in dialectics.
As regards their subject matter, most enthjanemes
are taken from the special departments of the
sciences. In the laying down of the general and par-
ticular points of view the excellence of the genuine
empiricism of Aristotle, which is united with the
most acute sagacity, amply displays itself, and,
particulariy in the treatment of the irdQT], unfolds
a rich treasure of psychological experience, which
lays bare the most secret recesses of the human
heart

The several species of oratory develop themselves
out of the different dispositions which may exist
in the hearer of a speech. The hearer, namely, is
either a ^ewg/o's, i. e. listens only for the sake of
artistic enjoyment, or he is one who forms a
judgment respecting what is to come, or what is
past. In accordance with these different charac-
ters in which the hearer appears, there result
three species of oratory: the deliberative (ykvos
av^Sovh-^xniKou), the forensic (7. ^ikolvikov), the
epideictic (7. Ittl^^iktikov). Aristotle then deter-
mines what are the essential elements of these
species, and further the occasion and purposes of

ARTSTOTELES.

thcin. The difference of purpose again invohres
attention to the appropriate argnineuts, according
as these are common to ;ill, or particular.

The power of convincing, however, depends not
merely on oratorical conclusions, but also on
the credibility of the orator, and the disposition of
the hearers. Therefore it is necessary to sliew
how the favourable disposition requisite on every
occasion is to be produced in the mind of the
liearer. But a person must know not only whal
to say, but also hoio to say it. Therefore rhetoric
has, by way of conclusion, to treat of oratorical
expression and arrangement.

2. Poetics. — " Thou, 0 man, alone possessest
art ! " This dictum of Schiller's is already ex-
pressed by Aristotle. {Met. i. L) In art the
production of a work is the main matter and the
main purpose, whilst the purpose of oratory,
which is throughout practical, is extraneous to
speech itself. The relation of art to morality and
virt'M is, on the side of the artist,, a very slight
one ; for, with dispositions and sentiments,
which in actions form the most important point,
we have nothing to do in the practice of art,
where the main thing is^ the production {Troiilv) of
a work. On the other hand, however, every ait,
and every work of art, exerts a moral influence,
purifies and purges the stronger emotions of the
soul, strengthens and elevates the mind.

Art, like nature, produces by fashioning organic-
ally, but, with consciousness {Phys. ii. 8), and its
creative efforts, as well as the contemplation of
these efforts, and of the work of art produced, be-
long to those higher exertions of the mind (to
TTfptTTa) which have their purpose in themselves.
Aristotle, indeed, in accordance with the light in
which the matter was generally viewed by the
ancients, reckons art amongst the higher purposes
of the state and of religion {Polit. viii»); but with
him it has also already the signification of an inde-
pendent creation of the mind, which ennobles
reality, and which again draws within its sphere
religion and morality likewise.

All the several arts find a common bond of union
in this, that they are all imitations (fii/j.'qaeis),
«. e. all arts, epic poetry, tragedy, comedy, lyric
poetry, music, orchestic (the ai't of dancing),
painting, and statuary, strive after truth, the real
essence of things, which they represent. That
which distinguishes the arts from each other lies
partly in the diversity of the means by which they
represent, partly in the object of representation,
partly in the mode of representation. According
to this diversity arise the distinct differences in
the arts, the species of art, and the different styles
of art. How, according to Aristotle's view, the
beautiful developed and manifested itself in the
separate arts, can be pointed out only with reference
to poetrj', because this is the only art that Aris-
totle (in his work irtpl TroiTjrt/crjy) has treated of.
Poetry is the product of inspiration (jRIiet. iii. 7),
and its means of representation is language, metri-
cal as well as unmetrical. {Poet. 1.) Improvisa-
tions fomi the historical starting-point for all
poetry, which from its very commencement divides
itself into two principal directions, that which
follows the more homely, and that which follows
the more exalted. This depended on the peculiar
character of the poet. A delicate perception of
what is correct and appropriate, an acute faculty
of observation, and a mind easily excitable and

ARISTOTELES. 343

capable of inspiration {5id fv(pvovs ^ ironjTiKT'l
iarip ■fj fxaviKoO., Rket. ii. 15 cxtr.) make the
poet, who at the same time cannot dispense with
discretion. The external form of the representa-
tion, the metre, is not decisive as to whether
anything is poetry or not. The history of Hero-
dotus reduced to metre would still remain a hi»-
tory. {Poet. 9.) A subject becomes poetical only
through a lively, vivid mode of represenUition,
and the principal pouit is the composition and ar-
rangement of tiie matter, the auvOtais (or avcTToais)
rutv Trpo7/iar«v {Poet. 7), in other words, the
invention or idea, which has assumed a lively form
in the poet ; and this is the starting-point, and as
it were the soul of poetry {oLpx^i i^°-^ oTov rf/uxTf
6 ixvdos ri]9 rftaycfZias, Poet. 7*). Poetry is
more comprehensive and philosophical than his-
tory ; for whilst history is restricted to individual
actual facts, the poet takes higher ground, and re-
presents in the particular that which, considered
in itself, can happen at any time ; that which is
universally applicable and necessary. The univer-
sal in poetry, however, is not an abstract, in-
definite something, but manifests itself in the
characteristic individuality of person by means of
language and action in accordance with internal
probability and necessity. {Poet, 9.) Whilst
therefore in poetry everything individual, as im-
porting something universal, is thoroughly signifi-
cant, history, on the other hand, relates in chrono-
logical succession what the individual has really
done, and what has happened to bim. The his-
torian is restricted as to the order, arrangement, and
succession of the facts which he describes ; the
poet has these unrestrictedly under his dominion.
With these individual features of Aristotle's
Poetics we must here content ourselves, as a com-
plete examination. of his theory of the epos and of
the drama might easily lead us beyond the limits
to which we are restricted.

IX. Appendix.

The main, sources for the life of Aristotle are
lost to us. The number of works on biography
and literary history extant in antiquity, from
which information might have been obtained
respecting Aristotle, must have been immense,
since out of Diogenes Laertius alone the names of
nearly 40 such writers may be collected, whose
works, with the exception of single quotations, have
disappeared.

With respect to Aristotle in particular, wo
have to regret the loss of the works of Hermippus
of Smyrna, Timotheus of Athens, Demetrius of
Magnesia (d Ma7J'77s), Pseudo-Aristippus, ApoUo-
dorus of Athens, Eumelus, Phavorinus, &c., as well
as those of Aristoxenus of Tarentum, Apellicou of
Teos, Sotion, Aristocles of Messene, Daniascius,
Andronicus of Rhodes, and Ptolemaeus Philadel-
phus.

The scanty and confused sources still extant
are the following: — 1. Diogenes Laertius, v. 1 —
35 ; 2. Dionysius of Ilalicarnassus, Epistola ad
Ammaeum de Demosthe?ie et Arisiotele; 3. Pseudo-
Aramonius, + vita AristoteUs^ by a later com-

* Aristotle, indeed, is there speaking only of
tragedy, but what he say& of the mythus with re-
ference to tragedy applies to all poetry.

■f Victor Cousin, in the Journal des Savons,
December, 1832, p. 747, maintains the authenticity
of this little biography.

344

ARISTOTELES.

piler, according to others by Philoponus, edited
by J. Nunnesius, together with an old Latin
translation of the same, with some additions
(Vetus translatio) ; 4. The short Greek biography,
by an anonymous writer, published by Menage
(Anonymus Menagii in Diog. Laert v. 35, vol. ii.
p. 201, ed. Meibom.), with which the article in
Suidas coincides ; 5. Hesychius Milesius. These
ancient biographies will be found all together in the
first vol. of Buhle's edition of Aristotle. Among
the more modem biographies, we need mention
only the works of Guarinus of Verona (a. d. 1460,
Vila Aristotelis^ appended to his translation of
Plutarch'* biographies) ; Patritius {Diseussiones
Peripaieticae^ Basil. 1581), a passionate opponent
of Aristotle and his philosophy ; Nunnesius (in
his commentary on Ammonius, Vita Aristotelis^
Lugd. 1621); Andreas Schott ( FtVoe comparatae
Aristotelis et Deinostfi^nis, Augustae Vindelic. 1603,
4to) ; Buhle, in the first part of his edition of
Aristotle, and in Ersch andGruber's Encyclop'ddie^
V. p. 273, &c.; Blakesley's Life of Aristotle ; and
the work entitled Aristotelia by the writer of this
article.* [A. S.]

ARISTO'TELES ('Api(rroT^\rjs). 1. Of Sicily,
a rhetorician who wrote against the Panegyricus
of Isocrates. (Diog. Laert. v. 35.) Some modem
critics attribute to him, on very insufficient
grounds, the nx^^*' (^vvayosyi^y which is printed
among the works of Aristotle.

2. Of Athens, an orator and statesman, under
whose name some forensic orations were known in
the time of Diogenes Laertius (v. 35), which were
distinguished for their elegance.

3. Of Cyrene, is mentioned by Diogenes
Laertius (v. 35) as the author of a work Uepl
HoirjTiKris.

4. Of Argos, a megaric or dialectic philosopher.
(Plut. Arat. 3, 44; Diog. Laert. ii. 113.) He
belonged to the party at Argos which was hostile
to Cleomenes of Sparta, and after Cleomenes had
taken possession of the town, Aristoteles con-
trived to get it again into the hands of the Achaeans.
(Polyb. ii. 53; Plut. C/eom. 20.)

5.' The author of a work Uepi TlKenvaafj-ov,
which is completely lost (Diog. Laert. v. 35.)

6. The author of a work on the Iliad, which is
likewise lost. (Diog. Laert. v. 35.)

7. There are apparently three Peripatetic philo-
sophers of the name of Aristoteles. The first is
mentioned as a commentator of his great namesake
(Syrian. Metaphrjs. xii. 55) ; the second, a son of
Erasistratus, is mentioned by S. Empiricus {adv.
Math. p. 51); and the third, a Mytilenaean, was
one of the most distinguished speculative philoso-
phers in the time of Galen. {De Consuetud. p. 553,
ed. Paris.)

8. Of Chalcis in Euboea, who is mentioned as
the author of a work on Euboea. (Hept ^v^oias,
Harpocrat. a. v.'Apyovpa ; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod.
i. 558.) Some critics have been inclined to think
that this Aristoteles is not a distinct person, and
that the work on Euboea ascribed to him is oidy
another name for the Eu^oewi' TvoKinla of the great
philosopher Aristotle. But there is no reason for
such a supposition.

Ancient writers make mention of many more

* The above article was written in German by
Prof. Stahr, expressly for this work, and has been
trauulated into English by Mr. C. P. ISIason.

ARISTOXENUS.

persons of the name of Aristoteles, respecting
whom no particulars are known. Diogenes enu-
merates eight, including the great philosopher, and
Jonsius {de Script. Histor. Phil. i. 12) no less than
thirty-two persons of this name. [L. S.]

ARISTOTl'MUS ('Apio-ToVj/ios), became tyrant
in Elis with the help of Antigonus Gonatas, and
after reigning for six months in the most crael
manner, was killed by Hellanicus, Cylon, and
others. (Pans. v. 5. § 1 ; Plut. de Mulier. Virt.
p. 251, &c.)

ARISTO'XENUS {' kpunSl^vos), a philosopher
of the Peripatetic school. The date of his birth is
not known ; but from the account of Suidas, and
from incidental notices in other writers, we learn
that he was bom at Tarentum, and was the son of
a learned musician named Spintharus (otherwise
Mnesias). (Aelian, H. A. ii. 11.) He learnt music
from his father, and hanng been afterwards instruct-
ed by Lampms of Erythrae and Xenophilus the
Pythagorean, finally became a disciple of Aristotle
(Gell. iv. 1 1 ; Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 1 8), whom he appears
to have rivalled in the variety of his studies, though
probably not in the success with which he prose-
cuted them. According to Suidas, he produced
works to the number of 453 upon music, philosophj',
history, in short, every department of literature.
He gained so much credit as a scholar of Aristotle,
that it was expected, at least by himself, that he
would be chosen to succeed him ; and his disgust
at the appointment of Theophrastus caused him
afterwards to slander the character of his great
master. This story is, however, contradicted by
Aristocles {ap. Euseb.Praep. Evang. xv. 2), who as-
serts that he never mentioned Aristotle but with the
greatest respect. We know nothing of his philo-
sophical opniions, except that he held the soul to
be a harmony of the body (Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 10, 18;
Lact. hisiit. vii. 13, de Opif. Dei^c. 16), a doctrine
which had been already discussed by Plato (in the
Phaedo) and combated by Aristotle. {De Ari. i. 4.)

It is only in his character as a musician that
Aristoxenus appears to have deserved and acquired
a reputation for real excellence ; and no consider-
able remains of his works have come down to us
except three books of dpfioviKo. (rroix'^la^ or rather,
as their contents seem to shew, fragments of two or
three separate musical treatises. (See Bumey, Hist.
of Music, vol. i. p. 442.) They contain less actual
information on the theory of Greek music than the
later treatises ascribed to Euclid, Aristcides Quin-
tilianus, and othftrs ; but they are interesting from
their antiquity, and valuable for their criticisms
on the music of the times to which they belong.
Aristoxenus, at least if we may trust his own ac-
count, was the first to attempt a complete and sys-
tematic exposition of the subject ; and he aimed at
introducing not only a more scientific knowledge,
but also a more refined and intellectual taste than
that which prevailed among his contemporaries,
whom he accuses of cultivating only that kind of
music which was capable of sweetness. (Aristox.
p. 23, ed. Meibom.) He became the founder of
a sect or school of musicians, called, after him,
Aristoxeneans, v/ho were opposed to the Pytha-
goreans on the question whether reason or sense
should furnish the principles of musical science
and the criterion of the truth of its proposi-
tions. Pythagoras had discovered the connexion
between musical intervals and numerical ratios ;
and it had been found that the principal concords

ARISTOXENUS.
were defined by simple ratios which were citlicr
$uperparticular (of the form — -^) or multiple
(of the form ^y Yrom this fact, he or his followers

inferred, that no interval could be consonant which
was defined by a ratio of a different kind ; and
hence they were obliged to maintain (contrary to
the evidence of the senses), that such intervals as
the octave and fourth (the eleventh), for example,
were dissonant. Aristoxenus justly blamed them
for their contempt of facts, but went into the oppo-
site extreme of allowing too much authority to the
decisions of the ear, though without denying the ex-
istence of a certain tnith in the arithmetical theory
(p. 33). He maintains, for instance, not only that
every consonant interval added to the octave produces
another consonance, which is true ; but also that
the fouHh is equal to two tones and a half (p. 56),
the falsity of which proposition is not directly ap-
parent to the ear, but indirectly would become
evident by means of the very experiment which he
suggests for the confirmation of it. (See Porphyr.
Comvi. in Ptol. Harm, in Wallis, Op. vol. iii. p.
21 1, and Wallis's appendix, pp. 159, 169 ; Bumey,
vol. i. chap, v.; Theon Smyrn. p. 83, ed. Bulliald.
and not. p. 202.) The titles of a good many other
works of Aristoxenus have been collected from
various sources by Meursius and others. ' (See
Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. ii. p. 257 ; Clinton, F. H.
vol. ii. appendix, c. 12.) Among tliem are lives of
Pythagoras, Archytas, Socrates, Plato, and other
distinguished persons ; and several treatises on
subjects connected with music, including one Ilept
Tpa7i/c'^s 'OpXTitreois, and one IlepI KvKSiv Tpr'-
(Tcws. A fragment of "?vQp.iKa. crroix^la was edited
by Morelli, Vcn. 1785. A collection of fragments
of the other works is given in the essay by Mahne
referred to below.

The three books of 'kp^ioviKa (TToix^^a were first
edited in Latin, with the Harmonics of Ptolemy,
by Ant. Gogavinus, Ven. 1562. The Greek text,
with Alypius and Nicoraachus, by Meursius (Lugd.
I>at. 1616), who, like his predecessor, seems not
to have had sufficient musical knowledge for the
task. The last and best edition is at present that
of Meibomius, printed (with a Latin version) in
i\\(i Antiquae Musicae Auctores Septem, Amst. 1652.
(Mahne, Diatribe de Aristoxeno philosopho Peri-
patrtico, Amst. 1793.) [W. F. D.]

ARISTO'XENUS (^ApiarSl^vos). 1. Of Se-
li'.iiis in Sicily, a Greek poet, who is said to have
been the first who wrote in anapaestic metres.
Respecting the time at which he lived, it is ex-
pressly stated that he was older than Epichannus,
from about b. c. 540 to 445j (Schol. ad Aristoph.
Plut. 487 ; Hephaestion, Endnrid. p. 45, ed. Gaisf.)
Kuscbius {Cliron. p. 333, ed. Mai) places him in
01. 29 (b. c. 664), but this statement requires
some explanation. If he was bom in that year,
he cannot have been a Selinuntian, as Sclinus was
not founded till about u. c. 628. But Aristoxenus
may perhaps have been among the first settlers at
Selinus, and thus have come to be regarded as a
Selinuntiiin.

2. A Cyrenaic philosopher, who appears not to
have been distinguished for anything except his
gluttony, w^hence he derived the suniame of kwAtjv.
(Allien, i. p. 7 ; Suid. s. v. 'Api(rr6^fi'os.) [L. S.]
ARISTO'XENUS ('Ap«rT<{|e»/os ), a Greek
physicician, quoted by Caelius Aurelianus {De

ARIUS.

345

Aforo. Acut. iii. 16, p. 233), who was a pupil of
Alexander Philalethes ( Galen. De Differ. Puis. iv.
10, vol. viii. p. 746), and must therefore have lived
about the beginning of the Christian era. He was
a follower of Herophilus {ibid. c. 7. p. 734), and
studied at the celebrated Herophilean school of
medicine, established in Phrj-gia, at the village of
Men-Caru8, between Laodicea and Carura. He
wrote a work ITtpi tt]s ^lipo(pi\ov A/petrcws, De
Herophili Seda., of which the thirteenth book is
quoted by Galen {ibiil. c. 10. p. 746), and which
is not now extant. (Mahne, " Diatribe de Aris-
toxeno," Amstel. 1793, 8vo.) [W. A. G.]

ARISTUS ("Apio-Toy), of Salamis in Cyprus, a
Greek historian, who wrote a history of Alexander
the Great, in which he mentioned the embassy of
the Romans to Alexander at Babylon. (Arrian,
Anab. vii. 15 ; Athen. x. p. 436 ; Clemens Alex.
Protrept. p. 16; Strab. xiv. p. 682.) That he
lived a considerable time later than Alexander,
may be inferred from Strabo (xv. p. 730), although
it is impossible to determine the exact time at
which he lived. Some writers are inclined to be-
lieve that Aristus, the historian, is the same per-
son as Aristus the academic philosopher, who was
a contemporary and friend of Cicero, who taught
philosophy at Athens, and by whom M. Brutus
was instructed. This philosopher moreover was a
brother of the celebrated Antiochus of Ascalon.
But the opinion which identifies the historian and
philopher, is a mere hypothesis, supported by
nothing but the circumstance that both bore the
same name. (Cic. Brut. 97, de Finib. v. 5,
Academ. i. 3, ii. 4, Tuscul. Quaest. v. 8, ad Att. v.
10 ; Plut. Brut. 2.) [L. S.]

ARISTYLLUS {"Apia-rvXXos), a Greek astro-
nomer, who appears to have lived about B. c. 233.
(Plut. de Pyih. Orac. 18.) He wrote a work on
the fixed stars {rripriais aTrXavwv)^ which was used
by Hipparchus and Ptolemy {Magn. Synt. vii. 2),
and he is undoubtedly one of the two persons of
this name who wrote commentaries on Aratus,
which are now lost. [L. S.]

ARIUS or AREIUS fApfJos), the celebrated
heretic, is said to have been a native of Libya,
and must have been bom shortly after the midtUe
of the third century after Christ. His father's
name appears to have been Ammonius. In the
religious disputes which broke out at Alexandria
in A. D. 306, Arius at first took the part of Mele-
tius, but afterwards became reconciled to Peter,
bishop of Alexandria, and the opponent of Mele-
tius, who made Arius deacon. (Sozom. //. E. i.
15.) After this Arius again opposed Peter for
his treatment of Meletius and his followers, and
was in consequence excommunicated by Peter.
After the death of the latter, Achillas, his succes-
sor in the see of Alexandria, not only forgave
Arius his offence and admitted him deacon again,
but ordained him presbyter, a. d. 313, and gave
him the charge of the church called Baucalis at
Alexandria. (Epiphan. Huercs. 68. 4.) The
opinion that, after the death of Achillas, Arius
himself wanted to become bishop of Alexandria,
and that for this reason he was hostile to Alexan-
der, who became the successor of Achillas, is a
mere conjecture, based upon the fact, that Theodo-
rct {IL E. i. 2) accuses Arius of envy against
Alexander. The official position of Arius at Alex-
andria, by virtue of which he interpreted the
Scriptures, had undoubtedly gained for hira already

346

ARIUS.

a considerable number of followers, when in A. D.
318, the celebrated dispute with bishop Alexan-
der broke out. This dispute had a greater and
more lasting influence upon the development of
the Christian religion than any other controversy.
The accounts respecting the immediate occasion of
the dispute differ (Epiphan. Haeres. ^oQ. 3; So-
crat. //. E.'i.b; Sozom. H. E.'\. 15 ; Philostorg.
i. 4), but all agree in stating that Alexander after
having heard some reports respecting Arius's novel
views about the Trinity, attacked them in a public
assembly of presbyters. Hereupon Arius charged
the bishop with being guilty of the errors of Sa-
bellius, and endeavoured to defend his own opi-
nions. He maintained that the Son of God had
been created by God, previous to the existence of
the world and of time, by an act of God's own free
■will and out of nothing ; that therefore the Son
had not existed from all eternity ; and that conse-
quently in this respect the Son was not perfectly
equal to the Father, although he was raised far
above all men. This first dispute was followed by
a circular letter from Alexander to his clergy, and
by a second conference, but all had no effect. As
in the meantime the number of Arius's followers
was rapidly increasing, and as both the clergy and
laity of Egypt, as well as several bishops of Syria
and Asia Minor, were favourably disposed towards
Arius, partly because his doctrines resembled those
of Lucian, who had died a martyr about ten years
before, and partly because they were captivated by
Anus's insinuating letters addressed to thera, Alex-
ander, in A. D. 321, convened at Alexandria a
synod of nearly one hundred Egj'ptian and Libyan
bishops. The influence of Alexander, of course,
prevailed at this synod : Arius was deposed, and
he and his followers were excommunicated. In
order to insure the proper effect of this verdict,
Alexander addressed numerous letters to foreign
bishops, in which he announced to them the judg-
ment passed upon Arius, endeavoured to refute his
doctrines, and urged them to adopt his own views
of the case, and not to afford any protection to the
heretic. Two of these letters are still extant.
[Alexander, p. Ill, b.]

It was owing to these letters and to the exten-
Bive exertions of Arius to defend his doctrines
and to win more followers, that the possibility of
an amicable settlement of the question diminished
more and more every day. At Alexandria the
Arians regularly withdrew from the church, and
had their separate places of worship ; and in
Palestine, whither Arius had fled from Egypt, he
found a favourable reception. Here he addressed
a letter, still extant (Epiphan. Haeres. 69. 6 ;
Theodore t. H. E. i. 5), to his friend, Eusebius,
bishop of Nicomedeia, the most influential bishop
of the time, and who himself bore a grudge against
Alexander of Alexandria. Eusebius in his an-
swer, as well as in a letter he addressed to Pau-
linus, bishop of TjTe, expressed his perfect agree-
ment with the views of Arius (Athanas. de Synod.
§ 17 ; Theodoret. H. E. i. 6), and even received
Arius into his own house. During his stay at
Kicomedeia, Arius wrote a theological work
called Thaleia (0o\€ja), which is said to have been
composed in the effeminate style of Sotades, and
to have been written in part in the so-called Sot-
•idic metre. [Sotades.] He also addressed a
letter to bishop Alexander, in which he entered
into an explanation of his doctrines, and which

ARIUS.
was signed by the clergy who had been excom-
municated with him. Of his Thaleia we possess
only some abstracts made by his enemy Atha-
nasius, which are written in a philosophical and
earnest tone ; but they contain statements, which
could not but be offensive to a believer in the
divinity of Christ. These things, when compared
with the spirit of Arius's letters, might lead
to the belief that Athanasius in his epitome ex-
aggerated the statements of Arius ; but we must
remember that Arius in his letters was always
prudent and moderate, to avoid giving offence,
by not shewing how far his theory might
be carried. On the whole, the controversy be-
tween Arius and Alexander presents no fea-
tures of noble generosity or impartiality ; each
is ambitious and obstinate. Arius was as zeal-
ous in endeavouring to acquire new followers
as Alexander was fierce and stubborn in his per-
secution. At last, in a. d. 323, Eusebius and the
other bishops who were in favour of Arianism, as-
sembled in council in Bithynia, and issued a cir-
cular to all the bishops, requesting them to con-
tinue their ecclesiastical communion with Arius,
and to use their influence with Alexander on hia
behalf. But neither this step nor the permission
granted by several bishops to Arius to resume his
functions, as presbyter, so far as it could be done
without encroachment upon the rights of Alexan-
der, was calculated to restore peace ; on the con-
trary, the disputes for and against Arianism spread
80 much both among the laity and clergy of Egypt,
S}T-ia, and Asia Minor, that in a. d. 324, the em-
peror Constantine thought it necessary to write a
letter to Arius and Alexander in common, in
which he declared the controverted point of little
importance, exhorted the disputants to a speedy
reconciliation, and left it to each to hold his own
opinions, provided he did not disturb the outward
union of the church. (Euseb. De VU. Const. M.
\\. 64, &c.) This letter was carried to Alexandria,
whither Arius had returned in the meantime, by
Hosius, bishop of Corduba, who was also to act as
mediator. But Hosius soon adopted the views of
Alexander, and his mission had no effect.

The disputes became more vehement from day
to day, and Constantine at last saw himself obliged
to convoke a general council at Nicaea, a. d, 325,
at which upwards of 300 bishops were present,
principally from the eastern part of the empire,
and among them Arius, Alexander, and his friend
Athanasius. Each defended his own opinions ;
but Arius being the accused party was in a disad-
vantageous position, and a confession of faith,
which he presented to the council, was torn to
pieces in his presence. Athanasius was the most
vehement opponent of Arius, and after long de-
bates the council came to the resolution, that the
Son of God was begotten, not made, of the same
substance with the Father, and of the same essence
with him {ofj-oovcnos). Arius was condemned
with his writings and followers. This verdict was
signed by nearly all the bishops present. Euse-
bius and three others, who refused to sign, were
compelled by the threats of the emperor to follow
the example of the rest : only two bishops, Theonas
of Marmarica and Secundus of Ptolemais, had
courage enough to share the fate of Arius and ac-
companied him to Illyricum whither he was exiled.
At the same time an edict was issued, command-
ing every one, under the penalty of death, to sui'-

ARIUS.
render the books of Arius, wliich were to be
burnt, and stigmatizing the Arians with the name
of Porpliyrians — (from Porpliyrius, a heathen
opponent of Christianity, who had nothing to do
with the Arian question). The Arians at Alex-
andria, however, remained in a state of insurrec-
tion, and began to make common cause with the
Meletians, a sect which had likewise been con-
demned by the council of Nicaea, for both had to
regard Alexander, and his successor Athanasius,
as their common enemies.

Arius remained in lUyricum till a. d. 328, when
Eusebius of Nicomedeia and his friends used their
influence at the court of Constantino, to persuade
the emperor that the creed of Arius did not in
reality differ from that established by the council
of Nicaea. In consequence of this Arius was re-
called from his exile by very gracious letters from
the emperor, and in a. d. 330, had an audience
with Constantine, to whom he presented a confes-
sion of faith, which consisted almost entirely of
passages of the scriptures, and apparently confirm-
ed the representation which Eusebius had given of
his opinions. The emperor thus deceived, granted
to Arius the permission to return to Alexandria.
(Socrat. H. E. i. 25 ; Rufin. //. E. i. 5.) On the
arrival of Arius in Alexandria, a. d. 331, Athana-
sius, notwithstanding the threats of Eusebius and
the strict orders of the emperor, refused to receive
him into the communion of the church ; for new
outbreaks took place at Alexandria, and the Me-
letians openly joined the Arians. (Athanas.
Apolog. § 59.) Eusebius, who was still the main
supporter of the Arian party, had secured its as-
cendancy in Syria, and caused the synod of Tyre,
in A. D. 335, to depose Athanasius, and another
synod held in the same year at Jerusalem, to re-
voke the sentence of excommunication against
Arius and his friends. The attempt of Arius
to re-establish himself at Alexandria failed not-
withstanding, and in a. d. 336, he travelled to
Constantinople to have a second interview with
the emperor. He again presented his confession
of faith, which was apparently orthodox. Here-
upon Alexander, bishop of Constiintinople, who
had hitherto refused recognising Arius as a mem-
ber of the orthodox church, received orders from the
emperor to administer to Arius, on the Sunday fol-
lowing, the holy communion. When the day
came, Arius accompanied by Eusebius and other
friends, went in a sort of triumph through the
streets of Constantinople to the church. On his
way thither he went aside for a moment to relieve
a physical want, but he never returned : he was
seized by a fainting fit and suddenly died, and his
corjjse was found by his friends and buried. (So-
crat. H. E. i. 38 ; Epiphan. Haeres. 69. 10 ; Ru-
fin. H. E. i. 13.) His sudden death in such a
place and at such a moment, naturally gave rise to
a number of strange suspicions and surmises ; the
orthodox regarded it as a direct judgment from
heaven, while his friends supposed that he had
been poisoned by his enemies.

Arius must have been at a very advanced age
when he died, since he is called the old Arius at
the time when he began his disputes with Alexan-
der, and he was undoubtedly worn out and ex-
hausted by the continued struggles to which his
life had been exposed. He is said to have been
unusually tall, pale, and thin, of a severe and
gloomy appearance, though of captivating and mo-

ARMINIUS. 347

dest manners. The excellence of his moral cha-
racter seems to be sufficiently attested by the
silence of his enemies to the contrary. That
he was of a covetous and sensual disposition, ia
an opinion unsupported by any historical evidence.
Resides the works already referred to in this arti-
cle, Arius is said to have written songs for sailors,
millers, and travellers; but no epecimen or frag-
ment of them is now extant. (Q. M. Travasa,
Sloria cntica della Vita rfi J no, Venice, 1746;
Fabric. DM. Graec. ix. p. 214, &c. ; Walch, Ilis-
torie der Keizereien; and the church histories of
Mosheira, Neander, and Gieseler.) [L. S.]

ARME'NIDAS or ARME'NIDES {'Ap/xfvi-
Sas or Ap^ei'iSrjs), a Greek author, who wrote a
work on Thebes (0Tj§otKo), which is referred to
by the Scholiast on ApoUonius Rhodius (i. 551)
and Stephanus Byzantius. (s.v.'AXiapros.) But
whether his work was written in prose or in verse,
and at what time the author lived, cannot be as-
certained. [L. S.]

ARME'NIUS ('Ap/xevios or "Apfievos), one of
the Argonauts, who was believed to have been a
native of Rhodes or of Armenion in Thessaly, and
to have settled in the country which was called,
after him, Armenia. (Strab. xi, p. 530, &c.; Justin,
xlii. 2 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'Apixfvia.) [L. S.]

ARME'NIUS {'Ap/xevios), a Christian, who
wrote in Greek an account of the martyrdom of
Chrysanthus and Daria, whose contemporar}'- he
appears to have been. The Greek original has
never been published, but a Latin translation is
printed in Surius, Act. Sanct. v. under the 25th of
October. (Fabric. Bill. Gr. x. p. 210.) [L. S.]

ARM'INIUS, or Hermann, "the chieftain," was
the son of Sigimer, " the conqueror," and chief of
the tribe of the Cherusci, who inhabited the coun-
try to the north of the Hartz mountains, now
forming the south of Hanover and Brunswick. He
was born in the year 18 b. c, and in his youth he
led the warriors of his tribe as auxiliaries of the
Roman legions in Germany (Tac. Ann. ii. 10),
where he learnt the language and military discipline
of Rome, and was admitted to the freedom of the
citv, and enrolled amongst the equites. (Veil. PaL
ii.ll8.)

He appears in historj' at a crisis which is one of
the most remarkable in the history of Europe. In
the year a. d. 9, the Romans had forts along the
Danube, the Rhine, on the Elbe and the Weser.
Tiberius Nero had twice (Veil. Pat. ii. 107) over-
run the interior of Geraiany, and had left Varus
with three legions to complete the conquest of the
country, which now seemed destined to become, like
Gaul, a Roman province. But Varus was a man
whose licentiousness and extortion (Dion Cass. Ivi.
18; Veil. ii. 117) made the yoke of Rome into-
lerable to the Germans. Arminius, who was now
twenty-seven years old, and had succeeded his fa-
ther as chief of his tribe, persuaded the other chiefs
who were with him in the camp of Vanis, to join
him in the attempt to free his country. He amused
Varus with professions of friendship, with assur-
ances that his countrymen were pleased with the
improvements of Roman civilization, and induced
him to send off detachments of his troops in differ-
ent directions to protect his convoys ; and as these
troops were separately attacked and cut to pieces.
Varus gave orders for the army to march to quell
what seemed an insurrection. Arminius promised
to join him at a certiun place wifJi his Germans.

348

ARMINIUS.

It was in the upper Valley of the Lippe, and then
covered Avith the deep wood of the Teutoburger
Wald. Here Arminius met him, as he had pro-
mised, but with a furious assault. (Dion Cass, Ivi.
19.) The legions were in disorder, making their
way through the forest, and encumbered with a
heavy baggage train, when the Gei-mans charged
on afl sides upon them. Night put an end to the
fight, which was renewed at daybreak. But the
country was almost impassable — a violent storm of
wind and rain rendered it still more so — and the
legions were unable to advance or retreat. Varus
fell on his own sword. (Tac. A?/n. i. 61.) Those
who were taken alive were sacrificed at altars in
the forest to the gods of the country, and the le-
gions were cut to pieces, with the exception of a
very small body, who broke through the Gennans,
and made their way to the Rhine.

The consternation felt at Rome is well known.
(Suet. Au(j. 23.) Tiberius was despatched (a. n.
10) with a veteran army to the Rhine. But Ar-
minius had manifestly succeeded in making that
river again the barrier of the Roman power.

In the year a. d. 14, Germanicus took the com-
mand of the legions, and collected his forces on
the Ems to penetrate along that river into Ger-
many. But the party of Arminius had rapidly
gathered strength. He had been joined by his
uncle, Inguiomer, a powerful chief who had hitherto
fought for the invaders ; and the popular feeling
was so strong against his father-in-law, Segcstes,
still a partizan of the Romans, that he had been
rescued only by the legions of Germanicus from a
place in which he had been beset by his own
tribe. It was on this occasion that the wife of
Arminius fell into the hands of the Romans, and
was reserved, with the infant boy to whom she
soon after gave birth in her captivity, to swell the
triumph of Germanicus at Rome. (Strabo, vii. p.
291 ; Tac. Ann. i. 67.) As Germanicus advanced,
Arminius retired before him into the forests. He
at last halted on some open ground, and allowed
the Romans to attack. He then gradually with-
drew his men towards a wood, on the skirts of
which he had concealed strong bodies of men,
whose unexpected charge threw the Romans into
confusion. After an obstinate struggle, Anninius
remained master of the field, and Germanicus with-
drew towards the Rhine. (Tac. Ann. i. 63.) One
division of the Roman army imdcr Caecina was
ordered to retire by a causeway raised over an
extensive marsh, and called the Long Bridges. Ar-
minius occupied the woody heights about the place
where the bridges began ; and as Caecina halted
to repair them, Arminius charged down from the
hills, and the Romans were giving way when
night ended the contest. The next morning, the
Romans endeavoured to make their way round the
border of the marsh, and when their long-extended
line of march had already got into confusion, Ar-
minius rushed down from the woods, broke the
Roman line, and nearly made Caecina prisoner;
and nothing but the eagerness of the Germans for
phnuler, and the approach of night, saved the
Jiomans from destruction. In the morning, Armi-
nius urged, that the enemy, who had formed an
entrenclied camp during the night, should be al-
lowed to teave their lines before they were attack-
ed. But he was overruled by Inguiomer, who led
tlie impatient Germans to the assault. The result
was what Arminius expected. As they were

ARNOBIUS.

mounting the ramparts, they were suddenly met
by a vigorous and steady charge along the whole
line. The}-^ were routed and pursued with great
slaughter, and the Romans made good their retreat
to the Rhine. (Tac. Arm. i. 68.)

The next year the Romans made no attempt on
Germany ; but on the following year, a. d. 16, they
appeared on the left bank of the Weser. Arminius
collected his own and the neighbouring tribes on
the plain of Idistavisus, and there resolved to await
Germanicus. (Tac. Ann. ii. 16.) It was a winding
plain between the river and the neighbouring hills.
A forest clear of underwood was in the rear of the
main body of the Germans. Arminius with his
tribe occupied some rising ground on the flank ; and
he seems to have chosen his ground and disposed
his men with ability. But the generalship of Ger-
manicus and the discipline of the veterans prevailed.
Arminius and his tribe were surrounded. He him-
self was badly wounded, and after making every
exertion to maintain the fight, he broke through
the enemy, and saved himself by the fleetness of
his horse. (Tac. A7in. ii. 17.)

Germany again seemed at the mercy of the
Romans. Arminius could not meet them in the
field ; but he had maintained the struggle long
enough to save his country from subjection, till the
jealousy of Tiberius recalled Germanicus, A. D. 17,
and left Germany to secure the independence for
which her gallant chief had so nobly struggled.

The same year that the Romans retired, Armi-
nius was engaged with another enemy in Maro-
boduus (or Marbod), the king of the Suevi. He
was deserted by his uncle, Inguiomer, who was
jealous of his glory, .ind joined his enemy. But
he had attached to himself, as the champion of
German liberty, the powerful tribes of the Semnones
and Longobardi, and a battle was fought in which
he was victorious. (Tac. A7in. ii. 45.)

These successes, however, suggested to him
other objects than his country's liberty. Not con-
tented with being the chief of a free tribe, he
aimed at absolute power. His countrymen rose in
arms against him, and the stmggle was luidecided
when he fell by the hands of his own relations in
the 37th year of his age, a. d. 19. (Tac. Ann. ii.
88.) [A. G.]

ARNAEUS. [Irus and Megamede.]
ARNE {^ApvT]). 1. A daughter of Aeolus,
from whom the Boeotian town Arne (afterwards
called Chaeroneia), as well as the Thessalian Arne,
were believed to have derived their name. (Time,
i. 12 ; Pans. ix. 40. § 3 ; MuUer, Ore/torn. p. 392 ;
Aeolus.)

2. A woman who betraj-ed her native country
for gold, and was therefore metamorphosed into a
jackdaw. (Ov. Met. vii. 465.) [L. S.]

ARNO'BlUS, a native of Africa, and sometimes
called the Elder, to distinguish hira from a later
writer of the same name, lived about the end of
the third and the beginning of the fourth century
of our era, in the reign of Diocletian. He was at
first a teacher of rhetoric at Sicca in Africa, but
afterwards, according to Jerome (C/iron. cut ann.
Const. M. XX. ; de Vir. lUustr. 79), he was called
upon in his dreams to embrace Christianity, of
which he had been a zealous opponent. (Arnob.
adv. Gent. i. 39.) He accordingly became a con-
vert, but was not admitted to baptism until he had
proved his sincerity as a Christian. To remove all
doubts as to the reality of his conversion, he wrote,

f

ARNOBIUS.

while yet a catcchuinoii, liis celebrated work against
the Pagans, in seven books (Libti septem adccrsus
(fcntes), which wc still possess. The time when
he wrote it, is not qnite certain : some assign its
composition to the years a. d. 207 and 298, but it
is more probable that it was written in or shortly
after the year a. d. 303, since it conUxins some
allusions (as iv. 3()) to the persecution of the Chris-
tians by Diocletian, which commenced in that year.
The work is a vindication of Christianity, and the
author first refutes the charges of the Pagans
agjiinst the Christian religion, especially the one
which was then frequently brought against it, that
the sufferings and calamities of the times were only
the fruits of Christianity. lie then proceeds to
prove, with great learning, acuteness, and eloquence,
that polytheism is irreconcilable with good sense
and reason, and tends to demoralize mankind. In
the sixth book he describes the superiority of the
Christian religion ; and the last contains a justifica-
tion of the Christian views respecting sacrifices,
and a comparison of the Christian notions of the
Deity and divine things with those of the Pagans.

In writing this work, Arnobius was evidently
animated by a genuine zeal to establish the truth
of Christianity, but was free from the eccentricity
and enthusiasm of TertuUian. His style is plain
and lucid ; though animated and sometimes rheto-
rical, it is yet not free from harsli and barbarous ex-
])ression8 : he treats of his subject with calmness
and dignity, and is on the whole a pleasing writer,
and superior to his contemporaries. As regards his
knowledge of Christianity, it is difficult to form a
decided opinion, for it was either his intention to
set forth only the main doctrines of Christianity
agiiinst the pagan mythology, or he possessed but
a limited knowledge of the Christian religion. The
latter is indeed the more probable, since he wrote
his work when yet a catechumen. What he says
in his second book about the nature and immorta-
lity of the soul, is not in accordance with Christian
views, but with those of the Gnostics, and at a later
time would have been regarded as heretical. The
Old Testament seems to have been altogether un-
known to him, and he shows no acquaintance with
the New, except so far as the history of Christ is
concerned. In regard to heathen antiquity, on the
other hand, its religion and modes of worship, the
work exhibits most extensive and minute learning,
and is one of our best sources of information re-
specting the religions of antiquity. It is for this
reason that Vossius calls him the Varro of the
early Christian writers. The arrangement of his
thoughts is philosophical, though not always suffi-
ciently strict. Arnobius is a writer worthy to be
studied not only by theologians, but also by philo-
logers. He is not known to have written anything
besides his book against the Gentiles; there are,
liowever, some works which have sometimes been
ascribed to him, though they manifestly belong to
a later writer or writers of the same name. (See
the following article.)

The first edition of Arnobius appeared at Rome
in 1542 or 1543, fob, and in it the Octavius of
Minutius Felix is printed as the eighth book. The
next was edited by S. Gelenius, Basel, 154G, 8vo.
The most important among the subsequent editions
are those of Antwerp (1582, 8vo., Avith Canter's
notes), of F. Ursinus (Rome, 1583, 4to,, reprinted
"with notes by Stewechius, Antwerp, 1604, 8vo.),
D. Ileroldus (Paris, 1605, 8vo.), G. Ebnenhorst

ARRHIBAEUS.

349

(Hamburg, IGIO, foL), the Variorum edition (Lev-
den, 1G51, 4to.), and that of Prior (Paris, 166G,
fob). It is also contjiined in the Bibliotheca Pa-
trum, vol. iii. p. 430, &c., ed. Lugdun. and in Gal-
landi's edition, vol. iv. p. 133, &c. The best edi-
tion of Arnobius, which contains the best notes of
all the earlier commcniators, is that of J. C. Orelli,
Leipzig, 1816, 2 vols. 8vo., to which an appendix
was published in 1817, 8vo. (Compare Baronius,
ad A 71/1. 302; Du Pin, Nouv. Bibl. des Autcurs
Ecdes. i. p. 203, &c. ed. 2, Paris, 1690; Cave,
Jlid. Lit. i. p. 11 2, ed. Lend. ; Bahr. Die ChrisU.
l{6m. TIwol p. 65, &c.) [L. S.]

ARNO'BIUS, tlie Younger, is usually placed
about A. D. 460, and is believed to have been a
bishop or presbyter in Gaul. He is known to us
only as the author of one or two works of very-
little importance, which have sometimes been attri-
buted to Arnobius the elder. We possess under
his name an allegorical commentary on the Psalms,
which is inscribed to Leontius, bishop of Aries,
and Rusticus, bishop of Narbonne. This commen-
tary, though the notes are very brief, contains suf-
ficient evidence that the author was a Semipelagian.
It was first printed at Basel (1522, 4to.) together
with Erasnms's commentary on Psalm ii., and was
reprinted at Cologne, 1532, 8vo. A much better
edition than either of these is that by L. de la
Barre, Paris, 1639, 8vo., which also contains some
notes by the same Arnobius on several passages of
the Gospels, which had been published separately
before by G. Cognant, Basel, 1543, 8vo. The
commentary of Arnobius is also contained in the
Bibl. Patr. (Lugdun. vol. viii.), where is also as-
signed to him a work entitled "Altercatio cum
Serapione Aegyptio;" but the principles of the
Arnobius who speaks in this Altercatio are strictly
those of St. Augustin, and it cannot be the work
of a Semipelagian. Sirmond has endeavoured tc
shew, that our Arnobius the Younger is the author
of the work which bears the title Praedestinatus^ and
which has come down to us as the production of an
anonymous writer ; but his arguments are not
satisfactory. (Du Pin, Nouv. DM. des Aut. Ecdes.
iii. 2, p. 219 ; Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 360, ed. Lond.;
Bahr, Die Christl. Horn. Theol. p. 378.) [L-S.]

C. ARPINEIUS, a Roman knight, a friend of
Q. Titurius, sent to have a conference with Am-
biorix, B. c. 54. (Caes. D. G. v. 27, &c.)

ARPOXAIS ('ApTrJ^ais), the son of Targitiius,
was the ancestor, according to the Scythians, of
the Scythian people, called Auchatae. (Herod, iv.
5,6.)

ARRA'CHION ('A^^axM, of Phigalea in
Arcadia, a celebrated Pancratiast, conquered in the
Olj'mpic games in the 52nd, 53rd and 54th Olym-
piads. In the last Olympiad he was unfairly
killed by his antagonist, and was therefore crowned
and proclaimed as conqueror, although dead. (Paus.
viii. 40. § 2.) Philostratus {Lnag. ii. 6) calls him
Arrichion, and Africanus (ap. Euseb. Chron. p. 50)
Arichion.

ARRHIBAEUS ('Ap/StgaTos), king or chieftain
of the Macedonians of Lyncus, is mentioned by
Thucydides, in the eighth and ninth years of the
Peloponnesian war, as in revolt against his sove-
reign, king Perdiccas. (Thuc. ii. 99.) It was to
reduce him that Perdiccas sent for Brasidas (b. c
424), and against him took place the unsuccessful
joint expedition, in which Perdiccas deserted Bra-
sidas, and Brasidas effected his bold and skilful

350

ARRIA.

retreat. (Thuc. iv. 79, 83, 124.) Comp. Stra'i.
vii. 326, &c. ; Aristot. Pol. v. 8. § 11, ed. Schneid.

[A. H. C]
ARRHIDAEUS {'A^^iSaTos) or ARIDAEUS
(''AoiSaios). 1. A half-brother of Alexander the
Great, son of Philip and a female dancer, Philinna
of Larissa, was of imbecile understanding, which
was said to have been occasioned by a potion ad-
ministered to him when a boy by the jealous
Olympias. Alexander had removed Arrhidaeus
from Macedonia, perhaps through fear of his mo-
ther Olympias, but had not entrusted him with
any civil or military command. He was at Baby-
lon at the time of Alexander's death, b. c. 323,
and was elected king under the name of Philip.
The young Alexander, the infant son of Roxana,
who was born shortly afterwards, was associated
with him in the government. [Alexander IV,,
p. 122, b.] In the following year, B. c. 322, Arrhi-
daeus married Eurydice [Eurydick], and was
from this time completely under the direction of
his wife. On their return to Macedonia, Eurydice
attempted to obtain the supreme power in o'pposi-
tion to Polysperchon. Roxana and her infant son
lied to Epeirus, and Olympias induced Aeacides,
king of J)peirus, to invade Macedonia in order to
support Polysperchon. Aeacides was successful in
his undert;iking : Arrhidaeus and Eurydice were
taken prisoners, and put to death by order of
Olympias, b. c. 317. In the following year, Cas-
sander conquered Olympias, and interred the bo-
dies of Arrhidaeus and Eurydice \vith royal pomp
at Acgae, and celebrated funeral games to their
honour. (Pint. Alex. 77; Dexippus, ap, P/iot. Cod.
82 ; Arrian, ap. Phot. Cod. 92 ; Justin, ix. 8,
xiii. 2, xiv. 5 ; Diod. xviii. 2, xix. 11, 52 ; Pans,
i. G. § 3, 25. §§ 3, 5, viii. 7. § 5; Athen. iv. p. 155.)

2. One of Alexander's generals, was entrusted
with the conduct of Alexander's funeral to Egypt.
On the murder of Perdiccas in Egypt, b. c. 321,
he and Pithon were appointed regents, but through
the intrigues of Eurj'dice, were obliged soon after-
wards to resign their office at Tripanidisus in Upper
Syria. On the division of the provinces which was
made at this place, Arrhidaeus obtained the Helles-
pontine Phrygia. In b, c 319, after the death of
Antipater, Arrhidaeus made an unsuccessful attack
upon Cyzicus ; and Antigonus gladly seized this
])retext to require him to resign his satrapy. Ar-
rhidaeus, however, refused, and shut himself up in
Cius. (Justin, xiii. 4 ; Arrian, ap. Phot. Cod. 92,
p. 71, a, 28, &c., ed. Bekker; Diod. xviii. 36, 39,
51, 52, 72.)

3. One of the kings of Macedonia during the
time of the anarchy, B.C. 279. (Porphyr. ap.Euseb.
Arm.\. 38, p. 171.)

A'RRIA. 1. The wife of Caecina Paetus.
When her husband was ordered by the emperor
Claudius to put an end to his life, A. D. 42, and
hesitated to do so, Arria stabbed herself, handed
the dagger to her husband, and said, "Paetus, it
does not pain me." (Plin. Ep. iii. 16 ; Dion Cass.
Ix. 16 ; Martial, i. 14 ; Zonaras, xi. 9.)

2. The daughter of the preceding, and the wife
of Thrasea, who was put to death by Nero, A. d.
67. (Tac. Aim. xvi. 34.)

3. A Platonic female philosopher (Galen, de
'Jlier. ad Pison. c. 2. vol. ii. p. 485, ed. Basil.), to
whom Menagius supposes that Diogenes Laertius
dedicated his lives of the philosophers. (Menagius,
llistor. Mtdier, Philosopharum, c. 47.)

ARRIANUS.

A'RRIA GALLA, first the wife of Domitiiis
Silus and afterwards of Piso, who conspired against
Nero, A. D. 66. (Tac. Ann. xv. 59.)

A'RRIA GENS. The name Arrius does not
occur till the first century b. c, but is rather com-
mon under the emperors. The coins of this gens
which are extant, of which a specimen is given
below, bear the name Q. Arrius Secundus ; but it
is quite uncertain who he was. On the reverse is
a spear between a crown of laurel and a kind of
altar. (Eckhel, v. p. 143.)

ARRIA'NUS {'A^^iavSs). 1. A Greek poet,
who, according to Suidas (s. r.), made a Greek
translation in hexameter verse of Virgil's Georgics,
and wrote an epic poem on the exploits of Alex-
ander the Great ('AAe|ov5pias), in twenty-four
rhapsodies, and a poem on Attains of Pergamus.
This last statement is, as some critics think, not
^vithout difficulties, for, it is said, it is not clear
how a poet, who lived after the time of Virgil,
could write a poem on Attains of Pergamus, un-
less it was some of the later descendants of the
family of the Attali. But it might as well be
said, that no man can write a poem upon another
unless he be his contemporarj'. It is, however, not
improbable that Suidas may have confounded two
poets of the same name, or the two poets Adrianus
and Arrianus, the former of whom is known to
have written an Alexandrias. [Adrianus.]

2. A Greek historian, who lived at, or shortly
after, the time of Maximin the younger, and wrote
a history of this emperor and the Gordiani. It is
not improbable that he may be the same as the L.
Annius Arrianus, who is mentioned as consul in
A. D. 243. (Capitol. Maximin. Jun. 7, Trei
Gord. 2.)

3. A Greek astronomer, who probably lived as
early as the time of Eratosthenes, and who wrote
a work on meteors, of which a fragment is preserv-
ed in Joannes Philoponus's Commentary on Aris-
totle's Meteorologica. He also wrote a little Avork
on comets, to prove that they foreboded neither
good nor evil. (Agatharchid. ap. Phot. p. 460, b.
ed. Bekker.) Some writers ascribe the latter work
to Arrianus of Nicomedeia. A few fragments of
it are preserved in Stobaeus. {Eclog. Phys, i. 29
and 30.)

4. Of Nicomedeia in Bithynia, was bom to-
wards the end of the first century after Christ.
He was a pupil and friend of Epictetus, through
whose influence he became a zealous and active
admirer of the Stoic philosophy', and more especially
of the practical part of the system. He first at-
tracted attention as a philosopher by publishing
the lectures (SmrpigaO of his master. This he
seems to have done at Athens ; and the Athenians
were so much delighted with them, that they
honoured him with their franchise. Arrian, as we
shall see hereafter, had chosen Xenophon as his
model in writing, and the Athenians called him
the young Xenophon, either from the resemblance
of his style to that of Xenophon, or more probably

ARRTANUS.

from tlic similarity of his connexion with Epicte-
t;is, to that whicli existed between Xenophon and
Socrates. (Photius, p. 17, b. ed. Bekker ; Suidas,
.V. V. 'A^piafSs.) In A. D. ]'24, he gained the
i'riendship of the emperor Hadrian during his stay
'M Greece, and he received from the emperor's own
luls the broad purple, a distinction which con-
nod upon him not only the Roman citizenship,
but the right to hold any of the great offices of
Btiite in the Roman empire. From this time Ar-
rian assumed the praenomen Flavius. In A. D.
] 3(), he was appointed praefect of Cappadocia,
Avhich was invaded, the year after, by the Alani
or Massjigetae. He defeated them in a decisive
battle, and added to his reputation of a philoso-
jilier that of a brave and skilful general. (Dion
lass. Ixix. 15.) Under Antoninus Pius, the suc-
cessor of Hadrian, Arrian was promoted to the
consulship, a. d. 146. In his later years he ap-
})cars to have withdrawn from public life, and
riom about a. d. 150, he lived in his native town of
Nicomedeia, as priest of Demeter and Persephone
(Phot. p. 73, b.), devoting himself entirely to
study and the composition of historical works.
He died at an advanced age in the reign of M.
Aurelius. Dion Cassius is said to have written a
life of Arrian shortly after his death, but no part
of it has come down to us. (Suid. s. v. Aiuv.)

Arrian was one of the most active and best
writers of his time. He seems to have perceived
from the commencement of his literary career a
resemblance between his own relation to Epictetus
and that of Xenophon to Socrates ; it was his endea-
vour for a long time to carry out that resemblance,
and to be to Epictetus what Xenophon had been
to Socrates. With this view he published I. the
philosophical lectures of his master (Amrpigai
'Ettikttjtou) in eight books (Phot. p. 17, b.), the
first half of which is still extant. They were
first printed by Trincavelli, 1535, and afterwards
together with the Encheiridion of Epictetus and
Simplicius's commentarj', with a Latin translation,
by H. Wolf, Basel, 1560. The best editions are
in Schweighauser's Epicteteae Philosopkiae Monu-
vieriki, vol. iii., and in Coraes' Uapepya 'Eh\T]v.
Bi€\iod. vol. viii. II. His familiar conversations
with Epictetus {'OfuMai. 'ETriKXT^Tou), in twelve
books. (Phot /. c) This work is lost with the
exception of a few fragments preserved in Stobaeus.
III. An abstract of the practical philosophy of Epic-
tetus ('E7xetpi'Sto»' E7ri/cT7}Tou), which is still ex-
tant. This celebrated work, which seems to have
been regarded even in antiquity as a suitable
manual of practical philosophy, maintained its au-
thority for many centuries, both with Christians
and Pagans. About A. D. 550, Simplicius wrote
a commentary upon it, and two Christian writers,
Nilus and an anonymous author wrote paraphrases
of it, adapted for Christians, in the first half of the
fifth century of our era. The Encheiridion was first
published in a Latin translation by Politianus,
Rome, 1493, and in 149b", by Beroaldus, at Bo-
logna. The Greek original, with the commentary
of Simplicius, appeared first at Venice, 1528, 4to.
This edition was soon followed by numerous others,
as the work was gradually regarded and used as a
school book. The best among the subsequent
editions are those of Haloander (Niimberg, 1529,
Ovo.), Trincavelli (Venice, 1535, 8vo.), Nao-
gcorgius (Strassburg, 1554, Bvo.), Berkel (Levden,
IG70, Bvo.), Schroeder (Frankfurt, 1723, 8vo.),

ARRIANUS.

351

and Heyne (Dresden and Leipzig, 1756 and 1776).
The best among the recent editions are those of
Schweighauser and Coraes, in the collections above
referred to. In connexion with Epictetus, we
may also mention, IV. A life of this philosopher by
Arrian, which is now lost. Although the greater
part of these philosophical works of Arrian has
perished, yet the portion still extant, especially the
SiaTpi§al^ is the best and most perfect system of
the ethical views of the Stoics, that has come
down to us. In the case of the Starpigo/, Arrian
is only the editor, and his conscientiousness in pre-
serving his master's statements and expressions is
so great, that he even retains historical inaccuracies
which Epictetus had fallen into, and which Arriau
himself was well aware of.

Another work in which Arrian likewise follow-
ed Xenophon as his guide is, V. A treatise on the
chase {KwrrynriKSs). It is so closely connected
with the treatise of Xenophon on the same sub-
ject, that not only is its style an imitation of the
latter's, but it forms a kind of supplement to Xeno-
phon's work, in as much as he treats only of such
points as he found omitted in Xenophon. It was
first published with a Latin translation by L. Hol-
stenius (Paris, 1644, 4to,) ; it is also contained in
Zeune's Opuscula minora of Xenophon, and in
Schneider's edition of Xenophon, vol. vi. The
most important among the works in which he took
Xenophon as his model, is

VI. His account of the Asiatic expedition of Alex-
ander the Great {'laropiai auaSdaews 'AKe^dvSpoVy
or simply 'AvaSacris 'AAe^ai/Spou), in seven books,
which we possess complete, with the exception of
a gap in the 12th chapter of the seventh book,
which unfortunately exists in all the MSS. This
great work reminds the reader of Xenophon's
Anabasis, not only by its title, but also by the
ease and clearness of its style. The work is not,
indeed, equal to the Anabasis in point of composi-
tion : it does not possess either the thorough equality
and noble simplicity, or the vividness of Xeno-
phon; but Arrian is, nevertheless, in this work
one of the most excellent writers of his time, above
which he is raised by his simplicity and his un-
biassed judgment. Great as his merits thus are
as an historian, they are yet surpassed by his ex-
cellences as an historical critic. His Anabasis is
based upon the most trustworthy historians among
the contemporaries of Alexander, whose works are
lost, such as Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, Aristobu-
lus, the son of Aristobulus, which two he chiefly
followed, Diodotus of Erythrae, Eumenes of Car-
dia, Nearchus of Crete, and Megasthenes ; and his
sound judgment as to who deserved credit, justly
led him to reject the accounts of such authors as
Onesicritus, Callisthenes, and others. No one at
all acquainted with this work of Arrian can refuse
his assent to the opinion of Photius (p. 73, a.;
comp. Lucian, Alex. 2), that Arrian was the best
among the immerous historians of Alexander.
The work begins with the death of Philip,
and after giving a brief account of the occur-
rences which followed that event, he proceeds in
the eleventh chapter to relate the history of that
gigantic expedition, which he continues down to
the death of Alexander. One of the great merits
of the work, independent of those already men-
tioned, is the clearness and distinctness with
which he describes all military movements and
operations, the drawing up of the armies for bat-

352

ARRIANUS.

tie, and the conduct of battles and sieges. In all
these respects the Anabasis is a masterly produc-
tion, and Arrian shows that he himself possessed a
thorough practical knowledge of military affairs.
He seldom introduces speeches, but wherever he
does, he shows a profound knowledge of man ;
and the speech of Alexander to his rebellious
soldiers and the reply of Coenus (v. 25, &c.),
as well as some other speeches, are masterly speci-
mens of oratory. Everything, moreover, which is
not necessary to make his narrative clear, is care-
fully avoided, and it is probably owing to this
desire to omit ever3'thing superfluous in the course
of his narrative, that we are indebted for his
separate work,

VII. On India (^Ivdiiaf or rcl'Ij/Si/ca), which may
be regarded as a continuation of the Anabasis, and
has sometimes been considered as the eighth book
of it, although Arrian himself speaks of it as a dis-
tinct work. It is usually printed at the end of
the Anabasis, and was undoubtedly written imme-
diately after it. It is a curious fact, that the
Indica is written in the Ionic dialect, a circum-
stance which has been accounted for by various
sjippositions, the most probable among which is,
that Arrian in this point imitated Ctesias of Cnidus,
whose work on the same subject he wished to sup-
])lant by a more trustworthy and correct account.
The first part of Arrian's Indica contains a very
excellent description of the interior of India, in
which he took Mcgasthenes and Eratosthenes as
his guides. Then follows a most accurate descrip-
tion of the whole coast from the mouth of the
Indus to the Persian gulf, which is based entirely
upon the IlcipijrAoi/j of Nearchus the Cretan, and
the book concludes with proofs, that further south
the earth is uninhabitable, on account of the great
heat. Of Arrian's Anabasis and Indica two Latin
transLitions, the one by C. Valgulius (without date
or place), and the other by B. Facius (Fistiur. 1508)
appeared before the Greek text was printed ; and
the editio princeps of the original is that by Trin-
avvelli, Venice, 1535, 8vo. Among the subsequent
editions we mention only those of Gerbel (Strassb.
1539, 8vo.), H. Stephens (Paris, 1575, 8vo.),
lilancard (Amsterd. 1688, 8vo.), J. Gronovius,
who availed himself of several Augsburg and Ita-
lian MSS. (Leyden, 1704, fol.), K. A. Schmidt,
with the notes of G. Raphelius (Amsterd, i 757, 8vo.)
and Schneider, who published the Anabasis and
Indica separately, the former at Leipzig, 1798, 8vo.,
and the latter at Halle, 1798, 8vo. The best mo-
dern editions of the Anabasis are those of J. E.
Ellendt (Regimontii, 1832, 2 vols. 8vo.) and of
C. W. Kriiger. (Berlin, 1835, vol. i., which con-
Uiins the text and various readings.)

All the works we have hitherto mentioned seem
to have been written by Arrian previous to his
government of Cappadocia. During this whole
period, he appears to have been unable to get rid
of the idea that he must imitate some one or an-
other of the more ancient writers of Greece. But
from this time forward, he shews a more indepen-
dent spirit, and throws off the shackles under which
he had laboured hitherto. During his government
of Cappadocia, and before the outbreak of the war
against the Alani, about a. d. 137, he dedicated to
the emperor Hadrian — VIII. his description of a
voyage round the coasts of the Euxine (^irepiTrKovs
TTovTou Ei/|eij/oi;), which had undoubtedly been
made by Arrian himself. The starting-point is

ARRIANUS.

Trapezus, whence he proceeds to Dioscurias, the
Cimmerian and Thracian Bosporus, and Byzantium.
This Periplus has come down to us togetlier with
two other works of a similar kind, the one a Peri-
plus of the Erythraean, and the other a Periplus
of the Euxine and the Palus Maeotis. Both these
v/orks also bear the name of Arrian, but they be-
long undoubtedly to a later period. These Peri-
pluses were first printed, with other geograj)hical
works of a similar kind, by S. Gelenius, Basel,
1533, and somewhat better by Stuck, Geneva, 1577.
They are also contained in the collection of the
minor works of Arrian by Blancard (Amsterd.
1683 and 1750). The best editions are in Hud-
son's Geographi Minores, vol. i., and in Gail's and
liolfmanu's collections of the minor Geographers.

It seems to have been about the same time that
Arrian wrote, IX. a work on Tactics [XoyosraKTiKos
or Tex^V TaicTiK-n). What we now possess under
this name can have been only a section of the
whole work, as it treats of scarcely anything else
than the preparatory exercises of the cavalry ; but
this subject is discussed with great judgment, and
fully shews the practical knowledge of the author.
The fragment is printed in Schetfer's collection of
ancient works on tactics (Upsula, 1664), and bet-
ter in Blancard's collection of the minor works of
Arrian. The greatest literary activity of Arrian
occurs in the latter period of his life, wliich he de-
voted wholly to the composition of historical works.
Their number was not smaller than their import-
ance ; but all of these later productions are now
lost, and some of them seem to have fallen into
oblivion at an early time ; for Photius states, that
there were several works of Arrian of which he
was unable to discover the titles. Besides some
smaller works, such as — X. a Life of Dion (Phot,
p. 73, b.), XL a Life of Timoleon (Phot /. c), and
XII. a Life of Tilliborus, a notorious Asiatic robber
of the time (Lucian, Alejc. 2), we have mention of
the following great works : XIII. A History of the
successors of Alexander the Great (rd fierd 'AAe^-
auSpov), in ten books, of which an abstract, or
rather an enumeration of contents, is preserved in
Photius. {Cud. 92.) XIV. A History of the Par-
thians (Ila/jfli/fd), in 17 books (Phot, p, 17, a.), tho
main subject of which was their wars with tho
Romans, especially under Trajan. XV. A History
of Bithynia {BiduuiKoi), in eight books. (Phot. Cod.
93; comp. p. 17, a.) This work began with the
mythical age, and carried the history down to the
time when Bithynia became united with the
Roman empire, and in it the author mentioned
several events connected with his own life. From
a quotation in Eustathius (ad Horn. II. viii. p. 694),
who seems to have had the work before him, it is
highly probable that it was written in the Ionic
dialect. (Comp. Eustath. ad Horn. II. iv. p. 490,
V. p. 565, XV. p. 1017.) XVI. A History of tlie
Alani ('AAavi/cTj or ra tear 'AAarous, Phot. p. 17, a.).
A fragment entitled e/cro^is Kar 'AKavuv^ desciib-
ing the plan of the battle against the Alani, was
discovered in the seventeenth century at Milan :
it seems to have belonged to the History of the
Alani. It is printed in the collections of Scheffer
and Blancard above referred to.

A collection of all the works of Arrian was
edited by Borhek, Lcmgo, 1792-1811, 3 vols. 8vo.,
wliich however has no merits at all. (Saint Croix,
Examen crit. des A ncicns Ilisioricns d Alejrundre le
Graiid^ Paris, 1804, p. 88, &c.; Ellendt, De Arri-

ARRUNTIUS.

ancorum TAhrorum Jicliifuiix, liogimontii, 183G,4to,;
P. 0. V«in der Chys, Ccfnvncntanus GccHfraphicus in
Arrianum^ Leyden, 1828, 4to.) [L. S.]

ARllIA'NUS, a Roman jurisconsult, of uncer-
tain dato. He probably lived under Trajan, and,
according to the conjecture of Grotius, is perhaps
the same person with the orator Arrianus, who
corresponded with the younger Pliny. (Plin. Ej).
i. 2, ii. 11, 12, iv. 8, viii. 21.) lie may also pos-
sibly be identical with the Arrianus Severus, prae-
fediis aerarii, whose opinion concerning a consti-
tution DiiH Trajani is cited by Aburnus Valens.
(Dig. 49. tit. 14. s. 42.) He wrote a treatise de
Interdictu% of which the second book is quoted
in the Digest in an extract from Ulpian. (Dig.
.5. tit. 3. s. 11.) In that extract, Proculus, who
lived under Tiberius, is mentioned in such a
manner, that he might be supposed to have written
after Arri.inus. There is no direct extract from
Arrianus in the Digest, though he is several times
mentioned. (Majansius, vol. ii. p. 219 ; Zimraern,
Rom. Rechis-Geschichte, i. § 90.) [J. T. G.]

A'RRIBAS, A'RRYBAS, ARYMBAS, or
THARRYTAS ('Ap^i'gas, A^^vSas, 'Apv/j.§a5, or
QappvTas), a descendant of Achilles, and one of
the early kings of the Molossians in Epeirus.
When he came to the possession of the throne, he
was yet very young, and being the last surviving
member of tlie royal family, his education was
conducted with great care, and he was sent to
Athens with this view. On his return he dis-
played so much wisdom that he won the affection
and admiration of his people. He framed for
them a code of laws, and established a regular con-
stitution, \v-ith a senate and annual magistrates.
The accounts of this king cannot, of course, be re-
ceived as historical, and he must be looked upon
as one of the mythical ancestors of the royal house
of the Molossians, to whom they ascribed the
foundation of their political institutions. (Justin,
xvii. .3; Plut. Pp-rh. 1 ; Paus. i. 11. § 1.) The
grandfather of Pvrrhus also bore the name of
Arymbas. (Diod.* xvi. 72.) [L. S.]

A'RRIUS APER. [Aper.]

A'RRIUS MENANDER. [Menander.]

A'RRIUS VARUS. [Varus.]

A'RRIUS. 1. Q. Arrius, praetor, b. c. 72,
defeated Crixus, the leader of the runaway slaves,
and killed 20,000 of his men, but was afterwards
conquered by Spartacus. (Li v. Epit. 96.) In B.C.
71, Arrius was to have succeeded Verres as pro-
praetor in Sicily (Cic. Verr. ii. 15, iv. 20; Pseudo-
Ascon. in Cic. Dir. p. 1 0 1 , ed. Orelli), but died on his
way to Sicily. (Schol. Gronov. in Cic. Div, p. 383,
ed. Orelli.) Cicero {find. 69) says, that Arrius was
of low birth, and without learning or talent, but
rose to honour by his assiduity.

2. Q, Arrius, a son of the preceding, was an
unsuccessful candidate for the consulship, b. c. 59.
(Cic. ad Att. ii. 5, 7-) He was an intimate friend
of Cicero (inVcdin. 12, pro Mil. 17); but Cicero
during his exile complains bitterly of the conduct
of Arrius. {Ad Qu.fr. i. 3.)

3. C. Arrius, a neighbour of Cicero at Formiae,
who honoured Cicero with more of his company
than was convenient to him, B. c. 59. (Cic. ad Att.
ii. 14, 15.)

ARRU'NTIUS, a physician at Rome, who
lived probably about the beginning or middle of
the first century after Christ, and is mentioned by
Pliny (//. A'', xxix. 5) as having gained by his

ARSACES.

3.53

practice the annual income of 250,000 sesterces
(about 1953/. 2s. Qd.). This may give us some
notion of the fortunes made by physicians at Rome
about the beginning of the empire. [W. A. G.]

ARRU'NTIUS. 1. Arrun'tius, prosmbod
by the triumvirs, and killed, b. c. 43. His son
escaped, but perished at sea, and his wife killed
herself by voluntary starvation, when she heard of
the death of her son. (Appian, B. C. iv. 21.)

2. Arruntius, was also proscribed by the
triumvirs in b. c. 43, but escaped to Pompey, and
was restored to the state together with Pompey.
(Appian, B. Civ. 46 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 77.) This is
probably the same Arruntius who commanded the
left wing of the fleet of Octavianus at the battle of
Actiuni, b. c. 31. (Veil. Pat. ii. 85 ; comp. Plut.
Ant. 6Q.) There was a L. Arruntius, consul in
b. c. 22 (Dion Cass. liv. I), who appears to be the
same person as the one mentioned above, and may
perhaps also be the same as the L. Arruntius, the
friend of Trebatius, whom Cicero mentions {ad
Fam. vii. 18) in B. c. 53.

3. L. Arruntius, son of the preceding, consul
A. D. 6. Augustus was said to have declared in his
last illness, that Arnmtius was not unworthy of the
empire, and would have boldness enough to seize it,
if an opportunity presented. This, as well as his
riches, talents, and reputation, rendered him an ob-
ject of suspicion to Tiberius. In a. d. 15, when the
Tiber had flooded a great part of the city, he was
appointed to take measures to restrain it within
its bed, and he consulted the senate on the sub-
ject. The province of Spain had been assigned to
him, but Tiberius, through jealousy, kept him at
Rome ten years after his appointment, and obliged
him to govern the province by his legates. He
was accused on one occasion by Aruseius and San-
quinius, but was acquitted, and his accusers pun-
ished. He was subsequently charged in a. d. 37,
as an accomplice in the crimes of Albucilla ; and
though his friends wished him to delay his death,
as Tiberius was in his last illness, and coidd not
recover, he refused to listen to their advice, as he
knew the wickedness of Caligula, who would suc-
ceeed to the empire, and accordingly put himself to
death by opening his veins. (Tac. Ann. i. 8, 13,
76, 79, vi. 27, Hist. ii. 65, Ann. vi. 5, 7, 47, 48 ;
Dion Cass. Iv. 25, Iviii. 27.)

It was either this Arruntius or his father, in
all probability, who wrote a history of the first
Punic war, in which he imitated the style of Sal-
lust. ( Senec. Epist. 114.)

ARRU'NTIUS CELSUS. [Celsus.]
ARRU'NTIUS STELLA. [Stella.]
ARSA'CES (*Ap(ra/f7js), the name of the founder
of the Parthian empire, which was also borne by
all his successors, who were hence called the Ar-
sacidae. Pott {Etymologische Forschuvpen, ii. p.
172) supposes that it signifies the " Shah or King
of the Arii ;" but it occurs as a Persian name long,
before the time of the Parthian kings. Aeschylus
{Pers. 957) speaks of an Arsaces, who perished in
the expedition of Xerxes against Greece ; and
Ctesias {Pers. cc. 49, 53, 57, ed. Lion) says, that
Arsaces was the original name of Artaxerxes
Mnemon.

Arsaces I., is variously represented by the
ancient writers as a Scythian, a Bactrian, or a
Parthian. (Strab. xi. p. 515; Ama.n, ap. Phot,
Cod. 58, p. 17, ed. Bekker ; Herodian, ^'i, 2;
Moses Chor. i. 7.) Justin (xli. 4) savs, that he

9. A

354

ARSACES.

was of uncertain origin. He seems however to
have been of the Scythian race, and to have come
from the neighbourhood of the Ochus, as Strabo
pays (/. c), that he was accompanied in his under-
taking by the Parni Daae, who had migrated from
the great race of the Scythian Daae, dwelling
above the Palus Maeotis, and who had settled
near the Ochus. But from whatever coimtry the
Parthians may have come, they are represented
by almost all ancient writers as Scythians. (Curt,
vi. 2 ; Justin, xli. 1 ; Plut. Crasa. 24 ; Isidor.
Oriff. ix. 2.) Arsaces, who was a man of approved
valour, and was accustomed to live by robbery and
plunder, invaded Parthia with his band of robbers,
defeated Andragoras, the governor of the country,
and obtained the royal power. This is the account
given by Justin (Z. c), which is in itself natural
arfd probable, but different from the common one
which is taken from Arrian. According to Arrian
(ap. Phot. Cod. 53), there were two brothers, Ar-
saces and Tiridates, the descendants of Arsaces,
the son of Phriapitus, Pherecles, the satrap of
Parthia in the reign of Antiochus II., attempted to
violate Tiridates, but was slain by him and his
brother Arsaces, who induced the Parthians in
consequence to revolt from the Syrians. The ac-
count of Arrian in Syncellus (p. 284) is again
different from the preceding one preserved by
Photius ; but it is impossible to detennine which
has given us the account of Arrian most faithfully.
According to Syncellus, Arrian stated that the
two brothers Arsaces and Tiridates, who were
descended from Artaxerxes, the king of the Per-
sians, were satraps of Bactria at the same time as
the Macedonian Agathocles governed Persia (by
which he means Parthia) as Eparch. Agathocles
had an unnatural passion for Tiridates, and was
slain by the two brotliers. Arsaces then became
king, reigned two years, and was succeeded by his
brother Tiridates, who reigned 37 years.

The time, at which the revolt of Arsaces took
place, is also uncertain. Appian {Syr. 65) places
it at the death of Antiochus II., and others in the
reign of his successor, Seleucus Callinicus. Ac-
cording to the statement of Arrian quoted above,
the revolt commenced in the reign of Antiochus II.,
which is in accordance with the date given by Eu-
sebius, who fixes it at B. c. 250, and which is also
supported by other authorities. (Clinton, F. H.
vol. iii. sub anno 250.) Justin (xli. 4, 5), who
is followed in the main by Ammianus Marcellinus
(xxiii. 6), ascribes to Arsaces I. many events,
which probably belong to his successor. Accord-
ing to his account Arsaces first conquered Hyrcania,
and then prepared to make war upon the Bactrian
and Syrian kings. He concluded, however, a
peace Avith Theodotus, king of Bactria, and defeat-
ed Seleucus Callinicus, the successor of Antiochus
II. in a great battle, the anniversary of which was
ever after observed by the Parthians, as the com-
mencement of their liberty. According to Posi-
donius {ap. Allien, iv. p. 153, a.), Seleucus was
taken prisoner in a second expedition which he
made against the Parthians, and detained in cap-
tivity by Arsaces for many years. After these
events Arsaces devoted himself to the internal
organization of his kingdom, built a city, called
Dara, on the mountain Zapaortenon, and died in a
mature old age. This account is directly opposed
to the one given by Arrian, already referred to
{ap, Syncdl. I. c), according to which Arsaces was

ARSACES.

killed after a reign of two years and was succeeded
by his brother. Arrian has evidently confounded
Arsaces I. and II., when he says that the fonner
was succeeded by his son. This statement we
must refer to Arsaces II.

Arsaces II., Tiridates, reigned, as we
have already seen, 37 years, and is probably the
king who defeated Seleucus.

Arsaces III., Artabanus I., the son of
the preceding, had to resist Antiochus III. (the
Great), who invaded his dominions about b. c.
212. Antiochus at first met with some success,
but was unable to subdue his country, and at
length made peace with him, and recognized him
as king. (Polyb. x. 27 — 31 ; Justin, xli. 5.)
The reverse of the annexed coin represents a Par-

thian seated, and bears the inscription BASIAEfl^
MEFAAOT AP2AKOT.*

Arsaces IV., Priapatius, son of the pre-
ceding, reigned 15 years, and left three sons,
Phraates, Mithridates, and Artabjinus. (Justin,
xU. 5, xlii. 2.)

Arsaces V., Phraates I., subdued the Mardi,
and, though he had many sons, left the kingdom
to his brother Mithridates. (Justin, xli. 5.) The
reverse of the annexed coin has the inscription
BA2IAEn2 BA2IAEriN MEFAAOT AP2AKOT
Eni*ANOT2.

Eckhel, with more probability, assigns this coin to
Arsaces VI., who ma}-- have taken the title of
" king of kings," on account of his numerous vic-
tories.

Arsaces VI., Mithridates I., son of Ar-
saces IV., whom Orosius (v. 4) rightly calls the
sixth from Arsaces I., a man of distinguished
bravery, greatly extended the Parthian empire.
He conquered Eucratides, the king of Bactria, and
deprived him of many of his provinces. He is said
even to have penetrated into India and to have sub-
dued all the people between the Hydaspes and the
Indus. He conquered the Medes and Elymaeans,
who had revolted from the Syrians, and his em-
pire extended at least from the Hindu Caucasus to
the Euphrates. Demetrius Nicator, king of Syria,
marched against Mithridates ; he was at first suc-
cessful, but was afterwards taken prisoner in b. c.
138. Mithridates, however, treated him with re-

* The number of coins, belonging to the Arsa-
cidae, is very large, but it is impossible to deter-
mine with certainty to which individual each
belongs. A few are given as specimens, and are
placed under the kings to which they are assigned
in the catalogue of the British Museum.

ARSACES.

ppcct, .ind gave him his daughter Rhodogime in
marriage ; but the marriage appears not to have
been solemnized till the accession of his son Phraa-
tes II. Mithridates died during the captivity of
Demetrius, between B. c. 138 and 130. He is
described as a just and upright prince, who did
not give way to pride and luxury. He introduced
among his people the best laws and usages, which
he found among the nations he had conquered.
(Justin, xli. 6; Oros. v. 4; Strab. xi. pp. 51G,
517, 5*24, &c.: Appian, Si/r. G7 ; Justin, xxxvi.
1, xxxviii. 9; Joseph. Aid. xiii. 9; 1 Maccah. c.
1 4 ; Diod. Exc. p. 597, ed. Wess.) The reverse
of the annexed coin has the inscription BA2IAEfl2
MEFAAOT AP2AKOT *IAEAAHN02.

AnsACKS VII., Phraates II., the son of

the preceding, was att<vcked by Antiochus VII.
(Sidetes), who defeated Phraates in three great bat-
tles, but was at length conquered by him, and lost
liis life in battle,'B. c. 128. [See p. 199,a.] Phraa-
tes soon met with the same fate. The Scythians,
who had been invited by Antiochus to assist him
against Phraates, did not arrive till after the fall of
the fonner ; but in the battle which followed, the
Greeks whom Phraates had taken in the war
against Antiochus, and whom he now kept in his
service, deserted from him, and revenged the ill-
treatment they had suffered, by the death of Phraa-
tes and the destruction of his army. (Justin,
xxxviii. 10, xlii. 1.) The reverse of the annexed
coin has the inscription BA2IAEn2 MEFAAOT
AP2AKOT 0EOnATOPO2 NIKAT0P02.

Arsacks VIII., Artabanus II., the youngest
brother of Arsaces VI., and the youngest son
of Arsaces IV., and consequently the uncle of
tlie preceding, fell in battle against the Thogarii or
Tochari, apparently after a short reign. (Justin,
xlii. 2.)

Arsaces IX., Mithripates II., the son of
the preceding, prosecuted many wars with success,
and added many nations to the Parthian empire,
whence he obtained the surname of Great. He
dcfoated the Scythians in several battles, and also
carried on war against Artavasdes, king of Armenia.
It was in his reign tha* the Romans first had any
oflicial communication with Pjirthia. Mithridates
sent an ambassador, Orobazus, to Sulla, who had
come into Asia B. c. 92, in order to restore Ariobar-
zancs I. to Cappadocia, and requested alliance with
the Romans, which seems to have been granted.
(Justin, xlii. 2 ; Plut. Sulla, 5.) Justin (xlii. 4)

ARSACES. 355

has confounded this king with Mithridates III.,
I. e. Arsiices XIII.

Arsaces X., Mnascires? The successor of
Arsaces IX. is not known. Vaillant conjectures
that it was the Mnascires mentioned by Luciau
(MiuTofj. 10"), who lived to the a^'e of ninety-six;
but this is quite uncertain.

Arsaces XI., Sanatroces, as he is called
on coins. Phlegon calls him Sinatruces ; Appian,
Sintricus ; and Lucian, Sinatrocles. He had lived
as an exile among the Scythian people called
Sacauraces, and was placed by them upon the
throne of Parthia, when he was already eighty
years of age. He reigned seven years, and died
while Lucidlus was engaged in the war against
Tigranes, about B. c. 70. (Lucian, Afocroi. 15;
Phlegon, ap. PJiot. Cod. 97, p. 84, ed. Bekker ;
Appian, Mithr. 104.)

Arsaces XII., Phraates III., sumaraed
@c6s (Phlegon, I. c), the son of the preceding.
Mithridates of Poiitus and Tigranes applied to
Phraates for assistance in their war against the
Romans, although Phraates was at enmity with
Tigranes, because he had deprived the Parthian
empire of Nisibis and part of Mesopotamia. Among
the fragments of Sallust {Hist. lib. iv.) we have a
letter purporting to be written by Mithridates to
Phraates on this occasion. Lucullus, as soon as he
heard of this embass)--, also sent one to Phraates,
who dismissed both with fjiir promises, but accord-
ing to Dion Cassius, concluded an alliance with the
Romans. He did not however send any assistance
to the Romans, and eventually remained neutral.
(Meranon, ap. Phot. Cod. 224, p. 239, ed. Bekker ;
Dion Cass. xxxv. 1, 3, comp. 6; Appian, Mithr. 87;
Plut. Lucull. 30.) When Pompey succeeded Lu-
cullus in the command, b. c. 66, he renewed the
alliance with Phraates, to whose court meantime
the youngest son of Tigranes, also called Tigranes,
had fled after the murder of his two brothers by
their father. Phraates gave the young Tigranes his
daughter in marriage, and was induced bj' his son-
in-law to invade Armenia. He advanced as far as
Artaxata, and then returned to Parthia, leaving
his son-in-law to besiege the city. As soon .is he
had left Armenia, Tigranes attacked his son and
defeated him in battle. The young Tigranes then
fled to his grandfather Mithridates, and afterwards
to Pompey, when he found the former was unable
to assist him. The young Tigi-anes conducted
Pompey against his father, who suiTendered on his
approach. Pompey then attempted to reconcile
the father and the son, and promised the latter the
sovereignty of Sophanene ; but as he shortly after
offended Pompey, he was thrown into chains, and
reserved for his triumph. When Phraates heai-d
of this, he sent to the Roman general to demand
the young man as his son-in-kvw, and to propose
that the Euphrates should be the boundary between
the Roman and Parthian dominions. But Pompey
merely replied, that Tignmes was nearer to his
father than his father-in-law, and that he would
determine the boundary in accordance with what
was just. (Dion Cass, xxx^n. 28, 34 — 36 ; Plut.
Pomp. 33 ; Appian, Si/r. 104, 105.) M.atters now
began to assume a threatening aspect between
Phraates and Pompey, who had deeply injured the
former by refusing to give him his usurd title of
"king of kings." But although Phraates marched
into Armenia, and sent ambassadors to Pompey to
bring many charges against him, and Tigranes, the

2 A 2

356

ARSACES.

Armenian king, implored Pompey''s assistance, the
Roman general judged it more prudent not to enter
into war with the Parthians, alleging as reasons
for declining to do so, that the Roman people had
not assigned him this duty, and that Mithridates
was still in arms. (Dion Cass, xxxvii. 6, 7 ; Plut.
Pomp. 38, 39.) Phraates was murdered soon
afterwards by his two sons, Mithridates and
Orodes. (Dion Cass, xxxix. 56.)

Arsaces XIII., Mithridates III., the son
of the preceding, succeeded his father apparent-
ly during the Armenian war. On his return
from Armenia, Mithridates was expelled from the
throne, on account of his cruelty, by the Parthian
senate, as it is called, and was succeeded by his
brother Orodes. Orodes appears to have given
Media to Mithridates, but to haA'c taken it from
him again ; whereupon Mithridates applied to the
Roman general, Gabinius, in Syria, B. c. 55, who
promised to restore him to Parthia, but soon after
relinquished his design in consequence of having
received a great sum from Ptolemy to place him
upon the throne of Egypt. ^Mithridates, however,
seems to have raised some troops ; for he subse-
quently obtained possession of Babylon, where,
after sustaining a long siege, he surrendered him-
self to his brother, and was immediately put to
death by his orders. (Justin, xlii. 4 ; Dion Cass,
xxxix. 56 ; Appian, -Syr. 51 ; Joseph. B.J. i. 8. § 7.)

Arsaces XIV., Orodks I., the brother of the
preceding, was the Parthian king, whose general
Surenas defeated Crassus and the Romans, in B. c.
53. [Crassus.] The death of Crassus and the
destruction of the Roman army spread universal
alarm through the eastern provinces of the Roman
empire. Orodes, becoming jealous of Surenas, put
him to death, and gave the command of the army
to his son Pacorus, who was then still a youth.
The Parthians, after obtaining possession of all the
country east of the Euphrates, entered Syria, in
K c. 51, with a small force, but were driven back
by Cassius. In the following year (b. c. 50) they
again crossed the Euphrates with a much larger
arm}', which was placed nominally under the com-
mand of Pacorus, but in reality under that of
Osaces, an experienced general. They advanced
as far as Antioch, but unable to take this city
inarched against Antigoneia, near which they were
defeated by Cassius. Osaces was killed in the
battle, and Pacorus thereupon withdrew from Syria.
(Dion Cass. xl. 28, 29 ; Cic. ad Att. v. 18, 21, ad
Fain. XV. 1.) Bibulus, who succeeded Cassius in
the command in the same year, induced Omoda-
pantes, one of the Parthian satraps, to revolt from
Orodes, and proclaim Pacorus king (Dion Cass. xL
30), in consequence of which Pacorus became sus-
pected by his father and was recalled from the
arm}'. (Justin, xlii. 4.) Justin (/. c.) seems to
have made a mistake in stating that Pacoras was
recalled before the defeat of the Parthians by Cas-
sius. On the breaking out of the war between
Caesar and Pompey, the latter applied to Orodes
for assistance, which he promised on condition of
the cession of Syria ; but as this was refused by
Pompey, the Parthian king did not send him any
troops, though he appears to have been in favour
of his party rather than of Caesar's. (Dion Cass,
xli. 55 ; Justin, I. c.) Caesar had intended to in-
vade Parthia in the year in which he was assassi-
nated, b. c. 44 ; and in the civil war which followed,
Brutus and Cassius sent Labienus, the son of

ARSACES.

Caesar's general, T. Labienus, to Orodes to solicit
his assistfince. This was promised ; but the battle
of Philippi was fought, and Brutus and Cassius
fell (b. c. 42), before Labienus could join them.
The latter now remained in Parthia, Meantime
Antony had obtained the East in the partition of
the Roman world, and consequently the conduct
of the Parthian war ; but instead of making any
preparations against the Parthians, he retired to
Egypt with Cleopatra. Labienus advised the
Parthian monarch to seize the opportunity to in-
vade Syria, and Orodes accordingly placed a great
army under the command of Labienus and Pacorus.
They crossed the Euphrates in b. c. 40, overran
Syria, and defeated Saxa, Antony's quaestor.
Labienus penetrated into Cilicia, where he took
Saxa prisoner and put him to death ; and while he
was engaged with a portion of the army in sub-
duing Asia Minor, Pacorus was prosecuting con-
quests with the other part in Syria, Phoenicia, and
Palestine. These successes at length roused An-
tony from his inactivity. He sent against the
Parthians Ventidius, the ablest of his legates, who
soon changed the face of affairs. He defeated
Labienus at Mount Taurus in b. c. 39, and put
him to death when he fell into his hands shortly
after the battle. By this victory he recovered
Cilicia ; and by the defeat shortly afterwards of
Phamapates, one of the Parthian generals, he also
regained Svria, (Dion Cass, xlviii. 24 — 41; Veil.
Pat. ii. 78*; Liv. EpU. 127 ; Flor. iv. 9 ; Plut.
Anton, c. 33 ; Appian, B. C. v. 65.) In the fol-
lowing year, b. c. 38, Pacorus again invaded Syria
with a still larger army, but was completely de-
feated in the district called Cyrrhestice. Pacorus
himself fell in the battle, which was fought on the
9th of June, the very day on which Crassus had
fallen, fifteen years before. (Dion Cass. xlix. 19,
20 ; Plut. Anton, c. 34 ; Liv. Epit. 128 ; Oros. vi.
1 8 ; Justin, /. c.) This defeat was a severe blow
to the Parthian monarchy, and was deeply felt by
the aged king, Orodes. For many days he refused
to take food, and did not utter a word ; and when
at length he spoke, he did nothing but call
upon the name of his dear son Pacorus. Weighed
down by grief and age, he shortly after surren-
dered the crown to his son, Phraates, during his
life-time. (Justin, /. c; Dion Cass. xlix. 23.) The
inscription on the annexed coin is BASIAEHS
BA2IAEnN AP2AKO(T) ETEPrET(OT) EHI-
*ANOT2 *IAEAAHN0(2).

Arsaces XV., Phraates IV., who is de-
scribed as the most wicked of the sons of Orodes,
commenced his reign by murdering his father, his
thirty brothers, and his own son, who was grown
up, that there might be none of the royal family
whom the Parthians could place upon the throne
in his stead. In consequence of his cruelty many
of the Parthian nobles fled to Antony (b. c. 37)

ARSACES.

nnd among the rest Monaeses, who was one of the
most distinguished men in Parthia. At the insti-
gation of Monaeses, Antony resolved to invade
Parthia, and promised Monaeses the kingdom.
Phraates, alarmed at this, induced Monaeses to
return to him ; but Antony notwithstanding per-
severed in his intention of invading Parthia. It
was not, however, till late in the year (b. c. 36)
that he commenced his march, as he was unable to
tear himself away from Cleopati-a. The expedition
was a perfect failure ; he was deceived by the
Armenian king, Artiivasdes, and was induced by
him to invade Media, where he laid siege to
Praaspi or Praata. His legate, Statianus, mean-
time was cut off with 10,000 Romans ; and An-
tony, finding that he was unable to take the town,
was at length obliged to raise the siege and retire
from the country. In his retreat through Media
and Armenia he lost a great number of men, and
with great difficulty reached the Araxes with a
p;irt of his troops. (Dion Cass. xlix. 23 — 31 ; Plut.
Ant. cc. 37 — 51 ; Strab. xi. p. 523, &c. ; Li v.
Bpti. 130.)

The breaking out of the civil war soon after-
wards between Antony and Octavianus compelled
the former to give up his intention of again in-
vading Parthia. He formed, however, an alliance
with the king of Media against the Parthians,
and gave to the former part of Anncnia which
had been recently conquered. But as soon as
Antony had withdrawn his troops in order to
oppose Octavianus, the Parthian king overran both
Media and Armenia, and placed upon the Arme-
nian throne Artaxias, the son of Artavasdes, whom
Antony had deposed. (Dion Cass. xlix. 44.) Mean-
time the cruelties of Phraates had produced
a rebellion against him. He was driven out of the
country, and Tiridates proclaimed king in his
stead. Phraates, however, was soon restored by
the Scythians, and Tiridates fled to Augustus, car-
rying with him the youngest son of Phraiites.
Hereupon Phraates sent an embassy to Rome to
demand the restoration of his son and Tiridates.
Augustus, however, refused to surrender the
latter ; but he sent back his son to Phraates, on
condition of his surrendering the Roman standards
and prisoners taken in the war with Crassus and
Antony. They were not, however, given up till
three years afterwards (b. c. 20), when the visit of
Augustus to the east appears to have alanned the
Parthian king. Their restoration caused universal
joy at Rome, and was celebrated not only by the
poets, but by festivals, the erection of a tri-
uraphtd arch and temple, and other monuments.
Coins {Uso were struck to commemorate the event,
on one of which we find the inscription Signis
Receptis. (Dion Cass. li. 18, liii. 33, liv. 8 ;
Justin, xlii. 5 ; Suet. Aug. 21 ; Hor. Epiai. i. 18.
5(5, Carm. iv. 15. 6 ; Ovid, Trist. ii. I. 228, Ftisi.
vi. 467, Ar. Am. i. 179, &c. ; Propert. ii. 10, iii.
4, iii. 5. 49, iv. 6. 79 ; Eckhel, vi. pp. 94—97.)
Phratites also sent to Augustus as hostages his
four sons, with their wives and children, who were
carried to Rome. According to some accounts he
delivered them up to Augustus, not through fear
of the Roman power, but lest the Partliians should
appoint any of them king in his stead, or accord-
ing to others, through the influence of his Italian
wife, Thennusii, by whsm he had a fifth son,
Phraataces. (Tac. xlmi. ii. 1; .Joseph. A7it. xviii.
2. § 4 ; Strab. xvi. p. 748.) In a. d. 2, Phraates

ARSACES.

357

took possession of Annenia, and expelled Artavas-
des, who had been appointed king by Augustus,
but was compelled soon after to give it up again.
(Dion Cass. Iv. 11; Veil. ii. 101 ; Tac. Ann. ii.4.)
He was shortly afterwards poisoned by his wife
Thermusa, and his son Phrifataces. (Joseph. /. c.)
The coin given under Arsaces XIV. is assigned by
most modem writers to this king.

Arsaces XVI. , Phraataces, reigned only
a short time, as the murder of his father and the
report that he committed incest with his mother
made him hated by his subjects, who rose in re-
bellion against him and expelled him from the
throne. The Parthian nobles then elected as king
Orodes, who was of the family of the Arsacidae.
(Joseph. I. c.)

Arsaces XVII., Orodes II., also reigned
only a short time, as he was killed by the Par-
thians on account of his cruelty. Upon his death
the Parthians applied to the Romans for Vonones,
one of the sons of Phraates IV., who was accord-
ingly granted to them. (Joseph. I. c. ; Tac. Ann.
ii. 1—4.)

Arsaces XVIII., Vonones I., the son of
Phraates IV., was not more liked by his subjects
than his two immediate predecessors. His long
residence at Rome had rendered him more a Ro-
man than a Parthian, and his foreign habits and
manners produced general dislike among his sub-
jects. They therefore invited Artabanus, king of
Media, who also belonged to the family of the
Arsacidae, to take possession of the kingdom.
Artfibanus was at first defeated, but afterwards
drove Vonones out of Parthia, who then took
refuge in Armenia, of which he was chosen king.
But, threatened by Artabanus, he soon fled into
Syria, in which province the Roman govenior,
Creticus Silanus, allowed him to reside with the
title of king. (a. n. 16.) Two years afterwards
he was removed by Germanicus to Pompeiopolis in
Cilicia, partly at the request of Artabanus, who
begged that he might not be allowed to reside in
Syria, and partly because Germanicus wished to
put an affront upon Piso, with whom Vonones
was very intimate. In the following year (a. d.
19) Vonones attempted to escape from Pompeio-
polis, intending to fly into Scythia ; but he was
overtaken on the banks of the river Pyramus, and
shortly after put to death. According to Sueto-
nius, he was put to death by order of Tiberius on
account of his great wealth. (Joseph. /. c. ; Tac.
A7in. ii. 1—4, 56, 58, 68 ; Suet. Tiber, c. 49.)

Arsaces XIX., Artabanus III., obtained
the Parthian kingdom on the expulsion of Vonones
in A. D. 16. The possession of Armenia was the
great cause of contention between him and the
Romans ; but during the life-time of Germanicus,
Artabanus did not attempt to seize the country.
Germanicus, on his arrival in Armenia in a. d. 18,
recognized as king Zenon, the son of Polemon,
whom the Armenians wished to have as their
ruler, and who reigned under the name of Artaxias
III.; and about the same time, Artabanus sent an
embassy to Germjinicus to renew the alliance with
the Romans. (Tac. Ann. ii. 56, 58.)

After the death of Germanicus, Artabanus be-
gan to treat the Romans with contempt, placed
Arsaces, one of his sons, over Armenia, and sent
an embassy into Syria to demand the treasures
which Vonones had carried with him out of Par-
thia. He also oppressed his subjects, till at length

858

ARSACES.

two of the chief men among the Parthians, Sin-
naces, and the eunuch, Abdus, despatched an
embassy to Tiberius in A. D. 35, to beg him to
send to Parthia Phraates, one of the sons of
Phraates IV. Tiberius willingly complied with the
request ; but Phraates upon arriving in Sj'ria was
carried off by a disease, which was brought on by
his disusing the Roman mode of living, to which
he had been accustomed for so many years, and
adopting the Parthian habits. As soon as Tiberius
heard of his death, he set up Tiridates, another of
the Arsacidae, as a claimant to the Parthian throne,
and induced Mithridates and his brother Pharas-
manes, Iberian princes, to invade Armenia. The
Iberians accordingly entered Armenia, and after
bribing the servants of Arsaces, the son of Arta-
banus, to put him to death, they subdued the
country. Orodes, another son of Artabanus, was
sent against them, but was entirely defeated by
Pharasmjines ; and soon afterwards Artabanus was
obliged to leave his kingdom, and to fly for refuge
to the Hyrcanians and Carmanians. Hereupon
Vitellius, the governor of Syria, crossed the
Euphrates, and placed Tiridates on the throne.
In the following year (a. d. 36) some of the Par-
thian nobles, jealous of the power of Abdageses,
the chief minister of Tiridates, recalled Artabanus,
who in his turn compelled Tiridates to fly into
Syria. (Tac. Ami. vi. 31—37, 41—44 ; Dion
Cass. Iviii. 26 ; Joseph. Atit. xviii. 5. § 4.) When
Tiberius received news of these events, he com-
manded Vitellius to conclude a peace with Arta-
banus (Joseph. A7it. xviii. 5. § 5), although
Artabanus, according to Suetonius {Tiber, c. 66),
sent a letter to Tiberius upbraiding him with his
crimes, and advising him to satisfy the hatred of
his citizens by a voluntary death. After the death
of Tiberius, Artab<inus sought to ertend his king-
dom ; he seized Armenia, and meditated an attack
upon Syria, but alarmed by the activity of Vitel-
lius, who advanced to the Euphrates to meet him,
he concluded peace with the Romans, and sacri-
ficed to the images of Augustus and Caligula.
(Dion Cass. lix. 27; Suet. ViteU. 2, Calig. 14,
with Emesti's Excursus.)

Subsequently, Artabanus was again expelled
from his kingdom by the Parthian nobles, but was
restored by the mediation of Izates, king of Adia-
bene, who was allowed in consequence to wear his
tiara upright, and to sleep upon a golden bed,
Avhich were privileges peculiar to the kings of Par-
thia. Soon afterwards, Artabanus died, and left
the kingdom to his son Bardanes. Bardanes made
war upon Izates, to whom his family was so deeply
indebted, merely because he refused to assist him
in making war upon the Romans ; but when the
Parthians perceived the intentions of Bardanes,
they put him to death, and gave the kingdom to
his brother, Gotarzes. This is the account given
by Josephus {Aid. xx. 3) of the reigns of Bardanes
and Gotarzes, and differs from that of Tacitus,
which is briefly as follows.

Arsaces XX., Gotarzes, succeeded his fa-
ther, Artabanus III. ; but in consequence of his
cruelty, the Parthians invited his brother Bardanes
to the throne. A civil war ensued between the
two brothers, which terminated by Gotarzes re-
signing the crown to Bardanes, and retiring into
H3'rcania. (Tae. Ann. xi. 8, 9.)

Arsaces XXI., Bardanes, the brother of
the preceding, attempted to recover Annenia, but

ARSACES.

was deterred from his design by Vibius Marsus,
the governor of Syria. He defeated his brother
Gotarzes, who had repented of his resignation,
and attempted to recover the throne ; but hia
successes led him to treat his subjects with haugh-
tiness, who accordingly put him to death while he
was hunting, a. d. 47. His death occasioned fresh
disputes for the cro^vn, which was finally obtained
by Gotarzes ; but as he also governed with cruelty,
the Parthians secretly applied to the emperor
Claudius, to beg him to send them from Rome
Meherdates, the grandson of Phraates IV. Clau-
dius complied with their request, and commanded
the governor of Syria to assist Meherdates. Through
the treachery of Abgarus, king of Edessa, the hopes
of Meherdates were ruined ; he was defeated in
battle, and taken prisoner by Gotarzes, who died
himself shortly afterwards, about A. D. 50. (Tac.
A7in. xi. 10, xii. 10—14.)

Arsaces XXII., Vonones II., succeeded to
the throne on the death of Gotarzes, at which time
he was satrap of Media, His reign was short
(Tac. Ann. xii. 1 4), and he was succeeded by

Arsaces XXIII., Vologeses I., the son of
Vonones II. by a Greek concubine, according to
Tacitus (^««. xii. 14,44); but according to Jo-
sephus, the son of Artabanus III. {Ant. xx. 3. §4.)
Soon after his accession, he invaded Armenia, took
Artaxata and Tigranocerta, the chief cities of the
country, and dethroned Rhadamistus, the Iberian,
who had usurped the crown. He then gave Ar-
menia to his brother, Tiridates, having previously
given Media to his other brother, Pacorus. These
occurrences excited considerable alann at Rome, as
Nero, who had just ascended the throne (a. d.55),
was only seventeen years of age. Nero, however,
made active preparations to oppose the Parthians,
and sent Domitius Corbulo to take possession of
Armenia, from which the Parthians had meantime
withdmwn, and Quadratus Ummidius to command
in Syria. Vologeses was persuaded by Corbulo
and Ummidius to conclude peace with the Romans
and give as hostages the noblest of the Arsacidae ;
which he was induced to do, either that he might
the more conveniently prepare for war, or that he
might remove from the kingdom those who were
likely to prove rivals. (Tac. Ann. xii. 50, xiii.
5—9.) Three years afterwards (a. D. 58), the
war at length broke out between the Partliians
and the Romans ; for Vologeses could not endure
Tiridates to be deprived of the kingdom of Arme-
nia, which he had himself given him, and would
not let him receive it as a gift from the Romans.
This war, however, terminated in favour of the
Romans. Corbulo, the Roman general, took and
destroyed Artaxata, and also obtained possession
of Tigranocerta, which surrendered to him. Tiri-
dates was driven out of Armenia ; and Corbulo
appointed in his place, as king of Armenia, the
Cappadocian Tigranes, the grandson of king Arche-
laus, and gave certain parts of Armenia to the tri-
butary kings who had assisted him in the war.
After making these arrangements, Corbulo retired
into Syria, A. D. 60. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 34-41, xiv. 23-
26; Dion Cass. Ixii. 1 9, 20.) Vologeses, however, re-
solved to make another attempt to recover Armenia.
He made preparations to invade Syria himself, and
sent Monaeses, one of his generals, and Mono-
bazus, king of the Adiabeni, to attack Tigranes
and drive him out of Armenia. They accordingly
entered Annenia and laid siege to Tigranocerta,

ARSACES.
but were unable to take it. As Vologescs also
found that Corbulo had taken every precaution to
secure Syria, he sent ambassadors to Corbulo to
solicit a truce, that he might despatch an embassy
to Rome concerning the terms of peace. This was
granted ; but as no satisfactory answer was ob-
tjiiiied from Nero, Vologeses invaded Armenia,
where he gained considerable advantages over
Caescnninus Paetus, and at length besieged him
in his winter-quarters. Paetus, alarmed at his
situation, agreed with Vologeses, that Armenia
should be surrendered to the Romans, and that he
should be allowed to retire in safety from the
countrj', A. D. 62. Shortly after this, Vologeses
sent another embassy to Rome ; and Nero agreed
to surrender Aiinenia to Tiridates, provided the
latter would come to Rome and receive it as a gift
from the Roman emperor. Peace was made on
tliese conditions ; and Tiridates repaired to Rome,
A. D. 63, where he was received with extraordinary
splendour, and obtained from Nero the Armenian
crown. (Tac. A7m. xv. 1 — 18,25 — 31 ; Dion Cass,
Ixii. 20—23, Ixiii. 1—7.)

In the struggle for the empire after Nero's
death, Vologeses sent ambassadors to Vespasian,
offering to assist him with 40,000 Parthians. This
offer was declined by Vespasian, but he bade Vo-
logeses send ambassadors to the senate, and he
secured peace to him. {Tac. Hist. iv.ol.) Vologeses
afterwards sent an embassy to Titus, as he was
returning from the conquest of Jerusalem, to con-
gratulate him on his success, and present him with
a golden crown ; and shortly afterwards (a. d. 72),
he sent another embassy to Vespasian to intercede
on behalf of Antiochus, the deposed king of Com-
magene. (Joseph. B. J. vii. 5. § 2, 7. § 3 ; comp.
Dion Cass. Ixvi. 1 1 ; Suet. Ner. 57.) In A. d. 75,
Vologeses sent again to Vespasian, to beg him to
assist the Parthians against the Alani, who were
then at war with them ; but Vespasian declined to
do so, on the plea that it did not become him to
meddle in other people's affairs. (Dion Cass. Ixvi.
15; Suet. Dom.2; Joseph. B.J. vii. 7. §4.)
Vologeses founded on the Euphrates, a little to
the south of Babylon, the town of Vologesocerta.
(Plin. //. A'^ vi. 30.) He seems to have lived till
the reign of Domitian.

Arsaces XXIV., Pacorus, succeeded his
father, Vologeses I., and was a contemporary of
Domitian and Trajan ; but scarcely anything is
recorded of his reign. He is mentioned by Martial
(ix. 36), and it appears from Pliny (Ep. x. 16),
that he was in alliance with Decebalus, the king
of the Dacians. It was probably this Pacorus
who fortified and enlarged the city of Ctesiphon.
(Amm. Marc, xxiii. 6.)

Arsacks XXV., Chosroes, called by Dion
Cassius OsROES, a younger son of Vologeses I.,
succeeded his brother Pacorus during the reign of
Tmjan. Soon after his accession, he invaded Ar-
menia, expelled Exedares, the son of Tiridates,
who had been .ippointed king by the Romans, and
gave the crown to his nephew Parthamasiris, the
son of his brother Pacorus. Trajan hastened in
pt'rson to the east, conquered Armenia, and reduced
it to the form of a Roman province. Parthama-
siris also fell into his hands. After concluding
peace with Augarus, the ruler of Edessa, Trajan
overran the northern part of Mesopotamia, took
Nisibis and several other cities, and, after a most
glorious campaign, returned to Antioch to winter,

ARSACES.

359

a. n. 114. In consequence of these successes, he
received the surname oi Parthicus from the soldiers
and of Opthnus from the senate. Parthia was at
this time torn by civil commotions, which rendered
the conquests of Trajan all the easier. In the
spring of the following year, a. d. 115, he crossed
the Tigris, took Ctesiphon and Seleuceia, and made
Mesopotamia, Assyria, and Babylonia, Roman
provinces. After these conquests, he sailed down
the Tigris to the Persian gulf and the Indian
ocean ; but during his absence there was a general
revolt of the Parthians. He immediately sent
against them two of his generals, Maximus and
Lusius, A. D. 1 1 6, the former of whom was defeated
and slain by Chosroes, but the latter met with
more success, and regained the cities of Nisibis,
Edessa, and Seleuceia, as well as others which
had revolted. Upon his return to Ctesiphon, Tra-
jan appointed Parthamaspates king of Parthia, and
then withdrew from the country to invade Arabia.
Upon the death of Trajan, however, in the follow-
ing year (a. d. 117), the Parthians expelled Par-
thamaspates, and placed upon the throne their
former king, Chosroes. But Hadrian, who had
succeeded Trajan, was unwilling to engage in a
war with the Parthians, and judged it more pru-
dent to give up the conquests which Trajan had
gained ; he accordingly withdrew the Roman gar-
risons from Mesopotamia, Assyria, and Babylonia,
and made the Euphrates, as before, the eastern
boundary of the Roman empire. The exact time
of Chosroes' death is unknown; but during the
remainder of his reign there was no war between
the Partliians and the Romans, as Hadrian culti-
vated friendly relations with the former. (Dion
Cass, ixviii. 17—33; Aurel. Vict. Cues. c. 13 ;
Paus. v. 12. § 4 ; Spartian, Hadr. c. 21.)

Arsaces XXVI I., Vologeses II., succeeded
his father Chosroes, and reigned probably from
about A. D. 122 to 149. In a. d. 133, Media,
which was then subject to the Parthians, was over-
run by a vast horde of Alani (called by Dion Cas-
sius, Albani), who penetrated also into Armenia
and Cappadocia, but were induced to retire, partly
by the presents of Vologeses, and partly through
fear of Arrian, the Roman governor of Cappadocia.
(Dion Cass. Ixix. 15.) During the reign of Ha-
drian, Vologeses continued at peace with the Ro-
mans ; and on the accession of Antoninus Pius,
A. D. 138, he sent an embassy to Rome, to present
the new emperor with a golden crown, which event
is commemorated on a coin of Antoninus. (Eckhel,
vii. pp. 5, 10, 11.) These friendly relations, how-
ever, did not continue undisturbed. Vologeses
solicited from Antoninus the restoration of the
royal throne of Parthia, which had been taken by
Trajan, but did not obtain his request. He made
preparations to invade Armenia, but was deterred
from doing so by the representations of Antoninus.
(Capitol. Anton. Puis, c. 9.)

Arsaces XXVIII., Vologeses III., probably
a son of the preceding, began to reign according
to coins (Eckhel, iii. p. 538), A. D. 149. During
the reign of Antoninus, he continued at peace
with the Romans ; but on the death of this em-
peror, the long threatened war at length broke
out. In A. D. 162, Vologeses invaded Armenia,
and cut to pieces a Roman legion, with its com-
mander Severianus, at Elegeia, in Armenia. He
then entered Syria, defeated Atidius Comelianus,
the governor of Syria, and laid waste every thing

360 ARSACES.

before him. Thereupon the emperor Verus pro-
ceeded to Syria, but when he reached Antioch, he
remained in that city and gave the command of
the army to Cassius, who soon drove Vologeses
out of Syria, and followed up his success by in-
vading Mesopotamia and Assyria, He took Se-
leuceia and Ctesiphon, both of which he sacked
and set on fire, but on his march honiewards lost
a great number of his troops by diseases and
famine. Meantime Statins Priscus, who had been
sent into Armenia, was equally successful. He
entirely subdued the country, and took Artaxata,
the capitol. (Dion Cass. Ixx. 2, Ixxi. 2 ; Lucian,
Alew. Fseudom. c. 27 ; Capitol. M. Ant. Phil. cc.
8, 9, Verus, cc. 6, 7 ; Eutrop. viii. 10.) This
war seems to have been followed by the cession of
Mesopotamia to the Romans.

From this time to the downfall of the Parthian
empire, there is great confusion in the list of kings.
Several modem writers indeed suppose, that the
events related above under Vologeses III., hap-
pened in the reign of Vologeses II., and that the
latter continued to reign till shortly before the
death of Commodus (a. d. 192) ; but this is highly
improbable, as Vologeses II. ascended the throne
about A. D. 122, and must on this supposition
have reigned nearly seventy years. If Vologeses
III. began to reign in a. d. 149, as we have sup-
posed from Eckhel, it is also improbable that he
should have been the Vologeses spoken of in the
reign of Caracalla, about a. d. 212. We are
therefore inclined to believe that there was one
Vologeses more than has been mentioned by modern
writers, and have accordingly inserted an ad-
ditional one in the list we have given.

Arsaces XXIX., Vologeses IV., proba-
bly ascended the throne in the reign of Commo-
dus. In the contest between Pescennius Niger
and Severus for the empire, a. d. 193, the Par-
thians sent troops to the assistance of the former ;
and accordingly when Niger was conquered,
Severus' marched against the Parthians. He was
accompanied by a brother of Vologeses. His in-
vasion was quite unexpected and completely suc-
cessful. He took Ctesiphon after an obstinate re-
sistance in A. D. 199, and gave it to his soldiers
to plunder, but did not permanently occupy it.
Herodian appears to be mistaken in saying that
this happened in the reign of Artabanus. (Hero-
dian. iii. 1, 9, 10; Dion Cass. Ixxv. 9; Spartian.
Sever, cc. 15, 16.) Reimar {ail Dion Cass. I. c.)
supposes that this Vologeses is the same Vologeses,
son of Sanatruces, king of Armenia, to whom,
Dion Cassius tells us, that Severus granted part of
Armenia ; but the account of Dion Cassius is very
confused. On the death of Vologeses IV., at the
beginning of the reign of Caracalla, Parthia was
torn asunder by contests for the crown between
the sons of Vologeses. (Dion Cass. Ixxvii. 12.)
Aksaces XXX., Vologeses V., a son of

ARSACIDAE.

Vologeses IV., was engaged, as already remarked,
in civil wars with his brothers. It was against
him that Caracalla made war in a. d. 215, be-
cause he refused to surrender Tiridates and An-
tiochus, Avho had fled to Parthia from the Romans,
but did not prosecute it, since the Parthians
through fear delivered up the persons he had de-
manded. (Dion Cass. Ixxvii. 19.) He appears
to have been dethroned about this time by his
brother Artabanus.

Arsaces XXXI., Artabanus IV., the last
king of Parthia, was a brother of the preceding,
and a son of Vologeses IV. According to He-
rodian, Caracalla entered Parthia in a. d. 216,
under pretence of seeking the daughter of Artiiba-
nus in marriage ; and when Artabanus went to
meet him unarmed with a great number of his no-
bility, Caracalla treacherously fell upon them and
put the greater number to the sword ; Artabanus
himself escaped with difficulty. Dion Cassius
merely relates that Artabanus refused to give his
daughter in marriage to Caracalla, and that the
latter laid waste in consequence the countries bor-
dering upon Media. During the winter Artaba-
nus raised a very large army, and in the following
year, a. d. 217, marched against the Romans.
Macrinus, who had meantime succeeded Caracalla,
advanced to meet him ; and a desperate battle was
fought near Nisibis, which continued for two days,
but without victory to either side. At the com-
mencement of the third day, ^lacrinus sent an
embassy to Artabanus, informing him of the death
of Caracalla, with whom the Parthian king was
chiefly enraged, and offering to restore the prison-
ers and treasures fciken by Caracalla, and to pay a
large sum of money besides. On these conditions
a peace was concluded, and Artabanus withdrew
his forces.

In this war, however, Artabanus had lost the
best of his troops, and the Persians seized the op-
portunity of recovering their long-lost independ-
ence. They were led by Artaxerxes (Ardshir),
the son of Sassan, and defeated the Parthians in
three great battles, in the last of which Artabanus
was taken prisoner and killed, A. D. 226. Thus
ended the Parthian empire of the Arsacidae, after it
had existed 476 vears. (Dion Cass. Ixxviii. 1, 3,
26, 27, Ixxx. 3 ; Herodian, iv. 9, 11, 14, 15, vi.
2 ; Capitolin. Macrin. cc. 8, 12; Agathias, Hist. iv.
24 ; Syncellus, vol. i. p. 677, ed Dindorf.) The
Parthians were now obliged to submit to Artax-
erxes, the founder of the dynasty of the Sassani-
dae, which continued to reign till a. d. 651.
[Sassamdae.] The family of the Arsacidae,
however, stUl continued to exist in Armenia as an
independent dynasty. [Arsacidae.]

The best modern works on the history of the
Parthian kings are: Vaillant, Arsacidarum imj<e-
rium sive regum Parthorum Idstoria wlfidem nuiids-
matum accomodaia. Par. 1 725 ; Eckhel, Doctr.
Num. Veter. vol. iii. pp. 523 — 550 ; C. F. Richter,
Histor. Krit. Versuch uher die Arsaciden uud Sas-
suniden-Dynastie, Gottingen, 1804; Krause in
Ersch und Grul>er''s Encyclop'ddie^ Art. Farther.

ARSA'CES, the name of four Armenian kings.
[Arsacidae, pp. 362, b., 363, b., 364, a.]

ARSA'CIDAE. 1. The name of a dynasty of
Parthian kings. [Arsaces.]

2. The name of a dynasty of Armenian kings,
who reigned over Armenia during the wars of the
Romans with Mithridates the Great, king of Pou-

ARSACIDAE.

tu8, and with the Parthians. The historj' of tliis
dynasty is involved in great difficulties, as the
Latin and Greek authors do not always agree with
the Armenian historians, such as Moses Chorenensis,
Faustus Byzantinus, and others. The Romans do
not call the d}'nasty of the Armenian kings by the
name of Arsacidae ; they mention several kings of
the name of Arsaces, and others descended from the
Piuthian dynasty of the Arsacidae, and they seem
not to have known several kings mentioned by the
Armenijin historians. On the other hand, the
Annenian writers know but one dynasty reigning
in Armenia during that period, and they do not
mention several kings spoken of by the Romans ;
or, if they mention their names, they do not con-
sider them as kings. The consequence of this is,
that every account based exclusively on Roman
and Greek writers would be incomplete ; they
want to be compared with the Armenian historians,
and thus only a satisfactory result can be obtained.
Several attempts have been made to reconcile the
different statements of the western and eastern
historians, as the reader may see from the notes of
the brothers Whiston and the works of Vailkint,
Du Four de Longuerue, Richter, and especially
St. Martin, which are cited below.

The expression "kings o/" Armenia" is in many
instances vague, and leads to erroneous conclusions,
especially with regard to the Arsacidae. The trans-
actions of the Romans with Annenia will present
much less dithculties if the student will remember
that he has to do with kings iw Armenia, and kings
of Armenian origin reigning in countries bej^oud
the limits of Armenia. The history of the Arsjx-
cidae cannot be well understood without a previous
knowledge of the other dynasties before and after
that of the Arsacidae ; for Armenian kings were
known to the Greeks long before the accession of
the Arsacidae ; and the annals of the Eastern em-
pire mention many important transactions with
kings of Armenia, belonging to those dynasties,
which reigned in this country during a period of
almost a thousand years after the fall of the Arsa-
cid.ae. But as any detailed account would be out
of place here, we can give only a short sketch.

I. Dynasty of Haig, founded by Haig, the son
of Gathlas, who is said to have lived B.C. 2107.
Fifty-nine kings belong to this dynasty, and
among them Zarmair, who, according to the Ar-
menian historians, assisted the Trojans at the siege
of their city, where he commanded a body of As-
syrians; Dikran or Tigmnes, a prince mentioned
by Xenophon {Cp'op. iii. 1, v. I, 3, viii. 3, 4);
and Wahe, the last of his house, who fell in a
battle with Alexander the Great in B. c. 328.
'l"he names of the fifty-nine kings, the duration of
their reigns, and some other historical facts, mixed
up with fabulous accounts, are given by the Ar-
menian historians.

II. Seven Governors appointed by Alexander,
and after his deatli by the Seleucidae, during the
period from 328 to 149 B. c.

III. Dynasty of the Arsacidae, from b. c.
149 to A. D. 428. See below.

IV. Persian Governors, from a. d. 428 to
625.

V. Greek and Arabian Governors, from
A. D. 632 to 855.

VI. Dynasty of the Pagratidae, from 855
to 1079. The Pagratidae, a noble family of Jewish
origin, settled in Armenia in b. c. 600, according to

ARSACIDAE.

361

the Armenian historians. They were one of th«
most powerful families in Armenia. After they
had come to the throne, they sometimes were com-
pelled to pay tribute to the khalifs and to the em-
perors of Constantinople, and in later times they
lost a considerable part of Armenia. A branch of
this family reigned at Kars for a considerable time
after 1079. Another branch acquired the kingdom
of Georgia, which it possessed down to the present
day, when the kst king, David, ceded his kingdom
to Russia, in which country his descendants are
still living. The princes of Bagration in Russia
are likewise descended from the Pagratidae, an-
other branch of whom settled in Imerethia in the
Caucasus, and its descendants still belong to the
principal chiefs of that country.

VII. Dynasty of the Ardzrunians, said to
have been descended from the ancient kings of
Assyria. Several members of it were appointed
governors of Armenia by the first khalifs. In a.d.
855, this family became independent in the northern
part of Armenia in the country round the upper
part of the Euphrates. Adom and Abusahl, the
last Ardzrunians, were killed in 1080 by the em-
peror Nicephorus Botaniatcs, who united their do-
minions with the Byzantine empire.

VIII. Mohammedan dynasties. 1. Of Kurd-
ish origin, from A. d. 984 to a. d, 1085. 2. Of
Turkoman origin, from a. d. 1084 to a. d. 1312.
They resided in diflferont places, and the extent
of their dominions varied according to the military
success of the khalifs of Egypt and the Seljukiaji
princes.

IX. Dynasties of different origin, from
the eleventh to the fourteenth century. Some
kings belonged to the Pagratidae, among whom
was the celebrated Haython I. or Hethum in 1224;
and some were Latin princes, among whom was Leo
VI. of Lusignan, who was driven out by the khalif
of Egypt, and died in Paris in 1393, the last king
of Armenia. Otto, duke of Brunswick, from whom
is descended the present house of Hanover, was
crowned as king of Armenia in Germany, but he
never entered the country.

The Dynasty of the Arsacidae. (See
above. No. III.) It has already been said, that
there are considerable discrepancies between the
statements of the Romans and those of the Arme-
nians concerning this dynasty. The Romans tell
us that Artaxias, governor of Armenia Magna for
Antiochus the Great, king of Syria, made himself
independent in his government B. c. 1 88 ; and that
Zadriates became king of Armenia Minor, of which
country he was praefect. The descendents of Ar-
taxias became extinct with Tigranes III., who was
driven out by Caius Caesjir ; and among the kings
who reigned after him, there are many who were
not Arsacidae, but laelonged to other Asiatic
dynasties. The Armenians on the contrary say,
that the dynasty of the Arsacidae was founded by
Valarsaces or Wagharshag, the brother of Mithri-
dates Arsaces [Aksaces III.], king of Parthia, by
whom he was established on the throne of Armenia
in B. c. 149. A younger branch of the Arsiicidae
was founded by Arsham or Ardsham, son of
Ardashes (Artaxes) and brother of the great
Tigranes, who reigned at Edessa, and whose de-
scendants became masters of Armenia Magna after
the extinction of the Arsacidae in that country
with the death of Tiridates I., who was establish-
ed on the throne by Nero, and who died mobt

362

ARSACIDAE.

ARSACIDAK

probably in a. d. 62. The Armenian historians
nave treated with particular attention the history
of the younger branch ; they speak but little about
the earlier transactions with Rome ; and they are
almost silent with regard to those kings, the off-
spring of the kings of Pontus and Jud;u?a, who
were imposed upon Armenia by the Romans.
From this we may conclude, that the Armenians
considered those instruments of the Romans as in-
truders and political adventurers, and that the
Arsacidae were the only legitimate dynasty.
Thus they sometimes speak of kings unknown to
the Romans, and who perhaps were but pretend-
ers, who had succeeded in preserving an obscure
independence in some inaccessible corner of the
mountains of Armenia. On the other hand the
Romans, with all the pride and haughtiness of
conquerors, consider their instruments or allies
alone as the legitimate kings, and thej' generally
speak of the Arsacidae as a family imposed
upon Armenia by the Parthians. As to the origin
of the Armenian Arsacidae, both the Romans and
Armenians agree, thq,t they were descended from
the dynasty of the Parthian Arsacidae, an opinion
which was so generally established, that Procopius
(De Aedijiciis Jtistmia7ii, iii. 1) says, that nobody
had the slightest doubt on the fact. But as to the
origin of the earlier kings, who according to the
Romans were not Arsacidae, we must prefer the
statements of the Annenians, who, as all Orientals,
paid great attention to the genealogy of their great
families, and who say that those kings were Ar-
sjicidae. »

The Persian historians know this dynjisty by
the name of the Ashcauians, and tell us, that its
founder was one Ashk, who lived at the time of
Alexander the Great. But the Persian authors
throw little light upon the history of the Arsa-
cidae. A series of the kings, according to
the Romans, is necessary for understanding their
historians. But as their statements are rather
one-sided, they will be found insufficient not only
for a closer investigation into the history of Ar-
menia, but also for many other events connected
with the history of the eastern empire. It has,
therefore, been thought advisable to give first the
series of the kings according to the Roman writers,
and afterwards a series of these kings according to
the Roman accounts combined with those of the
Armenians. The chronology of this period has
not yet been satisfactorily fixed, and many points
remain vague.

The following is a series of the Arsacidae and
other kings of Annenia according to the Romans.

Artaxias I., praefect of Armenia Magna under
Antiochus the Great, became the independent
king of Armenia in b. c. 188. [Artaxias I.]

Tig RAXES I., the ally of Mithridates the Great
against the Romans. [Tigranes I.]

Artavasdes I., the son of Tigranes I., taken
prisoner by M. Antonius. [Artavasdes I.]

Artaxias II., the son of Artavasdes I., killed
by his rebellious subjects. [Artaxias II.]

Tigranes II. , the son of Artavasdes I., and
tlie brother of Artaxias II., established in Armenia
by order of Augustus, by Tiberius Nero. [Ti-
granes II.]

Artavasdes II., perhaps the son of Artaxias II.,
driven out by his subjects. [Artavasdes II.]

TiciRANES III., the son of Tigranes II., the
competitor of Artavasdes II., driven out by Caius

[Ti-

Caesar. He was the last of his race.
GRANES III.]

Ariobarzanes. After Artavasdes II. and Ti-
granes III. had been driven out by the Romans,
the choice of Augustus for a king of the Arme-
nians fell upon one Ariobarzanes, a Median or
Parthian prince, who seems not to have belonged
to the dynasty of the Arsacidae. As Ariobar-
zanes was a man of great talents and distinguished
by bodily beauty, a quality which the eastern
nations have always liked to see in their kings,
the Armenians applauded the choice of Augustus.
He died suddenly after a short reign in a. d. 2,
according to the chronologj' of St. Martin. He
left male issue, but the Armenians disliked his
children, and chose Erato their queen. She was,
perhaps, the widow of Tigranes III. (Tac. An?i.
iii. 4.)

Vonones. Erato was deposed by the Amie-
nians after a short reign, and the throne remained
vacant for several years, till the Armenians at
length chose Vonones as their king, the son of
Phraates IV., and the exiled king of Parthia,
(a. d. 16.) Vonones maintained himself but one
year on the throne, as he was compelled to fly
into Syria through fear of Artabanus III., the
king of Parthia, [Arsaces XVIII.]

Artaxias III., chosen king, a. d. 18, about
two years after Vonones had fled into Syria. [Ar-
taxias III.]

Arsaces I., the eldest son of Artabanus, king
of the Parthians, was placed on the throne of
Armenia by his father, after the death of Artaxias
III. He perished by the treachery of Mithridates,
the brother of Pharasmanes, king of Iberia, who
had bribed some of the attendants of Arsaces to kill
their master. After his death, which happened in
a. d. 35, Mithridates invaded Armenia and took
its capital, Artaxata. Josephus (xviii. 3. § 4.)
calls this Armenian king Orodes, but this was the
name of his brother, who, as we learn from Tacitus,
was sent by the Parthian king to revenge his
death. (Tac. Ann, vi. 31 — 33 ; Dion Cass. Iviii.
26.)

jMithridates, the aforesaid brother of Pharas-
manes, was established on the throne of Armenia
by the emperor Tiberius, a. d. 35. He was re-
called to Rome by Caligula, but sent into Armenia
again by Claudius, about A. D. 47, where he con-
tinued to reign, supported by the Romans, till ho
was expelled and put to death by his nephew
Rhadamistus, a. d. 52. (Tac. A?in. vi. 33, ix. 8,
9, xii. 44—47 ; Dion Cass. Ix. 8.)

Rhadamistus, the son of Pharasmanes, king of
Iberia, was a highly gifted but ambitious j'outh,
whom his old father tried. to get rid of by exciting
him to invade Armenia, for which purpose he gave
him an arni)\ (a. d. 52.) Rhadamistus, seconded
by the perfidy of the Roman praefect in Armenia,
Pollio, succeeded in seizing upon the person of his
uncle, whom he put to death with his wife and
his children. Rhadamistus then ascended the
throne ; but Vologeses I., the king of the P.ir-
thians, took advantage of the distracted state of
the country to send his brother Tiridates into
Armenia, and proclaim him king. Tiridates ad-
vanced upon Tigranocerta, took this city and
Artaxata, and compelled Rhadamistus to Hy. Rha-
damistus was subsequently killed by his father
Pharasmanes. (Tac. Ann. xii. 44 — 51, xiii. G, 37.)

Tiridates I., the brother of Vologeses I., king

ARSACIDAE.

of the Parthians, was driven out of Armenia by
Corbulo, who appointed in his place Tigranes IV.,
the grandson of king Archelaus, a. d. 60. [Ti-
granes IV.] Tiridates subsequently received the
crown as a gift from Nero, A. D. 63. [Arsaces
XXIII., Tiridates I.]

ExEDARES {Ardaslw^ IIf-)y an Arsacid (of the
younger Armenian branch), was driven out by
Chosroes or Khosrew, king of the Parthians.
(Dion Cass. Ixviii. 17.) According to Moses
Chorenensis (ii. 44 — 57), Exedares, who is called
Ardashes 111., was a mighty piince, who humbled
the annies of Domitian, but was finally driven out
"by Trajan. Chosroes placed on the throne in his
stead Parthamasiris, a Parthian prince. Exedares
reigned during forty-two years, from a. D. 78 to
] 20, but was several times compelled to Hy from
his kingdom.

Parthamasiris, the son of Pacorus (Arsaces
XXIV.), king of Parthia, and the nephew of
Chosroes, who supported him against Trajan.
Parthamasiris, reduced to extremity, humbled him-
self before Trajan, and placed his royal diadem at
the feet of the emperor, hoping that Trajan would
restore it to him and recognize him as a subject
king. But he was deceived in his expectation,
and Armenia was changed into a Roman province.
According to some accounts, he was put to death
by Trajan. (Dion Cass. Ixviii. 17 — "20; comp.
Eutrop. viii. 2 ; Fronto^ Princip. Hist. p. 248, ed.
Niebulir.)

Partiiamaspates, was appointed by Trajan
king of Parthia, but after he had. been expelled by
the Parthians [Arsaces XXV.]; he seems to
have subsequently received the kingdom of Arnienia
from Hadrian. (Comp. Spartan. Hiuir. cc. 21, 5,
where he is called Fsamatossiris.)

AcHAEMENiDES, the son of Parthamaspates.
There are some coins on which lie is represented
with the diadem, which seems to have been given
to him by Antoninus Pius. (lamblichus, ap. FJiot.
Cod. 1)4. p. 75, b , ed. Bekker.)

SoAEMUs or SoHEMUs (2oa</ios), the son of
Atliaemcnides, Avas established on the throne by
Thucydides, the lieutenant of Lucius (Martins)
Verus, during the reign of M. Auielius Antoninus,
(lamblich. ap. Phot. I. c.) We ham from Moses
Chorenensis (ii. 60 — 64), that the national king,
who was supported by Vologcscs II. of Parthia,
was Dikran or Tignuies. Soaemus was an Arsacid.
(Dion Cass. Fraym. Ixxi. p. 1201, ed. Reimar.)

Sanatruces (2ai'aTpouK7ys), the son of Soae-
mus, as it seems, was established on the throne by
Septimius Severus. According to Sitidas, he was
a man highly distinguished by his warlike quali-
ties and many nobler virtues. He seems to be the
king of Armenia mentioned by Dion Cassius, who
w.'us treacherously seized upon by Caracalla, about
A. D. 212. The Annenian name of Sanatnices is
Sanadrug. (Dion Cass. Ixxv. 9, Ixxvii. 12 ; Suidas,
s. V. 'SavarpovHTji ; comp. Herodian, iii. 9.)

VuLOGESEs, the son of Sanatruces, whom Dion
Cassius(lxxvii. 12) calls king of the Parthians. [Ar-
saces XXIX.] Vciillant thinks that he was the king
.'eized upon by Csu^calla. On the other hand, the
Armenijui historians tell us that Wagharsh, in
(J reek Vologeses or Valarsases, the son of Dikran
(Tigranes), reigned over Armenia, or part of
Anmnia, from a. d. 178 to 198, and that he per-
ish(>d in a battle against the Khazars, near Der-
bont, in 198. It is of course impossible that he

ARSACIDAE.

363

should have been seized by Caracalla, who suc-
ceeded his father Septimius Severus in 211. Nor
do the Armenians mention any king of that name
who was a contemporary either of Septimiug
Severus or Caracalla. (Moses Choren. ii. Go — 68.)

Tiridates II., the sou of Vologeses. [Tiri-
dates II.]

Arsaces 1 1., the brother of ArtabanusIV.,the last
Arsacid in Parthia, by whom he was made king of
Armenia in the first year of the reign of Alexander
Severus. (a. d. 222 — 223.) When his brother
was killed by Artaxerxes (Ardashir), the first
Sassanid on the Persian throne, he resisted the
usurper, and united his warriors with those of
Alexander Severus in the memorable war against
Artaxerxes. [Sassamdae.] {Frocop. de AedifU'iis
Justin, iii. 1 ; Dion Cass. Ixxx. 3, 4 ; Herodian,
vi. 2, &c.; Agathias, pp. 65, 134, ed. Paris.)

Artavasdes III., the ally of Sapor against the
emperor Valerian, A. d. 260. (Trebell. Poll Va-
lerian. 6.)

Eusebius {Hist.Ecd. ix. 8) mentions a Christian
king of Armenia during the reign of Diocletian,
who seems to have been the son of Artavasdes III.
During the war of Diocletian with Narses, king of
Persia, this king of Armenia joined the Roman
army commanded by Galerius Caesar. After the
accession of Maximinianus he was involved in a
war with this emperor, who intended to abolish
the Christian religion in Armenia.

Tiridates III. [Tiridates III.]

Arsaces III. (Tiranus), the son of Diran
(Tiridates III.), ascended the throne either in the
seventeenth year of the reign of Constantius, that
is, in A. D. 354, or perhaps as early as 341 or 342,
after his father had been made prisoner and de-
prived of his sight by Sapor II., king of Persia.
After the reconciliation of Sapor with his captive
Diran (Tiridates), Arsaces was chosen king, since
his father, on account of his blindness, was unable
to reign according to the opinion of the eastern
nations, which opinion was also entertained by the
Greeks of the Lower Empire, whence we so often
find that when an emperor or usurper succeeded
in making his rival prisoner, he usually blinded
him, if he did not venture to put him to death.
The nomination of Arsaces was approved by the
emperor Constantius. The new king nevertheless
took the part of Sapor in his war with the Romans,
but soon afterwards made peace with the latter.
He promised to pay an annual tribute, and Con-
stantius allowed him to marry Ol^'mpias, tlie
daughter of the praefect Ablavius, a near rehition
of the empress Constantia, and who had been be-
trothed to Constans, the brother of Constantius.
Ulympias was afterwards poisoned by a mistress
of Sapor, an Annenian princess of the name of
P'harhandsem.

To punish the defection of Arsaces, Sapor in-
vaded Anuenia and took Tigranocerta. He was
thus involved in a war with the emperor Julian,
the successor of Constantius, who opened his
famous campaign ag:vinst the Persians (a. d. 363)
in concert with Arsaces, on whose active co-opei-:i-
tion the success of the war in a great measure di*-
pended. But Julian's sanguine expectations of
overthrowing the power of the Sassanidae was de-
stroyed by the pusillanimity, or more probably
well calculated treachery, of Arsaces, who withdrew
his troops from the Roman camp near Ctesiphon in
the mouth of June, 363. Thence the disastrous

864

AftSACIDAE.

retreat of the Romans and the deatli of Julian,
who died from a wound on the 2Gth of the same
month, Jovian, who was chosen emperor in the
camp, saved the Roman army by a treaty in July,
by which he renounced his sovereignty over the
tributary kingdoms of Armenia and Iberia.
Arsaces, in the hope of receiving the reward of his
treachery, ventured into the camp of Sapor. He
was at first received with honour, but in the
midst of an entertainment was seized by order of
Sapor and confined in the tower of Oblivion at
Ecbatana, where he was loaded with silver chains.
He died there by the hand of a faithful servant,
whom he implored to release hira with his sword
from the humiliation of his aiptivity. Arsaces
reigned tyrannically, and had a strong piirty
against him, especially among the nobles. (Ainni.
Marc. XX. 11, xxi. 6, xxiii. 2, 3, xxv. 7, xxvii.
12 ; Procop. de Bell. Pers. i. 5.)

Para, the son of Arsaces III. and Olympias.
(Tillemont, Histoire des Empereurs.) No sooner
had Sapor seized Arsaces, than he put one Aspa-
cures on the throne of Armenia. Para, the heir
and successor of Arsaces, was reduced to the pos-
session of one fortress, Artogerassa (perhaps Arta-
geni, or Ardis, towards the sources of the Tigris,
above Diyarbekr or Amida), where he was be-
sieged with his mother Olympias by the superior
forces of Sapor. The fortress surrendered after a
gallant defence, Olympias fell into the hands of
the conqueror, but Para escaped to Neocaesareia,
and implored the aid of the emperor Valens. The
emperor ordered him to be well treated, and pro-
mised to assist him. Terentius, a Roman general,
led the fugitive king back into Armenia with a
sufficient force, and Para was acknowledged as
king ; and though attacked by Siipor, he continued
to reign with the assistance of the Romans. Para
was a tyrant. Misled by the intrigues of Sapor,
he killed Cy laces and Artabanus, two of his chief
ministers. As Valens was dissatisfied with the
conduct of the Armenian king, Terentius persuaded
him to go to Cilicia, pretending that the emperor
wished to have an interview with him. When
Para arrived at Tarsus, he was treated with due
respect, but so closely watched as to bo little better
than a prisoner. He escaped with a body of light
cavalry, and swimming across the Euphrates, ar-
rived safely in Armenia in spite of an ardent pur-
suit. He continued to show himself a friend of
the Romans, but Valens distrusted him and re-
solved upon his death. Trajanus, a Roman dux,
or general, executed the emperor's secret order.
He invited Para to a banquet, and when the guests
were half intoxicated, a band of Roman soldiers
rushed in, and Para and his attendents were slain
after a brave resistance, A. d. 374 or 377. The
Armenian name of Para is Bab. (Amm. Marc.
xxvii. 12. XXX. 1.)

Arsaces IV. (V. of Vaillant), the son of Para
or Bab. According to Vaillant, he was the ne-
phew of Para, being the son of one Arsaces (IV.
of Vaillant), who was the brother of Para ; this
opinion has been adopted by distinguished histo-
rians, but it seems untenable. Arsaces IV. reigned
a short time together with his brother Valarsaces
or Wagharshag, who died soon. In a war against
an usurper, Waraztad, the son of Anob, who was
the brother of Arsjices 111., Arsaces IV. showed
Buch a want of character and energy that he owed
his success merely to the bad conduct of the

ARSACIDAE.

usurper, who was at first supported by the emperor
Theodosius the Great. The weakness of Arsaces
being manifest, Theodosius and Sapor III. formed
and carried into execution the plan of dividing
Ai-menia. Arsaces was allowed to reign as a
vassal king of Constantinople in the western and
smaller part of Armenia, while the larger and
eastern part became the share of Sapor, who gave
it to Chosroes or Khosrew, a noble belonging to
the house of the Arsacidae, of which there were
still some branches living in Persia. According to
St. Martin this happened in 387. Procopius
mentions one Tigranes, brother of Arsaces, who
reigned over eastern Armenia, which he ceded to
Sapor. The whole history of the division of Ar-
menia is very obscure, and the chief sources, Pro-
copius and Moses Chorenensis are in manifest con-
tradiction. Arsaces IV. died in 389, and his
dominions were conferred by the emperor upon his
general, Cas;ivon, who was descended from the
family of the Gamsaragans, which was a branch
of the Arsacidae. It seems that this general was
a most able diplomatist, and that his nomination
Aras a plot concerted betv/een him and Theodosius
to bring all Armenia under the imperial authority ;
Casavon declared himself a vassal of Chosroes, and
this vassal suddenly broke his allegiance towards
Sapor, and submitted to Theodosius. On this
Bahrara IV., the successor of Sapor, invaded Ar-
menia, seized Chosroes ajid put Bahram Shapur
(Sapor) the brother of Chosroes, on the vassal
throne of (eastern) Annenia. (392.) In 414,
Chosroes was re-established by Yezdegerd I., the
successor of Bahram IV., and after the death of
Chosroes, in 415, Yezdegerd's son, Shapur or Sa-
por, became king. Sapor died in 419, and till
422 there was an inteiTegnum in Armenia till Ar-
dashes (Artasires) ascended the throne. (Proco-
pius, de Aedif. Juatin. iii. 1.5; De Bell. Pers. ii.
3 ; Moses Choren. iii. 40, &c., 49, &.c.)

Aktasires, the last Arsacid on the throne of
Annenia, the son of Bahram Shapur, and the
nephew of Chosroes. Moses Chorenensis tells us,
that his real name was Ardashes. (Artases or
Artaxes.) He was made king of Armenia in 422,
by Bahram IV^, who ordered or requested him to
adopt the name of Ardashir (Artasires or Artax-
erxes). As Artasires was addicted to vices of
every description, the people, or rather the nobles
of Armenia, wished for another king. Since the
conversion of prince Gregory (afterwards St. Gre-
gory), the son of Anag, the Arsacid, to the Chris-
tian rehgion, in the time of Constantine the Great,
the Armenians had gradually adopted the Chris-
tian religion ; and there was a law that the patri-
arch should always be a member of the royal
family of the Arsacidae. During the reign of Ar-
tasires the office of patriarch was held by Isaac,
to whom the nobles applied when they wished to
choose another king ; but Isaac aware that their
choice would fall upon Bahram, the heathen king
of Persia, refused to assist them. The nobles
thereupon applied straightway to Bahram, who in-
vaded Armenia, deposed Artasires, and united his
dominions to Persia, A. D. 428. From this time
eastern Armenia was called Persarmenia. (Pro-
cop. De Aedif. Justin, iii. 1, 5; Moses Choren.
iii. 63, &c. ; Assemarii, BibliotJieac Otieutali^; vol.
iii. pars i. p. 39G, Aic.)

The following chronological table, which differs in
some points from the preceding narrative, is takea

ARSACIDAE.

from St. Martin, and is founded upon tlic Amionian
histories of Moses Chorenensis and Faustus Byzan-
tinus, compared with the Greek and Roman authors.
A. The first or elder Branch in Armaiia Mugna.
IJ. c. 149. Valarsaces or Wagharshag I., founder of
the Armenian dynasty of the Arsacidae, established
< n the throne of Armenia by his brother, Mithri-
dates Arsaces [ARvSaces VI.] king of the Parthians.
— B.C. 127. Arsaces or Arshag I., his son. — B.c. 114.
Artaces, Artaxes, or Ardashes I., his son. — b. c.
!!J). Tigranes or Dikran I. (II.), his son. — B.C. 36.
Artavasdes or Artawazt I., his son. — B. c. 30. Ar-
taxes II., his son. — B. c. 20. Tigranes II., brother

of Artaxes II. — b. c Tigranes III. — b. c. 0.

Artavasdes II. — b. c. 5. Tigranes III. re-esta-
blished.-— b. c. 2. Erato, queen.

A. D. 2. Ariobarzanes, a Parthian prince, esta-
l)lished by the Romans. — a. d. 4. Artavasdes III.
or Artabases, his son. — a. ». 5. Enito re-established;
death uncertain. — ....Interregnum. — a. d. 16.
Vonones. — a. d. 17. Interregnum. — a. d. 18. Zeno
of Pontus, sumamed Artaxias. — . . . Tigi-anes IV.,
son of Alexander Herodes. — a. d. 35. Arsaces II.
— a. n. 35. Mithridates of Iberia. — a. d. 51. Rha-
daniistus of Iberia. — a. d. 52. Tiridates I. — a. d.
60. Tigranes V. of the race of Herodes. — a. d. 62.
'J'iridates I. re-established by Nero, reigned about
eleven years longer.

B. The sccotid or younger Branchy at first at
Edessa, and sometimes identical with the "Reges
(Jsrhoenenses," afterwards in Armenia Magna.
B. c. 38. Arsham or Ardsham, the Artabazes of
Josephus. {Ant. Jud. xx. 2.) — b. c. 10. Manu, his
son. — B. c. 5. Abgarus, the son of Arsham, the
Ushiuna of the Syrians. This is the celebrated
Abganis who is said to have written a letter to
our Saviour. (Moses Chor. n. 29.)

A. I). 32. Anane or Ananus, the son of Abganis.
— A. D. 36. Sanadrug or Sanatruces, the son of a
sister of Abgares, usurps the throne. — a. d. 58.
Krowant, an Arsacid by the female line, usurps the
throne; conquers all Armenia; cedes Edessa and
Mesopotamia to the Romans. — a. d. 78. Ardashes
or Artaxes III. (Exedares or Axidares), the son of
Sanadrug, established by Vologeses I., king of the
Parthians. — a. d. 120. Ardawazt or Artavasdes IV.,
son of Ardashes III., reigns only some months. —
A. D. 121. Diran or Tiranus I., his brother. — a. d.
142. Dikran or Tigranes VI., driven out by Lucius
(Martins) Verus, who puts Soaemus on the throne.
— A.D.I 78. Wagharsh or Vologeses, the son of
Tigranes VI. — a. d. 198. Chosroes or Khosrew I.,
sumamed Medz, or the Great, the (fabulous) con-
queror (overrunner) of Asia Minor; murdered by
the Arsacid Anag, who was the father of St. Gre-
gory, the apostle of Armenia. — a. d. 232. Ardashir
or Artaxerxcs, the first Sassanid of Persia. — a. d.
259. Dertad or Tiridates IL, sumamed Medz, the
son of Chosroes, established by the Romans. — a. d.
314. Interregnum. Sanadrug seizes northern Ar-
menia, and Pagur southern Armenia, but only for
a short time. — a. 0.316. Chosroes or Khosrew II.,
sumamed P'hok'hr, or "the Little," the son of
Tiridates Mezd. — a. n. 325. Diran or Tiranus II.,
his son. — A. I). 341. Arsaces or Arshag III., his son.
— A. D. 370. Bab or Para. — a. d. 377. Warazuid,
usurper. — a. d. 382. Arsaces IV. (and Valarsaces
or Wagharshag II., his brother). — a. d. 387. Ar-
menia divided. — a. n. 389. Arsaces IV. dies.
<^azavon in Roman Armenia, Chosroes or Khosrew
III. in Persarmenia. — a. d. 392. Bahram Shapur

ARSENIUS.

365

(Sapor), the brother of Chosroes III. — a. d. 414.
Chosroes re-esUiblished by Yt-zdegerd. — a. d. 415.
Shapur or Sapor, the son of Yezdegerd — a. d. 419.
Interregnum. — a. d. 422. Ardashes or Ardashir
(Artasires) IV. — a. d. 428. End of the kingdom
of Armenia. (Comp. Vaillant, Regnum Arsaddarum^
especially Elenchus Regum Armeniae Majoris, in the
Ist. vol. ; Du Four de Longuerue, Annates Arsaci-
darum, Strasb. 1732; Rkhiev, T/L4or.Krit.Versuck
ubcr die Arsaciden und Sassaniden-Dynastien^-Got-
tingen, 1804; St. Martin, Mtmoires hisioriques et
gtograph. sur rArmenie, vol. i.) [W. P.]

ARSA'MENES ('Aporaue'j'Tjs), the son of
Dareius, the commander of the Utii and Myci in
the army of Xerxes. (Herod, vii. 68.)

ARSAMES ('Apo-a'MTjs). 1. The father of
Hvstaspes and grandfather of Dareius. (Herod.
i. *209, vii. 11,224.)

2. Also called Arsanes, the great grandson of
the preceding, and the son of Dareius and Artys-
tone, the daughter of Cyrus, commanded in the
army of Xerxes the Arabians and the Aethiopians
who lived above Egypt. (Herod, vii. 69.) Aes-
chylus {Pers. 37, 300) speaks of an Arsames, who
was the leader of the Egyptians from Memphis in
the army of Xerxes.

3. An illegitimate son of Artaxerxes Mneraon,
murdered by his brotlier Artaxerxes Ochus. (Plut.
Artax. c. 30.)

4. Supposed on the authority of a coin to have
been a king of Amienia about the time of Seleucus
II., and conjectxired to have been the founder of
the city of Arsamosata. ( Eckhel, iii. p. 204, &c.)

ARSE'NIUS ('Apo-eVios). 1. Of Constantinople,
sumamed Autorianus, lived about the middle of
the thirteenth century. He was educated in some
monastery in Nicaea, of which he afterwards be-
came the head. After he had held this office for
some time, he led a private and ascetic life ; and he
appears to have passed some time also in one of the
monasteries on mount Athos. At length, about
A. D. 1255, the emperor Theodorus Lascaris the
Younger raised him to the dignity of patriarch.
In A. D. 1259, when the emperor died, he appointed
Arsenius and Georgius Muzalo guardians to his son
Joannes ; but when Muzalo began to harbour trea-
cherous designs against the young prince, Arsenius,
indignant at such faithless intrigues, resigned the
office of patriarch, and withdrew to a monastery.
In A. D. 1260,, when the Greeks had recovered
possession of Constantinople under Michael Palaeo-
logus, Arsenius was invited to the imperial city,
and requested to resume the dignity of patriarch.
In the year following, the emperor Michael Palaeo-
logus ordered prince .Joannes, the son of Theodorus
Lascaris, to be blinded ; and Arsenius not only
censured this act of the emperor publicly, but pu-
nished him for it with excommunication. Michael
in vain implored forgiveness, till at length, enraged
at such presumption, he assembled a council of
bishops, brought several fictitious accusations against
his patriarch, and caused him to be deposed and
exiled to Proconnesus. Here Arsenius survived
his honourable disgrace for several years ; but the
time of his death is unknown. Fabricius places it
in A. D. 1264. He was a man of great virtue and
piety, but totally unfit for practical life. At the
time when he was yet a monk, he wrote a sj-nopsis
of divine laws {Synopsis Canonuvi), collected from
the writings of the fathers and the decrees of coun-
cils. The Greek original, accompanied by a Latin

J66

ARSINOE.

translation, was published by H. Justellus in the
JiUtliolh. Jur. Canon, vol. ii. p. T^D, &c. His will
likewise, with a Latin translation, was published
by Cotelerius, Monument, ii. p. 168, «&c. (Pachy-
mer. ii. 15, iii. 1, 2, 10, 14, 19, iv. 1—16 ; Nice-
phorus Gregoras, iii. 1, iv. l,&c.; Cave, Hist Lit.
i. p. 725, &c., ed. London ; Fabr. Bihl. Graec. xi.
p. 581.)

2. A Greek monk (Cave calls him Patricius
Romanus), who lived towards the end of the fourth
century of our era, was distinguished for his know-
ledge of Greek and Roman literature. The emperor
Theodosius the Great invited him to his court, and
entrusted to him the education of his sons Arcadius
and Honorius, whose father Arsenius was called.
At the age of forty, he left the court and went to
Egypt, where he commenced his monastic life at
Scetis in the desert of the Thebais. There he spent
forty years, and then migrated to Troe, a place
near Memphis, where he passed the remainder of
his life, with the exception of three years, which
he spent at Canopus. He died at Troe at the age
of ninety-five. There exists by him a short work
containing instructions and admonitions for monks,
which is written in a truly monastic spirit. It was
published with a Latin translation by Combefisius
in his Auctarium Novissimum Bib/ioth. Putr.^ Paris,
1672, p. 301, &c. We also possess forty-four of
his remarkable sayings {upopht/iegmata), wliich had
been collected by his ascetic friends, and which are
printed in Cotelerius' Motiumenta, i. p. 353. (Cave,
Hist. Lit. ii. p. 80, ed. London ; Fabr. BiU. Graec.
xi. p. 580, &c.) [L. S.]

ARSES, NARSES, or OARSES ("Apa-ns,
NoptTT/s, or 'OopffTjs), the youngest son of king Ar-
taxerxes IIL (Ochus.) After tlie eunuch Bagoas
had poisoned Artaxerxes, he raised Arses to the
throne, b. c. 339 ; and that he might have the
young king completely under his power, he caused
the king's brothers to be put to death ; but
one of them, Bisthanes, appears to have escaped
their fate. (Arrian, A7iab. iii. 19.) Arses, how-
ever, could but ill brook the indignities committed
agsiinst his own family, and the bondage in which
he himself was kept ; and as soon as Bagoas per-
ceived that the king was disposed to take ven-
geance, he had him and his children too put to
death, in the third year of his reign. The royal
house appears to have been thus destroyed with
the exception of the above-mentioned Bisthanes,
and Bagoas raised Dareius Codomannus to the
throne. (Diod. xvii. 5 ; Strab. xv. p. 736 ; Plut.
(le Fort. Alex. ii. 3, Arta^r. 1 ; Arrian, Anab. ii.
14; Ctesias, Pers. p. 151, ed. Lion; Svncell.
pp. 145, 392, 394, 487, ed. Dindorf.) [L.^S.]

ARSl'NOE {'hpffivo-n). 1. A daughter of Phe-
gcus, and wife of Alcmaeon. As she disapproved
of the murder of Alcmaeon, the sons of Phegeus
put her into a chest and carried her to Agapenor
at Tegea, where they accused her of having killed
Alcmaeon herself. (Apollod. iii. 7. § 5 ; Alcmaeon,
Agenor.)

2. The nurse of Orestes, who saved him from
the hands of his mother Clytemncstra, and carried
him to the aged Strophius, the father of Pylades.
(Pind. Pyth. xi. 25, 54.) Other traditions called
this nurse Laodameia. (Schol. ad Pind. I. c.)

3. A daughter of Leucippus and Philodice, and
sister of Hilaeira and Phoebe, the Avives of the
Dioscuri. By Apollo she became the mother of
Eriopis, and the Messenian tradition regarded

ARSINOE.

Asclepius also as her son. (Apollod. iii. 1 0. § 3 ;
Pans. ii. 26. § 6 ; Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. iii. 1 4 ;
Cic. de Nat. Dcor. iii. 22.) At SpartJi she had a
sanctuary and was worsliipped as a heroine. (Pans,
iii. 12. § 7.) [L. S.]

ARSl'NOE ('Apo-tj/oT?). 1. The mother of
Ptolemy I., king of Egypt, was originally a concu-
bine of Philip, the father of Alexander the Great,
and was given by Philip to Lagus, a Macedonian,
while she was pregnant with Ptolemy. Hence
Ptolemy was regarded by the Macedonians as the
son of Philip. (Pans. i. 6. § 2 ; Curt. ix. 8 ; Sui-
das, s. V. Aayos.)

2. The daughter of Ptolemy I. and Berenice,
bom about b. c. 316, was married in B. c. 300 to
Lysimachus, king of Thrace, who Avas then far
advanced in years. Lysimachus had put away
Amastris in order to marry Arsinoe, and upon the
death of the former in B. c. 288 [Amastris],
Arsinoe received from Lysimachus the cities of
Heracleia, Amastris, and Dium, as a present.
(Plut. Demtr. 31 ; Pans. i. 10. § 3 ; Menmon, ap.
Pilot, p. 225, a. 30, ed. Bekker.)

Arsinoe, who was anxious to secure the succes-
sion to the throne for her own children, was jea-
lous of her step-son Agathocles, who was married
to her half-sister Lysandra, the daughter of
Ptolemy 1. and Eurydice. Through the intrigues
of Arsinoe, Agathocles was eventually put to
death in B. c. 284. [Agathocles, p. Q5^ a.]
This crime, however, led to the death of Lysima-
chus ; for Lysandra fled with her children to Sc-
leucus in Asia, who was glad of the pretext to
march against Lysimachus. In the war which
followed, Lysimachus lost his life (b. c. 281);
and after the death of her husband, Arsinoe
first fled to Ephesus, to which Lysimachus had
given the name of Arsinoe in honour of her (Steph.
Byz. s. V. "Eipecros)^ and from thence (Polyaen.
viii, 57) to Cassandreia in Macedonia, where she
shut herself up with her sons by Lysimachus.

Seleucus had seized Macedonia after the death
of Lysimachus, but he was assassinated, after a
reign of a few months, by Ptolemy Ceraunus, the
half-brother of Arsinoe, who had now obtained
the throne of Macedonia. Ptolemy was anxious
to obUiin possession of Cassandreia and still
more of the sons of Lysimachus, who might prove
formidable rivals to him. He accordingly made
offers of marriage to Arsinoe, and concealed his
real object by the most solemn oaths and promises.
Arsinoe consented to the union, and admitted him
into the town ; but he had scarcely obtained pos-
session of the place, before he murdered the two
younger sous of Lysimachus in the presence of
their mother. Arsinoe herself fled to Samothrace
(Justin, xvii. 2, xxiv. 2, 3 ; Meranon, ap. Phot. p.
226, b. 34) ; from whence she shortly after went
to Alexandria in Egypt B. c. 279, and married her
own brother Ptolemy II. Philadelphus. (Pans. i.
7. §§ 1, 3 ; Theocrit. Idyll, xv. 128, &c. with the
Scholia ; Athen. xiv. p. 621, a.) Though Arsinoe
bore Ptolemy no children, she was exceedingly be-
loved by him ; he gave her name to several cities,
called a district {vofws) of Egypt Arsinoites after
her, and honoured her memory in various ways.
(Comp. Pans. /. c; Athen. vii. p. 318, b. xi. p.
497, d. e.) Among other things, he commanded
the architect, Dinochares, to erect a temple to Ar-
sinoe in Alexandria, of which the roof was to be
arched with loadstones, so that her statue made of

ARSINOE.

iron miglit appear to float in the air; but the
death of the architect and the king prevented its
completion. (Plin. //. A'', xxxiv. 42.) Coins
were struck in her honour, one of which is figured
lx;low, representing her crowned with a diadem
and her head partially veiled : the reverse contains

a double cornucopia, which illustrates the state-
miMit of Athenaeus (xi. p. 497, b. c), that Ptolemy
I'liiladelphus was the first who had made the
(liiuking-horn, calld f)vr6v^ as an ornament for the
statues of Arsinoe, which bore in the left hand
such a horn, filled with all the fruits of the earth.
It should, however, be remarked that the word
occurs as early as the time of Demosthenes.
{Did. of Ant s. v. pxrrov.)

3. The daughter of Lysimachus and Nicaea,
was married to Ptolemy II. Philadelphus soon
sifter his accession, B. c. 283. When Arsinoe, the
sister of Ptolemy Philadelphus [see No. 2], fled
to Egypt in B. c. 279, and Ptolemy became capti-
vated by her, Arsinoe, the daughter of Lysima-
chus, in conjunction with Amyntas and Chrysip-
pus, a physician of Rhodes, plotted against her ;
but her plots were discovered, and she was banish-
ed to Coptos, or some city of the Thebais. She
had by Ptolemy three children, Ptolemy Evergetes,
afterwards king, Lysimachus, and Berenice. (Schol.
ad T/ieocr. Id. xvii. 128 ; Pans. i. 7. § 3 ; Polyb.
XV. 25.)

4. The wife of Magas, king of Cyrene. In order
to put an end to his disputes with liis brother
Ptolemy II. Philadelphus, Magas had betrothed his
only daughter, Berenice, to the son of Ptolemy,
but died before the marriage took place. As Arsi-
noe disapproved of this connexion, she invited De-
metrius the Fair, the son of Demetrius Poliorcetes,
to Cyrene, in order to become the king of the place
and the husband of Berenice. But his beauty
captivated Arsinoe ; and her daughter indignant
at the treatment she had received, excited a con-
spiracy against him, and caused him to be killed in
the arms of her mother. Berenice then married
tlie son of Ptolemy. (Justin, xxvi. 3.) It is not
stated of what family this Arsinoe was. Niebuhr
{Kleine Scrifie7i, p. 230) conjectures that she was
the same as the daughter of Lysimachus [No. 3],
who after her banishment to Coptos went to
Cyrene, and married Magas.

5. Called Eurydice by Justin Cxxx. 1), and
Cleopatra by Livy (xxvii. 4), but Arsinoe by Po-
lybius, was the daughter of Ptolemy III. Ever-
getes, the wife of her brother Ptolemy IV. Philo-
pator, and the mother of Ptolemy V. Epiphanes.
She was present with her husband at the battle of
Raphia (b. c. 217), in which Antiochus, the
Great, was defeated ; but her profligate husband
was induced towards the end of his reign, by the
intrigues of Sosibius, to order Philammon to put
her to death. But after the death of Ptolemy
Phiiopator, the female friends of Arsinoe revenged

ARTABANUS. 367

her murder ; they broke into the house of Phi-
lammon, and killed him together with his son and
wife. (Polyb. v. 83, 84, 87, xv. 25, 32, 33.)

G'. Daughter of Ptolemy XI. Auletes, escaped
from Caesar, when he was besieging Alexandria
in B. c. 47, and was recognized as queen by the
Alexandrians, since her brother Ptolemy XII.
Dionysus was in Caesar's power. After the c<'ip-
ture of Alexandria she was carried to Rome by
Caesar, and led in triumph by him in b. c. 46, on
which occasion she excited the compassion of the
Roman people. She was soon afterwards dismissed
by Caesar, and returned to Alexandria; but her
sister Cleopatra persuaded Antony to have her put
to death in b. c. 41, though she had fled for re-
fuge to the temple of Artemis Leucophrj'ne in
Miletus. (Dion Cass. xlii. 39, &c., xliii. 19;
Caes. B. C. iii. 112,5. Alex. 4, 33; Appian,
B. C. v. 9, corap. Dion Cass, xlviii. 24.)

ARSI'TES ('Apo-iTr;s), the satrap of the Helles-
pontine Phrygia when Alexander the Great invaded
Asia. After the defeat of the Persians at the
Granicus, Arsites retreated to Phrygia, where he
put an end to his o^vn life, because he had advised
the satraps to fight with Alexander, instead of
retiring before him and laying waste the country,
as Memnon had recommended. (Arrian, Anao. L
13, 17; Paus. i. 29. § 7.)

ARTABA'NUS ('A/JTagaws), sometimes ^vrit-
ten Artapanus or Artapanes. 1. A son of Hys-
taspes and brother of DareiusHystaspis, is described
by Herodotus (iv. 83) as dissuading his brother
from the expedition against the Scythians. In the
reign of Xerxes, the successor of Dareius, Arta-
banus appears occasionally again in the character
of a wise and frank counsellor, and Herodotus in-
troduces him several times as speaking. (Herod,
vii. 10, 46—53.)

2. An Ilyrcanian, who was commander of the
body-guard of king Xerxes. In b. c. 465, Arta-
banus, in conjunction with a eunuch, whom some
call Spamitres and others Mithridates, assassinated
Xerxes, with the view of setting himself upon the
throne of Persia. Xerxes had three sons, Dareius,
Artaxerxes, and Hystaspes, who was absent from
the court as satrap of Bactria. Now as it was
necessary for Artabanus to get rid of these sons
also, he persuaded Artaxerxes that his brother
Dareius was the murderer of his father, and stimu-
lated him to avenge the deed by assa-ssinating
Dareius. This was done at the earliest opportunity.
Artabanus now communicated his plan of usurping
the throne to his sons, and his intention to murder
Artaxerxes also. When the moment for carrying
this plan into effect had come, he insidiously struck
Artaxerxes with his sword; but the blow only
injured the prince slightly, and in the struggle
which ensued Artaxerxes killed Artabanus, and
thus secured the succession to himself. (Diod. xi.
69.) Justin (iii. 1), who knows only of the two

S68 ARTABAZUS.

brothers, Dareius and Artaxerxes, gives a different
account of the circumstances under which Arta-
banus was killed. (Comp. Ctesias, Pers. p. 38,
&c., ed Lion ; Aristot. Polit. v. 10.)

3. A Greek historian of uncertain date, who
wrote a work on the Jews(7r€pi'Ioi;Sa£WP'), some of
the statements of which are preserved in Clemens
Alexandrinus (Strom, i. p. 149), the Chronicum
Alexandrinum (p. 148), and Eusebius. {Praep.
Evang. ix. 18, 23, 27.)

4. 1. II. III. IV., kings of Parthia, [Arsaces,
III. VIII. XIX. XXXI.] LL- S.]

ARTABAZA'NES {' ApraSa^ivr}s). 1. The
eldest son of Dareius Hystaspis, also called Aria-
bignes. [Aria big nes.]

2. King of the people whom Polybius calls the
Satrapeii, and who appear to have inhabited that
part of Asia usually called Media Atropatene.
Artabazanes was the most powerful king of this
part of Asia in the time of Antiocbus the Great,
and appears to have been descended from Atropatus,
who founded the kingdom in the time of the last
king of Persia, .ind was never conquered by the
Macedonians. When Antiochus marched against
Artabazanes, in b. c. 220, he made peace with
Antiochus upon terms which the latter dictated.
(Polyb. v. 55.)

ARTABA'ZES. [Artavasdes.]

ARTABA'ZUS {'ApriSa^os). 1. A Median,
who acts a prominent part in Xenophon's account
of Cyrus the Elder, whose relative Artabazus pre-
tended to be. He is described there as a friend of
Cyras, and advising the Medes to follow Cyrus
and remain faithful to him. Cyras employed him
on various occasions : when Araspes was on the
point of violating Pantheia, the wife of Abradatas,
Cyrus sent Artabazus to protect her ; in the war
against Croesus, Artabazus was one of the chiliarchs
of the infantry. Cyras bestowed upon him various
lionours and presents for his faithful attachment
(Xenoph. Cyrcrp. i. 4. § 27, iv. ]. § 23, v. 1. § 23,
vi. 1. §§ 9, 34, vi. 3. § 31, vii. 5. § 48, viii. 3,
§ 25, 4. §§ 1, 12, 24.)

2. A distinguished Persian, a son of Phamaces,
who lived in the reign of Xerxes. In the expedi-
tion of this king to Greece, B. c. 480, Artabazus
commanded the Parthians and Choasmians.
(Herod, vii. QQ.) When Xerxes quitted Greece,
Artabazus accompanied him as far as the Helles-
pont, and then returned with his forces to Pallene.
As Potidaea and the other towns of Pallene had
revolted from the king after the battle of Salamis,
Artabazus determined to reduce them. He first
laid siege to Olynthus, which he took ; he butch-
ered the inhabitants whom he had compelled to
quit the town, and gave the j)lace and the town to
the Chalcidians. After this Artabazus began the
siege of Potidaea, and endeavoured to gain his end
by bribes ; but the treachery was discovered and
liis plans thwarted. The siege lasted for three
months, and when at last the town seemed to be
lost by the low wators of the sea, which enabled
his troops to approach the walls from the sea-side,
an almost wonderful event saved it, for the return-
ing tide was higher than it had ever been before.
The troops of Artabazus were partly overwhelmed
by the waters and partly cut down by a sally of the
Potidaeans. He now >\ithdrew with the remnants
of his army to Thessaly, to join Mardonius. (viii.
126—130.)

Shortly before the battle of Plataeae, b, c. 479,

ARTABAZUS.
Artabazus dissuaded Mardonius from entering on
an engagement with the Greeks, and urged him to
lead his army to Thebes in order to obtain pro-
visions for the men and the cattle ; for he enter-
tained the conviction that the mere presence of the
Persians would soon compel the Greeks to sur-
render, (ix. 41.) His counsel had no effect, and
as soon as he perceived the defeat of the Persians
at Plataeae, he fled with forty thousand men through
Phocis, Thessaly, Macedonia, and Thrace, to By-
zantium, and led the remnants of his army, which
had been greatly diminished by hunger and the
fatigues of the retreat, across the Hellespont into
Asia. (ix. 89; Diod. xi. 31, 33.) Subsequently
Artabazus conducted the negotiations between
Xerxes and Pausanias. (Thuc. i. 129 ; Diod. xi.
44 ; C. Nepos, Pans. 2, 4.)

3. One of the generals of Artaxerxes I., was
sent to Egypt to put down the revolt of Inaras,
B, c. 4(>2. He advanced as far as Memphis, and
accomplished his object. (Diod. xi. 74, 77 ; comp.
Thuc. i. 109 ; Ctesias, Pers. p. 42, ed. Lion.) In
B. c. 450, he was one of the commanders of the
Persian fleet, near Cypras, against Cimon. (Diod.
xii. 4.)

4. A Persian general, who was sent in b. c.
362, in the rqign of Artaxerxes II., against the
revolted Datames, satrap of Cappadocia, but was
defeated by the bravery and resolution of the
latter. (Diod. xv. 91 ; comp. Thirl wall. Hist, of
Greece., vi. p. 129.) In the reign of Artaxerxes
III., Artabazus was satrap of western Asia, but in
B. c. 356 he refused obedience to the king, which
involved him in a war with the other satraps, who
acknowledged the authority of Artaxerxes. He
was at first supported by Chares, the Athenian,
and his mercenaries, whom he rewarded very
generously. Afterwards he was also supported by
the Thebans, who sent him 5000 men under Pam-
menes. With the assistance of these and other
allies, Artabazus defeated his enemies in two great
battles. Artaxerxes, however, succeeded in depriv-
ing him of his Athenian and Boeotian allies,
whereupon Artabazus was defeated by the king's
general, Autophradates, and was even taken
prisoner. The Rhodians, Mentor and jSIemnon,
two brothers-in-law of Artabazus, who had like-
wise supported him, still continued to maintain
themselves, as they were aided by the Athenian
Charidemus, and even succeeded in obtaining the
liberation of Artabazus. After this, ArUibazua
seems either to have continued his rebellious ope-
rations, or at least to have commenced afterwards
a fresh revolt ; but he was at last obliged, with
Memnon and his whole family, to take refuge with
Philip of Macedonia. During the absence of Arta-
bazus, Mentor, his brother-in-law, was of great
service to the king of Persia in his war against
Nectanebus of Egypt. After the close of this war,
in B. c. 349, Artaxerxes gave to Mentor the com-
mand against the rebellious satraps of western
Asia. Mentor availed himself of the opportunity
to induce the king to grant pardon to Artabazus and
Memnon, who accordingly obtained permission to
return to Persia. (Diod. xvi. 22, 34, 52 ; Dem. c.
Aristocr. p. 671, &c.) In the reign of Dareius
Codomannus, Artabazus distinguished himself by
his great fidelity and attachment to his sovereign.
He took part in the battle of Arbela, and after-
wards accompanied Dareius on his flight. After
the death of the latter, Alexander rewarded Arta-

ARTAPHERNES.

baztiR for his fidelity with the satrapy of Bactria.
J lis daughter, Barsine, became by Alexander the
mother of Heracles ; a second daughter, Artocania,
was given in marriage to Ptolemy ; and a third,
Artonis, to Eumenes. In B. c. 328, Artabazus,
then a man of very advanced age, resigned his
satrapy, which was given to Cleitus. (Arrian,
J naL ill 23, 20, vii. 4 ; Curtius, iii. 13, v. 9, 12,
vj. 5, vii. 3, 5, viii. 1 ; Strab. xii. p. 578 ; comp.
Droyst'n, Gesch. Alex, des Gross, p. 497-) [L. S.J

ARTACAMA. [Artabazus, No. 4.]

ARTACHAEES ('ApToxo/rjs), a distinguished
Persian, and the tallest man in the nation, super-
intended the construction of the canal across the
isthmus of Athos. He died while Xerxes was
with his army at Athos ; and the king, who was
deeply grieved at his loss, gave him a splendid
funeral, and the whole army raised a mound. In
tlie time of Herodotus, the Acanthians, in pursuance
of an oracle, sacrificed to Artachaees as a hero.
(Herod, vii. 22, 117.) This mound appears to be
the one described by Lieutenant Wolfe, who re-
marks: "About 1^ mile to the westward of the
north end of the canal (of Xerxes) is the modern
village of Erso (on the site of Acanthus), which
gives its name to the bay, situated on an eminence
overhanging the beach : this is crowned by a re-
markable mound, forming a small natural citadel."
{Classical Miiseum, No. I. p. 83, Lond. 1843.)

ARTANES( 'ApTatn^s), a son of Hystaspes and
brother of Dareius Hystaspis, had given his only
daughter and all his property to Dareius, and was
afterwards one of the distinguished Persians who
fought and fell in the battle of Thermopylae.
(Herod, vii. 224.) [L. S.]

ARTAPANUS or ARTAPANES. [Arta-

BANUS.]

ARTAPHERNES {'ApTa<p4pvm). 1. A son
of Hystaspes and brother of Dareius Hystaspis,
who was appointed satrap of Sardis. In the year
B, c. 505, when the Athenians sought the protec-
tion of Persia against Sparta, they sent an embassy
to Artaphernes. The satrap answered, that the
desired alliance with Persia could be granted only
on condition of their recognizing the supremacy of
king Dareius. When Hippias, the son of Peisis-
tratus, had taken refuge in Asia, he endeavoured
to induce Artaphernes to support his cause, and
the Athenians, on being informed of his machina-
tions, again sent an embassy to Artaphernes, re-
questing him not to interfere between them and
Hippias. The reply of Artaphernes, that they
should suffer no harm if they would recall their
tyrant, shewed the Athenians that they had to
hope nothing from Persia. In B. c. 501, Arta-
phernes was induced by the brilliant hopes which
Aristagoras of Miletus held out to him, to place,
with the king's consent, 200 ships and a Persian
force at the command of Aristagoras, for the pur-
pose of restoring the Naxian exiles to their coun-
try. But the undertaking failed, and Aristagoras,
unable to realise his promises, was driven by fear
to cause the insurrection of the lonians against
Persia. When in B. c. 499 Aristagoras and his
Athenian allies marched against Sardis, Artapher-
nes, not expecting such an attack, withdrew to the
citadel, and the town of Sardis fell into the hands
of the Greeks and was burnt. But the Greeks re-
turned, fearing lest they should be overwhelmed
by a Persian army, which might come to the relief
of Artaphernes. In the second year of the Ionian

ARTAS.

369

war, B. c. 497, Artaphernes and Otanes began to
attjick vigorously the towns of Ionia and Aeolis.
Cumae and Clazomenae fell into the hands of the
Persians. Artaphernes was sharp enough to see
through the treacherous designs of Histiaeus, and
expressed his suspicions to him at Sardis. The
fear of being discovered led Histiaeus to take to
flight. Some letters, which he afterwards addres-
sed to some Persians at Sardis, who were concerned
in his designs, were intercepted, and Artaphernes
had all the guilty Persians put to death. From
this time Artaphernes disappears from history, and
he seems to have died soon afterwards. (Herod.
V. 25, 30—32, 100, 123, vi. 1, &c.; comp. Hip-
pias, Aristagoras, Histiaeus.)

2. A son of the former. After the unsuccessful
enterprise of Mardonius against Greece in B. c.
492, king Dareius placed Datis and his nephew
Artaphernes at the head of the forces which were
to chastise Athens and Eretria. Artaphernes,
though superior in rank, seems to have been in-
ferior in military skill lo Datis, who was in reality
the commander of the Persian army. The troops
assembled in Cilicia, and here they were taken on
board 600 ships. This fleet first sailed to Samos,
and thence to the Cyclades. Naxos was taken and
laid in ashes, and all the islands submitted to the
Persians. In Euboea, Carystus and Eretria also
fell into their hands. After this the Persian army
landed at Marathon. Here the Persians were de-
feated in the memorable battle of Marathon, B. c.
490, whereupon Datis and Artaphernes sailed
back to Asia. When Xerxes invaded Greece,
B. c. 480, Artaphernes commanded the Lydians
and Mysians. (Herod, vi. 94, 116, vii. 10. § 2,
74 ; Aeschyl. Pers. 21.)

3. A Persian, who was sent by king Artaxerxes
I., in B. c. 425, with a letter to Sparta. While
he passed through Eion on the Strymon, he was
aiTested by Aristeides, the son of Archippus, and
carried to Athens, where the letter of his king was
opened and translated. It contained a complaint
of the king, that owing to the many and discrepant
messages they had sent to him, he did not know
what they wanted ; and he therefore requested them
to send a fresh embassy back with Artaphernes,
and to explain clearly what they wished. The
Athenians thought this a favourable opportunity
for foi-ming connexions themselves with Persia,
and accordingly sent Artaphernes in a galley, ac-
companied by Athenian ambassadors, to Ephesus.
On their arrival there they received intelligence of
the death of king Artaxerxes, and the Athenians
returned home. (Thuc. iv. 50.) [L. S.]

ARTAS or ARTUS f Apras, Thuc. ; "Aproy,
Demetr. and Suidas), a prince of the Alessapians in
the time of the Peloponnesian war. Thucydides
(vii. 33) relates that Demosthenes in his passage
to Sicily (b.c.413) obtained from him a force of 150
dartmen, and renewed with him an old-existing
friendly connexion. This connexion with Athens is
explained b}' the long enmity, which, shortly before,
was at its height, between the Messapians and the
Lacedaemonian Tarentum. (Comp. Niebuhr, i.
p. 148.) The visit of Demosthenes is, probably,
what the comic poet Demetrius alluded to in the
lines quoted from his " Sicily" by Athenaeus
(iii. p. 108), who tells us further, that Polemon
wrote a book about him. Possibly, however, as
Polemon and Demetrius both flourished about 300
B. c, this may be a second Artas. The name is

9 H

370

ARTAVASDES.

found also in Hesychius, who quotes from the
lines of Demetrius, and in Suidas, who refers to
Polemon. [A. H. C]

ARTASrRES. [Arsacidae, p. 364, b.]

ARTAVASDES {"ApTaovda?>vs or 'ApraedaS-ns),
ARTAUASDES('ApTaowc{(r5r?s),orARTABAZES
('Apragof'Tjs), called by the Armenian historians,
Artawazt. 1. King of the Greater Armenia, suc-
ceeded his father Tigranes I (II). In the expedition
of Crassus against the Parthians, B. c. 54, Arta-
vasdes was an ally of the Romans ; but when
Orodes, the king of Parthia, invaded Media, and
Artavasdes was unable to obtain assistance from
the Romans, he concluded a peace with the Par-
thian king, and gave his sister or daughter in mar-
riage to Pacorus, the son of Orodes. When Pa-
conis subsequently invaded Syria, in b. c. 51,
Artavasdes threatened a descent upon Cappadocia ;
and Cicero, who was then governor of Cilicia,made
preparations to meet him ; but the defeat of Pacoms
put a stop to his designs. (Plut. Crass. 19, 21, 22,
33 ; Dion Cass. xl. 16 ; Cic. odAtt. v. 20, 21, ad
Fum. XV. 2, 3.)

We next hear of Artavasdes in Antony's cam-
paign against the Parthians in B. c. 36. Artavasdes
joined the Romans, as he wished to injure his
namesake Artavasdes, king of Media, with whom
he was at enmity. He accordingly persuaded
Antony to invade Media, but then treacherously
deserted him, and returned with all his forces to
Armenia. (Dion Cass. xlix. 25, 31 ; Plut. Ant. 39,
50 ; Strab. xi. p. 524.) The desertion of the Ar-
menian king was one of the main causes of the
failure of the Roman expedition [see p. 216, a.] ;
and Antony accordingly determined to be revenged
upon Artavasdes. After deferring his invasion of
Armenia for a year, he entered the country in b. c.
34, and contrived to entice Artavasdes into his
camp, where he was immediately seized. The
Armenians thereupon set upon the throne his son
Artaxias [Artaxias II.] ; but Artavasdes him-
self, with his wife and the rest of his family, was
carried to Alexandria, and led in triumph in golden
chains. He remained in captivity till b. c. 30,
•when Cleopatra had him killed, after the battle of
Actium, and sent his head to his old enemy, Arta-
vasdes of Media, in hopes of obtaining assistance
from him in return. (Dion Cass. xlix. 33, 39, 40,
1. 1, li. 5; Plut Ant. 50; Liv. Epit. 131; Veil.
Pat. ii. 82 ; Tac Amu ii. 3 ; Strab. xi. p. 532 ;
Joseph. Ajit. XV. 4. § 3, B.J. i. 18. § 5.)

This Artavasdes was well acquainted with
Greek literature, and wrote tragedies, speeches,
and historical works, some of which were extant
in Plutarch's time. (Plut. Crass. 33.)

Artavasdes II., perhaps the son of Artaxias II.,
was placed upon the Armenian throne by Augustus
after the death of Tigranes II. He was however
deposed by the Armenians ; and C. Caesar, who was
sent into Armenia to settle the affairs of the coun-
try, made Ariobarzanes, a Mede, king. (Tac. Ann.
ii.'3, 4.)

There was another king of the name of Arta-
vasdes in the later history of Armenia, respecting
whom see Arsacidae, p. 363, b.

ARTAVASDES, king of Media Atropatene,
and an enemy of Artavasdes L, king of Armenia.
Antony invaded his country in b. c. 36, at the in-
stigation of the Armenian king, and laid siege to
his capital, Phraaspa. After Antony, however,
had been obliged to retreat from Media with great

ARTAVASDES.
loss, Artavasdes had a serious quarrel with the
Parthian king, Phraates, about the booty which
had been taken from the Romans. In consequence
of this dispute, and also of his desire to be re-
venged upon the king of Armenia, Artavasdes
offered peace and alliance to Antony, through
means of Polemon, king of Pontus. This offer
was gladly accepted by Antony, as he too wished
to punish the Armenian king on account of his de-
sertion of him in his campaign in Media. After
Antony had conquered Armenia in b. c. 34, the
alliance between him and Artavasdes was rendered
still closer by the latter giving his daughter, lotape,
in marriage to Alexander, the son of Antony.
Artavasdes further engaged to assist Antony with
troops against Octavianus, and Antony on liis part
promised the Median king help against the Par-
thians. With the assistance of the Roman troops,
Artavasdes was for a time enabled to carrj' on the
war with success against the Pai'thians and Ar-
taxias II., the exiled king of Armenia; but when
Antony recalled his forces in order to oppose Octa-
vianus, Artavasdes was defeated by Artaxias, and
taken prisoner. Artavasdes recovered his liberty
shortly afterwards. Plutarch {Ant. 61) mentions
Median troops at the battle of Actium ; but these
might have been sent by Artavasdes before his
captivity. After the battle of Actium, Octavianus
restored to Artavasdes his daughter lotape, who
had married Antony's son. Artavasdes died
shortly before B. c. 20. (Dion Cass. xlix. 25, 33,
40, 41, 1. 1, li. 16, liv. 9; Plut, Ant. 38, 52.)

ARTAVASDES or ARTABASDUS {'Aprd-
SatrSos), emperor of Constantinople, was probably
descended from a noble Armenian family. During
the reign of Constantine V. Copronymus (a. d. 741
— 775), he was appointed Curopalatus, and mar-
ried Anna, a daughter of this emperor. Constan-
tine, as his nick-name Caballinus indicates, would
have made an excellent groom, but was a bad
emperor ; excited by fanaticism, he was active in
the destruction of images in the churches, and thus
acquired the name of the new Mohammed. Arta-
vasdes, an adherent of the worship of images, pro-
fited from the discontent of the people against Con-
stantine, and during a campaign of the emperor
against the Arabs, prepaied a revolt in Phrygia.
Constantine, doubtful of his fidelity, demanded the
sons of Artavasdes as hostages for the good conduct
of their father, who refused to give them up, and
suddenly sui-prised his master at the head of an
army. Constantine was defeated, and fled into
Phrygia Pacotiana, where he assembled his troops.
Meantime, the rebel had won over the patrician
Thcoplianes Monotes and Anastasius, the patriarch
of Constantinople, to his cause. Both these men
had great influence among the people, whom they
persuaded that Constantine was dead ; and thus
Artavasdes was proclaimed emperor. He and Con-
stantine both tried to obtain the aid of the Arabs:
but they assisted neither, and shewed hostility
to both. Artavasdes re-established the worship of
images. He conferred the title of emperor upon
his eldest son, Nicephorus ; and he sent his second
son, Nicetas, with an army into Armenia. Con-
stantine found assistance among the warlike inha-
bitants of Isauria, and early in 743 opened a cam-
paign against Artavasdes, which terminated in the
fall of the usurper. In May, 743, Artavasdes wfis
defeated near Sardis ; and in Augxist, 743, his son
Nicetas was routed at Comopolis in Bithynia : in

ARTAXERXES.

this hattlc foil Ti^n-anes, a noble Annonian, the
cousin of Artavasde8. Tlie usurper fled to Con-
Btantinople, where he was besieged by the imperial
forces ; and while this city was exposed to the hor-
rors of famine, Nicolas was taken prisoner near
Nicomodeia. On the 2nd of November, 743, the
besiegers took Constantinople by storm. Arta-
vasdes, his sons, and his principal adherents, had
their eyes put out, were conducted through the
city on asses, with the tails in their hands, and
were afterwards all put to death. Artavasdes was
recognized as emperor by pope Zacharias. (Cedre-
nus, i. pp. 79G-a, ed. Bonn. ; Zonaras, ii. pp. 107,
108, ed. Paris ; Procopius, de Bell. Fers. i. 2, &c. ;
Theophanes, pp. 347-50, ed. Paris.) [W. P.]

ARTAXERXES or ARTOXERXES ('Apro-
^6p^7js or 'ApTol^p^Tjs) is the name of three Per-
sian kings, and signifies, according to Herodotus
(w. 98), "the great warrior" (o t^h"-^ ap-n'Cos).
The word is compounded of Arta, which means
" honoured" [see p. 284, a.], and Xerxes, which
is probably the same as the Zend, ksaihra, and
tlie Sanscrit, kshatra, " a king : " consequently
Artucierjces would mean " the honoured king."

Ahtaxerxes I., surnamed Longimamis (Ma-
Kpox^ip) from the circumstance of his right hand
being longer than his left (Plut. Ariax. 1), was
king of Persia for forty years, from b. c. 465 to
B. c. 425. (Diod. xi. 69, xii. 64 ; Thuc. iv. 50.)
He ascended the throne after his father, Xerxes
I., had been murdered by Artabanus, and after
he liimself had put to death his brother Dareius
on the instigation of Artabanus. (Justin, iii. 1 ;
Ctesias, ap. Phot. BibL p. 40, a., ed. Bekk.) His
reign is characterized by Plutarch and Diodorus
(xi. 71) as wise and temperate, but it was dis-
turbed by several dangerous insurrections of the
satraps. At the time of his accession his only
surviving brother Hystaspes was satrap of Bactria,
and Artaxerxes had' scarcely punished Artabanus
and his associates, before Hystaspes attempted to
make himself independent. After putting down
this insurrection and deposing several other satraps
who refused to obey his commands, Artaxerxes
turned his attention to the regulation of the
financial and military affairs of his empire. These
beneficent exertions were interrupted in B. c. 462,
or, according to Clinton, in B. c. 460, by the in-
f5urrection of the Egyptians under Inarus, who was
su[)ported by the Athenians. The first army
which Artaxerxes sent under his brother Achae-
nienos was defeated, and Achaemenes slain. After
a useless attempt to incite the Spartans to a war
against Athens, Artaxerxes sent a second army
under Artabazus and Megabyzus into Egypt.
A remnant of the forces of Achaemenes, who were
still besieged in a place called the white castle
{\(vk6v Tilxos), near Memphis, was relieved, and
the fleet of the Athenians destroyed by the Athe-
nians themselves, who afterwards quitted Egypt.
Inarus, too, was defeated in B. c. 456 or 455, but
Amyrtaeus, another chief of the insurgents, main-
tained himself in the marshes of lower Egypt.
(Thuc. i. 104, 109 ; Diod. xi. 71, 74, 77.) In
B. c. 449, Cimon sent 60 of his fleet of 300 ships
to the assistance of Amyrtaeus, and with the rest
endeavoured to wrest Cyprus from the Persians.
Notwithstanding the death of Cimon, the Athe-
nians gained two victories, one by land and the
other by sea, in the neigbourhood of Salamis in
Cyprus. After this defeat Artaxerxes is said to

ARTAXERXES.

371

I have commanded his generals to conclude peace
with the Greeks on any terms. The conditions on
which this peace is said to have been concluded
are as follows : — that the Greek towns in Asia
should be restored to perfect independence ; that no
Persian satrap should approach the western coast
of Asia nearer than the distance of a three days'
journey; and that no Persian ship should sail
through the Bosponis, or pass the town of Phaselis
or the Chelidonian islands on the coast of Lycia.
(Diod. xii. 4 ; comp. Thirlwall, Hist, of Greece, iii.
p. 37, &c.) Thucydides knows nothing of this
humiliating peace, and it seems in fact to have
been fabricated in the age subsequent to the events
to which it relates. Soon after these occurrences
Megabyzus revolted in Syria, because Artaxerxes
had put Inarus to death contrary to the promise
which Megabyzus had made to Inarus, when he
made him his prisoner. Subsequently, however,
Megabyzus became reconciled to his master.
(Ctesias, ap. Phot. Bibl. p. 50, &c. ; comp. Mega-
byzus, Inarus.) Artaxerxes appears to have
passed the latter years of his reign in peace. On
his death in b. c. 425, he was succeeded by his
son Xerxes II. (Clinton, Fast. Hell, ii., sub anno,
455, and p. 380.)

Artaxerxes II., surnamed Mnemon (Vlv/niav)
from his good memory, succeeded his father, Da-
reius II., as king of Persia, and reigned from b. c.
405 to B. c. 362. (Diod. xiii. 104, 108.) Cyrus,
the younger brother of Artaxerxes, was the iw-
vourite of his mother Parj'satis, and she endeavour-
ed to obtain the throne for him ; but Dareius gave
to Cyrus only the satrapy of western Asia, and
Artaxerxes on his accession confirmed his brother
in his satrapy, on the request of Parysatis, although
he suspected him. (Xenoph. A7iab. i. 1. § 3 ;
Plut. Artax. 3.) Cyrus, however, revolted against
his brother, and supported by Greek mercenaries
invaded Upper Asia. In the neighbourhood of
Cunaxa, Cyrus gained a great victory over the far
more numerous army of his brother, B. c. 401, but
was slain in the battle. [Cyrus.] Tissaphenies
was appointed satrap of western Asia in the place
of Cyrus (Xenoph. Hellen. iii. 1. § 3), and was
actively engaged in wars with the Greeks. [Thim-
bron; Dercyllidas; Agesilaus.]

Notwithstanding these perpetual conflicts with
the Greeks, the Persian empire maintained itself
by the disunion among the Greeks themselves,
which was fomented and kept up by Persian
money. The peace of Antalcidas, in B. c. 388,
gave the Persians even greater power and influence
than they had possessed before. [Antalcidas.]
But the empire was suffering from internal dis-
turbances and confusion : Artaxerxes himself was
a weak man; his mother, Parysatis, carried on
her horrors at the court with truly oriental
cruelty ; and slaves and eunuchs wielded the reins
of government. Tributary countries and satraps
endeavoured, under such circumstances, to make
themselves independent, and the exertions which
it was necessary to make against the rebels ex-
hausted the strength of the empire. Artaxerxes
thus had to maintain a long struggle against Eva-
goras of Cyprus, from B. c. 385 to B, c. 376, and
yet all he could gain was to confine Evagoras to
his original possession, the town of Salamis and
its vicinity, and to compel him to pay a moderate
tribute. (Diod. xv. 9.) At the same time he had
to caiTy on war against the Cardusians, on the

9 H-2

372

ART AX IAS.

shores of the Caspian sea ; and after his numerous
army was with great difficulty saved from total
destruction, he concluded a peace without gain-
ing any advantages. (Diod. xv. 9, 10; Plut.
Artax. 24.) His attempts to recover Egj^pt
were unsuccessful, and the general insurrection
of his subjects in Asia Minor failed only through
treacliery among the insurgents themselves. (Diod.
XV. 90, &c.) When Artaxerxes felt that the
end of his life was approaching, he endeavoured
to prevent all quarrels respecting the succession
by fixing upon Dareius, the eldest of his three
legitimate sons (by his concubines he had no less
than 115 sons, Justin, x. 1), as his successor, and
granted to him all the outward distinctions of
royalty. But Dareius soon after fell out with his
father about Aspasia, and formed a plot to assassi-
nate him. But the plot was betrayed, and Dareius
Avas put to death with many of his accomplices.
(Plut. Artan. 26, &c. ; Justin. /. c.) Of the two
remaining legitimate sons, Ochus and Ariaspes,
the former now hoped to succeed his father ; but
as Ariaspes was beloved by the Persians on account
of his gentle and amiable character, and as the
aged Artaxerxes appeared to prefer Arsames, the
son of one of his concubines, Ochus contrived by
intrigues to drive Ariaspes to despair and suicide,
and had Arsames assassinated. Artaxerxes died
of grief at these horrors in B. c. 362, and was suc-
ceeded by Ochus, who ascended the throne under
the name of Artaxerxes III. (Plut. Life of Arta-
xerxes ; Diod. XV. 93 ; Phot. BihL pp. 42 — 44, ed.
Bekker; Clinton, Fiu<t. Hellen. ii. p. 381, &c.)

Artaxerxes III., also called Ochtis, succeeded
his father as king of Persia in B. c. 362, and
reigned till B. c. 339. In order to secure the
throne which he had gjiined by treason and mur-
der, he began his reign with a merciless extirpation
of the members of his family. He himself was a
cowardly and reckless despot ; and the great ad-
Aantages which the Persian arms gained during his
reign, were owing only to his Greek generals and
mercenaries, and to traitors, or want of skill on
the part of his enemies. These advantages con-
sisted in the conquest of the revolted satrap Arta-
"bazns [Artabazus, No. 4], and in the reduction
of Phoenicia, of several revolted towns in Cyprus,
and of Egypt, b. c. 350. (Diod. xvi. 40—52.)
From this time Artaxerxes withdrew to his seraglio,
where he passed his days in sensual pleasures.
The reins of the government were entirely in the
hands of the eunuch Bagoas, and of Mentor, the
Rhodian, and the existence of the king himself
was felt by his subjects only in the bloody com-
mands which he issued. At last he was killed
by poison by Bagoas, and was succeeded by his
voimgest son. Arses. (Diod. xvii. 5 ; Plut, De Is.
et Os. 11 ; Aelian, V. H. iv. 8, vi. 8, H.A. x. 28;
Justin, X. 3 ; comp. Clinton, Fast. Hellen. ii. p. 382,
&c.) Respecting Artaxerxes, the founder of the
dynasty of the Sassanidae, see Sassanidae. [L.S.]

ARTA'XIAS i^ApTalias) or ARTAXES ('A^
To^Tjs), the name of three kings of Armenia.

I. The founder of the Armenian kingdom, was
one of the generals of Antiochus the Great, but
revoitcd from him soon after his peace with the
Romans in B.C. 188, and became an independent
sovereign. (Strab. xi. pp. 528, 531, 532.) Hannibal
took refuge at the court of Artaxias, when Antio-
chus was no longer able to protect him, and he
superintended the building of Artaxata, the capital

ARTAYCTES.

of Armenia, which was so called in honour of Ar-
taxias. (Strab. xi. p. 528 ; Plut. Lwull. 31.) Ar-
taxias was included in the peace made between
Eumenes and Phamaces in b. c. 179 (Polyb. xxvi.
6), but was conquered and taken prisoner by An-
tiochus IV. Epiphanes towards the end of his
reign, about b. c. 1 65. (Appian, Syr. 45, 66.)

II. The son of Artavasdes I., was made king
by the Armenians when his father was taken pri-
soner by Antony in b. c. 34. He risked a battle
against the Romans, but was defeated and obliged
to fly into Parthia. But with the help of the
Parthians he regained his kingdom soon afterwards,
and defeated and took prisoner Artavasdes, king
of Media, who had opposed him. [Artavasdes.]
On his return to Armenia, he put to death all the
Romans who had remained behind in the country;
and in consequence of that, Augustus refused to
restore him his relatives, when he sent an embassy
to Rome to demand them. When the Armenians
in B. c. 20 complained to Augustus about Artaxias,
and requested as king his broiher Tigranes, who
was then at Rome, Augustus sent Tiberius with a
large army into Armenia, in order to depose Ar-
taxias and place Tigranes upon the throne ; but
Artaxias was put to death by his relatives before
Tiberius reached the country. Tigranes was now
proclaimed king without any opposition ; but
Tiberius took the credit to himself of a successful
expedition : whence Horace {Epist. i. 12. 25) says,
"Claudi virtute Neronis Armenius cecidit." (Dion
Cass. xlix. 39, 40, 44, Ii. 16, liv. 9; Tac. Ann. ii. 3;
Veil. Pat. ii. 94 ; Joseph. Ant. xv. 4. § 3 ; Suet.
Tilx'T. 9.) Velleius Paterculus (l. c.) calls this
king Artavasdes, and Dion Cassius in one passage
(liv. 9) names him Artabazes, but in all the others
Artaxes.

III. The son of Polemon, king of Pontus, was
proclaimed king of Armenia by Germanicus in
A. D. 18, at the wish of the Armenians, whose
favour he had gained by adopting their habits and
mode of life. His original name was Zenon, but
the Armenians called him Artaxias on his acces-
sion. Upon the death of Artaxias, about a. d. 35,
Arsaces, the son of the Parthian king, Artabanus,
was placed upon the Armenian throne by his fa-
ther. (Tac. Ann. ii. b^, vi. 31.)

ARTAYCTES {' ApraiiKT-ns), a Persian, the
son of Cherasmis, commanded the Macrones and
Mosynoeci in the expedition of Xerxes into Greece.
He was at the time governor of the town of Sestus
and its territory on the Hellespont, where he ruled
as an arbitrary and reckless tyrant. When Xerxes
passed through Sestus, Artayctes induced the king
by fraud to give him the tomb and sacred land of
the hero Protesilaus, which existed at Elaeus near
Sestus ; he then pillaged the tomb, and made pro-
fane use of the sacred land. This sacrilegious act
was not forgiven him by the Greeks. He did not
expect to see an enemy at such a distance from
Athens ; when, therefore, in B. c. 479, Xanthippus
appeared in the Hellespont with a fleet, Artayctes
was not prepared for a siege. However the town
was strongly fortified and able to resist a besieging
army. Xanthippus continued his siege during the
whole winter, but on the approach of spring the
famine in the town became insupportable ; and
Artayctes and Oeobazus, a Persian of high rank,
succeeded in making their escape through the lines
of the besiegers. As soon as the Greek inhabit-
ants of Sestus heard of the flight of their gover-

ARTEMIDORUS.

nor, they opened tlieir gates to the Athenians.
The two fugitives were i)ursued, and Artayctes
and liis son were overtaken and brought before
Xanthippus. Artiiyctes oftered 1 00 talents to the
inhabitants of Ehveus as an atonement for the out-
rage he had committed on the tomb of Protesikus,
and "JOO more as a ransom for himself and his son.
liut the inhabitants would not accept any other
atonement than his life, and Xanthippus was obliged
to give him up to them. Artayctes was then
nailed to a cross, and his son stoned to death before
his eves. (Herod, vii. 33, 78, ix. 116, 118—120 ;
Pans. i. 4. § 5.) [L. S,]

ARTAYNTE ('AprauvTTj), a daughter of
Masistes, the brother of Xerxes I. Xerxes gave
her in marri;!ge to his son Dareius, but he himself
was in love with her, and on one occasion was
obliged, by his own imprudent promise, to give her
a robe which he had received as a present from
his wife Amastris. Thus the king's paramour be-
came known, and Amastris, fancying that the love
affair was the work of the wife of Masistes, took
the most cruel vengeance upon her. (Herod, ix.
108 — 110.) Maximus Tyrius (xxvi. 7) confounds
the two women, Amastris and Artaynte. (Conip.
Tzetz. CkU. ii. 6.) [L. S.]

ARTA YNTES ( 'Apraui/TTjs), one of the gene-
rals in the army of Xerxes. When Xerxes had
returned to Asia after the battle of Salamis,
Artayntes, Ithamitres, and some other generals,
sjiiled to Samos in order to watch the lonians, and
in the hope that the land-force under Mardonius in
northern Greece might still be successful. But
after the battles of Plataeae and Mycale, in b. c.
47.0, Artayntes and Ithamitres took to flight.
AVhile Artayntes was passing through Asia, he
was met by Masistes, the brother of Xerxes, who
censured him severely for his cowardly flight.
Artayntes, enraged, drew his sword and would
have killed Masistes, had he not been saved by
Xeinagoras, a Greek, who seized Artayntes at the
moment and threw him on the ground, for which
act he was liberally rewarded. (Herod, viii. 130,
ix. 102, 107.) [L. S.]

ARTE'MBARES ('ApTe/xSapys), a Median of
noble rank, whose son, according to the story
about the youth of the great Cyrus, was one of the
playmates of Cyrus. Cyrus chastised him for his
want of obedience in their play ; and Artembares,
indignant at the conduct of Cyrus, who was be-
lieved to be a mere shepherd's boy, complained to
king Astyages, and thus became the means of dis-
covering that Cyrus was the son of Mandane and
the grandson of Astyages. (Herod, i. 114 — 1 16.)
Two Persians of this name occur in Herodotus
(ix. 122), and Aeschylus. {Pen. 29, 294.) [L.S.]

ARTEMICHA. [Cleims.]

ARTEMIDO'RUS ('Apre^iSwpos). 1. Sur-
named Aristophanius, and also Pseudo-Aristo-
phanius, from his being a disciple of the celebrated
grammarian Aristophanes, of Byzantium at Alex-
andria. Artemidorus himself was, therefore, a
contemporary of Aristarchus, and likewise a gram-
marian. He is mentioned by Athenaeus (iv. p.
182) as the author of a work irepl AwpiSos, the
nature of which is not clear, and of Ai^as or yhwa-
a-ai dypapTVTiKal, that is, a dictionary of technical
terms arid expressions used in the art of cookery.
(Athen. i. p. 5, ix. p. 387, xiv. pp. 662, 663;
Suidas, s. vv., 'ApT^jxiSwpos and Ttjuaxi^as ; Ero-
tian in Adaiov.) Some MSS. of I'heocritus con-

ARTEMIDORUS.

373

tain, under the name of Artemidorus, an epigram
of two lines on the collection of bucolic poems,
which perhaps belongs to our grammarian. (Theo-
crit. p. 806, ed. Kiessling; Aiitliol. Graec. ix. n.
205.)

2. Of AscALON, wrote a history of Bithynia,
and is mentioned by Stephanas of Byzantium (s. v.
'AaKa\a>v) as one of the distinguished persons of
that place.

3. Of Cnidus, a son of Theopompus, and a
friend of Julius Caesar (Strab. xiv. p. 656), was a
rhetorician, and taught the Greek language at
Rome. At the time when the plot was formed
against the life of Caesar, B. c. 43, Artemidorus,
who had heard of it, cautioned Caesar by a letter,
and urged him to take care of himself; but the
warning was not heeded. (Plut. Cues. 65 ; Zo-
naras, vol. i. p. 491, ed. Paris.)

4. Daldianus, was a native of Ephesus, but is
usually called Daldianus (AaASiavoj), to distin-
guish him from the geographer Artemidorus (Lu-
cian, Philopair. 22), since his mother was bom at
Daldia or Daldis, a small town in Lydia. Arte-
midorus himself also preferred the surname of
Daldianus {Oneirocr. iii. 66), which seems to have
been a matter of pride with him, as the Daldian
Apollo Mystes gave him the especial commission
to write a work on dreams. {Oneirocr. ii. 70.)
He lived at Rome in the reign of Antoninus Pius
and M. Aurelius, as we may infer from several
passages of his work (i. 28, ()Q^ iv. 1), though,
some writers have placed him in the reign of Con-
stantine, and others identify him with the friend
of Pliny the younger, and son-in-law of Musonius.
(Plin. Epist. iii. 11.) But the passages of Artemi-
dorus's own work cited above, place the question
beyond all doubt. Artemidorus is the author of a
work on the interpretation of dreams {^ OvupoKpi-
Ti/co), in five books, which is still extant. He
collected the materials for this work by very ex-
tensive reading (he asserts that he had read all
tiie books on the subject), on his travels through
Asia, Greece, Italy, and the Grecian islands.
{Oiieh: Prooem. lib. i.) He himself intimates that
he had written several works, and from Suidas
and Eudocia we may infer, that one was called
ulwvoa-KOTnKoi, and the other x^^P^o'KoTriKd. Along
with his occupations on these subjects, he also
practised as a physician. From his work on
dreams, it is clear tliat he was acquainted with
the principal productions of more ancient writers
on the subject, and his object is to prove, that
in dreams the future is revealed to man, and to
clear the science of interpreting them from the
abuses with which the fashion of the time had
surrounded it. He does not attempt to establish
his opinion by philosophical reasoning, but by
appealing to facts partly recorded in history, partly
derived from oral tradition of the people, and partly
from his own experience. On the last point he
places great reliance, especially as he believed that
he was called to his task by Apollo, (ii. 70.)
This makes him conceited, and raises him above
all fear of censure. The first two books are dedi-
cated to Cassius Maximus. The third and fourth
are inscribed to his son. The fifth book is, pro-
perly speaking, an independent work, the title of
which is TTcpl dveipwv dvaSdaiuiv., and which con-
tains a collection of interesting dreams, which
were believed to have been realized. The style of
the work is simple, correct, and elegant ; and tills.

374

ARTEMIDORUS.

together with the circumstance that Artemidorus
has often occasion to allude to or explain ancient
manners and usages, give to it a peculiar value.
The work has also great interest, because it shews
us in what manner the ancients symbolized and in-
terpreted certain events of ordinary life, which, when
well understood, throws light on various points of
ancient mythology. The first edition of the Onei-
rocritica is that of Aldus, Venice, 1518, 8vo. ; the
next is that of Rigaltius( Paris, 1603, 4to.), which
contains a valuable commentary ; however, it
goes down only to the 68th chapter of the second
book. The last edition is that of J. G. Reiif,
Leipzig, 1805, 2 vols. 8vo. It contains the notes
of Rigaltius, and some by Reiske and the editor.

5. A Megaric philosopher, who, according to
Diogenes Laertius (ix. 53), wrote a work against
Chrysippus.

6. Of Ephksus, a Greek geographer, who lived
about B. c. 100. He made voyages round the
coasts of the Mediterranean, in the Red Sea, and
apparently even in the southern ocean. He also
visited Iberia and Gaul, and corrected the accounts
of Eratosthenes respecting those countries. We
know that in his description of Asia he stated tlie
distances of places from one another, and that the
countries beyond the river Tanais were unknown
to him. The work in which he gave the results
of his investigations, is called by iMarcianiis of
Heracleia, a TreptVAous, and seems to be the same
as the one more commonly called rcL ycuypcupov-
ueva, or T<i ttjs yecoypa^ias fii§\la. It consisted
of eleven books, of which Marcianus afterwards
made an abridgement. The original work, which
was highly valued by the ancients, and is quoted
in innumerable passages by Strabo, Stephanus of
Byzantium, Pliny, Isidorus, and others, is lost ;
but we possess many small fragments and some
larger ones of Marcianus' abridgement, which con-
tain the periplus of the Pontus Euxeinus, and ac-
counts of BithjTiia and Paplilagonia, The loss of
this important work is to be regretted, not only on
account of the geographical information which it
contained, but also because the author entered into
the description of the manners and costumes of
the nations he spoke of. The fragments of Arte-
midorus were first collected and published by D.
Hiischel in his Gcographica, Aug. Vindel. 1600,
4to. The best collection is that in Hudson's Geo-
graphi Minores, vol. i. Two small fragments, not
contained in Hudson, have been published by Van
Goens in his edition of Porphyrius's Antrum Nym-
pharum, p. 87, and a third, containing a descrip-
tion of the Nile is printed in Aretin's Beitr'dge zur
Cesch. mid Lit. vol. ii. p. 49, &c. (Vossius, de
Hist. Graec. p. 185, with the notes of Wester-
mann.) Athenaeus (iii. p. Ill) ascribes to this
Artemidorus a work entitled 'loouiKd virofiirriixara.
(Comp. Ukert, Geogr. der Griecli. u. Horn. i. 2, p.
141, &c., 250.)

7. A son-in-law of Musonius, the philosopher,
was himself likewise a philosopher, and a friend of
Pliny the younger, one of whose lettei-s (iii. 11) is
full of his praise.

8. Of Parion, an astronomer, whose Aaews of
his science are recorded by Seneca. {Quaest. Nat.
i. 4, vii. 13.)

9. Of Tarsus, a grammarian, whom Strabo
(xiv. p. 675) mentions as one of the distinguished
persons of that place. It is not impossible that he
may be the same as the one to wliose grammatical

ARTEMIDORUS.

or lexicographical works reference is made by the
Scholiast on Aristophanes ( Vesp. 1 1 39, 1 1 64, 1 231 ;
Comp. Phot. s. V. Tcvrd^ew ; Etym. 'M. s. w. dpis-
/cuSrjs and dpix(f), though the work or works here
referred to may also belong to No. 1.

10. Of Tralles, a celebrated pugilist, who
lived about a, d. 6i). (Pans. vi. 14. § 1 ; Martial,
vi. 77.)

11. The author of elegies on love. (Uepl tponos^
Eratosth. Catad. 31.) There ai'e many more per-
sons of the name of Artemidorus who are mentioned
in ancient writers ; but as nothing is known about
them, we refer to the list in Fabricius {BiLL Graec.
V. p. 263), to which some supplements are given
by Van Goens. (/. c.) [L. S.]

ARTEMIDO'RUS('ApT6iu/Sw^os). I. A Greek
physician, quoted by Caelius Aurelianus {De Alorb.
Acut. ii. 31, iii. 14, 15, pp. 146, 224, 227), who was
a native of Side in Pamphylia, and a follower of
Erasistratus. He must have lived some time between
the third century b. c. and the second century
after Christ. He may perhaps be the person
quoted by Galen without any distinguishing epi-
thet {De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, v. 3, vol.
xii. p. 828), but he is probably not the same person
as the Artemidorus oluviaTris who is mentioned by
the same author. {Comment, in Hippocr. '"''DeRat,
Vict, in Morb. Ac.'*'' i. 15. vol. xv. p. 444.)

2. Artemidorus Capito ( 'ApreixiSapos 6
Kairirav), a Greek physician and grammarian
at Rome, in the reign of the emperor Hadrian,
A. D. 117 — 138, who published an edition of the
works of Hippocrates, which Galen tells us {Corn-
ment. in Hippocr. "X)e Nat. Horn.'''' vol. xv. p. 21)
was not only much valued by the emperor him-
self, but was also much esteemed even in Galen'a
time. He is, however, accused of making con-
siderable changes in the text, and of altei'ing the
old readings and modernizing the language. He
was a relation of Dioscorides, who also edited the
works of Hippocrates, and he is frequently men-
tioned by Galen. {Comment, in Hippocr. " De
Humor.'''' vol. xvi. p. 2 ; Gloss. Hippocr. vol. xix.
p. 83, &c.) He may perhaps be the person some-
times quoted simply by the name of Capito.
[Capito.]

3. Artemidorus Cornelius, a physician, who
was bom at Perga in Pamphylia, or, according to
some editions of Cicero, at Pergamus in Mysia.
He was one of the unprincipled agents of Verres,
whom he first assisted in his robbery of the temple
of Diana at Perga, when he was legatus to Cn.
Dolabella in Cilicia, B. c. 79 (Cic. 2 Verr. i. 20,
iii. 21); and afterwards attended him in Sicily
during his praetorship, B. c. 72 — 69, where, among
other infamous acts, he was one of the judges
{reciiperatores) in the case of Nympho. His ori-
ginal name appears to have been Artemidorus ; he
was probably at first a slave, and afterwards, on
being freed by his master, (perhaps Cn. Cornelius
Dolabella,) took tlie name of Cornelius. Cicero
calls him in one place "Cornelius medicus" (2
Verr. iii. 1 1 ), in another " Artemidorus Pergaeus"
(c. 21), and in a third " Artemidoms Cornelius"
(c. 49) ; but it is plain that in each passage he
refers to the same individual, though Ernesti has
in his /«<fea? Historicus considered them as three
different persons. [W. A. G.]

ARTEMIDO'RUS, a painter, who lived at the
close of the first century after Christ. (Martial,
v. 40.) [C. P. M.J

ARTEMIS.

A'RTEMIS ("Apre/ms), one of the great divini-
ties of the Greeks. Her name is usually derived
from ctpre/xTfy, uninjured, healthy, vigorous ; accord-
ing to which she would be the goddess who is her-
self inviolate and vigorous, and also grants strength
and health to others. ( Plat Cratijl. p. 40G, b. ;
Str.ib. xiv. p. 635 ; Eustath. ad Horn. pp. 32, 577,
.173'J.) According to the Homeric account and
Hesiod (T/icoy. 918) she was the daughter of Zeus
and Leto, whence Aeschylus (Sept. 148) calls her
ATjTw^eVeto. She was the sister of Apollo, and
born with him at the same time in the island of
Delos. According to a tradition which Pausanias
(viii. 37. § 3) found in Aeschylus, Artemis was a
daughter of Demeter, and not of Leto, while ac-
cording to an Egyptian story (Herod, ii. 156") she
was the daughter of Dionysus and I sis, and Leto
was only her nurse. But these and some other
legends are only the results of the identification of
the Greek Artemis with other local or foreign
divinities. The place of her birth is for the same
reason not the same in all traditions : some say
that it was the grove of Ortygia near Ephesus
(Tacit. Anmd. iii. 61 ; Schol. ad Pind. Nem. i. 1),
others that it was Crete (Diod. v. 72), and others
again, that she was the sister of Apollo, but born
somewhat earlier, so that she was able to assist
Leto in giving birth to Apollo. (Orph Hymn. 34.
5 ; Spanheim, ad Callim. p. 476, &c.) In the de-
scription of the nature and character of this god-
dess, it is necessary to distinguish between the
different points of view from which the Greeks
regarded her, and also between the really Greek
Artemis and certain foreign divinities, who for
some resemblance or another were identified by
the Greeks with their own Artemis,

1. Artemis as the sister of Apollo, is a kind of
female Apollo, that is, she as a female divinity re-
presented the same idea that Apollo did as a male
divinity. This relation between the two is in
many other cases described as the relation of hus-
band and wife, and there seems to have been a
tradition which actually described Artemis as the
wife of Apollo. (Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1197.)
In the cluiracter of sister of Apollo, Artemis is
like her brother armed with a bow, quiver, and
iirrows, and sends plague and death among men
and animals : she is a Seo aitoKKovaa. Suddeii
deaths, but more especially those of women, are
described as the effect of her arrows. (Horn. //.
vi. 205, 427, «&c., xix. 59, xxi. 483, «&:c. ; Od. xi.
172, &c., 324, XV. 478, xviii. 202, xx. 61, &c., v.
124, &c.) She also acts sometimes in conjunction
with her brother. {Od. xv. 410; II. xxiv. 606.)
As Apollo was not only a destructive god, but also
averted the evils which it was in his power to in-
flict, so Artemis was at the same time a &ea cuh
reipa ; that is, she cured and alleviated the suffer-
ings of mortals. Thus, for instance, she healed
Aeneas, when he was wounded and carried into
the temple of Apollo. {II. v. 447.) In the
Trojan war she sided, like Apollo, with the
Trojans. The man whom she looked graciously
upon was prosperous in his fields and tlocks, his
household was thriving, and he died in old age.
(Callim. Hi/mtu in Dian. 129, &c) She was
more especially the protectress of the young,
whence the epithets TTaiBorp6<pos, Kovporpocpos, and
<pi\onf7pa^ (comp. Diod. v. 73) ; and Aeschylus
{Ayum. 142) calls her the protectress of young
fiucking-animals, and of the game ranging through

ARTEMIS, 376

the forests of the mountains. Artemis thus also
came to be regarded as the goddess of the flocks
and the chase : she is the huntress among the im-
mortals ; she is called the stag-killer {iXa^§6Ko%),
the lover of the tumult connected with the chase
(/ctAaSeij/Tf), and ayp6rfpa. {II. xxi. 511, 485,
&c. ; Hom. Hymn, in Dian. 10.) Artemis is
moreover, like Apollo, unmarried ; she is a maiden-
divinity never conquered by love. (Soph. Eleii.
1220.) The priests and priestesses devoted to her
service were bound to live pure and chast*».. and
trangressions of their vows of chastity were severely
punished. (Pans. vii. 19. § 1. viii. 13. § 1.) She
was worshipped in several places together with her
brother ; and the worship of both divinities was
believed to have come from the Hyperboreans, and
Hyperborean maidens brought sacrifices to Delos.
(Herod, ii. 32, 35.) The laurel was sacred to
both divinities, and both were regarded as the
founders and protectors of towns and streets.
(Pans. i. 38. § 6, iii. 24. § 6, viii. 36, in fin. ;
Aeschyl. Sept. 450 ; Callim. Hymn, in Dian. 34.)

There are, however, some points also, in which
there is no resemblance between Artemis and
Apollo: she has nothing to do with music or
poetry, nor is there any trace of her having been
regarded as an omcular divinity like Apollo. Re-
specting the real and original character of Artemis
as the- sister of Apollo, we encounter the same
difficulties as those mentioned in the article
Apollo, viz. as to whether she was a purely spi-
ritual and ethical divinity, as Muller thinks, or
whether she was the representative of some power
in physical nature ; and the question must be
decided here in the same manner as in the case of
Apollo. When Apollo was regarded as identical
with the sun or Helios, nothing was more natural
than that his sister should be regarded as Selene
or the moon, and accordingly the Greek Artemis
is, at least in later times, the goddess of the moon.
Buttmann and Hermann consider this idea of Ar-
temis being the moon as the fundamental one from
which all the others are derived. But, at any
rate, the idea of Artemis being the goddess of the
moon, must be confined to Artemis the sister of
Apollo, and is not applicable to the Arcadian, Tau-
rian, or Ephesian Artemis.

2. T}ie Arcadian Artemis is a goddess of the
nymphs, and was wors])ipped as such in Arcadia
in very early times. Her sanctuaries and temples
were more numerous in this country than in any
other part of Greece. There was no connexion
between the Arcadian Artemis ard Apollo, nor
are there any traces here of the ethical character
which is so prominent in Artemis, the sister of
Apollo. These circumstances, together with the
fact, that her surnames and epithets in Arcadia are
nearly all derived from the mountains, rivers, aJid
lakes, shew that here she was the representative of
some part or power of nature. In Arcadia she
hunted with her nymphs on Taygetus, Erynian-
thus, and Maenalus ; twenty nymphs accompanied
her during the chase, and with sixty others, daugh-
ters of Oceanus, she held her dances in the forests
of the mountains. Her bow, quiver, and arrows,
were made by Hephaestus, and Pan provided her
with dogs. Her chariot was drawn by four stags
with golden antlers. (Callim. Hymn, in Dian.
13, 81, 90, &c.; ApoUod. ii. 5. § 3; Pind. 01.
iii, 51.) Her temples and siinctuaries in Arcadia
were usually near lakes or rivers, whence she v/its

376

ARTEMIS.

called XifivrJTi^ or Aijuvoia. (Paus. ii. 7. § 6, iii.
23. § 6, iv. 4. § 2, 31. § 3, viii. 53. § 5.) In the
precincts of her sanctuaries there were often sacred
wells, as at Corinth. (Paus. ii. 3. § 5, iii. 20. § 7.)
As a nymph, Artemis also appears in connexion
with river gods, as with Alpheius [Alpheius],
and thus it is intelligible why fish were sacred to
her. (Diod. v. 3.)

3. Tfie Tauriun Artemis. The legends of this
goddess are mystical, and her woi-ship was orgiastic
and connected, at least in early times, with human
sacnfices. According to the Greek legend there
was in Tauris a goddess, whom the Greeks for
gome reason identified with their own Artemis,
and to whom all strangers that were thrown on
the coast of Tauris, were sacrificed. (Eurip. Iph.
Taur. 36.) Iphigeneia and Orestes brought her
image from thence, and landed at Brauron in At-
tica, whence the goddess derived the name of Brau-
ronia. (Paus. i. 23. § 9, 33. § 1, iii. 16, in fin.)
The Brauronian Artemis was worshipped at Athens
and Sparta, and in the latter place the boys were
scourged at her altar in such a manner that it be-
came sprinkled with their blood. This cruel cere-
mony was believed to have been introduced by
Lycurgus, instead of the human sacrifices which
had until then been offered to her. {Did. of Ant.
8. V. Bpavpoivia and Aia/j.aaTl'yojats.) Her name
at Sparta was Orthia, with reference to the phal-
lus, or because her statue stood erect. According
to another tradition, Orestes and Iphigeneia con-
cealed the image of the Taurian goddess in a bun-
dle of brushwood, and carried it to Aricia in La-
tium. [Aricina.] Iphigeneia, who was at first
to have been sacrificed to Artemis, and then be-
came her priestess, was afterwards identified with
the goddess (Herod, iv. 103; Paus. i. 43. § 1),
who was worshipped in some parts of Greece, as at
Hermione, under the name of Iphigeneia. (Paus.
ii. 35, § 1.) Some traditions stated, that Artemis
made Iphigeneia immortal, in the character of He-
cate, the goddess of the moon. [Hkcate.] A
kindred divinity, if not the siime as the Taurian
Artemis, is Artemis ravpoir6\os, whose worship
was connected with bloody sacrifices, and who pro-
duced madness in the minds of men, at least the
chorus in the Ajax of Sophocles, describes the
madness of Ajax as the work of this divinity. In
the legends about the Taurian Artemis, it seems
that separate local traditions of Greece are mixed
up with the legends of some Asiatic divinity,
whose symbol in the heaven was the moon, and
on the earth the cow.

4. The Epliesian Artemis was a divinity totally
distinct from the Greek goddess of the same name.
She seems to have been the personification of the
fructifying and all-nourishing powers of nature.
It is an opinion almost universally adopted, that
she was an ancient Asiatic divinity whose worship
the Greeks found established in Ionia, when they
settled there, and that, for some resemblance they
discovered, thej' applied to her the name of Arte-
mis. As soon as this identity of the Asiatic god-
dess with the Greek Artemis was recognised, other
features, also originally peculiar to the Greek Ar-
temis, were transferred to her; and thus she is
called a daughter of Leto, who gave birth to her in
the neighbourhood of Ephesus. Her original cha-
nicter is sufficiently clear from the fact, that her
priests were eunuchs, and that her image in the
magnificent temple of Ephesus represented her

ARTEMISIA.

with many breasts {iToKvixacnos). The whole fi-
gure of the goddess resembled a mummj' : her
head Avas surmounted with a mural crown \coro7ia
murulis), and the lower part of her body, which
ended in a point, like a pyramid upside down, was
covered with figures of mystical animals. (Strab.
xiv. p. 641 ; Paus. iv. 31. § 6, vii. 5. § 2., The
symbol of this divinity was a bee, and her high-
priest bore the name of king (eaariv). Her worship
was said to have been established at Ephesus by
the Amazons. (Paus. ii. 7. § 4, viii. 12. § 1; He-
sych. and Suid. s. v. i(T(nfv.)

Respecting some other divinities, or attributes of
divinities, which were likewise regarded as identi-
cal with Artemis in Greece, see Britomartis,
DiCTYNNA, and Eileithyia. The Romans iden-
tified their goddess Diana with the Greek Artemis,
and at a comparatively early time they transferred
to their own goddess all the pecuhar features of
the Greek Artemis, [Diana.] The worship of
Artemis was universal in all Greece, in Delos,
Crete, Sicilj', and southern Italy, but more especi-
ally in Arcadia and the whole of the Peloponnesus.
The sacrifices offered to the Brauronian Artemis
consisted of stags and goats ; in Thrace dogs were
offered to Artemis. Among the animals sacred to
the Greek Artemis we maj- mention the stag, boar,
dog, and others ; the fir-tree was likewise sacred
to her.

It is impossible to trace the various relations in
which Artemis appears to us to one common source,
or to one fundamental idea : the very manner in
which such a complicated mythus was fonned ren-
ders the attempt futile, or, to say the least, forced.
In the case of Artemis, it is evident, that new ele-
ments and features were added in various places to
the ancient local mythus ; the worship of one divi-
nity is identified with that of another, and the
legends of the two are mixed up into one, or those
of the one are transferred to the other, whose le-
gends then sink into oblivion.

The representations of the Greek Artemis in
works of art are different accordingly as she is re-
presented either as a huntress, or as the goddess of
the moon ; yet in either case she appears as a youth-
ful and vigorous divinity, as becomes the sister of
Apollo. As the huntress, she is tall, nimble, and hsis
small hips ; her forehead is high, her eyes glancing
freely about, and her hair tied up behind in such a
manner, that some locks float down her neck ; her
breast is covered, and the legs up to the knees are
naked, the rest being covered by the chlamys.
Her attributes are the bow, quiver, and arrows, or
a spear, stags, and dogs. As the goddess of the
moon, she wears a long robe which reaches down
to her feet, a veil covers her head, and above her
forehead rises the crescent of the moon. In her
hand she often appears holding a torch. (Mitscher-
licli, de Diana Sospiia, Gottingen, 1821 ; JMiiller,
Dorians, book ii. c. 9 ; Mmeo Pio-Clem. i. 30 ;
Hirt. Mt/thol. Bilderb. i. p. 37.) [L. S.J

ARTEMI'SIA {'ApTeixiaia). 1. A queen of
Halicarnassus, Cos, Nisyros, and Calydna, wiio
ruled over these places as a vassal of the Persian
empire in the reign of Xerxes I. She was a daugh-
ter of Lygdamis, and on the death of her husband,
she succeeded him as queen. When Xerxes in-
vaded Greece, she voluntarily joined his fleet with
five beautiful ships, and in the battle of Salamis
(b. c. 480) she distinguished herself by her pru-
dence, courage, and perseverance, for which she

ARTEMON.

was afterwards highly honoured by the Persian
king. (Herod, vii. 99^1 viii. GH, 87, &c., 93, 101,
&c. ; Polyaen. viii. 53; Pans. iii. 11. § 3.) Ac-
cording to a tradition preserved in Photius {Bild.
p. 153, a., ed. Bekker), she put an end to her life
in a romantic manner. She was in love, it is said,
with Dardanus, a youth of Abydos, and as her pas-
sion was not retunied, she avenged herself by put-
ting his eyes out while he was asleep. Tiiis ex-
cited the anger of the gods, and an oracle com-
manded her to go to Leucas, where she threw
lierself from the rock into the sea. She was suc-
ceeded by her son Pisindelis. Respecting the
import of the phrase in regard to lovers, ** to leap
from the Leucadian rock," see SArPHO.

2. The sister, wife, and successor of the Carian
prince Mausolus. She was the daughter of Heca-
tomnus, and after the death of her husband, she
reigned for two years, from B. c. 352 to u. c. 350.
Her administration was conducted on the same
principles as that of her husband, whence she sup-
ported the oligarchical party in the island of Rhodes.
(Diod. xvi. 36, 45 ; Dem. de lihod. Libert, pp.
193, 197, 198.) She is renowned in history for
her extraordinary grief at the death. of her husband
Mausolus. She is said to have mixed his ashes in
her daily drink, and to have gradually died away
in grief during the two yeai-s that she survived
him. She induced the most eminent Greek rheto-
ricians to proclaim his praise in their oratory ; and
to perpetuate his memory she built at Halicarnassus
the celebrated monument, Mausoleum, which was
regarded as one of the seven wonders of the world,
and whose name subsequently became the generic
tenn for any splendid sepulchral monument. (Cic.
Tusc. iii. 31 ; Strabo, xiv. p. 656 ; Gellius, x. 18 ;
Plin. H. N. XXV. 36, xxxvi. 4. § 9 ; Val. Max. iv.
6. ext. 1 ; Suid. Harpocr. s. vv. 'Apreixiaia and
Mau(TwA.os.) Another celebrated monument was
erected by her in the island of Rhodes, to com-
memorate her success in making herself mistress of
the island. The Rhodians, after recovering their
liberty, made it inaccessible, whence it was called
in later times the "Agaroj/. (Vitniv. ii. 8.) [L. S.]

ARTEMl'SIUS, a physician who is quoted by
Marcellus Empiricus (De Medicam. c. 36. p. 410),
and who must therefore have lived some time in or
before the fourth century after Christ. It seems
most probable that he is the same person who is
called by mistake in another passage Artemius.
{Ibid.c. 13. p. 298.) [W. A.G.]

ARTE'MIUS ANASTA'SIUS. [Anasta-
sius II.]

A'RTEMON ('AprifjLuu). 1. Of Cassandreia,
a learned grammarian, who seems to have lived
after b. c. 316. He is mentioned by Athenaeus
(xii. p. 515) as the author of — 1. 116^2 auvayayyrjs
(according to others dvayuyyiji) fii€\(uv, which
would either be on collecting books, or on assigning
books to their proper authors. 2. Uepl ^iSKloov
X/'^iirews, or Ilepl xp-ficnus twv irepl rds avvovaias
dZo^iivwv. (Athen. xv. p. 694.) He is perhaps the
same as the author of a work Trepl AiovvaiaKoO
(TuaTriixaTos, quoted by Athenaeus (xiv. pp. 636,
637), without any distinguishing epithet. There
is also a work on painters {trepl ^u'ypd<pci}v) which
is ascribed to one Artemon. (Harpocrat. *. v.
UoKvyvuTos.) Fabricius is inclined to believe,
that our Artemon of Cassandreia is the one of
whom Demetrius {de Eloeut 231) speaks as the
person who collected letters of Aristotle.

ARTEMON.

377

2. Of Clazomknae, is mentioned by Aelian
{Hist. An. xii. 38) as the author of ^poi KAa^ofievioiy
in which he mentioned that, at one time, the terri-
tory of Clazomenae was ravaged by a winged sow.
Suidas (s. v. 'ApKT^vo^) ascribes to him a work oa
Homer (Tfpl 'Ojurfpov), of which, however, not a
trace is now extant.

3. A Heretic, who seems to have lived about
the beginning of the third century of our ei-a. It
is also probable that he resided in or near Rome,
since we read in Photius {Bibl. p. 12, a., ed. Bek-
ker), that the celebrated presbyter Caius (about
A. D. 210) wrote against Artemon and his heresies.
From the synodal letter of the bishops assembled
at Antioch in a. d. 269, who deposed the heretic
Paul of Samosata (Euseb. H. E. vii. 30), it seems
clear that Artemon was regarded in the East as
the precursor of the heresies of Paul, and perhaps
also that Artemon was then still alive ; at any rate,
however, that his sect was still in existence. Ar-
temon and his friend Theodotus denied the divinity
of Christ, and asserted, that he was merely a pro-
phet raised by his virtues above all others, and
that God had made use of him for the good of
mankind. (Euseb. H. E. v. 28 ; Theodoret. Haeret.
fabul. Epit. ii. 4.) These opinions were probably

supported by Artemon and his followers, the Arte-
monites, by philosophical arguments ; for Eusebius
states, that they occupied themselves very much
with philosophy and mathematics, and that they
made use of them in their interpretation of Scrip-
ture. They are charged with having introduced
forged readings into the text of the Bible, and to
have omitted certain passages from the copies they
used. These accusations, however, rest on rather
weak grounds. (C. H. Stemmler Diatribe de Secia
Artemoniiuru?n, Leipzig, 1730 ; Schaffhausen, His-
toria Artemonis et Arlemonitarumj Leipzig, 1737,
4 to.)

4. A Lacedaemonian, who built the military
engines for Pericles in his war against Samos in
B.C. 441. (Plut. Pericl. 27; Diod. xii. 28; SchoL
ad Arisioph. Acham. 802.) There was a cele-
brated statue of this Artemon made by Polycletus.
(Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 19. § 2.) Servius {ad Aen.
ix. 505) confounds him with Artemon of Clazo-
menae.

5. Of Magnesia, is known only as the author
of a work on the virtues of women (Tepi twj/ kut
dperrlv yvvai^l ireirpayfxaT^vfxevwi' diriyrjfxdTteu),
of which Sopater made an abstract (Phot. Bibl. p.
103, a.) ; but both the original and the abstract
are lost.

6. Called MeAoTrojJs, from his being a melic
poet, appears to have been a contemporary of the
comic poet Aristophanes. {Acham. 830, with the
Schol. ; Suid. s. v. o^wv.) It is usually believed,
that he is the author of the two epigi-ams still ex-
tant in the Anthologia Graeca. (xii. 55. 124.)

7. Of Miletus, wrote a work on the interpre-
tation of dreams {oveipoKpiTiKoi), in twenty-two
books, which is now lost. (Artemid. Chieir. ii. 49 ;
Eustath. ad Horn. II. xvi. p. 1119 ; Tertull. de
Anim. 46 ; Fulgent i. 13.)

8. Of Pergaiuus, a Greek rhetorician, who
wrote a history of Sicily, which is no\v lost, but is
often mentioned bv the grammarians, (SchoL ad
Pind.Pyih. i. 1, 32*, iii. 48 ; 01 ii. 16, v. I; Uih.
ii. Argum.; Schol. ad Lycophr. 177.)

9. A rhetorician, who seems to have lived
during the early period of the Roman empire, and

378

ARTYBIUS.

is mentioned several times by Seneca, who has
also preserved some fragments of his. (Senec. Suas.
1; Controv. i. 6, 7, ii. 9, lU iii. 16, iv. 25, v. 30.
33.)

10. A Syrian of royal descent, who lived in
and after the reign of Antiochus the Great. He
resembled the king so much, that when, in B. c.
187, Antiochus was killed, the queen Laodice put
Artemon into a bed, pretending that he was the
king, and dangerously ill. Numbers of persons
were admitted to see him ; and all believed that
they were listening to their king when he recom-
mended to them Laodice and her children. (Plin.
//. N. vii. 10; Val. Max. ix. 14. ext. 1.) [L. S.]

A'RTEMON, a physician, who is said by
Pliny (H. N. xxviii. 2) to have made use of
cruel and superstitious remedies, and who must
have lived some time in or before the first century
after Christ. [W. A. G.]

A'RTEMON. 1. A painter mentioned by
Pliny (//■. N. xxxv. 11. s. 40), who enumerates
some of his works. His countr}-- is not known.
With regard to his age, we can only say, that he
seems to have lived after the time of Alexander
the Great, as one of his works was a statue of
queen Stratonice, a name not unfrequent in tlie
Asiatic kingdoms after that time.

2. A sculptor, in the first century after Christ,
and, in conjunction with Pythodorus, adorned the
pjilaces of the Caesars on the Palatine with statues.
(Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 5. s. 4. § 11.) [C. P. M.J

ARTO'CES ('ApraJ/cTjs), king of the Iberians,
against whom Pompey marched in b. c. 65. Pom-
pey crossed the Cyrnus and defeated Artoces ; and
when he also crossed the Pelorus, Artoces sent to
him his sons as hostages, and concluded a peace
with him. (Dion Cass, xxxvii. 1, 2; Appian, Mithr.
103, 117; Flor. iii. 5, who calls him Arthoces;
PluL Pomp. 36.)

ARTONIS. [Artabazus, No. 4.]

M. ARTO'RIUS ('Aprcopjos), a physician at
Rome, who was one of the followers of Asclepiades
(Cael. Aurcl. De Alorb. Acut. iii. 14, p. 224), and
afterwards became the friend and physician of
Caesar Octavianus. He attended him in his cam-
paign against Brutus and Cassius, B. c. 42, and it
was by his advice, in consequence of a dream, that
Octavianus was persuaded to leave his camp and
assist in person at the battle of Philippi, notwith-
standing a severe indisposition. This was probably
the means of saving his life, as that part of the
army was cut to pieces by Brutus. (Veil. Paterc.
ii. 70 ; Plut. Brut. c. 41, where some editions
have Antonius instead of ^ rton'ws ; Lactant. DiviTi.
Instit. ii, 8; Dion Cass, xlvii. 41 ; Valer, Max. i.
7. § 1 ; Tertull. De Afiiimi, c. 46 ; Sueton. Aug.
c. 91 ; Appian, De Bell. Civil, iv. 110 ; Florus, iv.
7.) He was drowned at sea shortly after the
battle of Actium, B. c. 31. (S. Hieron. in Euseb.
Chron.) St. Clement of Alexandria quotes {Pac-
dag. ii. 2, p. 153) a work by a person of the same
name, liepX MaKpoSiorias. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol.
xiii. p. 86, ed. vet. ; Caroli Patini Comment, in
A7itiq. Cenotaph. M. Artorii, in Poleni Tlies. Aniiq.
Jiom. et Gr. Supplem. vol. ii. p. 1 133.) [W. A.G.]

ARTY'BIUS {'ApTv§ios), a Persian general in
the reign of Dareius Hystaspis, who, after the
Ionian revolt had broken out, sailed with a fleet to
Cyprus to conquer that island. He was killed in
battle by Onesilus, the principal among the chiefs
of Cyprus. (Herod, v. 108—1 10.) [L. S.]

ARUSIANUS.

ART YSTO'NE ('Apruo-TcovT?), a daughter of the
great Cyrus, was married to Dareius Hystaspis,
who loved her more than any other of his wives,
and had a golden statue made of her. She had by
Dai-eius a son, Arsames or Arsanes. (Herod, iii.
88, vii. 69.) [Arsames.] [L. S.]

ARVl'NA, a cognomen of the Cornelia gens.

1. A. Cornelius P. f. A. n. Cossus Arvina,
whom Livy sometimes calls A. Cornelius Cossus,
and sometimes A. Cornelius Arvina, was magistor
equitura b. c. 353, and a second time in 349.
(Liv. vii. 19, 26.) He was consul in b. c. 343,
the first year of the Samnite war, and was the
first Roman general who invaded Samnium.
While marching through the mountain passes of
Samnium, his army was surprised in a valley by
the enemy, and was only saved by the heroism of
P. Decius, who seized with a body of troops a
height which commanded the road. The consul
then conquered the Samnites, and triumphed on
his return to Rome, (vii, 28, 32, 34 — 38, x. 31 ;
Niebuhr, liom. Hist. iii. p. 120, &c.) Arvina was
consul again in B. c. 322 (^A. Cornelius iteruin,
Liv. viii. 17), and dictator in 320, in the latter of
which years he defeated the Samnites in a hard-
fought battle, though some of the ancient authori-
ties attributed this victory to the consuls of the
year. (Liv. viii. 38, 39 ; Niebuhr, iii. p. 200, &c.)

2. A. Cornelius Arvina, the fetialis, sent to
restore to the Samnites the prisoners wlio had
been set free by them after the battle of Caudium,
B. c. 321. (Liv. ix. 10.)

3. P. Cornelius A. f. P. n. Arvina, ap-
parently a son of No. 1, consul b. c. 306, com-
manded in Samnium. He was censor in li. c.
294, and consul a second time in 288. (Liv. ix.
42, &c., X, 47 ; Fasti.)

ARULE'NUS RU'STICUS. [Rusticus.]
ARUNS. 1. The son of Demeratus of Corinth,
and the brother of Lucumo, afterwards L. Tarqui-
nius Priscus, died in the life-time of his father.
(Liv. i. 34 ; Dionys. iii. 46.)

2. The brother of L. Tarquinius Superbus,
married to the younger Tullia, was murdered by
his wife, who despised her husband's want of am-
bition and was anxious to marry his brother. (Liv.
i. 46.)

3. The son of Tarquinius Superbus, went with
Brutus to consult the oracle at Delphi, and after
the expulsion of the Tarquins killed, and was
at the same time killed by, Brutus in battle.
(Liv. i, 56, ii. 6 ; Cic. Tusc. iv. 22.)

4. The son of Porsena, accompanied his father
to the Roman war, and was afterwards sent to be-
siege Aricia, before which he fell in battle. (Liv.
ii. 14 ; Dionys. v. 30, 36, vii. 5, 6.)

5. Of Clusium, according to the legend, invited
the Gauls across the Alps. He had been guardian
to a wealth}' Lucumo, who, when he grew up,
seduced the wife of Aruns. The husband in re-
venge carried wine, oil, and figs, across the Alps,
and by these tempted the Gauls to invade Italy.
(Liv. V. 33; Plut. Camill. 15.)

ARU'NTIUS. [Arruntius.]

ARUSIA'NUS, MESSUS or ME'SSIUS, a
Roman grammarian, who lived under one of the
later emperors. He wrote a Latin phrase-book,
entitled " Quadriga, vel Exerapla Elocutionum ex
Virgilio, Sallustio, Terentio, et Cicerone per literaa
digesta." It is called Quadriga from its being
composed from four authors. The work is valuable

ASANDER.

as preserving many passages from some of Cicero's
lost writings, and from Sullust's History. He first
gives a phrase generally, then an example, thus :
** Firmatus illius rei, Sallust. Hist iii. Ad Cyzi-
aim pcrrexit firmatus animi. — Prudens illarum
rerum, S.vll. Hist. i. Prudens omnium quae senatus
eeiisuerat" The following words he arranges
under the letter K : — Kave^ kareOy kaptus, kluio
(abl. of chaos) kassus, klaudus^ kalleOy kcUco, kausa-
tus, klam.

In some MSS. the work is called " M. Fron-
tiniis Exempla Elocutionum," &c. ; in others,
" Arusiani (or Volusiani) Messi Quadriga.*' On
the authority of the former MSS. it has often
passed under the name of Fronto, and under his
name it was published by Angelo Mai, from a MS.
much mutilated, especially in the latter part. But
after what Fronto says on Cicero and other authors,
it seems highly improbable that he would have
employed himself in composing such a work from
tliese authors. He would have chosen some of his
favourite writers, Ennius, &c. It is possible that
tlie work may be an extract by Arusianus from a
larger work by Fronto, which larger work would
have been composed from a greater number of
authors, including those which Fronto most ad-
mired. The best edition is that by Lindemann,
in his Corpus Grammaticorum Latin. Vet. vol. i.
p. 199, from a MS. in the Wolfenbiittel collection,
in excellent condition, and which, with the excep-
tion of a few passages, gives the work complete. It
contains more than half as much again as Mai's
edition. This new part contains many of the most
valuable passages, those from Cicero's lost writings
and from Sallust's History. The transcriber has
prefixed the following remark : — " In aliquibus
Codicibus pro Arusiani Messi male irrepsit Cornelii
Frontonis." Lindemann gives in the notes the
exact references to the passages which in the MS.
are referred to only by the book. [Fronto.]
(Niebuhr, in his edit, of Fronto , Berlin, 1816, p.
xxxi., &c. ; Lindemann, Praefat. in Corp. Gramm.
Lat. Vet. I p. 201, &c.) [A. A.]

ARYANDES ('ApuavSTjy), a Persian, who was
appointed by Cambyses governor of Egypt. During
his administration Pheretime, the mother of Arce-
silaus of Cyrene, is said to have come to Aryandes
as a suppliant, and to have solicited his assistance
in avenging the death of her son, who had been
murdered at Barca, as she pretended, because he
had been a friend of the Persians. Aryandes ac-
cordingly placed an army and a fleet at her com-
mand. Herodotus thinks that this whole affair
was a mere pretext under which the Persian satrap
concealed his desire of conquering Libya. After
the conquest of Barca, some of the Persians want-
ed to take possession of Cyrene also, but before
they came to any determination, Aryandes sent a
messenger to call the troops back to Egypt. Da-
reius Hystaspis wished to perpetuate his own
memory in a manner in which no king had yet
done, and for this purpose he struck gold coins of
the purest meUil. Aryandes imitated the king by
coining money of the purest silver ; but Dareius,
indignant at such presumption, had him put to death.
(Herod, iv. 165—167, 200— 203.) [L. S.J

ARYBAS or ARYMBAS. [Arribas.]

ARYE'NIS. [AsTYAGES.]

ASANDER ("Aaai/Spos). 1. A son of Philo-
tas and brother of Parraenion. Alexander the
Great appointed him in B. c. 334, governor of Ly-

ASANDER. 379

j dia and the other parts of the satrapy of Spithri-
dates, and also placed under his command an aimy

j strong enough to maintain the Macedonian autho-
rity. (Arrian, Anab. i. 18.) In the beginning of
the year b. c. 328, Asander and Nearchus led a

■ number of Greek mercenaries to Alexander, who
was then staying at Zariaspa. (iv. 7.) In tho
division of the empire after the death of Alexander,
in B. c. 323, Asander obtained Caria for his satrapy,
in which he was afterwards confirmed by Antipa-
ter. (Phot. Bill. p. 64, a, Q^, b, 72, a, ed. Bekk. ;
Diod. xviii. 3, 39, who in these and other passages
uses the name of Cassander instead of Asander,
and thus produces a confusion in his account ; Jus-
tin, xiii. 4 ; Curtius, x. 10.) At the command of
Antipater he fought against Attalus and Alcetas,
both partizans of Perdiccas (Phot. Dibl. p. 72, b.),

i but was conquered by them. In B. c. 317, while
Antigonus was engaged in Persia and Media,
Asander increased his power in Asia Minor, and
was undoubtedly a member of the confederacy
which was formed by Ptolemy Lagi and Cassander

I of Macedonia against Antigonus, although he is

i not mentioned by Diodorus (xix. 57) on account
of the above mentioned confusion with Cassander.
In B. c, 315, when Antigonus began his operations
against the confederates, he sent one Ptolemy, a
nephew of his, with an army to relieve Amisus,
and to expel from Cappadocla the army with which.
Asander had invaded that country ; but as Asan-
der was supported by Ptolemy Lagi and Cassander
(Diod. xix. 62, 68), he maintained himself until
B. c. 313, when Antigonus himself marched against
him, and compelled him to conclude a treaty by
which he was bound to surrender his whole arm}-,
to restore the Greek towns on the coast to free-
dom, to regard his satrapy of Caria as the gift of
Antigonus, and to give his brother Agathon as
hostage. But after a few days Asander broke this
humiliating treaty : he contrived to get his brother
out of the hands of Antigonus, and sent ambassa-
dors to Ptolemy and Seleucus for assistance. An-
tigonus indignant at these acts, immediately sent
out an army to restore the Greek towns to freedom
by force of arms. Caria too appears to have been
conquered, and Asander from this time disappears
from history. (Diod. xix. 75.)

2. A man of high rank in the kingdom of the
Bosporas. He first occurs in history as a general
of Phamaces II. of the Bosporus, whose sister
Dynamis was the wife of Asander. In B. c. 47,
he revolted against his brother-in-law who had
appointed him regent of his kingdom during his
war against Cn. Domitius Calvinus. Asander
hoped by thus deserting his brother-in-law to win
the favour of the Romans, and with their assist-
ance to obtain the kingdom for himself. When,
therefore, Phamaces was defeated by the Romans
and took refuge in his own dominions, Asander
had him put to death. Asander now usurped the
throne, but was luiable to maintain himself upon
it, for Julius Caesar commanded Mithridates of
Pergamus, on whom he conferred the title of king
of the Bosporus, to make war upon Asander.
(Dion Cass. xlii. 46 — 48, liv. 24 ; Appian, Mithrid.
120; Caesar, de Dcllo Alex. 78.) The results of
this underUiking are not mentioned, but if we may
believe the authority of Lucian {Macroh. 17) Asan-
der was deprived of his kingdom and afterwards

restored by Augustus. He died of voluntary star-
vation at the advanced age of ninety-three, from

380 ASCALAPIIUS.

despair at seeing his troops desert to Scribonius.
Strabo (vii, p. 311) speaks of a wall or a ditcli
which Asander constructed across the Isthmus of
the Crimea, of 360 stadia in length, to protect the
peninsula against the incursions of the nomadic
tribes. (Mannert, Geogr. der Griech. u. Rom. iv.
p. 293.) [L. S.]

ASBAMAEUS {' AaSafiouos), a surname of
Zeus, the protector of the sanctity of oaths. It
was derived from a well, Asbamaeon near Tyana,
in Cappadocia, the water of which was said to be
benehcial and pleasant to honest persons, but pes-
tilential to those who were guilty of perjury.
When perjured persons drank of the water, it pro-
duced a disease of the eyes, dropsy, and lameness,
so that the guilty persons were unable to walk
away from the well, and were obliged to own
their cnme, (Philostr. Vit. Apollon. i. 6. ; Pseudo-
Aristot. Mirab. AuscuU. 163 ; Ammian. Marcellin.
xxiii. 6.) [L. S.]

A'SBOLUS ("Ao-goXos), a centaur, w^hom Hesiod
{Scuf. Here. 185) calls o/wfio-TTj's, probably from
liis skill in observing or prophesying from the
flight of birds. He fought against the Lapithae
at the nuptials of Peirithous, and was subsequently
nailed to a cross by Heracles, who is said to have
made an epigram upon him, which is preserved in
Philostratus. (Her. xix. § 17 ; comp. Tzetz. Chil.
V. 22.) ^ [L. S.]

ASCA'LABUS ('A<r/caA.agos), a son of ^lisme.
When Demeter on her wanderings in search of her
daughter Persephone came to Misme in Attica, the
goddess was received kindly, and being exhausted
and thirsty, Misme gave her something to drink.
As the goddess emptied the vessel at one draught,
Ascalabus laughed at her, and ordered a whole
cask to be brought. Demeter indignant at his
conduct, sprinkled the few remaining drops from
her vessel upon him and thereby changed him into
a lizard. ( Antonin. Lib. 24 ; Ov. Mel. v. 447,
where a similar story is related, though without the
name either of Misme or Ascalabus ; Welcker, Das
Kunst-Museum zu Bonn, p. 74, &c.) For dififer-
cnt legends respecting what happened to Demeter
on her arrival in Attica, see Baubo, Iambe, and
Metaneira. [L. S.]

ASCA'LAPHUS {'AaKdKocpos). 1. A son of
Ares and Astyoche, and brother of lalmenus,
together with whom he led the Minyaiis of Orcho-
raenos against Troy, in thirty sliips. (Hom. //. ii.
511, &c.) In the war against Troy, he was slain
by the hand of Deiphobus, at which Ares was
filled with anger and indignation. {11. xiii. 519,
&c., XV. 110, &c. ; comp. Paus. ix. 37- § 3.)
According to Apollodorus (i. 9. § 16, iii. 10. § 8)
Ascalaphus was one of the Argonauts, and also one
of the suitors of Helen. Hyginus in one passage
(Faf). 97) calls Ascalaphus and lalmenus sons of
Lycus of Argos, while in another {Fab. 159) he
agrees with the common account. One tradition
described Ascalaphus as having gone from Troy to
Samareia, and as having been buried there by
Ares. The name of Samareia itself was derived
from this occurrence, that is, from aafxa or aijfia
and "Aprjs. (Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1009.)

2. A son of Acheron by Gorgvra ( Apollod. i. 5.
§ 3) or by Orphne. (Ov. Met. V. 540.) Servius
(ad Aen. iv. 462 ) calls him a son of Styx. When
Persephone was in the lower world, and Pluto
gave her pennission to return to the upper, pro-
vided she had not eaten anything, Ascalaphus

ASCLEPIADES.
declared that she had eaten part of a pomegranate.
Demeter (according to Apollodorus, /. c, ii. 5. § 12)
punished him by burying him under a huge stone,
and when subsequently this stone was removed by
Heracles, she changed Ascalaphus into an owl.
According to Ovid, Persephone herself changed
him into an owl by sprinkling him with water of
the river Phlegethon. There is an evident resem-
blance between the mythus of Ascalabus and that
of Ascalaphus. The latter seems to be only a
modification or continuation of the former, and the
confusion may have arisen from the resemblance
between the words ocr/caAo§os, a lizard, and da-
Kd\a(pos^ an owl. [L. S.]

A'SCALUS CAaKoXos), a son of Hymenaeus,
and a general of the Lydian king Aciamus, who is
said to have built the town of Ascalon in Syria.
(Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AarKdXwi/.) [L. S.J

ASCA'NIUS ('Aff-KctJ/ios), a son of Aeneas by
Creusa (Virg. Aen. ii. 666), or by Lavinia. (Liv.
i. 1, 3 ; Serv. ad Aen. vi. 760.) From Livy it
would seem that some traditions distinguished be-
tween an earlier and a later Ascanius, the one a
son of Creusa, and the other of Lavinia. After the
fall of Troy, Ascanius and some Phrygian allies of
the Trojans were sent by Aeneas to the country
of DascyUtis, whose inhabitants made Ascanius
their king ; but he soon returned to Troy, and
ruled there after the death of his father, who, ac-
cording to some traditions, had likewise returned
to Troy. (Dionys. Hal. i. 47, 53.) Another
legend made Ascanius found a new kingdom at
Scepsis in Troas, in conjunction with Scamandrius,
the son of Hector. (Strab. xiii. p. 607.) Others
again, according to whom his original name was
Euryleon, made him accompany his father to Italy
and succeed him as king of the Latins. (Dionys.
i. 65.) Livy states that on the death of his father
Ascanius was yet too young to undertake the go-
vernment, and that after he had attained the age
of manhood, he left Lavinium in the hands of his
mother, and migrated to Alba Longa. Here he
was succeeded by his son Silvius. According to
Dionysius (i. 70), Silvius was a younger brother of
Ascanius, and disputed the succession with Julus,
a son of Ascanius. The dispute was decided in
favour of Silvius. Servius (ad Ae7i. i. 271) states,
that Ascanius was also called Ilus, Julus, Dar-
danus, and Leontodamus. The gens Julia at
Rome traced its pedigree up to Julus and Ascanius.
(Heyne, Excurs. viii., ad Aen. i.) In the stories
about Troy there occur thiee other personages of
the name Ascanius. (Apollod. iii. 12. § 5 ; Hom.
//. ii. 862, xiii. 792.) [L. S.]

A'SCARUS ("Ao-K-apos ), a Theban statuary,
who made a statue of Zeus, dedicated by the
Thessalians at Olympia. (Pans. v. 24. § 1.)
Thiersch (Epochen der bild. Kunst, p. 160, Sic.
Anm.) endeavours to shew that he was a pupil of
Ageladas of Sicyon. [Ageladas.] [C. P. M.J

A'SCLAPO, a physician of Patrae, in Achaia,
who attended on Cicero's freedman, Tiro, during
an illness, b. c. 51. (Cic. ad Fam. xvi. 9.) Cicero
was so much pleased by his kindness and his
medical skill, that he wrote a letter of recommen-
dation for him to Servius Sulpicius, B. c. 47. (xiii.
20.) [W.A.G.]

ASCLEPI'ADAE. [Aesculapius.]

ASCLEPI'ADES CAo-KATjTTidoT/s). 1. Of Alex-
andria, seems to have been a grammarian, as the
Scholiast on Aristophanes {Nuh. 37) quotes him

ASCLEPIADES.

ns an authority on the meaning of the word
Sijfiapxos.

2. Of Anazarba in Cilicia, is mentioned by
Stephanus of Ry'/..intium (s. v. 'Ava^apSd) as the
author of many works, of which however only
one, on rivers (irfpi ttoto/uwj'), is specified.

3. A son of Arkius, wrote a work on Demetrius
Phalereus. (Athen. xiii. p. 567.) It is not quite
certain whether he is not the same as Asclepiades
of Myrleiii, who is also called a native of Nicaea.
(Stoph. Byz. s. V. NlKaia.)

4. A Cynic philosopher, a native of Phlius, and
a contemporary of Crates of Thebes, who must
consequently have lived about B. c. 330. (Diog.
Laert. vi. 91 ; Tertull. c. Nat. ii. 14.) Whether
he is the same as the one whom Cicero (Tusc. v.
39) states to have been blind, is uncertain.

5. A Cynic philosopher, who is mentioned along
with Servianus and Chytton, and lived in the reign
of Constantius and Julianus, about A. D. 360.
(Julian, Orat. c. Heracl. Cyn. p. 224 ; Ammian.
Marc. xxii. 13.)

6. Of Cyprus, wrote a work on the history of
his native island and Phoenicia, of which a frag-
ment is preserved in Porphyrius. (DeAbstin. iv. 15;
comp. Hieronym. ad Jovin. 2.)

7. An Egyptian, possessed, according to Suidas
(.<?. V. 'HpdiffKos), a profound knowledge of Egyptian
theology, and wrote hymns on his native gods. He
also composed a work upon the agreement among
the different religions, a second on the history of
EgAT)t, and a third on Og3'ges. Of the history of
Egj'pt the sixtieth book is quoted by Athenaeus.
(iii. p. 83.) There seems to be little doubt that
this Asclepiades is the same as the one whom
Suetonius {Au^. 94) calls the author of SeoKoyov-
juefa, and of whom he quotes a fragment. This
Qfo\oyovfM€va, moreover, seems to be the same
■work as that on the agreement among the different
religions. Suetonius calls him Asclepiades Mendes,
•which seems to be derived from the name of a
town in Egypt. (Comp, Schol. ad Horn. II. vii.
p. 147; Casaub. ad Suet. I. c. ; Vossius, de Hist.
Oraec. p. 406, ed. Westermann.)

8. Epigrammatic poets. Under the name of
Asclepiades the Greek Anthology contains upwards
of forty epigrams ; but it is more than probable
that they are not all the productions of the same
poet. Some of them imdoubtedly belong to Ascle-
piades of Siimos, who is mentioned as a teacher of
Theocritus, and said to have written bucolic poetry.
(Schol. ad Theocr. vii. 21, 40; Meleager, i. 46;
Theocrit. vii. 40 ; Moschus, iii. ^Q.) Others may
be the productions of Asclepiades of Adramyttium,
who lived at an earlier time. (Jacobs, ail Anihol.
xiii. p. 864.)

9. A lyric poet, from whom a certain species
of verse, resembling the choriambic, is said to have
derived its name ; but the ancients themselves
were not agreed whether the Asclepiadic verse
was invented by Asclepiades, or whether he used
it only more frequently than others. He lived
after the time of Alcaeus and Sappho. (Hephaest.
Enchir. p. 34; Attilius Fortunatianus, p. 2700,
ed. Putsch.)

10. Of Mendk. See No. 7.

11. Of Myrleia in Bithynia, or of Nicaea, a
son of Diotimus. He was a pupil of ApoUonius
Rhodius, and lived about the time of Pompey the
Great. Suidas places him nearly a century earlier,
from which some modem critics have inferred, that

ASCLEPIADES.

381

there must have been two Asclepiades of Myrleia,
the one of whom was perhaps a son or grandson of
the other. The younger taught grammar at Rome,
and is supposed to be the same as the one who for
some time resided in Spain as a teacher of gram-
mar, and wrote a description of the tribes of Spain
(irfpiriyTjais twv i6v6iv), to which Strabo occasion-
ally refers, (iii. p. 157, &c.) Asclepiades of Myrleia
is also mentioned as the author of several other
works, of which, however, we possess only a few
fragments. 1. On grammarians or grammars {irfpl
ypafifxariKoiv, Suidas, s. v. ^Op<pfvs ; Anonym. Vit.
A rati; S. Empiric, adv. Grammat. 47, 72, 252).
2. A work on the poet Cratinus (^repi KpariVou,
Athen. xi. p. 501). 3. A work called xepi Ne(7T»-
pi^os. (Athen. xi. pp. 477, 488, &c., 498, 503.)
4. An vTr6/xvr]iJ.a ttjs 'Odvcrcreias. (Etym. M. s. v.
'Apvaios; Schol. ad Horn. Od. x. 2, xi. 269, 321,
326, xii. 69, ed. Buttmann.) 5. A work on the
history of Bithynia {BiQvviKa\ which consisted of
at least ten books. (Parthen. Erot. 35 ; Schol. ad
Apollon. Rhod. ii. 722, 791 ; Athen. ii. p. 50.)
He is usually believed to be the author of a history
of Alexander the Great mentioned by Arrian.
{^Anah. vii. 15; comp. Vossius, de Hist. Graec.
pp. 97, 158, 161, 187, ed. Westermann; F. X.
Werfer, Ada Philol. Monac. iii. 4. p. 551, where
the fragments of Asclepiades are collected.)

12. Of Tragilus in Thrace, a contemporary
and disciple of Isocrates. (Phot. Bill. p. 486, b.
ed, Bekker.) He is called a tragic writer, but was
more probably a sophist or a grammarian. He
was the author of a work called TpayqySov/uLeva, in
six books, which treated on the subjects used by
the Greek tragic writers, and on the manner in
which they had dealt with their mythuses. (Plut.
Vii. X. Orat. p. 837; Steph. Byz. s.v. TpayiKos ;
Athen. x. p. 456 ; Harpocrat. s. v. AvtTavKrfs ;
Hesych. ff. v. urjffiapxos ; comp, Werfer, /. c. p. 489,
where the fragments of the Tpayi^iSovfMfpa are col-
lected.)

13. A bishop of Tralles, who lived about a. d.
484. A letter of his and ten anathematismi against
Fullo are printed with a Latin translation in Lab-
beus, Concil. iv. p. 1 120. Another letter of his is
still extant in the Vienna and Vatican libraries in
MS. (Fabr. Bibl. Grace, xi, p. 583.) This Ascle-
piades must be distinguished from an earlier Chris-
tian writer of the same name, who is mentioned
by Lactantius. (vii. 4.) [L. S.]

ASCLEPI'ADES ('Ao-fcATjTrjaSTjs), the name of
several physicians, some of whom probably assumed
this appellation either as a sort of honorary title in
allusion to the ancient family of the Asclepiadae, or
in order to signify that they themselves belonged
to it. A list of the physicians who bore this name
is given by Le Clerc, Hist de la Mtd. ; Fabricius,
Bibi. Gr. vol. xiii. p. 87, &c. ed, vet. ; C, G, Gum-
pert, Asclcpiadis Bithyni Fragmenta, Vinar. 1794,
8vo,, p, 3, &c. ; C. F. Harless, De Medicis Veteribus
'■^Asclepiades'''' Didis., Bonn. 1828, 4to.

1. Asclepiades Bithynus, a very celebrated
physician of Bithynia, who .icquired a considerable
degree of popularity at Rome at the beginning of
the first century B. c, which he maintained through
life, and in a certain degree transmitted to his suc-
cessors. It is said that he first came to Rome as a
teacher of rhetoric (Plin. //. N. xxvi. 7), and that
it was in consequence of his not being successful
in this profession, that he turned his attention to
the study of medicine. From what we learn of his

382

ASCLEPIADES.

history and of his practice, it would appear that he
may be fairly characterized as a man of natural
tiilents, acquainted with human nature (or rather
with human weakness), possessed of considerable
shrewdness and address, but with little science or
professional skill. He began (upon the plan which
is so generally found successful by those who are
conscious of their own ignorance) by vilifying the
principles and practice of his predecessors, and by
asserting that he had discovered a more compen-
dious and effective mode of treating diseases than
had been before known to the world. As he was
ignorant of anatomy and pathology, he decried the
labours of those who sought to investigate the
structure of the body, or to watch the phenomena
of disease, and he is said to have directed his
attacks more particularly agJiinst the writings of
Hippocrates. It appears, however, that he had
the discretion to refrain from the use of very active
and powerful remedies, and to trust principally to
the efficacy of diet, exercise, bathing, and other
circumstances of this nature. A part of the great
popularity which he enjoyed depended upon his
prescribing the liberal use of wine to his patients
( Plin. //. N. vii. 37, xxiii. 22), and upon his not
only attending in all cases, with great assiduity, to
everj'thing which contributed to their comfort, but
also upon his flattering their prejudices and indulg-
ing their inclinations. By the due application of
these means, and from the state of the people
among whom he practised, we may, without much
difficulty, account for the great eminence at which
he arrived, and we cannot fail to recognise in
Asclepiades the prototype of more than one popular
physician of modem times. Justice, however,
obliges us to admit, that he seems to have pos-
sessed a considerable share of acuteness and dis-
cernment, which on some occasions he employed
with advantage. It is probable that to him we are
indebted, in the first instance, for the arrangement
of diseases into the two great classes of Acute and
Chronic (Gael. Aurel. De Morb. Chron. iii. 8. p.
469), a division which has a real foundation in
nature, and which still forms an important feature
in the most improved modem nosology. In his
philosophical principles Asclepiades is said to have
been a follower of Epicurus, and to have adopted
his doctrine of atoms and pores, on which he
attempted to build a new theory of disease, by
supposing that all morbid action might be reduced
into obstruction of the pores and irregular distri-
bution of the atoms. This theory he accommodated
to his division of diseases, the acute being supposed
to depend essentially upon a constriction of the
pores, or an obstraction of them by a superfluity of
atoms ; the chronic, upon a relaxation of the pores
or a deficiency of the atoms. Nothing remains of
his writings but a few fi*agments, which have been
collected and published by Gunipcrt in the little
work mentioned above. There is a poem con-
taining directions respecting health {vyi^iva irapay-
•yeX{xara) which is ascribed to Asclepiades of Bi-
thynia, and which was first published by R. von
Welz, Wlirzberg, 1842 ; but a writer in the Rhei-
nisches Mtiseuia (p. 444 in the vol. of 1848) has
shewn, that this poem could not have been written
before the seventh century after Christ.

The age at which Asclepiades died and the date
of his death are unknown ; but it is said that he
laid a wager with Fortime, engaging to forfeit his
character as a physician if he should ever suffer

ASCLEPIODORUS.
from any disease himself. Plin^-, who tells the
anecdote {H. N. vii. 37), adds, that he won his
wager, for that he reached a great age and died at
last from an accident.

Further information respecting the medical and
philosophical opinions of Asclepiades may be found
in SprengePs Hist, de la Med. ; Isensee, Gesch.
der Alcd. ; Ant. Cocchi, Discorso Primo sopra
Asclepiade, Firenze, 1758, 4to. ; G. F. Bianchini,
La Medicina dP Asclepiades per ben curare le Malattie
Acute, raccolta da Varii Frammenti Gred e Latini,
Venezia, 1769, 4to. ; K. F. Burdach, Asclepiades
und John Brown, eine Parallele, Leipzig, 1800,
8vo. ; Id. Scriptorum de Asclepiade Index, Lips.
1800, 4to. ; Bostock's Hist, of Med., from which
work part of the preceding account has been taken.

2. ASCLEPI-ADES PhaRMACION (^apfXOLKluv) Ot

Junior, a physician who must have lived at the
end of the first or the beginning of the second
century after Christ, as he quotes Andromachus,
Dioscorides, and Scibonius Largus (Gal.De Compos.
Medicam. sec. Locos, vii. 2, x. 2, vol. xiii. pp. 51,
53, 342 ; De Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. vii. 6,
vol. xiii. p. 968), and is himself quoted by Ga-
len. He derived his surname of Pluirmacion from
his skill and knowledge of pharmacy, on which
subject he wrote a work in ten books, five on ex-
ternal remedies, and five on internal. (Gal. ihid.
vol. xiii. p. 442.) Galen quotes this work very
frequently, and generally with approbation.

3. M. Artorius Asclepiades. [Artorius.]

4. Asclepiades Philophvsicus (*iA.o^u(n/cor),
a physician, who must have lived some time in or
before the second century after Christ, as he is
quoted by Giilen, who has preserved some of his
medical formulae. (Z>e Compos. Medicam. sec. Lo-
cos, vii. 5, viii. 5, vol xiii. pp. 102, 179.)

5. L. ScRiDONius Asclepiades, whose name
occurs in' a Latin inscription of unknown date, is
supposed by Rhodius (ad Scrib. Larg. p. 4) to be
Scribonius Largus Designatianus [Largus], but
this is very doubtful.

6. Asclepiades Titiensis, a physician, who
must have lived in or before the second century
after Christ, as he is quoted by Caelius Aurelianus.
{De Morb. A cut. iii. 5, p. 201.)

7. Asclepiades Junior (d Neon-epos), a phy-
sician quoted by Galen {De Compos. Medicam. sec.
Locos, i. 1. vol. xii. p. 410), who is the same per-
son as Asclepiades Pharmacion.

8. Areius Asclepiades ("Apetos) is some-
times inserted in the list of physicians of the name
of Asclepiades, but this appears to be a mistake, as
in the passage of Galen where the names occur {De
Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, viii. 5. vol. xiii. p.
1 82) instead of 'Apeiov 'AaKhrfTridSov we should
probably read 'Apet'ou 'Ao-K/\7j7rio5etou. [Areius.]

9. M. Gallus Asclepiades seems to be a
similar mistake, as in Galen, De Compos. Medicam.
sec. Locos, viii. 5, vol. xiii. p. 179, instead of
FaWov MapKov rod "'AaKArjiridSov we should pro-
bably read rdWov MdpKOv tqv ''AaK\r)TnaSeiov.
[Gallus.J

There are several other phj'sicians of the name
of Asclepiades mentioned in inscriptions, of whom
nothing worth recording is known. A list of them
is given in the works mentioned above. ["NV.A.G.]

ASCLEPIODO'RUS ('Ao-KATjTTjJSwpos). 1. A
Macedonian, son of Timander, was one of the ge-
nerals of Alexander the Great, and after the con-
quest of Syria was appointed by Alexander satrap

ASCLEPIUS.

of that country. In n. c. 328, ho led reinforce-
ments from Syria to Alexander in eastern Asia,
and there became involved in the conspiracy which
'as formed by Ilemiolaus against the life of the

ig. (Arrian, Anab. iv. 13, Ind. 18; Curtius, vii.

II, viii. G.) He seems to be the same as the one

\\ liom Antigonus, in B. c. 317, made satrap of

Persia (l)iod. xix. 48) ; but he must be distin-

lislied from an Asclepiodorus, a general of Cassan-

r, mentioned by Diodorus. (xix. 60.)

•J. The author of a small work on tactics (tok-
TiKo. Kf<pa\oua)^ who is in some MSS. called
Asclepiodotus. His work exists in several MSS.
at Leyden, Paris, and Rome, but has not yet been
published. [L. S.]

ASCLEPIODO'RUS. 1. An Athenian painter,
a contemporary of Apelles, who considered him to
excel himself in the symmetry and correctness of
his drawing. (Plin. H. N. xxxv. 10. s. 36. § 21.)
Plutarch {de Gloria Athen. 2) ranks him with
Euphranor and Nicias.

2. A statuary, famed for statues of philosophers.
, (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 19. § 26.) [C. P. M.]

ASCLEPIO'DOTUS ('Arr/cA7j7r<oSoTos.) 1.
' The author of an epigram whicli seems to have
been taken from the base of a statue of Memnon.
{Antliol. Grace. Append. No. 16, ed. Tauchnitz. ;
comp. Branck. Analed. i. p. 490; Letronne in the
Transactions of the R. Society of Literature, vol. ii.
1, part i. 1832.)

2. Of Alexandria, the most distinguished among
the disciples of Proclus, and the teacher of Damas-
cius, was one of the most zealous champions of
Paganism. He wrote a commentary on the Tim-
aeus of Plato, which however is lost. (Olympiod.
Meteorolorj. 4 ; Suidas, s. v. 'A(Tk\t]-^i6Sotos ; Da-
mascius, Vii. Isid. ap. Phot. pp. 344, b. 345, b.)

3. An author who lived in the time of Diocle-
tian, and seems to have written a life of this em-
peror. (Vopisc. Aurelian. 44.) He seems to be
the same as the one who is mentioned as a general
in the reign of Probus. (Vopisc. Prob. 22.)

4. A pupil of Posidonius, who, according to
Seneca (Nat. Quaest. vi. 17), wrote a work called
*' Quaestionum Naturalium causae."

5. A commander of the Gallic mercenaries in the
armv of Perseus, king of Macedonia. (Liv. xlii.
51, xliv. 2.) [L. S.]

ASCLEPIO'DOTUS ('A(r/cA77irto5oTos), a phy-
sician, who was also well versed in mathematics
and music, and who grew famous for reviving the
use of white hellebore, which in his time had
grown quite out of vogue. He lived probably
about the end of the fifth century after Christ, as
he was the pupil of Jacobus Psychrestus, and is
mentioned by Damascius. (Damascius, ap. Phot.
Cod. 242, p. 344, b., ed. Bekk. ; Suidas, s. v.
'S.uipavQs; Freind's Hist, of Physic.) [W. A. G.]

ASCLEPIO'DOTUS, CA'SSIUS, a man of
great wealth among the Bithynians, shewed the
same respect to Soranus, when he was under
Nero's displeasure, as he had when Soranus was in
prosperity. He was accordingly deprived of his
property and driven into exile, a. d. 67, but was
restored by Galba. (Tac. Ann. xvi. 33; Dion
Cass. Ixii. 26.)

ASCLE'PIUS (^KcKK-^mos). 1. A fabulous
personage, said to have been a disciple of Hermes,
the Egyptian Thot, who was regarded as the father
of all wisdom and knowledge. There existed in
antiquity a Greek dialogue {\6yos t€\€ios) be-

ASCLETAUIO.

383

tween Asclcpiiis and Hermes on God, man, and
the universe ; we now possess only a Latin trans-
lation of it, which in former times used to be attri-
buted to Appuleius. It is entitled " Hennetis
Trismegisti Asclepius, seu de Natura Deomm
Dialogus," and is evidently the production of a very
late time, that is, of the age in which a reconcilia-
tion was attempted between the polytheism of an-
tiquity and Christianity through the medium of
the views of the New Platonists. (Bosscha in
Oudendorp's edition of Appuleius, iii. p. 517; Hil-
debnmd, de Vita et Scriptis Appuleii, p. 28, &c.)
To the same Asclepius is also ascribed a work still
extant, entitled opos 'Aa-KKrjirlov irpoi "'Ap.fj.uva
Paai\4a, which is printed together with a Latin
translation by A. Tm-nebus in his edition of the
Poemander ascribed to Hermes Trismegistus (Paris,
1554, 4to.), and in F. Patricius's Nova de l/niver-
sis Philosophia, Ferrara, 1591, fol. The Latin
translation of the work is contained in vol. ii. of
the works (Opera) of Marsilius Ficinus, Basel,
1561.

2. A Greek grammarian of uncertain date, who
wrote commentaries upon the orations of Demos-
thenes and the history of Thucydides ; but both
works are now lost. (Ulpian, ad Dem. Philip,
I ; Schol. Bavar. ad Dem. de fals. leg. pp. 375,
378; MarcelJin. Vit. Thucyd. 57; Schol. ad
Tlmcyd. i. h^.)

3. Of Tralles, a Peripatetic philosopher and a
disciple of Ammonius, the son of Hermias. He
lived about A. D. 500, and wrote commentaries on
the first six or seven books of Aristotle's Meta-
physics and on the dpi6fj.r}TiKi^ of Nicomachus of
Gerasa. These commentaries are still extant in MS.,
but only a portion of them has yet been printed iu
Brandis, Scliolia Graeca in Arisiot. Metaphys. p.
518, &c.; comp. Fabr. Bibl. Grace, iii. p. 258;
St. Croix in the Magasin. Encyclop. Cinquieiiie
Amiee, vol. iii. p. 359. [L. S.]

ASCLE'PIUS ('Atr/cATpnos), a physician, who
must have lived some time in or before the second
century after Christ, as he is mentioned by Galen.
{De Differ. Morb. c. 9. vol. vi. p. 869.) A person
of the same name is quoted by the Scholiast on
Hippocrates (Dietz, Schol. in Hippocr. et Gal. voL
ii. p. 458, n., 470, n.) as having written a com- ,
mentary on the Aphorisms, and probably also on
most of the other works of Hippocrates, as he is
said to have undertaken to explain his writings by
comparing one part with another. {Ibid. ; Littre,
Oeuvres d'' Hippocr. vol. i. p. 125.) Another phy-
sician of the same name is said by Fabricius to be
mentioned by Aetius. [W. A. G.]

ASCLETA'RIO, an astrologer and mathemati-
cian in the time of Domitian. On one occasion he
was brought before the emperor for some oftence.
Domitian tried to put the knowledge of the astro-
loger to the test, and asked him what kind of
death he was to die, whereupon Ascletario an-
swered, " I know that I shall soon be torn to
pieces by the dogs." To prevent the realisation of
this assertion, Domitian ordered him to be put to
death immediately, and to be buried. WJien his
body lay on the fimeral pile, a vehement wind
arose, which carried the body from the pile, and
some dogs, which had been near, immediately
began devouring the half-roasted body, Domitian,
on being informed of this, is said to have been
more moved and perplexed than he had ever been
before. This tale, which is related in all its sim-

384

ASCONIUS.

pHcity by Suetonius (Doniii. 15), is much distorted
in the accounts which Cedrenus, Constantine Ma-
nasses, and Glycas give of it. [L. S,]

Q. ASCO'NIUS PEDIA'NUS, who holds the
first place among the ancient commentators of
Cicero, seems to have been born a year or two be-
h>re the commencement of the Christian era, and
there is some reason to believe that he was a
native of Padua, It appears from a casual expres-
sion in his notes on the speech for Scaurus, that
these were written after the consulship of Largus
Caecina and Claudius, that is, after a. d. 42. We
learn from the Eusebian chronicle that he became
blind in his seventy-third year, during the reign of
Vespasian, and that he attained to the age of
eighty-five. The supposition that there were two
Asconii, the one the companion of Virgil and the
expounder of Cicero, the other an historian who
flourished at a later epoch, is in opposition to the
clear testimonj' of antiquity, which recognises one
only. He wrote a work, now lost, on the life of
Sallust; and another, which has likewise per-
ished, against the censurers of Virgil, of which
Donatus and other grammarians have availed them-
selves in their illustrations of that poet ; but there
is no ground for ascribing to him the tract entitled
" Origo gentis Romanae," more commonly, but
with as little foundation, assigned to Aurelius
Victor.

But far more important and valuable than the
above was his work on the speeches of Cicero ; and
fragments of commentaries, bearing his name, are
still extant, on the Divinatio, the first two speeches
against Verres and a portion of the third, the
speeches for Cornelius (i. ii.), the speech In toga
Candida, for Scaurus, against Piso, and for Milo. The
remarks which were drawn up for the instruction
of his sons {Conun. in Milon. 14) are convej-ed in
very pure language, and refer chiefly to points of
history and antiquities, great pains being bestowed
on the illustration of those constitutional forms of
the senate, the popular assemblies, and the courts
of justice, which were fast falling into oblivion
under the empire. This character, however, does
not apply to the notes on the Verrine orations,
Avhich are of a much more grammatical cast, and
exhibit not unfrequcntly traces of a declining
Latinity. Hence, after a very rigid and minute
examination, the most able modern critics have
decided that these last are not from the pen of
Asconius, but must be attributed to some gram-
marian of a much later date, one who may have
been the contemporary or successor of Servius or
Bonatus. It is impossible here to analyse the
reasoning by which this conclusion has been satis-
factorily established, but those who wish for full
information will find everj-thing they can desire in
the excellent treatise of Madvig. {De Asconii
Pediaiii^ ^c. Commentariis^ Hafniae, 1828, 8vo.)

The history of the preservation of the book is
curious. Poggio Bracciolini, the renowned Floren-
tine, when attending the council of Constance in
the year 1416, discovered a manuscript of Asconius
in the monastery of St. Gall. This MS. was
transcribed by him. and about the same time by
I'artolomeo di Montepulciano, and by Sozomen, a
canon of Pistoia. Thus three copies were taken,
and these are still in existence, but the original has
long since disappeared. All the MSS. employed
by the editors of Asconius seem to have been de-
rived from the transcript of Poggio exclusively, and

ASELLUS.

their discrepancies arise solely from the conjectural
emendations which have been introduced from
time to time for the purpose of correcting the
numerous corruptions and supplying the frequently-
recurring blanks. Poggio has left no description
of the archetype, but it evidently must have been
in bad order, from the number of small gaps occa-
sioned probably by edges or comers having been
torn off, or words rendered illegible by damp. In-
deed the account given of the place where the
monks had deposited their literary treasures is
sufficient to account fully for such imperfections,
for it is represented to have been " a most foul
and dark dungeon at the bottom of a tower, into
which not even criminals convicted of capital
offences would have been thrust down."

The first edition of Asconius was taken directly
from the transcript of Poggio, and was published
at Venice in 1477, along with sundry essays and
dissertations on the speeches of Cicero. The work
was frequently reprinted in the early part of the
sixteenth centurj', and numerous editions have
appeared from time to time, either separately or
attached to the orations themselves ; but, notwith-
standing the labours of many excellent scholai's,
the text is usually exhibited in a very cornipt and
interpolated form. By far the best is that which
is to be found in the fifth volume of Cicero's works
as edited by Orelli and Baiter; but many improve-
ments might yet be made if the three original
transcripts were to be carefully collated, instead of
reproducing mere copies of copies which have been
disfigured by the carelessness or presumption of
successive scribes. |_W. R.]

ASCUS ("Aor/fos), a giant, who in conjunction
with Lycurgus chained Dionysus and threw him
into a river. Hermes, or, according to others,
Zeus, rescued Dionysus, conquered (eSctfUKrei/) the
giant, flayed him, and made a bag ( aa-Kos) of his
skin. From this event the town of Damascus in
Syria was believed to have derived its name.
(EtjTn. M. and Steph. Byz. s. v. AaixaaKSs.) [L. S.]

A'SDRUBAL. [Hasdrubal.]

ASE'LLIO, P. SEMPRO'NIUS, was tribune
of the soldiers under P. Scipio Africanus at Nu-
mantia, B. c. 1 33, and wrote a history of the affairs
in which he had been engaged. (Gell. ii. 13.) His
work appears to have commenced with the Punic
wars, and it contained a very full account of the
times of the Gracchi. The exact title of the work,
and the number of books into which it was divided,
are not known. From the great superiority which
Asellio assigns to history above annals (op. Gell.
V. 18), it is pretty certain that his own work was
not in the form of annals. It is sometimes cited
by the name of lihri rerum gesiarum, and some-
times by that of historiae ; and it contained at
least fourteen books. (Gell. xiii. 3, 21 ; Charis. iL
p. 195.) It is cited also in Gell. i. 13, iv. 9, xiii.
3, 21 ; Priscian, v. p. 668; Serv. ad Virg. Aen,
xii. 121 ; Nonius, s. v. gliscitur.

Cicero speaks {deLeg. i. 2) slightingly of Asellio.
P. Sempronius Asellio should be carefully distin-
guished from C. Sempronius Tuditanus, with
whom he is often confounded. [Tuditanus.]
Comp. Krause, Vitae et Fragiii. Historicum Lati-
norum^ p. 216, &c.

ASELLUS, a cognomen in the Annian and
Claudian gentes. The Annia gens was a plebeian
one ; and the Aselli in the Cornelia gens were
also plebeians.

I

ASINIA,

1. C. or P. Annius Asellus, a senator, who
had not been included in the census, died, leaving
liis only daughter his hcres. The property, how-
ever, was seized by Verres, the praetor urbanus,
on the ground that such a bequest was in violation
of the lex Voconia. (Cic. in Verr. i. 41, &c.,
conip. i. 58, ii. 7 ; Diet of Ant. s. v. Voconia Lea:)

2. Tl Claudius Asellus, tribune of the sol-
diers in the army of the consul, C. Claudius Nero,
B. c. 207, praetor in u. c. 206, when he obtained
Sardinia as his province, and plebeian aedile in
B. c. 204. (Liv. xxvii. 41, xxviii. 10, xxix. 11.)
Appian (cle Bell. Annib. 37) relates an extraor-
dinary adventure of this Claudius Asellus in b. c.
212.

3. Tl Claudius Asellus, of the equestrian
order, was deprived of his horse, and reduced to
the condition of an aerarian, by Scipio Africanus,
the younger, in his censorship, B. c. 142. When
Asellus boasted of his military services, and com-
I)lained that he had been degraded unjustly, Scipio
replied with the proverb, " Agas asellura," i. e.
" Agas asellum, si bovem non agere queas" (Cic.
de Orat. ii. 64), which it is impossible to translate
60 as to preserve the point of the joke ; it was a
proverbial expression for saying, that if a person
cannot hold as good a station as he wishes, he
must be content with a lower. When Asellus
was tribune of the plebs in B. c. 1 39, he accused
Scipio Africanus before the people (Gell. iii. 4) ; and
Gollius (ii. 20) makes a quotation from the fifth
oration of Scipio against Asellus, which may have
been delivered in this year. Among other charges
which Asellus brought against Scipio, was, that
the lustrum had been inauspicious (because it had
been followed by a pestilence) ; and Gellius (iv.
17) has preserved two verses of Lucilius referring
to this charge :

" Scipiadae magno improbus objiciebat Asellus
Lustrum, illo censore, malum infelixque fuisse."

Scipio replied, that it was not surprising that it
should have been so, as his colleague, L. Mummius,
who had performed the lustrum, had removed
Asellus from the aerarians and restored him to his
foi-mer rank. (Cic. de Orat. ii. 66 ; comp. Val.
Max. vl 4. § 2; Aurel. Vict, de Vir. III. 58,
where the opposition of Mummius to Scipio is
alluded to.) This Claudius Asellus seems to be the
same who was poisoned by his wife, Licinia.
(Val. Max. vi. 3. § 8.)

A'SIA ('Ao-fa). 1. A surname of Athena in
Colchis. Her worship was believed to have been
brought from thence by Castor and Polydeuces to
Laconia, where a temple was built to her at Las.
(Pans. iii. 24. § 5.)

2. A daughter of Oceanus and Tethys, who be-
came by Japetus the mother of Atlas, Prometheus,
and Epimetheus. (Hesiod. Tlieog. 359 ; Apollod.
L 2. § 2, &c.) According to some traditions the
continent of Asia derived its name from her.
(Herod, iv. 45.) There are two other mythiciil
personages of this name. (Hygin. Fab. Praef. p. 2 ;
Tzetzes, ad Lycoph. 1277.) [L. S.]

ASIA'TICUS, a surname of the Scipios and
Valerii. [Scipio; Valerius.]

A'SINA, a surname of the Scipios. [Scipio.]

ASI'NIA, the daughter of C. Asinius Pollio,
consul B. c. 40, was the wife of Marcellus Aeser-
ninus, and the mother of Marcellus Aeseriiinus
the younger, who was instructed in rhetoric by his

ASOPIS.

305

grandfather Asinius. (Senec. Jvpit. Conirov. lib.
iv. pnicf. ; Tac. Ann. iii. 11, xiv. 40; Suet. Oct,
43.)

ASI'NIA GENS, plebeian. The Asinii came
from Teate, the chief town of the Marrucini (Sil.
Ital. xvii. 453; Liv. Epit. 73; Catull. 12); and
their name is derived from asina^ which was a
cognomen of the Scipios, as asellus was of the Annii
and Claudii. The Herius, spoken of by Silius
Italicus (/. c.) in the time of the second Punic war,
about B. c. 218, was an ancestor of the Asinii;
but the first person of the name of Asinius, who
occurs in history, is Herius Asinius, in the Marsic
war, B. c. 90. [Asinius.] The cognomens of
the Asinii are Agrippa, Celer, Dento, Gallus,
Pollio, Salomnus. The only cognomens which
occur on coins, are Gallus and Pollio. (Eckhel,
v. p. 144.)

ASl'NIUS. 1. Herius Asinius, of Teate,
the commander of the Marrucini in the Marsic
war, fell in battle against Marius, B. c. 90. (Liv.
Epit. 73; Veil. Pat. ii. 16; Appian, B. C. i. 40;
Eutrop. V. 3.)

2. Cn. Asinius, only known as the father of C.
Asinius Pollio. [Pollio.]

3. Asinius, a friend of Antony, who surrepti-
tiously crept into the senate after the death of
Caesar, B. c. 44. (Cic. Phil. xiii. 13.)

ASl'NIUS QUADRA'TUS. [Quadratus.]

A'SIUS (*'Aaioj). 1. A son of Hyrtacus of
Arisbe,and father of Acamas and Phaenops. He
was one of the allies of the Trojans, and brought
them auxiliaries from the several towns over which
he ruled. He was slain by Idomeneus. (Hom.
//. ii. 835, xii. 140, xiii. 389, &c., xvii. 582.)

2. A son of DjTnas and brother of Hecabe.
Apollo assumed the appearance of this Asius, when
he wanted to stimulate Hector to fight against
Patroclus. (Hom. //. xvi. 715, &c. ; Eustath. p.
1083.) According to Dictys Cretensis (iv. 12),
Asius was slain by Ajax. There are two more
mythical personages of this name, which is also
used as a surname of Zeus, from the town of Asos
or Oasos in Crete. (Virg. Aen. x. 123 ; Tzetz. ad
Lycoph. 355 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. "kxros.) [L. S.]

A'SIUS ("Ao-tos), one of the earliest Greek
poets, who lived, in all probability, about B. c.
700, though some critics would place him at an
earlier and others at a later period. He was a
native of Samos, and Athenaeus (iii. p. 125) calls
him the old Samian poet. According to Pausanias
(vii. 4. § 2), his father's name was Amphiptolemus.
Asius wrote epic and elegiac poems. The subject
or subjects of his epic poetrj' are not known ; and
the few fragments which we now possess, consist
of genealogical statements or remarks about the
Samians, whose luxurious habits he describes with
great naivete and humour. The fragments are
preserved in Athenaeus, Pausanias, Strabo, Apol-
lodorus, and a few others. His elegies were writ-
ten in the regxilar elegiac metre, but all have
perished with the exception of a very brief one
which is preserved in Athenaeus. (l. c.) The
fragments of Asius are collected in N. Bach, Cal-
lini^ Tyrtaei et A sit Samii quae supersunt., ^c,
Leipzig, 1831, 8vo.; in Diibner's edition of Hesiod,
&c., Paris, 1840, and in Diintzer, Die Fragm. der
Episch. Pocs. p. 66, &c., Nachirag, p. 31. [L. S.j
ASO'PIS (*Ao-«7r»y), two mythological per-
sonages, one a daughter of Thespius, who became
by Heracles the mother of Mentor (Apollod. ii. 7.

2 c

386

ASPASIA.

§ 8), and the other a daughter of the river-god
Asopus. (Diod. iv. 72.) [L- S.J

ASO'PIUS {'hawirios). 1. Father of Phonnion
rrhuc. i. 64), called Asopichus by Pausanias. (i.
24. § 12.)

2. Son of Phormion, was, at the request of the
Acamanians who wished to have one of Phor-
mion's family in the command, sent by the Athe-
nians in the year following his father's naval
victories, B. c. 428 (the 4th of the Peloponnesian
war), with some ships to Nanpactus. He fell
shortly after in an unsuccessftil attempt on the
Leucadian coast. (Thuc iii. 7.) [A. H. C]

ASOPODO'RUS, a statuary, possibly a native
of Argos (Thiersch, Epoch, d. bild. Kunst p. 275,
Anm.), was a pupil of Polycletus. (Plin. xxxiv.
8. s. 19.) [C. P. M.]

ASO'PUS CAo-ftffl-os), the god of the river
Asopus, was a son of Oceanus and Tethys, or
according to others, of Poseidon and Pero, of Zeus
and Eurynome, or lastly of Poseidon and Ce^luse.
(Apollod. iii. 12. § 6; Pans. ii. 5. § 2, 12. § 5.)
He was married to Metope, the daughter of the
river god Ladon, by whom he had two sons and
twelve, or, according to others, twenty daughters.
Their names differ in the various accounts. (Apol-
lod. /. c. ; Diod. iv. 72 ; Schol. ad Find. Ol. vi.
144, Isthm. viii. 37 ; Paus. ix. 1. § 2 ; Herod, ix.
51; Eustath. arf //o;n. p. 2/8.) Several of these
daughters of Asopus were carried off by gods,
which is commonly believed to indicate the colo-
nies established by the people inhabiting the banks
of the Asopus, who also transferred the name of
Asopus to other rivers in the countries where they
settled. Aegina was one of the daughters of Asopus,
and Pindar mentions a river of this name in Aegina.
{Nem. iii. 4, with the Schol.) In Greece there
were two rivers of this name, the one in Achaia
in Peloponnesus, and the other in Boeotia, and the
legends of the two are frequently confounded or
mixed up with each other. Hence arose the dif-
ferent accounts about the descent of Asopus, and
the difference in the names of his daughters. But
as these names have, in most cases, reference to
geograpliical circumstances, it is not difficult to
perceive to which of the two river gods this or that
particular daughter originally belonged. The more
celebrated of the two is that of Peloponnesus.
When Zeus had carried off his daughter Aegina,
and Asopus had searched after her everywhere, he
was at last informed by Sisyphus of Corinth, that
Zeus was the guilty party. Asopus now revolted
against Zeus, and wanted to fight with him, but
Zeus struck him with his thunderbolt and confined
him to his original bed. Pieces of charcoal which
were foimd in the bed of the river in later times,
were believed to have been produced by the light-
ning of Zeus. (Paus. ii. 5. § 1, &c. ; Apollod. iii.
12. § 6.) According to Pausanias (ii. 12. § 5)
the Peloponnesian Asopus was a man who, in the
reign of Aras, discovered the river which was sub-
sequently called by his name. [L. S.]

A'SPALIS ('AonroAjs), a daughter of Argaeus,
concerning whom an interesting legend is pre-
served in Antoninus Liberalis. (13.) [L. S.]

ASPAR, a Numidian, sent by Jugurtha to
Bocchus in order to learn his designs, when the
latter had sent for Sulla. He was, however, de-
ceived by Bocchus. (Sail. Jicg. 108, 112.)

ASPA'SIA ('A(r7roo-ia). 1. The celebrated
Milesian, daughter of Axiochus, came to reside at

ASPASIA.

Athens, and there gained and fixed the affections
of Pericles, not more by her beauty than b}' her
high mental accomplishments. With his wife,
who was a lady of rank, and by whom he had two
sons, he seems to have lived unhappily ; and, hav-
ing parted from her by mutual consent, he attached
himself to Aspasia during the rest of his life as
closely as was allowed by the law, %vhich forbade
marriage with a foreign woman under severe penal-
ties. (Plut. Peric. 24 ; Demosth. c. Ncaer. p. 1350.)
Nor can there be any doubt that she acquired over
him a great ascendancy; though this perhaps comes
before us in an exaggerated shape in the statements
which ascribe to her influence the war with Samos
on behalf of Miletus in B. c. 440, as well as the
Peloponnesian war itself. (Plut. Pcric. I.e.; Aris-
toph. Jc^rw. 497, &.C.; Schol. arf foe.; comp. Aris-
toph. Pax, 587, &c.; Thuc. i. 115.) The con-
nexion, indeed, of Pericles with Aspasia appears to
have been a favourite subject of attack in Athenian
comedy ( Aristoph. ^c/«ir«. /. c; Plut Penp. 24 ;
Schol. ad Plat. Menex. p. 235), as also with cer-
tain writers of philosophical dialogues, between
whom and the comic poets, in respect of their
abusive propensities, Athenaeus remarks a strong
family likeness. ( Athen. v. p. 220 ; Casaub. ad loc^
Nor was their bitterness satisfied with the vent of
satire ; for it was Hermippus, the comic poet, who
brought against Aspasia the double charge of im-
piety and of infamously pandering to the vices of
Pericles ; and it required all the personal influence
of the latter with the people, and his most earnest
entreaties and tears, to procure her acquittal. (Plut.
Peric. 32 ; Athen. xiii. p. 589, e. ; comp. Thirl-
wairs Greece, vol. iii. p. 87, &c., and Append, ii.)
The house of Aspasia was the great centre of the
highest literary and philosophical society of Athens,
nor was the seclusion of the Athenian matrons so
strictly preserved, but that many even of them re-
sorted thither with their husbands for the pleasure
and improvement of her conversation (Plut. Peric.
24); so that the intellectual influence which she ex-
ercised was undoubtedly considerable, even though
we reject the story of her being the preceptress
of Socrates, on the probable ground of the irony of
those passages in which such statement is m.ide
(Plat. Menea: pp. 235, 249 ; Xen. Oecoji. iii.
14, Memor. ii. 6. § 36 ; Herm. de Soc. vnigtsi.
et disc, juven.; Schleiermacher's hitrod. to the
Menexejius) ; for Plato certainly was no ap-
prover of the administration of Pericles {Gorg. p.
515, d. &c.), and thought perhaps that the refine-
ment introduced by Aspasia had only added a new
temptation to the licentiousness from which it was
not disconnected. (Athen. xiii. p. 569, f.) On the
death of Pericles, Aspasia is said to have attached
herself to one Lysicles, a dealer in cattle, and to
have made him by her instructions a first-rate ora-
tor. ( Aesch. ap. Plut. Peric. 24 ; Schol. ad Plut.
Me?wct. p. 235.) For an amusing account of a
sophistical argument ascribed to her by Aeschines
the philosopher, see Cic. rfe Invent, i. 31; Quintil.
I?iiit. Orat. V. 11. The son of Pericles by As-
pasia was legitimated by a special decree of the
people, and took his father's name. (Plut. Peric.
37.) He was one of the six generals who were
put to death after the victorj-^ at Arginusae. (Comp.
Jacobs, Verm. Svhiflen, voh iv. pp. 349—397.)

2. A Phocaean, daughter of Hermotimus, w;i«
carried away from her country to the seraglio (.f
Cyrus the Younger, who so admired, not her bcauiy

ASP AST us.

only, but her superior qualities of mind and cha-
racter, that he made her his favourite wife, giving
her the name of "wise." She is said to have fre-
quently aided him with her advice, the adoption
of which he never regretted ; and they lived toge-
ther with great mutual affection till the death of
the prince at the battle of Cunaxa. She then fell
into the hands of Artaxerxes, and became his wife.
(Plut. Peric. 24, Artcuv. 26 ; Ael. V. H. xii. 1 ;
Xen. Anab. i. 10. § 2.) When Dareius, son of
Artaxerxes, was appointed successor to the throne,
he asked his father to surrender Aspasia to him.
The request, it seems, could not be refused, as
coming from the king elect ; Artaxerxes, therefore,
gave her up, on finding that she herself consented
to the transfer ; but he soon after took her away
again, and made her priestess of a temple at Ecba-
tana, where strict celibacy was requisite ; and this
gave rise to that conspiracy of Dareius against his
father, which was detected, and cost him his life.
(Plut. Artcux:. 27 — 29 ; Just. x. 2.) Her name is
said to have been "Milto," till Cyrus called her
"Aspasia" after the mistress of Pericles (Plut.
Peric. 24 ; Atlien. xiii. p. 576, d.) ; but "Milto"
itself seems to have been a name expressive of the
Ijeauty of her complexion. (Ael. V. II. xii. 1,
where we are favoured with a minute description
of her appearance.) [E. E.]

ASPA'SIUS ('AoTrao-jos). 1. Of Byblus, a
Greek sophist, who according to Suidas (s. v. 'Aa--
irda-ios) was a contemporary of the sophists Adri-
anus and Aristeides, and who consequently lived
in the reign of M. Antoninus and Commodus,
about A. D. 180. He is mentioned among the
commentators on Demosthenes and Aeschines ; and
Suidas ascribes to him a work on Byblus, medita-
tions, theoretical works on rhetoric, declamations,
an encomium on the emperor Hadrian, and some
other writings. All these are lost with the ex-
ception of a few extracts from his commentaries.
(Ulpian, ad Demosth. Lejytin. p. ll ; Phot. Bibl.
p. 492, a., ed. Bekk. ; Schol. ad Ilcrmog. p. 260,
&c.; Schol. ad Aeschin. c. Tim. p. 105.)

2. A PERIPATETIC philosopher, who seems to
have lived during the latter half of the first cen-
tury after Christ, since Galen (vol. vi. p. 532, ed.
Paris), who lived under the Antonines, states,
that he heard one of the pupils of Aspasius. Boe-
thius, who frequently refers to his works, says
that Aspasius wrote commentaries on most of the
works of Aristotle. The following commentaries
are expressly mentioned : on De Interpretatione,
the Physica, Metaphysica, Categoriae, and the
Nicomachean Ethics. A portion of the commen-
tary on the last-mentioned work of Aristotle (viz.
on books 1, 2, 4, 7, and 8) are still extant, and
were first printed by Aldus Manutius, in his col-
lection of the Greek commentators on the Nico-
machean Ethics. (Venice, 1536, fol.) A Latin
translation by J. B. Felicianus appeared at Venice
in 1541, and has often been reprinted. From Por-
phyrins, who also states that Aspasius wrote com-
mentaries on Plato, we learn that his commentaries
<m Aristotle were used in the school of Plotinus.
(Fabric BiU. Graec. iii. p. 264, &c.; Bnhle, A ristot.
Op. i. p. 296.)

3. Of Ravenna, a distinguished sophist and
rhetorician, who lived about A. d. 225, in the
reign of Alexander Severus. He was educated by
his father Demetrianus, who was himself a skilful
rhetorician ; aftei wards he was also a pupil of

ASPITALHJS.

JS7

Pausanias and Hippodromus, and then travelled to
various parts of the ancient world, as a companion
of the emperor and of some other persons. He ob-
tained the principal professorship of rhetoric at
Rome, which he held until his death at an ad-
vanced age. At Rome he also began his long
rhetorical controversy with Philostiatus of Lemnos,
which was afterwards continued by other dis-
putants in Ionia. Aspasius was also secretary to
the emperor, but his letters were censured by his
opponent Pausanias, for their declamatory character
and their want of precision and clearness. He is
said to have written several orations, which, how-
ever, are now lost. They are praised for their
simplicity and originality, and for the absence of
all pompous affectation in them. (Philostr. Vit.
Soph. ii. 33 ; Eudoc. p. 66 ; Suidas, s. v. 'Aaird-
cios.)

4. Of Tyre, a Greek rhetorician and historian
of uncertain date, who, according to Suidas (s. v.
'AoTrao-ios), wrote a history of Epeirus and of
things remarkable in that country, in twenty books,
theoretical works on rhetoric, and some others.
(Comp. Eudoc. p. 66.) [L. S.]

ASPA'THINES ('A<r7ra0ti'7js), one of the seven
Persian chiefs, who conspired against the Magi.
He was wounded in the thigh, when the latter
were put to death. (Herod, iii. 70, &c. 78.) He
was the father of Praxaspes. (vii. 97.)

ASPER, AEMI'LIUS, a Roman grammarian,
who wrote commentaries on Terence (Schopen, de
Terentio et Doriaio, ^c. p. 32, Bonn, 1821) and
Virgil. (Macrob. iii. 5 ; Heyne's account of the
ancient Commentators on Virgil, prefixed to liis
edition of Virgil.) Asper is also quoted in the
Scholia on Virgil, discovered by A. Mai. ( Virgil.
Interp. Vet. Mediol. 1818.) This Asper must be
distinguished from another grammarian of the
same name, usually called Asper Junior, but who
is equally unknown. The latter is the author of
a small work entitled " Ars Grammatica," which
has been printed in the collections of G'ranimatici
I /lustres XIL, Paris, 1516 ; Tres Artis Grammat.
Authores^ Lips. 1527 ; Grammat. Lot. AtictoreSy by
Putschius, Hanov. 1605; Corpus Grammat. Lai,
by Lindemann, vol. i. Lips. 1831.

ASPER, JU'LIUS, bad been raised to the
consulship, as had also his sons, by Caracalla, but
was afterwards, without any apparent cause, de-
prived of all his honours, and driven out of Rome
by the same emperor, a. d. 212. (Dion Cass.
Ixxvii. 5.) We learn from an inscription {ap.
Fahrett. p. 494), that the consuls in A. D. 212
were both of the name of Julius Asper. Either
the father or one of his sons was appointed go-
vernor of Asia by Macrinus, but was deprived of
this dignity on his journey to the province, on ac-
count of some incautious words which offended the
emperor. It is usually stated, on the authority of
Dion Cassius, that Asper was killed by Elagabalus ;
but Dion Cassius does not say this. (Dion Cass.
Ixxviii. 22, IxxLx. 4.)

ASPER, SULPI'CIUS, a centurion, cne of the
conspirators against Nero, a. d. 6^^ met his fate
with great firmness, when he was put to death
after the detection of the conspiracy. (Tac. ^«n.
XV. 49, 50, 68 ; Dion Cass. Ixii. 24.)

ASPHA'LIUS or ASPHALEIUS {'A(T(piKios
or 'Acr^aXeios), a surname of Poseidon, under
which he was worshipped in several towns of
Greece. It describes him as the g-od who grants

2c 2

38B

ASTACUS.

safety to ports and to navigation in general.
(Strab. i. p. 57 ; Pans. vii. 21. § 3 ; Plut. Thes.
36 ; Suid. s. V.) [L. S.]

ASPLE'DON ('Ao-ttXtjSc^i/), a son of Poseidon
and the nymph Mideia (Chersias, ap. Pans. ix. 38.
§ 6); according to others, he was a son of Orcho-
menus and brother of Cl}Tnenus and Amphidicus
(Steph. Bj'z. s. V. 'A<nr\riduv), or a son of Presbon
and Sterope. (Eustath. ad Horn. p. 272.) He
was regarded as the founder of Aspledon, an an-
cient town of the Minyans in Boeotia. [L. S.]

ASPRITNAS, a surname of the Nonii, a con-
sular family under the early emperors. (Comp.
Plin.^. N. XXX. 20.) 1. C. Nonius Asprenas,
was a performer in the Trojae lusf/s under Augus-
tus, and in consequence of an injury which he sus-
tained from a fall in the game, he received a golden
chain from Augustus, and was allowed to assume
the surname of Torquatus, both for himself and his
posterity. (Suet. Oct. 43.)

2. L. Asprenas, a legate under his maternal
uncle. Varus, a. d. 10, preserved the Roman anny
from total destruction after the death of Varus.
(Dion Cass. Ivi. 22; Veil. Pat. ii. 120.) He is
probably the same as the L. Nonius Asprenas who
was consul A. D. 6, and as the L. Asprenas men-
tioned by Tacitus, who was proconsul of Africa at
the death of Augustus, A. D. 14, and who, accord-
ing to some accounts, sent soldiers, at the command
of Tiberius, to kill Sempronius Gracchus. (Tac.
Aftn. i. 53.) He is mentioned again by Tacitua,
under a. d. 20. (Ann. iii. 1}].)

3. P. Nonius Asprenas, consul, a. d. 38.
(Dion Cass. lix. 9; Frontinus, de A(piaeduct. c, 13.)

4. I<. Nonius Asprenas and P. Nonius As-
prenas are two orators frequently introduced as
speakers in the Controversiae (1-4, 8, 10, 11, &c.)
of M. Seneca.

ASPRE'NAS, CALPU'RNIUS, appointed go-
vernor of Galatia and Pamphylia by Galba, a. d.
70, induced the partisans of the counterfeit Nero
to put him to death. (Tac. HisL ii. 9.)

ASSAON. [Niobe.]

ASSALECTUS, a Roman sculptor, whose name
is found upon an extant statue of Aesculapius by
him, of the merit of which Winckelmann (Gesch. d.
K. viii. 4. § 5) speaks slightingly. [C. P. M.]

ASSA'RACUS (^PLcradpaKos)., a son of Tros
and Calirrhoe, the daughter of Scamander. He
was king of Troy, and husband of Hieromneme, by
whom he became the father of Capys, the father of
Anchises. (Hom. //. xx. *232, &c. ; ApoUod. iii.
12. § 2 ; Serv. ad Virg. Georg. iii. 35 ; Am. viii.
130.)^ ^ [L. S.]

ASSE'SIA ('Ao-oTjoria), a surname of Athena,
derived from the town of Assesus in Ionia, where
she had a temple. (Herod, i. 19.) [L. S.]

ASSTEAS or ASTEAS, a painter, whose name
is found upon a vase of his workmanship, dis-
covered at Paestum, and now preserved in the
Royal Museum at Naples. (Winckelmann, Gesch.
d. K. iii. Anm. 778.) [C. P. M.]

A'STACUS {"KaraKos). 1. A son of Poseidon
and the nymph Olbia, from whom the town of As-
tacus in Bithynia, which was afterwards called
Nicomedeia, derived its name. (Arrian. ap. Steph.
Byz. s. v.; Paus. v. 12. § 5 ; Strab. xii. p. 5G3.)

2. The father of Ismarus, Leadcs, Asphodicus,
and Melanippus, whence Ovid calls the last of
these heroes Astacides. (Apollod. iii. 6. § 8 ;
Ovid, /6eV, 515.) [L. S.]

ASTER! US.

ASTARTE. [Aphrodite and Syria Dea.]

ASTE'RI A ("Ao-repia), a daughter of the TiUin
Coeus (according to Hj-gin. Fab. Pre/, of Polus)
and Phoebe. She was the sister of Leto, and, ac-
cording to Hesiod (T/ieog. 409), the wife of Perses,
by whom she became the mother of Hecate. Ci-
cero [de N^at, Deor. iii. 16) makes her the mother
of the fourth Heracles by Zeus. But according to
the genuine and more general tradition, she was
an inhabitant of Olympus, and beloved by Zeus.
In order to escape from his embraces, she got me-
tamorphosed into a quail («pri;|), threw herself into
the sea, and was here metamorphosed into the
island Asteria (the island which had fallen from
heaven like a star), or Ortvgia, afterwards called
Delos. (Apollod. i. 2. § 2,* 4. § 1 ; Athen. ix. p.
392 ; Hygin. Fab. 53 ; Callimach. Hymiu in DeL
37; Serv. ad Aen. iii. 73.) There are several other
mythical personages of this name, — one a daughter
of Alcyoneus [Alcvonides] ; a second, one of the
Danaids (Apollod. ii. 1. § 5); a third, a daughter of
Atlas (Hygin. Fab. 250, where, perhaps, Asterope
is to be read) ; and a fourth, a daughter of Hydis,
who became by Bellerophontes the mother of Hy-
dissus, the founder of Hydissus in Caria. (Steph.
Byz. s. V. 'rZicrcros.) [L. S.]

ASTE'RION or ASTE'RIUS ('Ao-repiW or
'AoTe/Jios). 1. A son of Teutamus, and king of
the Cretans, who married Europa after she had
been carried to Crete by Zeus. He also brought
up the three sons, Minos, Sarpedon, and Rhada-
manthys whom she had by the father of the gods.
(Apollod. iii. 1. § 2, &c.; Died. iv. 60.)

2. A son of Cometes, Pyremus, or Priscus, by
Antigone, the daughter of Pheres. He is men-
tioned as one of the Argonauts. (Apollon. Rhod.
i. 35 ; Paus. v. 17. § 4; Hygin. Fab. 14 ; Valer.
FliKx:. i. 355.) There are two more mythical per-
sonages of this name, one a river-god [Acraea],
and the second a son of Minos, who was slain by
Theseus. (Paus. ii. 31. § 1.) [L. S.]

ASTERION ('Ao-Tf/Jtwi/), a statuary-, the son of
a man named Aeschylus. Pausanias (vi. 3. § 1)
mentions a statue of Chaereas, a Sicyonian pugilist,
which was of his workmanship. [C. P. M.]

ASTE'RI US ('Ao-T€ptos), a son of Anax and
grandson of Ge. According to a Milesian legend,
he was buried in the small island of Lade, and
his body measured ten cubits in length. (Paus.
i. 35. § 5, vii. 2. § 3.) There are four other my-
thical personages of this name, who are mentioned
in the following passages : Apollod. iii. 1. § 4 ;
Apollon. Rhod. i. 176 ; Apollod. i. 9. § 9 ; Hygin.
i^ai. 170. ^ [L. S.]

ASTE'RIUS ('AcTTep'os), succeeded Eulalius as
bishop of Amaseia in Pontus, in the latter part of
the fourth century. He had been educated in his
youth by a Scythian slave. Several of his homilies
are still extant, and extracts from others, which
have perished, have been preserved b}' Photius.
{Cod. 271.) He belonged to the orthodox party .

in the Arian controversy, and seems to have lived B

to a great age. |

Fabricius {Dihl. Grace, ix. p. 519, &c.) gives a
list of 25 other persons of this name, many of
whom were dignitaries of the church, and lived
about the end of the fourth or the beginning of the
fifth century. Among them we may notice As-
terius, a Cappadocian, who embraced Christianity,
but apostatized in the persecution under Diocletian
and Maximian (about a. d. 304). He subse-

ASTRATETA.

quently returned to the Christian faith, and joined
the Arian party, but on account of his apostasy
I was excluded from the dignity of bishop to which

t he aspired. He was the author of several theolo-

[ gical works. There was also an Asterius of Scy-

[ thopolis, whom St. Jerome {Epist. 83, ad Magnum

[ Orat.) mentions as one of the most celebrated eccle-

siastical writers. [C. P. M.]

ASTE'RIUS, TURCIUS RUFUS APRONI-
A'NUS, was consul a. d. 494, devoted himself to
literary pursuits, and emended a MS. of Sedulius,
and one of Virgil, on which he wrote an epigram.
{Anth. Lat No. 281, ed. Mever.) [C. P. M.J
j ASTERODIA. [Endymion.]

° ASTEROPAEUS ('Ao-TcpoTratoy), a son of Pe-

legon, and grandson of the river-god Axius, was
the commander of the Paeonians in the Trojan
war, and an ally of the Trojans. He was the
tallest among all the men, and fought with Achilles,
whom he at first wounded, but was afterwards
killed by him. (Hom. //. xxi. 139, &c.; Philostr.
Heroic, xix. 7.) [L. S.]

ASTE'ROPE ('Ao-Tcpt^Trrj), two mythical per-
sonages: see AcRAGAS and Aesacus. [L. S.J
t ASTEROPEIA ('Ao-TepVeia), two mythical

I personages, one a daughter of Pelias, who in con-

junction with her sisters murdered her father
• (Pans. viii. 11. § 2); and the second a daughter of

Deion and Diomede. (Apollod. i. 9. § 4.) [L. S.J
ASTRA'BACUS {'KcnpigaKos), a son of Irbus
and brother of Alopecus, was a Laconian hero of
the royal house of Agis. He and his brother found
the statue of Artemis Orthia in a bush, and be-
came mad at the sight of it. He is said to have
been the father of Damaratus by the wife of Aris-
ton. He had a sanctuary at Sparta, and was
worshipped there as a hero. (Herod, vi. 69 ; Pans,
iii. 16. §5, &c.) [L.S.J

ASTRAEA ('AcrTpaia), a daughter of Zeus and
Themis, or according to others, of Astraeus by Eos.
During the golden age, this star-bright maiden
lived on earth and among men, whom she blessed ;
but when that age had passed away, Astraea, who
tarried longest among men, withdrew, and was
placed among the stars. (Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 25;
Eratost. Catast. 9 ; Ov. Met. i. 149.) [L. S.J

ASTRAEUS ('Ao-Tpatos), a Titan and son of
Crius and Eurybia. By Eos he became the father
of the winds Zephyrus, Boreas, and Notus, Eos-
phorus (the morning star), and all the stars of
heaven. (Hesiod. Theog. 376, &c.) Ovid {Met.
xiv. 545) calls the winds frutres Astraei, which
does not mean that they were brothers of Astraeus,
but brothers through Astraeus, their common fa-
ther. [L. S.J

ASTRAMPSY'CHUS, a name borne by some
of the ancient Persian Magians. (Uiog. Laert.
jyrooem. 2 ; Suidas, s. v. Hldyoi.) There is still
extant under this name a Greek poem, consisting
of 101 iambic verses, on the interpretation of
dreams {^OveipoKpniKov), printed in Rigaulfs
edition of Artemidorus, in the collections of Obso-
poeus and Servais Galle, and in J. C. Bulenger,
de Ration. Divinat. v. 5. The poem is a compara-
tively modern composition (not earlier than the
fourth century after Christ), and the name of the
author is perhaps an assumed one. Suidas (s. v.)
also ascribes to the same author a treatise on the
diseases of asses, and their cure. (Fabric. Bibl.
Uraec. Iv. p. 1 52, v. p. 265, xL p. 583.) [ C. P. M.J
ASTRATEI A ('Ao-TpoTefo), a surname of Arte-

ASTYAGES.

389

mis, under which she had a temple near Pyrrhichua
in Laconia, because she was believed to have stopped
there the progress of the Amazons. (Paus. iii. 25.
§ 2.) [L. S.J

ASTY'AGES {"Aarvdyns), king of Media,
(called by Ctesias 'A<TTv'iyas, and by Diodorus
'Aarirddas), was the son and successor of Cyaxares.
The accounts of this king given by Herodotus,
Ctesias, and Xenophon, differ in several important
particulars. We learn from Herodotus (i. 74), that
in the compact made between Cyaxares and Aly-
attes in B. c. 610, it was agreed that Astyages
should marry Aryenis, the daughter of Alyattes.
According to the chronology of Herodotus, he suc-
ceeded his father in B. c. 595, and reigned 35
years, (i. 130.) His government was harsh, (i.
123.) Alarmed by a dream, he gave his daughter
Mandane in marriage to Cambyses, a Persian of
good family, (i. 107.) Another dream induced
him to send Harpagus to destroy the offspring of
this marriage. The child, the future conqueror of
the Medes, was given to a herdsman to expose,
but he brought it up as his own. Years after-
wards, circumstances occurred which brought the
young Cyrus under the notice of Astyages, who,
on inquiry, discovered his parentage. He inflicted
a cruel punishment on Harpagus, who waited his
time for revenge. When Cyrus had grown up to
man's estate, Harpagus induced him to instigate
the Persians to revolt, and, having been appointed
general of the Median forces, he deserted with the
greater part of them to Cyrus. Astyages was
taken prisoner, and Cyrus mounted the throne.
He treated the captive monarch with mildness,
but kept him in confinement till his death.

Ctesias agrees with Herodotus in making Asty-
ages the last king of the Medes, but says, tliat
Cyrus was in no way related to him till he married
his daughter Aniytis. When Astyages was at-
tacked by Cyrus, he fled to Ecbatana, and was
concealed in the palace by Amytis and her husband
Spitamas, but discovered himself to his pursuers,
to prevent his daughter and her husband and chil-
dren from being put to the torture to induce them to
reveal where he was hidden. He was loaded with
chains by Oebaras, but soon afterwards was liberated
by Cyrus, who treated him with great respect, and
made him governor of the Barcanii, a Parthian
people on the borders of Hyrcania. Spitamas
was subsequently put to death by the orders of
Cyrus, who married Amytis. Some time after,
Amytis and Cyrus being desirous of seeing Asty-
ages, a eunuch named Petisaccs was sent to escort
liini from his satrapy, but, at the instigation of
Oebaras, left him to perish in a desert region.
The crime was revealed by means of a dream, and
Amytis took a cruel revenge on Petisaces. The
body of Astyages was found, and buried with all
due honours. We are told that, in the course of
his reign, Astyages had waged war with the Bac-
trians with doubtful success. (Ctes. ap. Phot. Cod.
72. p. 36, ed. Bekker.) »

Xenophon, like Herodotus, makes Cyrus the
grandson of Astyages, but says, that Astyixges was
succeeded by his son Cyaxares II., on whose death
Cyrus succeeded to the vacant throne. (Cyrop. i.
5. § 2.) This .account seems to tally better with
the notices contained in the book of Daniel, (v. 31,
vi. 1, ix. 1.) Dareius the Mede, mentioned there
and by Josephus (x. 1 1. § 4), is apparently the same
with Cyaxai-es II. (Compare the account in the

i90

ASTYMEDES.

Cyropaedeia of the joint expedition of Cyaxares
and Cyrus against the Assyrians.) In that case,
Ahasuerus, the fiather of Dareiiis, will be identical
with Astyages. The existence of Cyaxares II.
seems also to be recognized by Aeschylus, Pers.
766. But the question is by no means free from
difficulty. [C. P. M.]

ASTY'AGES, a grammarian, the author of a
commentary on Callimachus, and some other trea-
tises on grammatical subjects. (Suidas, s. v. ; Eu-
docia, p. 64.) [C. P. M.]

ASTYANASSA ('Ao-TuaVoo-o-a), said to have
been a daughter of Musaeus, and a slave of Helen,
and to have composed poems on immodest subjects.
(Suidas, S.V.; Photius, Bill. p. 142, ed. Bekk.)
Her personal existence, however, is very doubt-
ful. [C. P. M.]

ASTY'ANAX {^ k<rrv6.val\ the son of Hector
and Andromache; his more common name was
Scamandrius. After the taking of Troy the Greeks
hurled him down from the walls of the city to
prevent the fulfilment of a decree of fate, according
to which he was to restore the kingdom of Troy.
(Hom. //. vi. 400, &c.; Ov. Met. xiii. 415 ; Hygin.
Fab. 109.) A different mythical person of the
name occurs in Apollodorus. (ii. 7. § 8.) [L. S.]

ASTY'DAMAS ('Ao-rvSo/xas). 1- A tragic
poet, the son of Morsimus and a sister of the poet
Aeschylus, was the pupil of Isocrates, and accord-
ing to Suidas {s. v. 'Ao-tuS.) wrote 240 tragedies
and gained the prize fifteen times. His first
tragedy was brought upon the stage in 01. 95. 2.
(Diod. xiv. p. 676.) He was the author of an
epigram in the Greek Anthology {Anal. iii. 329),
Avhich gave rise to the proverb Souttji/ eTraiviis
£<nrep 'AcrrvBafias iroTe. (Suidas, s, v. ^aimijv
K. T. A. ; Diog. Laert. ii. 43.)

2. A tragic poet, the son of the former. The
names of some of his tragedies are mentioned by
Suidas (s. v.). [C. P. M.]

ASTYDAMEIA {'AtTTvUfxna), a daughter of
Amyntor, king of the Dolopians in Thessah', by
Cleobule. She became by Heracles the mother of
Tlepolemus. (Pind. 01. vii. 24, with the Schol.)
Other accounts differ from Pindar, for Hyginus
(Fab. 162) calls the mother of Tlepolemus As-
tyoche, and Apollodorus (ii. 7. § 8) calls the son
of Astydameia Ctesippus. (Comp. Muncker, ad
Hygin. I. c.) The Astydameia mentioned under
AcASTiJS and Antigonb, No. 2, is a different
personage. [L. S.]

A'STYLUS, a seer among the centaurs, who is
mentioned by Ovid {Met. xii. 308) as dissuading
the centaurs from fighting against the Lapithae.
But the name in Ovid seems to be a mistake either
of the poet himself or of the transcribers for Asbolus.
(Hes. Scid, Here. 185 ; Asbolus.) [L, S.]

ASTYME'DES ('A(rrv(U7i57j$), a Rhodian of
distinction. On the breaking out of the war be-
tween the Romans and Perseus (b. c. 171), he
advised his countrj^men to side with the former.
(Polyb. xxvii. 6. § 3.)* After the war, when the
Rhodians were threatened with hostilities by the
Romans, Astj-medes was sent as ambassador to
Rome to deprecate their anger. The tenour of his
speech on the occasion is censured by Polybius.
(xxx. 4, 5 ; Liv. xlv. 21-25.) Three years after-
wards, he was again sent as ambasstidor to Rome,
and succeeded in bringing about an alliance be-
tween the Romans and his countrjTnen. (Polyb.
xxxi. 6, 7.) In B.C. 153, on the occasion of the

ASTYOCHUS.

war with Crete, we find him appointed admiral,
and again sent as ambassador to Rome. (Polyb
xxxiii. 14.) [C. P. M.]

ASTY'NOME ('Ao-twc^mt?), the daughter of
Chryses (whence she is also called Chryseis), a
priest of Apollo. She was taken prisoner by
Achilles in the Hypoplacian Thebe or in Lymes-
sus, whither she had been sent by hei father for
protection, or, according to others, to attend the
celebration of a festival of Artemis. In the dis-
tribution of the booty she was given to Agamem-
non, who, however, was obliged to restore her to
her father, to soothe the anger of Apollo. (Horn.
//. i. 378 ; Kustath. ail Hom. pp. 77, 118; Dictys
Cret. ii. 17.) There are two more mythical per-
sonages of this name, one a daughter of Niobe, and
the other a daughter of Talaus and mother of
Capaneus. (Hvgin. Fab. 70.) [L. S.]

ASTY'NOMUS {' k<rrvvofj.os\ a Greek writer
upon Cyprus. (Plin. H. N. v. 35; Steph. Byz.
s. V. KuTrpos.)

ASTY'NOUS ('Ao-Tui/ooj), a son of Protiaon,a
Trojan, who was slain by Neoptolemus. (Hom. //.
XV. 455 ; Pans. x. 26. § 1.) A second Astynous
occurs in Apollodorus. (iii. 14. § 3.) [L. S.]

ASTY'OCHE or ASTYOCHEIA ('AffrvJxn
or 'AffTuo'xf'o). 1. A daughter of Actor, by whom
Ares begot two sons, Ascalaphus and lalmenus.
(Horn. //. ii. 512, &c.; Pans. ix. 37. § 3.)

2. A daughter of Phyhis, king of Ephyra, by
whom Heracles, after the conquest of Ephyra, begot
Tlepolemus. (ApoUod. ii. 7. §§ 6, 8 ; Hom. //.
ii. 658, &c.; Schol. ad Pind. 01. vii. 24 ; AsTV-

DAMEIA.)

3. A daughter of Laomedon by Strymo, Placia,
or Leucippe. (ApoUod. iii. 12. § 3.) According
to other traditions in Eustathius {ad Horn. p. 1697)
and Dictys (ii. 2), she was a daughter of Priam,
and married Telephus, by whom she became the
mother of Eurypylus. Three other mythical per-
sonages of this name occur in ApoUod. iii. 12. § 2,
iii. 5. § 6 ; Hygin. Fab. 117. [L. S.]

ASTY'OCHUS ('Ao-Tu'oxos), succeeded Melan-
cridas as Lacedaemonian high admiral, in the sum-
mer of 412, B. c, the year after the Syracusan
defeat, and arrived with four ships at Chios, late
in the summer. (Thuc. viii. 20, 23.) Lesbos
was now the seat of the contest : and his arrival
was followed by the recovery to the Athenians of
the whole island. (lb. 23.) Astyochus was
eager for a second attempt ; but compelled, by the
refusal of the Chians and their Spartan captain,
Pedaritus, to forego it, he proceeded, with many
threats of revenge, to take the general command at
Miletus. (31 — 33.) Here he renewed the Persian
treaty, and remained, notwithstanding the entrea-
ties of Chios, then hard pressed by the Athenians,
wholly inactive. He was at last starting to re-
lieve it, when he was called off, about mid-winter,
to join a fleet from home, bringing, in consequence
of complaints from Pedaritus, commissioners to ex-
amine his proceedings. Before this {iri ovra rare
nepl MiAtjtov, cc. 36 — 42), Astyochus it appears
had sold himself to the Persian interest. lie had
received, perhaps on first coming to Miletus, orders
from home to put Alcibiades to death ; but finding
him in refuge with the satrap Tissaphemes, he not
only gave up all thought of the attempt, but on re-
ceiving private intelligence of his Athenian negotia-
tions, went up to ]\Iagncsia, betrayed Phryniclius
his infonnant to Alcibiades, and there, it would

ATALANTE.

Bcem, pledged himself to the s.atrap. (cc. 45 and 50.)
Henceforward, in pursuance of his patron's policy,
his efforts were eraploj'cd in keeping his large
forces inactive, and inducing submission to the re-
duction in their Persian pay. The acquisition of
Rhodes, after his junction with the new fleet, he
had probably little to do with ; while to him,
must, no doubt, be ascribed the neglect of the
opportunities afforded by the Athenian dissensions,
after his return to Miletus (cc. 60 and 63), 411 b.c.
The discontent of the troops, especially of the
Syracusans, was great, and broke out at last in a
riot, where his life was endangered ; shortly after
which his successor Mindarus arrived, and Asty-
ochus sailed home (cc. 84, 85), after a command of
about eight months. Upon his return to Sparta
he bore testimony to the truth of the charges
which Hermocrates, the Syracusan, brought against
Tissaphemes. (Xen. Hdl. i. 1. § 31.) [A. H. C]

ASTYPALAEA ('AcTTwraAafa), a daughter of
Phoenix and Perimede, the daughter of Oeneus.
She was a sister of Europa, and became by Posei-
don the mother of the Argonaut Ancaeus and of
Eurypylns, king of the island of Cos. The island
Astypalaea among the Cyclades derived its name
from her. (ApoUod. ii. 7. § 1 ; Paus. vii. 4. § 2 ;
ApoUod. Rhod, ii. 866 ; Steph. Byz. s. v.) [L.S.]

A'SYCHIS ("Ao-ux's), a king of Egypt, who,
according to the account in Herodotus (ii. 136),
succeeded Mycerinus (about B.C. 1012 according
to Larcher's calculation), and built the propy-
laea on the east side of the temple of Hephaestus
which had been begim by Menes, and also a
pyramid of brick. Herodotus likewise mentions
some laws of his for the regulation of money
transactions. [C. P. M.]

ATABY'RIUS ('AToguptos), a surname of Zeus
derived from mount Atabyris or Atabyrion in the
island of Rhodes, where the Cretan Althaemenes
was said to have built a temple to him. (ApoUod.
iii. 2. § 1 ; Appian, Mithrid. 26.) Upon this moun-
tain there were, it is said, brazen bulls which
roared when anything extraordinary was going to
happen. (Schol. ad Piiid. 01. vii. 159.) [L. S.]

ATALANTE ('AroAai/Trj). In ancient mytho-
logy there occur two personages of this name, who
have been regarded by some writers as identical,
while others distinguish between them. Among
the latter we may mention the Scholiast on Theo-
critus (iii. 40), Burmann {ad Ov. Met. x. 565),
Spanheim {ad Callimach. p. 275, &c.), and Munc-
ker {ad. Hygin. Fab. 99, 173, 185). K. 0. Mid-
ler, on the other hand, who maintains the identity
of the two Atalantes, has endeavoured to shew
that the distinction cannot be carried out satisfac-
torily. But the difficulties are equally great in
either case. The common accounts distinguish
between the Arcadian and the Boeotian Atalante.
1. The Arcadian Atalante is described as the
daughter of Jasus ( Jasion or Jasius) and Clymene.
(Aelian, V. H. xiii. 1 ; Hvgin. Fab. 99; CaUim.
Hymn, in Diun. 216.) Her father, who had r^'ished
for a son, was disappointed at her birth, and ex-
posed her on the Parthenian (virgin) hill, by the
side of a well and at the entrance of a cave. Pau-
sanias (iii. 24. § 2) speaks of a spring near the
ruins of Cyphanta, which gushed forth from a rock,
and which Atalante was believed to have called
forth by striking the rock with her spear. In her
infancy, Atalante was suckled in the wilderness by
a 8h»>-bear, the symbol of Artemis, and after she

ATAULPHUS.

391

had grown up, she lived in pure maidenhood, slew
the centaurs who pursued her, took part in the
Calydonian hunt, and in the games which were
celebrated in honour of Pelias. Afterwards, her
father recognized her as his daughter ; and when
he desired her to marry, she made it the condition
that every suitor who wanted to win her, should
first of all contend with her in the foot-race. If
he conquered her, he was to be rewarded with her
hand, if not, he was to be put to death by her.
This she did because she was the most swift-footed
among all mortals, and because the Delphic oracle
had cautioned her against marriage. Meilanion,
one of her suitors, conquered her in this manner.
Aphrodite had given him three golden apples, and
during the race he dropped them one after the
other. Their beauty chai-med Atalante so much,
that she could not abstain from gathering them.
Thus she was conquered, and became the wife of
Meilanion. Once when the two, by their embraces
in the sacred grove of Zeus, profaned the sanctity
of the place, they were both metamorphosed into
lions. Hyginus adds, tliat Atalante was by Ares
the mother of Parthenopaeus, though, according to
others, Parthenopaeus was her son by Meilanion.
(Apollod. iii. 9. § 2; Serv. ad Aeu. iii. 313; Athen.
iii. p. 82.)

2. The Boeotian Atalante. About her the same
stories are related as about the Arcadian Atalante,
except that her parentage and the localities are
described differently. Thus she is said to have
been a daughter of Schoenus, and to have been
married to Hippomenes. Her footrace is trans-
ferred to the Boeotian Onchestus, and the sanc-
tuary which the newly mamed couple profaned by
their love, was a temple of C3'bele, who metamor-
phosed them into lions, and yoked them to her
chariot. (Ov. Met. x. 565, &c., viii. 318, &c. ;
Hygin. Fab. 185.) In both traditions the main
cause of the metfimorphosis is, that the husband of
Atalante neglected to thank Aphrodite for the gift
of the golden apples. Atalante has in the ancient
poets various suniames or epithets, which refer
partly to her descent, partly to her occupation (the
chase), and partly to her swiftness. She was re-
presented on the chest of Cypselus holding a hind,
and by her side stood Meilanion. She also ap-
peared in the pediment of the temple of Athena
Alea at Tegea among the Calydonian himters.
(Paus. V. 19. § 1, viii. 45. § 4; Comp. MliUer,
Orekum. p. 214.) [L. S.]

ATALANTE {'AraXdurv), the sister of Per-
diccas, married Attains, and was murdered a few
days after her brother, Perdiccas. (Died, xviii.
37.)

ATA'RRHIAS ('Arap^ias), mentioned several
times by Q. Curtius (v. 2, vii. 1, viii 1), with a
slight variation in the orthography of the name,
in the wars of Alexander the Great, appears to
have been the same who was sent b}"^ Cassander
with a part of the army to oppose Aeacides, king
of Epeirus, in B. c. 317. (Diod. xix. 36.)

ATAULPHUS, ATHAULPHUS, ADAUL-
PHUS {t.e. Atha-ulf, "sworn helper," the same
name as that which appears in later history under
the form of Adolf or Adolphus), brother of Alaric's
wife. (Olympiod. ap. Phot. Cod. 80, p. 57, a., ed
Bekk.) He first appears as conducting a reinforce-
ment of Goths and Huns to aid Alaric in Italy
after the termination of the first siege of Rome.
(a. s. 40J^.) In the sjune year he was after the

392

ATAULPHUS.

second siege raised by the mock emperor Attains
to the office of Count of the Domestics ; and on
the death of Alaric in 410, he was elected to sup-
ply his place as king of the Visigoths. (Jomandes,
de Reb. Get, 32.) From this time the accounts of
his history vary exceedingly. The only undisputed
facts are, that he retired with his nation into the
south of Gaul, — that he married Placidia, sister of
Honorius, — and that he finally withdrew into
Spain, where he was murdered at Barcelona. Ac-
cording to Jomandes {de Reb. Get. 32), he took
Rome a second time after Alaric 's death, carried off
Placidia, formed a treaty with Honorius, which was
cemented by his marriage with Placidia at Forum
Livii or Cornelii, remained a faithful ally in Gaul,
and went into Spain for the purpose of suppressing
the agitations of the Suevi and Vandals against
the empire. But the other authorities for the
time agree on the whole in giving a different re-
presentation. According to them, the capture of
Placidia had taken place before Alaric's death
(Philostorg. xii. 4 ; Olympiod. /. c. ; Marcellin.
Chronicon) ; the treaty with the empire was not
concluded till after Ataulphus's retreat into Gaul,
where he was implicated in the insurrection of
Jovinus, and set up Attains, whom he detained in
his camp for a musician, as a rival emperor ; he
then endeavoured to make peace with Honorius
by sending him the head of the usurper Sebastian,
and by offering to give up Placidia in exchange
for a gift of com ; on this being refused, he at-
tacked Massilia, from which he was repulsed by
Bonifacius; finally, the marriage with Placidia
took place at Narbo (Idat. Chronicon\ which so
exasperated her lover, the general Constantins,
as to make him drive Ataulphus into Spain. (Oro-
sins, vii. 43; Idat. Chro7iicon; Philostorg. xii. 4.)

He was remarkable as being the first indepen-
dent chief who entered into alliance with Rome,
not for pay, but from respect. His original ambi-
tion had been (according to Orosius, vii. 43, who
appears to record his very words), " that what
■was now Romania should become Gothia, and
what Caesar Augustus was now, that for the
future should be Ataulphus, but that his experience
of the evils of lawlessness and the advantages of
law had changed his intention, and that his
highest glory now would be to be known in after
ages as the defender of the empire." And thus
his marriage with Placidia — the first contracted
between a barbarian chief and a Roman princess —
was looked upon by his contemporaries as a marked
epoch, and as the fulfilment of the prophecy of
Daniel, that the king of the North should wed the
daughter of the king of the South. (Idat. Chro-
nicon.)

He was a man of striking personal appearance,
and of middle stature. (Jomandes, de Reb. Get.
32.) The details of his life are best given in
Olympiodorus {ap. Phot.), who gives a curious de-
scription of the scene of his nuptials with Placidia
in the house of Ingenuus of Narbo (p. 59, b. ed.
Bekker).

His death is variously ascribed to the personal
anger of the assassin Venmlf or ( Olympiod. p. 60,
a.) Dobbins (Jomandes, di} Reb. Get. 32), to the in-
trigues of Constantins (Philostorg. xii. 4), and to
a conspiracy occasioned in the camp by his having
put to death a rival chief, Sarus (Olympiod. p. 58,
b.) It is said to have taken place in the palace at
Barcelona (Idat. Chronicon), or whilst, according

ATERIUS.
to his custom, he was looking at his stables.
(Olympiod. p. 60, a.) His first wife was a Sarmatian,
who was divorced to make way for Placidia (Phi-
lostorg. xii. 4), and by whom he had six children.
The only offspring of his second marriage was a
son, Theodosius, who died in infancy. (Olympiod.
p. 59, b.) * [A. P. S.]

ATE ( Att?), according to Hesiod (Theog. 230),
a daughter of Eris, and according to Homer (//.
xix. 91) of Zeus, was an ancient Greek divinity,
who led both gods and men to rash and inconside-
rate actions and to suffering. She once even in-
duced Zeus, at the birth of Heracles, to take an
oath by which Hera was afterwards enabled to
give to Eurystheus the power which had boon
destined for Heracles. "When Zeus discovered his
rashness, he hurled Ate from Olympus and banished
her for ever from the abodes of the gods. (Honi.
II. xix. 126, &c.) In the tragic writers Ate
appears in a different light : she avenges evil deeds
and inflicts just punishments upon the offenders
and their posterity (Aeschyl. Choeph. 381), so that
her character here is almost the same as that of
Nemesis and Erinnys. She appears most promi-
nent in the dramas of Aeschylus, and least in
those of Euripides, with whom the idea of Dike
(justice) is more fully developed. (Blumner,
Ueber die Idee des Schicksals, ^c. p. 64, &c.) [ L, S.]

AT EI US, surnamed Fraetej-taius, and also
Philologus, the latter of which surnames he assumed
in order to indicate his great learning, was born at
Athens, and was one of the most celebrated gram-
marians at Rome, in the latter half of the first
century b. c. He was a freedman, and was per-
haps originally a slave of the jurist Ateius Capito,
by whom he was characterized as a rhetorician
among grammarians, and a grammarian among
rhetoricians. He taught many of the Roman
nobles, and was particularly intimate with the
historian Sallust, and with Asinius Pollio. Foi*
the former he drew up an abstract of Roman his-
tory {Breviariuni rerum omnium Romanarum ),
that Sallust might select from it for his history
such subjects as he chose ; and for the latter he
compiled precepts on the art of writing. Asinius
Pollio believed that Ateius collected for Sallust
many of the peculiar expressions which we find
in his writings, but this is expressly denied by
Suetonius. The commentarii of Ateius were ex-
ceedingly numerous, but only a very few were ex-
tant even in the time of Suetonius. (Sueton. de
Illiistr. Grammat. 10 ; comp. Osann, Anulecta Cri-
tic, p. 64, &c. ; Madvig, Opuacula Academica, p.
97, cS:c.)

ATEIUS CA'PITO. [Capito.]

ATEIUS SANCTUS. [Sanctus.]

ATERIA'NUS, JU'LIUS, wrote a work upon
the Thirty Tyrants (a. d. 259—268), or at least
upon one of them, Victorinus. Trebellius Pollio
{Trig. Tyr. 6) gives an extract from his work.

A. ATE'RNIUS or ATE'RIUS consul b. c.
454, Avith Sp. Tarpeius. (Liv. iii. 31.) The con-
sulship is memorable for the passing of the Ij'<v
Aternia Tarpeia. {Diet, of Ant. s. v.) Aternius
was subsequently in b. c. 448, one of the patrician
tribunes of the people, which was the only timo
that patricians were elected to that office. (Liv.
iii. 65.)

ATE'RIUS, or HATE'RIUS, a Roman juris-
consult, who was probably contemporary with
Cicero, and gave occasion to one of that great ora-

ATHANADAS.

tor's puns. Cicero writes to L. Papirius Pactns (ad
(■'am. ix. 18), Tu istic te Aieriano jure delcdato:
<!/o me hie Hirtiano. " While you are amusing
yourself with the laiv (jtis) of Aterius, let me en-
joy my pea- fowl here with the capital sauce (jus)
of my friend Hirtius." [J. T. G.]

A'TH AMAS {'AOd/xas), a son of Aeolus and
Enarete, the daughter of Deimachus. He was
thus a brother of Cretheus, Sisyphus, Salmoneus,
&c. (ApoUod. i. 7. § 3.) At the command of
Hera, Athamas married Nephele, by whom he be-
came the father of Phrixus and Helle. But he
was secretly in love with the mortal Ino, the
daughter of Cadmus, by whom he begot Lear-
chus and Melicertes, and Nephele, on discovering
that Ino had a greater hold on his aifections than
herself, disappeared in her anger. Misfortunes and
ruin now came upon the house of Athamas, for
Nephele, who had returned to the gods, demanded
that Athamas should be sacrificed as an atonement
to her. Ino, who hated the children of Nephele
and endeavoured to destroy them, caused a fa-
mine by her artifices, and when Athamas sent
messengers to Delphi to consult the oracle about
the means of averting fomine, Ino bribed them,
and the oracle they brought back declared,
that Phrixus must be sacrificed. When the peo-
ple demanded compliance with the oracle, Nephele
rescued Phrixus and Helle upon the ram with the
golden fleece, and carried them to Colchis. Atha-
mas and Ino drew upon themselves the anger of
Hera also, the cause of which is not the same in
all accounts. (Apollod. iii. 4. § 3 ; Hygin. Fab. 2.)
Athamas was seized by madness (comp. Cic. Tusc.
iii. 5, in Pison. 20), and in this state he killed his
own son, Learchus, and Ino threw herself with
Melicertes into the sea, Athamas, as ihe murderer
of his son, was obliged to flee from Boeotia. He
consulted the oracle where he should settle. The
answer was, that he should settle where he should
be treated hospitably by wild beasts. After long
wanderings, he at last came to a place where
wolves were devouring sheep. On perceiving him,
they ran away, leaving their prey behind. Atha-
mas recognized the place alluded to in the oracle,
settled there, and called the country Athamania,
after his own name. He then married Theraisto,
who bore him several sons. (Apollod. i. 9. § 1, &c.;
Hygin. Fab. 1-5.)

The accounts about Athamas, especially in their
details, differ much in the different writers, and it
seems that the Thessalian and Orchomenian tradi-
tions are here interwoven with one another. Ac-
cording to Pausanias (ix. 34. § 4), Athamas wished
to sacrifice Phrixus at the foot of the Boeotian
mountain Laphystius,on the altar dedicated to Zeus
Laphystius, a circumstance which suggests some
connexion of the myth us with the worship of
Zeus Laphystius. (Miiller, Orchom. p. 161, &c.)
There are two other mythical personages of this
name, the one a grandson of the former, who led a
colony of Minyans to Teos (Pans. vii. 3. § 3 ;
Steph. Byz. s. v. Tews), and the other a son of
Oenopion, the Cretan, who had emigrated to
Chios. (Paus. vii. 4. § G.) [L. S.J

A'THAMAS ('A0a^as), a Pythagorean philoso-
pher, cited by Clemens of Alexandria. {Strom.
vi. p. 624, d. Paris, 16-?5.)

ATIIA'NADAS ('AeavaSas), a Greek writer,
the author of a work on Ambracia {"'Ap-SpaKiKci).
(Antonin. Liber, c. 4.) [C. P. M.]

ATHANASIUS.

393

ATHANARI'CUS, the son of Rhotestus, was
king, or according to Ammianus Marcellinus
(xxvii, 5), "judex" of the West Goths during
their stay in l3acia. His name became first known
in A. D. 367, when the Goths were attacked by the
emperor Valens, who first encamped near Daphne,
a fort on the Danube, from whence, after having
laid a bridge of boats over this river, he entered
Dacla. The Goths retired and the emperor re-
treated likewise after having performed but little.
Pie intended a new campaign, but the swollen
waters of the Danube inundated the surrounding
country, and Valens took up his winter quarters
at MarcianopoHs in Moesia. In 369, however, he
crossed the Danube a second time, at Noviodunum
in Moesia Inferior, and defeated Athanaric who
wished for peace, and who was invited by Valens
to come to his camp. Athanaric excused himself,
pretending that he had made a vow never to set
his foot on the Roman territory, but he promised
to the Roman ambassadors, Victor and Arinthaeus,
that he would meet with the emperor in a boat on
the Danube. Valens having agreed to this, peace
was concluded on that river, on conditions not very
heavy for the Goths, for they lost nothing ; but
their commerce with Moesia and Thrace was re-
stricted to two towns on the Danube. Thence
probably the title "" Gothicus," which Eutropius
gives to Valens in the dedication of his history.

In 373, Athanaric, who belonged to the ortho-
dox party, was involved in a feud with Fritigern,
another "judge" of the West-Goths or Thervingi,
who was an Arian, and oppressed the Catholic
party. In 374, the Gothic empire v/as invaded
by the Huns. Athanaric defended the passages of
the Dnieper, but the Huns crossed this river in
spite of his vigilance and defeated the Goths,
whereupon Athanaric retired between the Prutli
and the Danube, to a strong position which he for-
tified by lines. His situation, however, was so
dangerous, that the Goths sent ambassadors, among
whom probably was Ulphibs, to the emperor Valens,
for the purpose of obtaining dwelling places within
the Roman empire. Valens received tlie ambassa-
dors at Antioch, and promised to receive the West-
Goths as " foederati." Thus the West-Goths
(Thervingi) settled in Moesia, but Athanaric,
faithful to his vow, refused to accompany them
and retired to a stronghold in the mountains of
Dacia. There he defended himself against the
Huns, as well as some Gothic chiefs, wiio
tried to dislodge him, till in 380 he was compelled
to fly. Necessity urged him to forget his oath,
he entered the Roman territory and retired to
Constantinople, where the emperor Theodosius
treated him with great kindness and all the re-
spect due to his rank. He died in 381. (Amm.
Marc, xxvii. 5, xxx. 3 ; Themistius, 07-at. in
Valent; Zosimus, iv. 34,35; Sozomen. vi. 37 ;
Idatius, in Fastis, Syagrio et Eucherio Coss. ; Eu-
napius, Fragm. pp. 18, 19, ed. Paris.) [W. P.]

A'TH AN AS {'Aedvas), a Greek historical
writer, the author of a work on Sicily, quoted by
Plutarch (Timol. 23, 37) and Diodorus. (xv. 94.)
He is probably the same with Athanis, a writer
mentioned by Athenaeus (iii. p. 98), who also
wrote a work on Sicily. (Giiller, de Situ, ^c.
Syracusarum, p. 16.) [C. P. M.]

ATHANA'SIUS {'ABavdaios), ST., archbishop
of Alexandria, was born in that city, a few years
before the close of the third century. The date of

?M

ATHANASIUS.

his birth cannot be ascertained with exactness ;
but it is assigned by Montfaucon, on grounds suffi-
ciently probable, to A. D. 296. No particulars are
recorded of the lineage or the parents of Athana-
sius. The dawn of his character and genius seems
to have given fair promise of his subsequent emi-
nence ; for Alexander, then primate of Egypt,
brought him up in his own family, and superintend-
ed his education with the view of dedicating him
to the Christian ministry. We have no account
of the studies pursued by Athanasius in his youth,
except the vague statement of Gregory Nazianzen,
that he devoted comparatively little attention to
general literature, but acquired an extraordinary
knowledge of the Scriptures. His early proficiency
in Biblical knowledge is credible enough ; but
though he was much inferior in general learning to
such men as Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen, and
Eusebius, his Oration against the Greeks, itself a
juvenile performance, evinces no contemptible ac-
quaintance with the literature of heathen mytho-
logy. "While a young man, Athanasius frequent-
ly visited the celebrated heimit St. Antony, of
whom he eventually became the biographer ; and
this early acquaintance laid the foundation of a
friendship which was interrupted only by the death
of the aged recluse. [ Antonius, St.] At what
age Athanasius was ordained a deacon is nowhere
stated ; but he was young both in years and in
office when he vigorously supported Alexander in
maintaining the orthodox faith against the earliest
assjxults of the Arians. He was still only a deacon
when appointed a member of the famous council of
Nice (a. d. 325), in which he distinguished him-
self as an able opponent of the Arian doctrine, and
assisted in drawing up the creed that takes its
name from that assembly.

In the following year Alexander died; and
Athanasius, whom he had strongly recommended
as his successor, was raised to the vacant see of
Alexandria, the voice of the people as well as the
suffrages of the ecclesiastics being decisively in
his favour. The manner in which he discharged
the duties of his new office was highly exemplary ;
but he had not long enjoyed his elevation, before
he encountered the commencement of that long
series of trials which darkened the eventful re-
mainder of his life. About tlie year 331, Arius,
who had been banished by Constantine after the
condemnation of his doctrine by the council of
Nice, made a professed submission to the Catholic
faith, which satisfied the emperor; and shortly
after, Athanasius received an imperial order to ad-
mit the heresiarch once more into the church of
Alexandria. The archbishop had the courage to
disobey, and justified his conduct in a letter which
seems, at the time, to have been satisfactory to
Constantine. Soon after this, complaints were
lodged against Athanasius by certain enemies of
his, belonging to the obscure sect of the Meletians.
One of the charges involved nothing short of high
treason. Others related to acts of sacrilege alleged
to have been committed in a church where a priest
named Ischyras or Ischyrion officiated. It was
averred that Macarius, a priest acting under the
orders of Athanasius, had forcibly entered this
church while Ischyras was performing divine ser-
vice, had broken one of the consecrated chalices,
overturned the communion-table, burned the sacred
books, demolished the pulpit, and razed the edifice
to its foundations. Athanasius made his defence

ATHANASIUS.

before the emperor in person, and was honourably
acquitted. With regard to the pretended acts of
sacrilege, it was proved that Ischyras had never
received regular orders; that, in consequence of
his unduly assuming the priestly office, Athanasius
in one of his episcopal visitations had sent Maca-
rius and another ecclesiastic to inquire into the
matter ; that these had found Ischyras ill in bed,
and had contented themselves with advising his
father to dissuade him from all such irregularities
for the future. Ischyras himself afterwards con-
fessed with tears the groundlessness of the charges
preferred against Macarius; and gave Athanasius
a written disavowal of them, signed by six priests
and seven deacons. Notwithstanding these proofs
of the primate's innocence, his enemies renewed
their attack in an aggravated form ; accusing Atha-
nasius himself of the acts previously imputed to
Macarius, and charging him moreover with the
murder of Arsenius, bishop of Hypselis in Upper
Egypt. To give colour to this latter accusation
Arsenius absconded, and lay concealed for a con-
siderable time. The emperor before whom the
charges were laid, already knew that those relat-
ing to Ischyras were utterly unfounded. He re-
ferred it to his brother Dalmatiiis, the Censor, to
inquire into the alleged murder of Arsenius. Dal-
matius wrote to Athanasius, commanding him to
prepare his defence. The primate was at first in-
clined to leave so monstrous a calumny to its own
fate ; but finding that the anger of the emperor
had been excited against him, he instituted an
active search after Arsenius, and in the end learned
that he had been discovered and identified at Tyre.
The Arians meanwhile had urged the convention
of a council at Caesareia, for the purpose of in-
quiring into the crimes imputed to Athanasius.
But he, unwilling to trust his cause to such a tri-
bunal, sent to the emperor a full account of the ex-
posiu:e of the pretended homicide. On this, Con-
stantine ordered Dalmatius to stay all proceedings
against Athanasius, and commanded the Arian
bishops, instead of holding their intended synod at
Caesareia, to return home.

Undeterred by this failure, the enemies of Atha-
nasius, two years after, prevailed upon Constantine
to summon a council at Tyre, in which they re- j
peated the old accusations concerning Ischyras and a
Arsenius, and urged new matter of crimination. ^
The pretended sacrilege in the church of Ischyras
was disproved by the bishops who were present
from Egypt. The murder of Arsenius was satis-
factorily disposed of by producing the man himself
alive and well, in the midst of the council. The
adversaries of the primate succeeded, however, in
appointing a commission to visit Egypt and tjike
cognizance of the matters laid to his charge. The il
proceedings of this commission are described by M
Athanasius as having been in the highest degree
corrupt, iniquitous, and disorderly. On the return
of the commissioners to Tyre, whence Athanasius
had meanwhile withdrawn, the council deposed
him from his office, interdicted him from visiting
Alexandria, and sent copies of his sentence to all
the bishops in the Christian world, forbidding
them to receive him into their communion. On a
calm review of all the proceedings in this case, it
seems impossible to doubt that the condemnation
of Athanasius was flagrantly unjust, and was en-
tirely provoked by his uncompromising opposition
to the tenets of the Arians, who had secured a ms-

ATHANASIUS.

jority in the council. Undismayed by the triumph
of his enemies, the deposed archbishop returned to
Tyre, and presenting himself before Constantine as
he was entering the city, entreated the emperor to
do him justice. His prayer was so far granted as
that his accusers were summoned to confront him
in the imperial presence. On this, they abandoned
their previous grounds of attack, and accused him
of having threatened to prevent the exportation of
com from Alexandria to Constantinople. It would
seem that the emperor was peculiarly sensitive on
this point ; for, notwithstanding the intrinsic im-
probability of the charge, and the earnest denials
of Athanasius, the good prelate was banished by
Constantine to Gaul. It is not unlikely that, when
the heat of his indignation had subsided, Constan-
tine felt the sentence to be too rigorous ; for he
prohibited the filling up of the vacant see, and de-
clared that his motive in banishing the primate
was to remove him from the machinations of his
enemies.* Athanasius went to Treves (a. d. 336),
wliere he was not only received with kindness by
Maximinus, the bishop of that city, but loaded
with favours by Constantine the Younger. The
Alexandrians petitioned the emperor to restore
their spiritual father, and Antony the hermit
joined in the request ; but the appeal was unsuc-
cessful.

In the year 337, Constantine died. In the fol-
lowing year, Athanasius was replaced in his see by
Constantine II. He was received by the clergy
and the people with the liveliest demonstrations of
joy. But he had scarcely resumed the dignities
and duties of his office, when the persevering hos-
tility of his Arian opponents began to disturb him
afresh. They succeeded in prejudicing the mind
of Constantius against him, and in a council held
at Antioch proceeded to the length of appointing
Pistus archbishop of Alexandria. To counteract
their movements, Athanasius convoked a council at
Alexandria, in which a document was prepared
setting forth the wrongs committed by the adverse
party, and vindicating the character of the Egyp-
tian primate. Both parties submitted their state-
ments to Julius, the bishop of Rome, who signified
his intention of bringing them together, in order
that the case might be thoroughly investigated. To
this proposition Athanasius assented. The Arians
refused to comply. In the year 340, Constantine
the Younger was slain ; and in him Athanasius
seems to have lost a powerful and zealous friend.
In the very next year, the Arian bishops convened
a council at Antioch, in which they condemned
Athanasius for resuming his office while the sen-
tence of deposition pronounced by the council of
Tyre was still unrepealed. They accused him of
disorderly and violent proceedings on his return to
Alexandria, and even revived the old exploded
stories about the broken chalice and the murder of
Arsenius. They concluded by appointing Eusebius
Jvraisenus to the archbishopric of Alexandria ; and
when he declined the dubious honour, Gregory of

* Gibbon ascribes the sentence to reasons of po-
licy. *'The emperor was satisfied that the peace
of Egj'pt would be secured by the absence of a
popular leader ; but he refused to fill the vacancy
of the archiepiscopal throne ; and the sentence,
which, after long hesitation, he pronounced, was
that of a jealous ostracism, rather than of an igno-
minious exile."

ATHANASIUS.

aOfi

Cappadocia was advanced in his stead. The new
primate entered on his office (a. d. 341) amidst
scenes of atrocious violence. The Christian popu-
lation of Alexandria were loud in their complaints
against the removal of Athanasius ; and Philagrius,
the prefect of Egypt, who had been sent with
Gregory to establish him in his new office, let loose
against them a crowd of ferocious assailants, who
committed the most frightful excesses. Athanasius
fled to Rome, and addressed to the bishops of every
Christian church an energetic epistle, in which he
details the cruel injuries inflicted upon himself and
his people, and entreats the aid of all his brethren.
At Rome he was honourably received by Julius,
who despatched messengers to the ecclesiastical
opponents of Athanasius, summoning them to a
council to be held in the imperial city. Apparently
in dread of exposure and condemnation, they re-
fused to comply with the summons. When the
council met (a. d. 342), Athanasius was heard in
his own vindication, and honourably restored to
the communion of the church. A synodical letter
was addressed by the council to the Arian clergy,
severely reproving them for their disobedience to
the summons of Julius and their unrighteous con-
duct to the church of Alexandria.

In the year 347, a council was held at Sardica,
at which the Arians at first designed to attend.
They insisted, however, that Athanasius and all
whom they had condemned should be excluded. As
it was the great object of this council to decide
upon the merits of that very case, the proposition
was of course resisted, and the Arians left the
assembly. The council, after due investigjition,
affirmed the innocence of those whom the Arians
had deposed, restored them to their offices, and
condemned their adversaries. Synodical epistles,
exhibiting the decrees of the council, were duly
prepared and issued. Delegates were sent to the
emperor Constantius at Antioch, to notify the de-
cision of the council of Sardica ; and they were also
entrusted with a letter from Constans to his bro-
ther, in which the cause of the orthodox clergy was
strongly recommended. At Antioch an infamous
plot was laid to blast the reputation of the dele-
gates. Its detection seems to have wrought pow-
erfully upon the mind of Constantius, who had
previously supported the Arians; for he recalled
those of the orthodox whom he had banished, a;>d
sent letters to Alexandria forbidding any further
molestation to be oifered to the friends of Athana-
sius.

In the following year (a. n, 349), Gregory wag
murdered at Alexandria ; but of the occasion and
manner of his death no particulars have reached us.
It prepared the way for the return of Athanasius.
lie was urged to this by Constantius himself,
whom he visited on his way to Alexandria, and
on whom he made, for the time, a very favourable
impression. He was once more received at Alex-
andria with overflowing signs of gladness and aft'ec-
tion. Restored to his see, he immediately pro-
ceeded against the Arians with great vigour, and
they, on their side, renewed against him the chaiges
which had been so often disproved. Constans, the
friend of Athanasius, was now dead ; and though
Constantius, at this juncture, professed great friend-
liness for the primate, he soon attached himself
once more to the Arian party. In a council held
at Aries (a. d. 353), and another at Milan (a, d.
355), they succeeded by great exertions in procur-

396 ATIIANASIUS.

ing the condemnation of Athanasius. On the lat-
ter occasion, the whole weight of the imperial au-
thority was thrown into the scale against him ;
and those of the bishops who resolutely vindicated
his cause were punished with exile. Among these
(though his banishment occurred some time after
the synod of Milan had closed) was Liberius,
bishop of Rome. Persecution was widely directed
against those who sided with Athanasius ; and he
himself, after some abortive attempts to remove
him in a more quiet manner, was obliged once
more to flee from Alexandria in the midst of
dreadful atrocities committed by Syrianus, a crea-
ture of the emperor's. The primate retired to the
Eg}'ptian deserts, whence he wrote a pastoral
address to his persecuted flock, to comfort and
strengthen them amidst their trials. His enemies
meanwhile had appointed to the vacant primacy
one George of Cappadocia, an illiterate man, whose
moral character was far from blameless. The new
archbishop commenced a ruthless persecution against
the orthodox, which seems to have continued, with
greater or less severity, during the whole of his
ecclesiastical administration. The banished primate
was affectionately entertained in the monastic re-
treats which had already begun to multiply in the
deserts of Egypt ; and he employed his leisure in
composing some of his principal works. His place
of retreat was diligently sought for by his enemies ;
but, through his own activity and the unswerving
fidelity of his friends, the monks, the search was
always unsuccessful. In the year 361, Constan-
tius, the great patron of the Arians, expired. He
was succeeded by Julian, commonly called the
Apostate, who, at the commencement of his reign,
ordered the restoration of the bishops banished by
Constantius. This was rendered the easier in the
case of Athanasius, inasmuch as George the Cappar
docian was slain, at that very juncture, in a tumult
raised by the heathen population of the city. Once
more remstated in his oihce, amidst the joyful ac-
clamations of his friends, Athanasius behaved with
lenity towards his humbled opponents, while he
vigorously addressed himself to the restoration of
ecclesiastical order and sound doctrine. But, after
all his reverses, he was again to be driven from his
charge, and again to return to it in triumph. The
heathens of Alexandria complainedagainst him to the
emperor, for no other reason, it would seem, than
his successful zeal in extending the Christian faith.
Julian was probably aware that the superstition he
was bent upon re-establishing had no enemy more
formidable than the thrice-exiled archbishop : he
therefore banished him not only from Alexandria,,
but from Egypt itself, threatening the prefect of
that country with a heavy fine if the sentence were
not carried into execution. Theodoret, indeed,
affii-ms, that Julian gave secret orders for inflicting
the last penalties of the law upon the hated prelate.
He escaped, however, to the desert (a. d. 362),
having predicted that this calamity Avould be but
of brief duration ; and after a few months' conceal-
ment in the monasteries, he returned to Alexan-
dria on receiving intelligence of the death of Julian.
By Jovian, who succeeded to the throne of the
empire, Athanasius was held in high esteem.
When, therefore, his inveterate enemies endeavour-
ed to persuade the emperor to depose him, they
?/ere repeatedly repulsed, and that with no little
asperity. Tlie speedy demise of Jovian again de-
prived Athanasius of a powerful protector. During j

ATtlANASIUS.
the first three years of the administration of Valens,
the orthodox party seem to have been exempt from
annoyance. In this interval Athanasius wrote the
life of St. Antony, and two treatises on the doc-
trine of the Trinity. In the year 367, Valens
issued an edict for the deposition and banishment
of all those bishops who had returned to their sees
at the death of Constantius. After a delay oc-
casioned by the importunate prayers of the people
on behalf of their beloved teacher, Athanasius was
for the fifth time expelled from Alexandria, His
last exile, however, was short. In the space of a
few months, he was recalled by Valens himself,
for reasons which it is now impossible to penetrate ;
and from this time to the date of his death, a. d.
373, he seems to have remained unmolested. Ho
continued to discharge the laborious duties of his
office with unabated energy to the last ; and after
holding the primacy for a term of forty-six years,
during which he sustained unexampled reverses
with heroic fortitude, and prosecuted the great
purpose of his life with singuhxr sagacity and reso-
lution, he died without a blemish upon his name,
full of years and covered with honour.

The following eulogium was extorted by his
merits from the pen of an historian who seldom
lavishes praise upon ancient or modern defenders
of orthodoxy : — " Amidst the storms of persecu-
tion, the Archbishop of Alexandria was patient of
labour, jealous of fame, careless of safety; and
though his mind was tainted by the contagion of
fanaticism, Athanasius displayed a superiority of
character and abilities, which would have qualified
him, far better than the degenerate sons of Con-
stantino, for the government of a great monarchy.
His leai-ning was much less profound and extensive
than that of Eusebius of Caesarea, and his rude
eloquence could not be compared with the polished
oratory of Gregory or Basil; but whenever the
primate of Egypt was called upon to justify his
sentiments or his conduct, his unpremeditated
style, either of speaking or writing, was clear,
forcible, and persuasive." (Gibbon, Decline and
J'a'l, Sfc. ch. xxi. vol. iii. pp. 351, 352, Milman's
edition.) Ei-asmus's opinion of the style of Atha-
nasius seems to us more just and discriminating
than Gibbon's : — '• Erat vir ille saccule tranquillis-
simo dignus, dedisset nobis egregios ingenii facun-
diaeque suae fructus. Habebat enim vere dotem
illam, quam Paulus in Episcopo putat esse prae-
cipuam, to SiBaKTiKoi/ ; adeo dilucidus est, acutus,
sobrius, adtentus, breviter omnibus modis ad do-
cendum appositus. Nihil habet durum, quod offen-
dit in Tertulliano : nihil e7ri5ei/cTi/coj',quod vidimus
in Hieronymo ; nihil operosum, quod in Hilario :
nihil laciniosum, quod est in Augustine, atque
etiam Chrysostomo : nihil Isocraticos numeros, aut
Lysiae compositionem redolens, quod est in Grego-
rio Nazianzeno : sed totus est in explicanda re."

The most important among the works of Atha-
nasius are the following: — " Oratio contra Gentes ;"
" Oratio de Incarnatione ;" " Encyclica ad Epis-
copos Epistola ; " "Apologia contra Arianos ;"
" Epistola de kicaenis Decretis ;" " Epistola ad
Episcopos Aegypti et Libyae ;" " Apologia ad
Imperatorem Constantium ;" "Apologia de Fuga
sua;" " Historia Arianorum ad Monachos;"
" Orationes quatuor contra Arianos ;" " Epistolae
quatuor ad Serapionom ;" " Epistola de Synodij
Arimini ct Seleuciae ;" " Vita Antonii ; " " Li-
ber de Incarnatione Dei Vcrbi et c. Arianos."

ATIIANASIUS.

Tlio earliest edition of tlic collected works of
Atlianasiiis appeared, in two volumes, folio, at
Heidelberg, ex officina Comnieliniana, A. D. IGOO.
Tiie Greek text was accompanied by the Latin
version of Peter Nanning (Nannius) ; and in the
following year an appendix issued from the same
press, contiiining notes, various readings, indices,
&c., by Peter Felckmann. Those who purchase
this edition should take care that their copies
contain the appendix. The Paris edition of 1627,
and the Leipzig of 1686 (which professes, but un-
tmly, to have been published at Cologne), are not
held in much estimation ; and the latter is very
inaccurately printed. The valuable Benedictine
edition of Athanasius was published at Paris, a. d.
1698, in three vohmies, folio. The learned editor,
Montfaucon, was at first assisted in preparing it
by James Loppinus ; but his coadjutor dying when
no more than half of the first volume was finished,
the honour of completing the edition devolved upon
Montfaucon. Many of the opuscula of Athanasius
were printed, for the first time, in the second
volume of IMontfaucon's " Collectio Nova Patrum
ct Scriptorum Graecorum," Paris, A. d. 1706.
The most complete edition of the works of Atha-
nasius is that published at Padua, A. D. 1777, in
four volumes, folio. The first three volumes con-
tjiin all that is comprised in the valuable Benedic-
tine edition of 1698; the last includes the sup-
plementary collections of Montfaucon, Wolf, Maffei,
and Antonelli.

The following list includes the principal English
translations from the works of Athanasius : — " St.
Athanasius's Four Orations against the Arians ;
and his Oration against the Gentiles. Translated
from the original Greek by Mr. Sam. Parker."
Oxford, 1713. Athanasius's intire Treatise of the
Incarnation of the Word, and of his bodily ap-
pearance to us, translated into English by W.
Whiston, in his " Collection of ancient Monu-
ments relating to the Trinity and Incarnation,"
London, 171. '3, The same collection also contains
a translation of Athanasius's Life of Antony the
Monk, which was first published in 1687. The
Epistles of Athanasius in defence of the Nicene
definition, and on the Councils of Ariminum and
Sclcuceia, together with his first Oration against
the Arians, liave been recently translated, with
notes, by the Rev. J, H. Newman, Oxford, 1842.
The other three Orations, translated by the same
writer, are shortly to appear ; and other works of
Athanasius on the Arian controversy are advertised
as preparing for publication.

For a complete list of the genuine, doubtful, and.
supposititious works of Athanasius, see Fabricius,
Bibt. Graeca^\o\. viii. pp. 184 — 215, ed. Harles. The
most important of his genuine writings are those
(both historical and doctrinal) which relate to the
Arian controversy. It is hardly necessarj' to observe
that the creed Commonly called Athanasian was not
composed by the archbishop of Alexandria. (See
Gerardi Vossii, Dksertaiin de Spnbolo Athanasiano,
0pp. vol. vi. pp. 516—522 ; W. E. Tentzelii, Ju-
dk-ia criiditnrum de Si/mUdo Athanasiano.^ It has
been ascribed to Vigilius of Tapsus, Vincent of
Lerins, Hilary of Poictiers, and others ; but its
real author is unknown. The *' Synopsis Sacrae
Scripturae," which is included in the writings of
this eminent father, has no claim to be considered
Ins ; though, in itself, it is a valuable relic of an-
tiquity.

ATHENA.

397

The chief sources of information respecting the
life of Athanasius are found in his own writings ;
next to these, in the ecclesiastical histories of So-
crates, Sozomen, and Theodoret. The materials
afforded by these and other writers have been col-
lected, examined, and digested with great learning
and fidelity by Montfaucon, in his " Vita Sancti
Athanasii," prefixed to the Benedictine edition of
the works of this father, and by Tillemont, in his
Mtmoires pour servir h Vllistoire EcclesiaMique^
vol. viii., Paris edition of 1713. [J. M. M.]

ATHANA'SIUS {'keavAxncs), of Alexandria,
a presbyter of the church in that city, was a son
of Isidora, the sister of Cyril of Alexandria. He
was deprived of his office and driven out of Alex-
andria and Egypt by the bishop, Dioscurus, from
whom he suffered much persecution. There is ex-
tant a small work of his, in Greek, against Dios-
curus, which he presented to the council of Chal-
cedon, a. d. 451. {Condi, vol. iv. p. 405.)

There were various other ecclesiastical writers
of the name of Athanasius, of whom a list is given
in Fabric. Bild. Grace, vol. viii. p. 174.

ATHANA'SIUS SCHOLASTICUS. 1. A
Graeco-Roman jurist, who practised as an advo-
cate at Emesa, and was contemporary with
find survived Justinian. He published in Greek
an epitome of Justinian's Novellas ; and this work,
long known to the learned to exist in manuscript
in the royal libraries of Vienna and Paris, was first
given to the world by G. E. Heimba^, in the first
volume of his 'Aj/eftrSora, Leipz. 18H8. It was pro-
bably the same Athanasius who wrote a book de
Crimi7iibus, of which there was a manuscript in the
library of Ant. Augustinus. (G. E. Heimbach, Be
Basilicorum Origine Fonlibus Scholiis, ^'c, Leipz.
1825, p. 44.)

2. A Graeco-Roman jurist, who wrote scholia
on Eustathius after the publication of the Basilica.
(Leunclav. Jus Gr. Rom. vol. ii. p. 207 ; Heim-
bach, de Basilic. Orig. &c. p. 44.) [J. T. G.]

ATHE'NA {'KQ-nvy) or 'hQr.va), one of the
great divinities of the Greeks. Homer {II. v.
880) calls her a daughter of Zeus, without any
allusion to her mother or to the manner in which
she was called into existence, while most of the
later traditions agree in stating that she was born
from the head of Zeus. According to Hesiod
{Tlieog. 886, &c.). Metis, the first wife of Zeus,
was the mother of Athena, but when Metis was
pregnant with her, Zeus, on the advice of Gaea
and Uranus, swallowed Metis up, and afterwards
gave birth himself to Athena, who sprang from his
head. (Hesiod, I. c. 924.) Pindar {01. vii. 35,
&c.) adds, that Hephaestus split the head of Zeus
with his axe, and that Athena sprang forth with a
mighty war-shout. Others relate, that Prometheus
or Hermes or Palamaon assisted Zeus in giving
birth to Athena, and mentioned the river Triton
as the place where the event took place. (ApoUod.
i. 4. § 6 ; Schol. ad Find. 01. vii. ^^.) Other
traditions again relate, that Athena sprang from
the head of Zeus in full armour, a statement for
which Stesichorus is said to have been the most
ancient authority. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 355 ; Phi-
lostr. Icon. \\. '21', Schol. ad Apollon. iv. 1310.)
All these traditions, however, agree in making
Athena a daughter of Zeus ; but a second set re-
gjird her as the daughter of Pallas, the winged
giant, whom she afterwards killed on account of
his attempting to violate her chastity, whose skin

;598

ATHENA.

she used as her aegis, and whose wings she fasten-
ed to her own feet. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. I. c. ; Cic.
de Nat. Deor. iii. 23.) A third tradition carries us
to Libya, and calls Athena a daughter of Poseidon
and Tritonis. Athena, says Herodotus (iv. 180),
on one occasion became angry with her father and
went to Zeus, who made her his own daughter.
This passage shews more clearly than any other
the manner in which genuine and ancient Hellenic
myths were transplanted to Libya, where they
were afterwards regarded as the sources of Hel-
lenic ones. Respecting this Libyan Athena, it is
farther related, that she was educated b}' the river-
god Triton, together with his own daughter Pallas.
(ApoUod. iii. 12. § 3.) In Libya she was also
said to have invented the flute ; for when Perseus
had cut off the head of Medusa, and Stheno and
Eurj'ale, the sisters of Medusa, lamented her death,
while plaintive sounds issued from the mouths of
the serpents which surrounded their heads, Athena
is said to have imitated these sounds on a reed.
(Pind. Pt/th. xii. 19, &c. ; compare the other ac-
counts in Hygin. Fab. 165; Apollod. i. 4. § 2 ;
Pans. i. 24. § 1.) The connexion of Athena with
Triton and Tritonis caused afterwards the various
traditions about her birth-place, so that wherever
there was a river or a well of that name, as in
Crete, Thessaly, Boeotia, Arcadia, and Egypt, the
inhabitants of those districts asserted that Athena
was born there. It is from such birth-places on a
river Triton fhat she seems to have been called
Tritonis or Tritogeneia (Paus. ix. 33. § 5), though
it should be observed that this surname is also ex-
plained in other ways ; for some derive it from an
ancient Cretan, Aeolic, or Boeotian word, rpirw,
signifying " head," so that it would mean ** the
goddess bom from the head," and others think
that it was intended to commemorate the circum-
stance of her being bom on the third day of the
month. (Tztez. ad Lycoph. 519.) The connexion
of Athena with Triton naturally suggests, that we
have to look for the most ancient seat of her wor-
ship in Greece to the banks of the river Triton in
Boeotia, which emptied itself into lake Copais, and
on which there were two ancient Pelasgian towns,
Athenae and Eleusis, which were according to
tradition swallowed up by the Lake. From thence
her worship was carried by the Minyans into
Attica, Libya, and other countries. (Miiller,
Orcliom. p. 355.) We must lastly notice one
tradition, which made Athena a daughter of Ito-
nius and sister of lodama, who was killed by
Athena (Paus. ix. 34. § 1; Tzetz. ad Lycopk.355),
and another according to which she was the
daughter of Hephaestus.

These various traditions about Athena arose, as
in most other cases, from local legends and from
identifications of the Greek Athena with other
divinities. The common notion which the Greeks
entertained about her, and which was most v/idely
spread in the ancient world, is, that she was the
daughter of Zeus, and if we take Metis to have
heen her mother, we have at once the clue to the
character which she bears in the religion of Greece ;
for, as her father was the most powerful and her
mother the wisest among the gods, so Athena was
a combination of the two, that is, a goddess in
whom power and wisdom were harmoniously
blended. From this fundamental idea may be de-
rived the various aspects under which she appears
in the ancient writers. She seems to have been

ATHENA.

a divinity of a purely ethical character, and nol
the representative of any particular physical power
manifested in nature ; her power and wisdom ap-
pear in her being the protectress and preserver of
the state and of social institutions. Everj-thing,
therefore, which gives to the state strength and
prosperity, such as agriculture, inventions, and in-
dustry, as well as everything which preserves and
protects it from injurious influence from without,
such as the defence of the walls, fortresses, and
harbours, is under her immediate care.

As the protectress of agriculture, Athena is re-
presented as the inventor of the plough and rake :
she created the olive tree, the greatest blessing of
Attica, taught the people to yoke oxen to the
plough, took care of the breeding of horses, and
instmcted men how to tame them by the bridle,
her own invention. Allusions to this feature of
her character are contained in the epithets jSowScto,
)3oapjufo, dypicpa, iiriria, or x°'^"''^^'s« (Eustath.
ad Horn. p. 1076 ; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 520; Hesj-ch.
s. V. 'linria ; Serv. ad A en. iv. 402 ; Pind. 01. xiii.
79.) At the beginning of spring thanks were
offered to her in advance {Trpoxapio-Tripia, Suid. s.v.)
for the protection she was to afford to the fields.
Besides the inventions relating to agriculture,
others also connected with various kinds of science,
industry, and art, are ascribed to her, and all her
inventions are not of the kind which men make by
chance or accident, but such as require thought
and meditation. We may notice the invention of
numbers (Liv. vii. 3), of the trumpet (Bockh, ad
Find. p. 344), the chariot, and navigation. [Ae-
THYiA.] In regard to all kinds of useful arts, she
was believed to have made men acquainted with
the means and instruments which are necessary
for practising them, such as the art of producing
fire. She was further believed to have invented
nearly every kind of work in which women were
employed, and she herself was skilled in such
work : in short Athena and Hephaestus were the
great patrons both of the useful and elegant arts.
Hence she is ciilled epyav-n (Paus. i. 24. § 3), and
later writers make her the goddess of all wisdom,
knowledge, and art, and represent her as sitting on
the right hand side of her father Zeus, and sup-
porting him with her counsel. (Hom. Od. xxiii
160, xviii. 190; Hymn, in Ven. 4, 7, &c. ; Plut.
Cim. 10 ; Ovid, Fast. iii. 833 ; Orph. Hymn. xxxi.
8 ; Spanh. ad Callhn. p. 643 ; Horat. Carm. i,
12. 19 ; conip. Diet, of Ant. under *A0r}»'ata and
XaAKem.) As the goddess who made so many
inventions necessary and useful in civilized life,
she is characterized by various epithets and sur-
names, expressing the keenness of her sight or
the power of her intellect, such as oTrTiKins^
ocpdaKfjuTis, o|u5ep«:7jy, yKavKuiris, ttoAuSowAos,
TToAv/xriTLS, and /j.t}xo.v7tis.

As the patron divinity of the state, she was at
Athens the protectress of the phratries and houses
which formed the basis of the state. The festival
of the Apaturia had a direct reference to this par-
ticular point in the character of the goddess. (Diet,
of Ant. s.v. Apaturia.) She also maintained the
authorit}' of the law, and justice, and order, in the
courts and the assembly of the people. This notion
was as ancient as the Ploraeric poems, in which she
is described as assisting Odysseus against the law-
less conduct of the suitors. (Od. xiii. 394.) She
was believed to have instituted the ancient court
of the Areiopagus, and in cases where the votes of

ATHENA.

the judges were equally divided, she gave the
casting one in favour of the accused. (Aeschyl.
Eum. 753 ; comp. Paus. i. 28. § 5.) The epithets
which have reference to this part of the goddess's
character are o^JOTroti/os, the avenger (Paus. iii. 15.
§ 4), ^ovXaia, and drfvpaXa. (iii. 11. $ 8.)

As Athena promoted the internal prosperity of
the state, by encouraging agriculture and industry,
and by maintaining law and order in all public
transactions, so also she protected the state from
outward enemies, and thus assumes the character
of a wai-like divinity, though in a very diflferent
sense from Ares, Eris, or Enyo. According to
Homer (//. v. 736, &c.), she does not even bear
arms, but borrows them from Zeus ; she keeps
men from slaughter when prudence demands it (//.
i. 1 Q9^ &c.), and repels Ares's savage love of war,
and conquers him. (v. 840, &c., xxi. 406.) She
does not love war for its own sake, but simply on
account of the advantages which the state gains in
engaging in it; and she therefore supports only such
warlike undertakings as are begun with prudence,
and are likely to be followed by favourable results.
(x. 244, &c.) The epithets which she derives from
her warlike character are ay^K^ia^ \a(ppia, aXKifiaxV',
XaAaaoQs, and others. In times of war, towns,
fortresses, and harbours are under her especial care,
whence she is designated as epvainToMs, d\a\Ko/ji.e-
lojts, Tro\ids, TTohiovxos^ d-Kpaia, aKpla, kAt? Souxos,
wAaiTis, Trpofxaxopi'i.a, and the like. As the pru-
dent goddess of war, she is also the protectress of
all heroes who are distinguished for prudence and
good counsel, as well as for their strength and va-
lour, such as Heracles, Perseus, Bellerophontes,
Achilles, Diomedes, and Odysseus. In the war of
Zeus against the giants, she assisted her father and
Heracles with her counsel, and also took an active
jiart in it, for she buried Enceladus under the island
of Sicily, and slew Pallas. (Apollod. i. 6. § 1, &c.;
comp. Spanheim, ad Cullim. p. 643 ; Horat. Cann.
i. 12. 19.) In the Trojan war she sided with the
more civilised Greeks, though on their return home
she visited them with stoi-ms, on account of the
manner in which the Locrian Ajax had treated
Cassandra in her temple. As a goddess of war
and the protectress of heroes, Athena usually ap-
pears in armour, with the a«gis and a golden staff,
with which she bestows on her favourites youth
and majesty. (Horn. Od. xvi. 172.)

Tlie character of Athena, as we have here traced
it, holds a middle place between the male and fe-
male, whence she is called in an Orphic hymn
(xxxi. 10) 6Lpat)v KoX StjAus, and hence also she is
a virgin divinity (Hom. Hymn. ix. 3), whose heart
is inaccessible to the passion of love, and who
shuns matrimonial connexion. Teiresias was de-
prived of his sight for having seen her in the
bath (Callim. Hymn. pp. 546, 589), and Hephaestus,
who made an attempt upon her chastity, was
obliged to flee. (Apollod. iii. 6. § 7, 14. § 6; Hom.
//. ii. 547, &c. ; comp. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 111.)
For this reason, the ancient traditions always de-
scribe the goddess as dressed ; and when Ovid
{Heroid. v. 36) makes her appear naked before
Paris, he abandons the genuine old story. Her
statue also was always dressed, and when it was
carried about at the Attic festivals, it was entirely
covered. But, notwithstanding the common opinion
of her virgin character, there are some traditions of
late origin which describe her as a mother. Thus,
Apollo is called a son of Hephaestus and Athena —

ATHENA.

399

a legend which may have arisen at the time when
the lonians introduced the worship of Apollo into
Attica, and when this new divinity was placed in
some family connexion with the ancient goddess of
the country. (Miiller, Dor. ii. 2. § 13.) Lychnus
also is called a son of Hephaestus and Athena.
(Spanheim, ad Callim. p. 644.)

Athena was worshipped in all parts of Greece,
and from the ancient towns on the lake Copais her
worship was nitroduced at a very early period into
Attica, where she became the great national divi-
nity of the city and the country. Here she was
afterwards regarded as the Sea awTfipa, vyUici^ and
traiuvia, and the serpent, the symbol of perpetual
renovation, was sacred to her. (Paus. i. 23. § 5,
31. § 3, 2. § 4.) At Lindus in Rhodes her wor-
ship was likewise very ancient. Respecting its
introduction into Italy, and the modifications which
her character underwent there, see Minerva.
Among the things sacred to her we may mention
the owl, serpent, cock, and olive-tree, which she
was said to have created in her contest with Posei-
don about the possession of Attica. (Plut. de Is. et
Os.; Paus. vi. 26. § 2, i. 24. § 3; Hygin. Fab. 164.)
At Corone in Messenia her statue bore a crow in
its hand. (Paus. iv. 34. § 3.) The sacrifices offered
to her consisted of bulls, whence she probably de-
rived the surname of Tavpo§6\os (Suid. s. v.), rams,
and cows. (Hom. //. ii. 550 ; Ov. Alet. iv. 754.)
Eustathius (ad Hom. I. c.) remarks, that only female
animals were sacrificed to her, but no female lambs.
In Ilion, Locrian maidens or children are said to
have been sacrificed to her every year as an atone-
ment for the crime committed by the Locrian Ajax
upon Cassandra ; and Suidas {s. v. iroivri) states,
that these human sacrifices continued to be offered
to her down to b. c. 346. Respecting the great
festivals of Athena at Athens, see Diet. o/Ant.s.w.
Paiiathenaea and Arrlicp/u/iia.

Athena was frequently represented in works of
art; but those in which her figure reached the
highest ideal of perfection were the three statues
by Pheidias. The first was the celebrated colossjj
statue of the goddess, of gold and ivory, which was
erected on the acropolis of Athens ; the second was
a still greater bronze statue, made out of the spoils
taken by the Athenians in the battle of Marathon;
the third was a small bronze statue called the beau-
tiful or the Lemnian Athena, because it had been
dedicated at Athens by the Lemnians. The first
of these statues represented the goddess in a stand-
ing position, bearing in her hand a Nike four cubits
in height. The shield stood by her feet ; her robe
came down to her feet, on her breast was the head
of Medusa, in her right hand she bore a lance, and
at her feet there lay a serpent. (Paus. i. 24. § 7,
28. § 2.) We still possess a great number of re-
presentations of Athena in statues, colossal busts,
reliefs, coins, and in vase-paintings. Among the
attributes which characterise the goddess in these
works of art, we mention — 1. The helmet, which
she usually wears on her head, but in a few in-
stances carries in her hand. It is usually orna-
mented in the most beautiful manner with griffins,
heads of rams, horses, and sphinxes. (Comp. Hom.
//. V. 743.) 2. The aegis. {Diet, of Ant. s. v. Aegis.)
3. The round Argolic shield, in the centre of which
is represented the head of Medusa. 4. Objects
sacred to her, such as an olive branch, a serpent,
an owl, a cock, and a lance. Her garment is usu-
ally the Spartiin tunic without sleeves, and over it

400

ATHENAEUS.

she wears a cloak, the peplus, or, though rarely,
the chlamys. The general expression of her figure
is though tfulness and earnestness ; her face is ra-
ther oval than round, the hair is rich and generally
combed backwards over the temples, and floats
freely down behind. The whole figure is majestic,
and rather strong built than slender : the hips are
small and the shoulders broad, so that the whole
somewhat resembles a male figure. (Hirt. Mi/thoL
Bilderh. i. p. 46, &c.; Welcker, ZeitscJiriftf'ur Gesch.
Jer alten Kunst, p. 256, &c.) [L. S.]

ATHENAEUS {'Adriuaios), historical. The
name differed in pronunciation from the Greek
adjective for AUtenian, the former being accentu-
ated ""Mrivaios, and the latter 'AQt]vouos. (Eustath.
ud II. )8. p. 237.) 1. Son of Pericleidas, a Lace-
daemonian, was one of the commissioners, who, on
the part of the Lacedaemonians and their allies,
ratified the truce for one year which in b. c. 423
Avas made between the Lacedaemonians and Athe-
i)ians and their allies ; and afterwards with Aris-
tonymus, an Athenian, went round to announce
the truce to Brasidas and other officers of the
belligerent parties. (Thuc. iv. 119, 122.) The
names Athenaeus and Pericleidas mark the friendly
relations which subsisted between this family and
the Athenians, and more especially the family of
Pericles.

2. A lieutenant of Antigonus, who was sent
against the Nabataeans, an Arabian people, (b. c.
312.) He surprised the stronghold of Petra, but
afterwards suffered himself to be surprised in the
night, and his army was almost entirely destroyed.
(Diod. xix. 94.)

3. A general in the service of Antiochus VIL
He accompanied him on his expedition against the
Parthians, and was one of the first to fly in the
battle in which Antiochus lost his life, b. c. 128.
He, however, perished with hunger in his flight,
as in consequence of some previous excesses, none
of those to whom he fled would furnish him with
the necessaries of life. (Diod. Exc. de Virt. et
Vit. p. 603, ed. Wess.)

4. Son of Attalus I., king of Pergaraus. [Eu-
MENKS ; Attalus.] His name occurs not un-
frequently in connexion with the events of his
time. He was on various occasions sent as am-
bassador to Rome by his brothers Eumenes and
Attalus. (Polyb. xxiv. 1, xxxi. 9, xxxii. 26,
xxxiii. 11; Liv. xxxviii. 12, 13, xlii. 55, xlv. 27.)

5. A Cappadocian, who had been banished at
the instance of queen Athenais, but through the
influence of Cicero was restored, b. c. 51. (Cic.
ad Fam. xv. 4.) [C. P. M.]

ATHENAEUS ('A0^mtos), literary. 1. A
contemporary of Archimedes, the author of an ex-
tant work Ilepi M7)xa'^AiaTco»' (on warlike engines),
addressed to Marcellus (probably the conqueror of
Syracuse). He is perhaps the same with Athe-
naeus of Cyzicus, mentioned by Proclus (in
Euclid, p. 19) as a distinguished mathematician.
The above-mentioned work is printed in Thevenot's
Mathematici Veteres, Paris, 1693. (Fabric. B^l.
Graec. iv. p. 222, &c.)

2. An EPioRAMMATic poet, mentioned by
Diogenes Laertius. (vi. 14, vii. 30.) He was the
author of two epigrams in the Greek Antholog5%
(Brunck, Anal. ii. p. 257.)

3. Arhetorician, the contemporary and oppo-
nent of Hermagoras. He defined rhetoric to be the
art of deceiving. (Quintil. iii. 1. § 16, ii. 15. § 23.)

ATHENAEJS.

4. Of Seleucus, a philosopher of the Peripa-
tetic school, mentioned by Strabo (xiv. p. 670) as
a contemporary of his own. He was for some time
the leading demagogue in his native city, but
afterwards came to Rome and became acquainted
with L. Licinius Varro Muraena. On the discovery
of the plot which the latter, with Fannius Caepio,
had entered into against Augustus, Athenaeus ac-
companied him in his flight. He was retaken, but
pardoned by Augustus, as there was no evidence
of his having taken a more active part in the plot.
He is perhaps the same with the writer mentioned
by Diodorus. (ii. 20.)

5. A STOIC philosopher, mentioned by Porphy-
rins in his life of Plotinus. (c. 20.) There was
also an Epicurean philosopher of this name. (Diog.
Laert x. 22. 12.) [C. P. M.]

ATHENAEUS {'hHvaios), a native of Nau-
cratis, a town on the left side of the Canopic
mouth of the Nile, is called by Suidas a ypafifxan-
k6s, a term which may be best rendered into
English, a literary man. Suidas places him in the
"times o{ Marcus,'''' but whether by this is meant
Marcus Aurelius is uncertain, as Caracalla was
also Marcus Antoninus. We know, however, that
Oppian, who wrote a work called Halieutica in-
scribed to Caracalla, was a little anterior to him
(Athen. i. p. 13), and that Commodus was dead
when he wrote (xii. p. 537), so that he may have
been bom in the reign of Aurelius, but flourished
under his successors. Part of his work must have
been written after A. d. 228, the date given by
Dion Cassius for the death of Ulpian the lawyer,
which event he mentions, (xv. p. 686.)

His extant work is entitled the Deipnosophistae,
i. e. the Jianquet of the Learned^ or else, perhaps, as
has lately been suggested, Tlie Contrivers of Feasts.
It may be considered one of the earliest collections
of what are called A na, being an immense mass of
anecdotes, extracts from the writings of poets, his-
torians, dramatists, philosophers, orators, and phy-
sicians, of facts in natural history, criticisms, and
discussions on almost every conceivable subject,
especially on Gastronomy, upon which noble science
he mentions a work (now lost) of Archestratus
[Archestratus], whose place his own 15 books
have probably supplied. It is in short a collection
of stories from the memory and common-place book
of a Greek gentleman of the third century of the
Christian era, of enormous reading, extreme love
of good eating, and respectable ability. Some no-
tion of the materials which he had amassed for
the work, may be formed from the fact, which he
tells us himself, that he had read and made extracts
from 800 plays of the middle comedy only. (viii.
p. 336.)

Athenaeus represents himself as describing to
his friend Timocrates, a banquet given at the house
of Laurentius (Aap^vaLos), a noble Roman, to
several guests, of whom the best known are Galen,
a physician, and Ulpian, the lawj'er. The work
is in the form of a dialogue, in which these guests
are the interlocutors, related to Timocrates : a
double machinery, which would have been incon-
venient to an author who had a real talent for dra-
matic Avriting, but which in the hands of Athe-
naeus, who had none, is wholly unmanageable.
As a work of art the failure is complete. Unity
of time and dramatic probability are utterl}^ violated
by the supposition that so immense a work is the
record of the conversation at a single banquet, and

ATHENAEUS.

by the absurdity of collecting at it the produce of
every season of the year. Long quotations and in-
tricate discussions introduced apropos of some
trifling incident, entirely destroy the form of the
dialogue, so that before we have finished a speech
we forget who was the speaker. And when in
addition to this confusion we are suddenly brought
back to the tiresome Timocrates, we are quite pro-
voked at the clumsy way in which the book is put
together. But as a work illustrative of ancient
manners, as a collection of curious facts, names of
authors and fragments, which, but for Athenaeus,
would utterly have perished ; in short, as a body
of amusing antiquarian research, it would be diffi-
cult to praise the Deipnosophistae too highly.

The work begins, somewhat absurdly, consider-
ing the difference between a discussion on the Im-
mortality of the Soul, and one on the Pleasures of
the Stomach, with an exact imitation of the open-
ing of Plato's Phaedo, — Athenaeus and Tirnocrates
being substituted for Phaedo and Echecrates.
The praises of Laurentius are then introduced, and
the conversation of the savans begins. It would
be impossible to give an account of the contents of
the book ; a few specimens therefore must suffice.
We have anecdotes of gourmands, as of Apicius
(the second of the three illustrious gluttons of that
name), who is said to have spent many thousands
on his stomach, and to have lived at Minturnae in
the reign of Tiberius, whence he sailed to Africa,
in search of good lobsters ; but finding, as he ap-
proached the shore, that they were no larger than
those which he ate in Italy, he turned back with-
out landing. Sometimes we have anecdotes to
prove assertions in natural history, e. g. it is shewn
that water is nutritious (1), by the statement that
it nourishes the tctti^, and (2) because fluids ge-
nerally are so, as milk and honey, by the latter of
which Democritus of Abdera allowed himself to be
kept alive over the Thesmophoria (though he had
determined to starve himself), in order that the
mourning for his death might not prevent his maid-
servants from celebrating the festival. The story
of the Pinna and Pinnoteer {Trivvo(pi\a^ or irivvo-
T-npi]s) is told in the course of the disquisitions
on shell-fish. The pinna is a bivalve shell-fish
(ocTTpeov), the pinnoteer a small crab, who inhabits
the pinna's shell. As soon as the small fish on
which the pinna subsists have swum in, the pinno-
teer bites the pinna as a signal to him to close his
shell and secure them. Grammatical discussions
are mixed up with gastronomic ; e. g. the account
of the d,jj.vySd\7) begins with the laws of its accen-
tuation ; of eggs, by an inquiry into the spelling of
the word, whether uof, aiou, wfop, or cidpiov.
Quotations are made in support of each, and we
are told that dd was formerly the same as virepq^a^
from which fact he deduces an explanation of the
story of Helen's birth from an egg. This suggests
to him a quotation from Eriphus, who says that
Leda produced goose's eggs ; and so he wanders on
through every variety of subject connected with
eggs. This will give some notion of the discursive
manner in which he extracts all kinds of facts
from the vast stores of his erudition. Sometimes
he connects different pieces of knowledge by a
mere similarity of sounds, Cynulcus, one of the
guests, calls for bread (apros), " not however for
Jrtus king of the Messapians ;" and then we are
led back from Artus the king to Artus the eatable,
aud from that to salted meats, which brings in a

ATHENAEUS. 401

grammatical discussion on the word fapixos,
whether it is masculine in Attic or not. Some-
times antiquarian points are discussed, especially
Homeric. Thus, he examines the times of day at
which the Homeric meals took place, and the
genuineness of some of the lines in the Iliad and
Odyssey, as

T;5e6 7(ip KaroL ^vpidv dSehcpeov, ws eirovetrOy
which he pronounces spurious, and only introduced
to explain

avTofxaros Se oi ^A06 ^Sotjj' dya66s MeveAaoy.

His etymological conjectures are in the usual
style of ancient philology. In proving the reli-
gious duty of drunkenness, as he considers it, he
derives 6oivq from 6ewv '4vfKa olvovaQai and /xcdveiu
from fierd to 6veiu. We often obtain from him
curious pieces of information on subjects connected
with ancient art, as that the kind of drinking-cup
called pvt6u was first devised by Ptolemy Phila-
delphus as an ornament for the statues of his
queen, Arsinoe. [Arsinoe, No. 2.] At the end
of the work is a collection of scolia and other
songs, which the savans recite. One of these is
a real curiosity, — a song by Aristotle in praise of
d^eTTj.

Among the authors, whose works are now lost^
from whom Athenaeus gives extracts, are Alcaeus,
Agathon the tragic poet, Antisthenes the philo-
sopher, Archilochus the inventor of iambics, Me-
nander and his contemporary Diphilus, Epime-
nides of Crete, Empedocles of Agrigentum, Cra-
tinus, Eupolis (Hor. .Sa^. i. 4. 1), Alcman, Epicurus
(whom he represents as a wasteful glutton), and
many others whose names are well known. In
all, he cites nearly 800 authors and more than
1200 separate works. Athenaeus was also the
author of a lost book Trept tcTv iu Svoia ^acriKeva-
dvTuiv^ which probably, from the specimen of it in
the Deipnosophists, and the obvious unfitness of
Athenaeus to be a historian, was rather a collec-
tion of anecdotes than a connected history.

Of the Deipnosopfmts the first two books, and
parts of the third, eleventh, and fifteenth, exist
only in an Epitome, whose date and author are
unknown. The original work, however, was rare
in the time of Eustathius (latter part of 12th cent.);
for Bentley has shewn, by examining nearly a
hundred of his references to Athenaeus, that his
only knowledge of him was through the Epitome.
(Pkilaris, p. 130, &c.) Perizonius (preface to
Aelian quoted by Schweighauser) has proved that
Aelian transferred large portions of the work to
his Various Histories (middle of 3rd cent.), a rob-
bery which must have been committed almost in
the life-time of the pillaged author. The Deipno-
sophists also furnished to Macrobius the idea and
much of the matter of his Saturnalia (end of 4th
cent.) ; but no one has availed himself so largely
of Athenaeus's erudition as Eustathius.

Only one original MS. of Athenaeus now exists,
called by Schweighauser the Codex Veneto-Parisi-
ensis. From this all the others which we now
possess are copies ; so that the text of the work,
especially in the poetical parts, is in a very un-
settled state. The MS. was brought from Greece
by cardinal Bessarion, and after his death was
placed in the library of St. Mark at Venice, whence
it was taken to Paris by order of Napoleon, and
there for the first time collated by Schweighauser's
son. It is probably of the date of the 10th cen-

2d

402

ATHENAGORAS.

tury. The subscript is always placed after, instead
of under, the vowel with which it is connected,
and the whole is written without contractions.

The first edition of Athenaeus was that of Aldus,
Venice, 1514 ; a second published at Basle, 1535 ;
a third by Casaubon at Geneva, 1597, with the
Latin version of Dalecampius (Jacques Dalechamp
of Caen), and a commentary published in 1600;
a fourth by Schweighauser, Strasburg, 1 4 vols. 8vo.
• 1801-1807, founded on a collation of the above-
mentioned MS. and also of a valuable copy of the
Epitome ; a fifth by W. Dindorf, 3 vols. 8vo.,
Leipsic, 1827. The last is the best, Schweig-
hauser not having availed himself sufficiently of
the sagacity of previous critics in amending the
text, and being himself apparently very ignorant
of metrical laws. There is a translation of Athe-
naeus into French by M. Lefevre de Villebrune,
under the title "Banquet des Savans, par Athenee,"
1789-1791, 5 vols. 4to. A good article on Schweig-
hauser's edition will be found in the Edinburgh
Review, vol. iii. 1803. [G. E. L. C]

ATHENAEUS ('A07fi/atos), a celebrated physi-
cian, who was the founder of the sect of the Pneuma-
tici. He was bom in Cilicia, at Attaleia, according
to Galen {De Element, ex Hippocr. i. 6. vol. i. p.
457 ; Deiin. Med. prooem. vol. xix. pp. 347, 356 ;
De Trem. Pal pit, ^c. c. 6. vol. vii. p. 609 ; De
Differ. Puis. iv. 10. vol. viii. p. 749), or at Tarsus
according to Caelius Aurelianus. {De Morh. Acut.
ii. 1. p. 74.) The exact years of his birth and
death are unknown, but as Agathinus was one of
his followers [Agathinus], he must have lived in
the first century after Christ. (Gal. De Dignosc.
Pids. i. 3. vol. viii. p. 787.) He was tutor to
Theodorus (Diog. Laert. ii. 104), and appears to
have practised at Rome with great success. Some
account of his doctrines and those of the Pneumatici
is given in the Did. of Ant. s. v. Pneumatici, but
of his personal history no further particulars are
known. He appears to have been a voluminous
writer, as the twenty- fourth volume of one of his
works is quoted by Galen {De Cam. Symptom, ii.
3. vol. vii. p. 165), and the twent3'-ninth by
Oribasius. {Coll. Medic, ix. 5. p. 366.) Nothing,
however, remains but the titles, and some frag-
ments preserved bv Oribasius. {Coll. Medic, i. 2.
p. 206, V. 5. p. 263, ix. 5. 12. pp. 366, 368.) For
further information the reader may consult Le
Clerc's Hid. de la Med. ; Haller's Biblioth. Medic.
Pract. vol. i. p. 1 90 ; Osterhausen, De Sedae
PneumaticorumMedicorumHistoria, Altorf, 1791,
8vo.; and Sprengel's Hist, de la Med.

There is in the Royal Library at Paris a Greek
MS. of the sixteenth century, containing a treatise
on Urine, Ilepl Ovptav 'S.vvoi^ls 'AKpiSvs, by a per-
son of the name of Athenaeus, but it is not known
for certain whether he is the same individual as
the founder of the Pneumatici. [ W. A. G.]

ATHENAEUS, a statuary of distinction, who
flourished about the 155th Olympiad. (Plin. H.N.
xxxiv. 8. s. 19.) [C. P. M.]

ATHENA'GORAS('A9Tji'oyoVos) delivers in
Thucydides (vi. 35 — 40) the speech which repre-
sents the common feeling of the democratical party
at Syracuse on the first reports of the intended
expedition from Athens, B.C. 415. He is called
Stjmow TrpoffTOLTrfs, who, in Syracuse and other
Dorian states, appears to have been an actual
magistrate, like the Roman tribunus plebis. (Miil-
ler, Z)or. iii. 9. § 1.) [A. H. C]

ATHENAGORAS.
ATHENA'GORASCA07)i/o7dpas). 1. ASamian,
the son of Archestratides, was one of the ambassa-
dors sent by the Samians to Leotychides shortly be-
fore the battle of Mycale, b. c. 479. (Herod, ix. 90.)

2. A Milesian, was sent by Ptolemy at the head
of some mercenary troops to the assistance of the
Rhodians, when they were attacked by Demetrius
Poliorcetes (b. c. 305), and commanded the guard
of the counter-mine which was dug by the Rho-
dians. Demetrius attempted to bribe him, but he
disclosed his overtures to the Rhodians, and ena-
bled them to make prisoner Alexander, an officer
of high rank in the service of Demetrius. (Diod.
XX. 94.)

3. An officer in the senice of Philip, king of
Macedonia, b. c. 200. His name occurs not un-
frequently in the history of the war between that
prince and the Romans. (Liv. xxxi. 27, 35, 43,
xxxii. 5, xxxiii. 7; Polyb. xviii. 5.)

4. There was an officer of the same name in the
service of Perseus, who commanded at Thessalonica
in the war with the Romans, b. c. 168. (Liv.
xliv. 32.)

There were several other persons of this name,
among whom we may mention a native of Cumae,
spoken of by Cicero {pro Place, c. 7) ; a Platonic
philosopher, to whom Boethus dedicated his work
TTcpi TMV irapd nXoTtovi diropoviJ.4v(i}v Kt^ewv (Pho-
tius. Cod. 155); and a bishop of Byzantium.
(Philipp. Cypr. Chron. p. 4 ; Fabric. Bibl. Graec.
vii. p. 101.) [C.P. M.]

ATHENA'GORAS (*A0rjvo7(Jpas), a Grecian
philosopher converted to the Christian religion,
flourished in the second century of our era. His
name is unaccountably passed over by Eusebius
and Jerome ; and the only ancient biographical
notice of him is contained in a fnigraent of Philip-
pus Sidetes, published by Henry Dodwell along
with his Dissertationes in Irenaeum. In this do-
cument it is stated, that Athenagoras was the first
master of the catechetical school at Alexandria,
and that he flourished in the days of Hadrian and
Antoninus, to whom he addressed an Apology on
behalf of the Christians. It is added that he had,
before Celsus, intended to write against the Chris-
tians ; but when he examined the Holy Scriptures
with this view, he became a convert to the faith
he had purposed to destroy. It is further asserted
by this Avriter, that Clemens Alexandrinus was the
disciple of Athenagoras, and Pantaenus the disci-
ple of Clemens. The authority of Philippus
Sidetes was lightly esteemed, even in ancient
times ; and there are some manifest inaccuracies
in the foregoing statement. Athenagoras's defence
of the Christians was certainly not addressed to
Hadrian and Antoninus. It has been contended
by some modem scholars, that it was presented to
Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus ; but it has
been shewn by irrefragable proofs, that the em-
perors to whom it was addressed were Marcus
Aurelius and his son Commodus. In this view
Baronius, Petavius, Tillemont, Maranus, Fabricius,
Lumper, and many others concur. It is certain,
again, that Clemens Alexandrinus was the pupil,
not the master, of Pantaenus. And it is very im-
probable that Athenagoras was in any way con-
nected with the celebrated catechetical school of
Alexandria. All that we know respecting him is,
that he was an Athenian by birth, a proselyte to
Christianity, and the author of the above-mention-
ed Apology, and of a treatise in defence of the

ATHENION.

tenet of the resurrection. Both of these are writ-
ten with considerable ability and elegance, and in
a pure Attic style. In the first, he vigorously
combats the charges of atheism, profligacy, and
cannibalism, which were preferred against the
early Christians. In the second, he shews with
no little ingenuity, that the presumptive arguments
against the Christian doctrine of the resurrection
are inconclusive.

The best edition of the works of Athenagoras
is that of the Benedictines, superintended by Ma-
ranus, and published, together with the writings
of Justin Martyr, Theophilus of Antioch, and
Hermias, in one volume, folio, Paris, 1742. The
other editions of Athenagoras are these : H. Ste-
phani, 1557, reprinted at Zurich in 1559, and at
Cologne in 1686 ; Bishop Fell's, Oxford, 1682 ;
Kechenberg's, Leipzig, 1684-85; Dechair's, Ox-
ford, 1 706. His works are also given in the edition
of Justin Martyr, published at Paris in 1615, and
in the collections of de la Bigne, Gallandi, and
Oberthiir. J. G. Lindner's notes to his edition of
the Apology for the Christians (Longosal. 1774-75)
deserve particular recommendation. The writings
of Athenagoras, with fragments from other ancient
authors, were translated into English by David
Humphreys, London, 1714. There is an old
translation of the treatise on the Resurrection by
Richard Porder, London, 1573. See T. A. Clarisse,
Commentatio de Athenagorae Vita et Scripiis, Lugd.
Batav. 1819; Polycarp Leyser, Dissertatio de Athe-
nagora. Lips. 1736. [J. M.M.]

ATHENA'GORAS (^Mr]va-y6pas\ a physi-
cian, the author of an unedited treatise on the
Pulse and on Urine, of which there is a Latin
MS. of the eleventh century in the Royal Lib-
rary at Paris. Some bronze coins struck at
Smyrna in honour of a person named Athena-
goras were thought by Dr. Mead (in his Dissert,
de Nummis quibusdam a Smyrnaeis in Medicorum
Honorem percussis^ Lond. 1724, 4to.) to refer to
the physician of this name ; but this is now
generally considered to be a mistake. (See Diet,
of Ant. s. V. Medicus.) A work on Agriculture
by a person of the same name is mentioned by
Varro (De Re Rust. i. 1. § 9) and Columella {De
Re Rmt. i. I. § 10). [W. A. G.]

ATHENA'IS {'hQ-nveis). 1. A Sibyl in the
time of Alexander the Great, born at Erythrae.
(Strab. xiv. p. 645.)

2. Sumamed Philostorg^us {^iKSaropyos), the
wife of Ariobarzanes II., king of Cappadocia, and
the mother of Ariobarzanes III. (Cic. ad Fam.
XV. 4 ; Eckhel, iii. p. 200.) It appears from an
inscription (Eckhel, iii. p. 199), that the wife of
Ariobarzanes I. was also called Athenais.

3. The daughter of Leontius. [Eudocia.]
ATHE'NION ('A0rjj/W). 1. A Cilician, who in

the second servile war in Sicily, by the aid of his
wealth and pretended astrological knowledge, pro-
cured himself to be chosen leader of the insurgents
in the western part of the island. After a fruitless
attack upon Lilybaeum, he joined Sal\'ius, the king
of the rebels, who, under the influence of a suspi-
cious jealousy, threw him into prison, but after-
wards released him. Athenion fought with great
bravery in a battle with L. Licinius Lucullus, and
was severely wounded. On the death of Salvias,
he succeeded to his title of king. He maintained
Jiis ground for some time successfully, but in B. c.
lUl tbe Romans sent against him the consul M'.

ATHENODORUS.

403

Aquillius, who succeeded in subduing the insur-
gents, and slew Athenion with his own hand,
(Diod. Fragm. xxxvi. ; Florus, iii. 19; Cic. t»
Verr. iii. 26, 54.)

The nickname Athenio was given to Sex. Clo-
dius. (Cic. ad Att. ii. 12.)

2. A comic poet, from one of whose plays (the
^a/x6dpaKfs) Athenaeus (xiv. p. 660) has a long
extract.

3. A tragic poet, the instructor of Leonteus the
Argive. (Athen. viii. p. 343.)

4. [Aristion.]

5. A raythographer referred to in the Scholia
on Apollonius (i. 917) and Homer (IL xv, 718).
(Comp. hoheck, Aglaoph. ii. p. 1220.) [C. P. M.]

ATHE'NION {'Ad-nviup), a Greek physician,
who is mentioned by Soranus (De Arte Obstetr.
p. 210) as being a follower of Erasistratus, and
who must therefore have lived some time between
the third century before and the first century after
Christ. He may very possibly be the same phy-
sician, one of whose medical formulae is preserved
by Celsus. (De Medic, v. 25. p. 95.) [W. A.G.]

ATHE'NION. I. A painter, bom at Maroneia
in Thrace. He was a pupil of Glaucion of Corinth,
and a contemporary probably of Nicias, whom he
resembled and excelled, though his style was
harsher. He gave promise of the highest excel-
lence in his art, but died young. (Plin. H. N.
XXXV. 11. s. 40. § 29.)

2. The engraver of a celebrated cameo, in the
Royal Museum at Naples, representing Zeus con-
tending with the giants. (Bracci, Mem. degli
Ant. Inie. i. 30 ; Mliller, Arch. d. Kunst. p. 498,
Anm. 2.) [C.P.M.]

ATHENIPPUS ('AeTji/iTrTros), a Greek physi-
cian (judging from his name), who must have lived
some time in or before the first century after
Christ, as one of his medical prescriptions is quoted
by Scribonius Largus. (Z)e Compos. Medicam. c.
3. § 26, p. 198.) He may perhaps be the same
person mentioned by Galen. {De Compos. Medicam.
sec. Locos., iv. 8. vol. xii. p. 789.) [W. A. G.]

ATHENOCLES {'AewoKKris). 1. The leader
of an Athenian colony, who settled at Amisus in
Pontus, and called the place Peiraeeus. The date
of this event is uncertain. (Strab. xii. p. 547.)

2. Of Cyzicus, a commentator upon Homer,
who, according to the judgment of Athenaeus (v.
p. 177, e.), understood the Homeric poems better
than Aristarchus. Whether the commentator upon
Homer is the same Athenocles who wrote upon
the early history of the Assyrians and Medea
(Agathias, ii. 24), is uncertain.

ATHENOCLES ( 'Ae-npoKXijs), a celebrated
embosser or chaser, mentioned by Athenaeus. (xi.
pp. 781, e., 782, b.) [C. P. M.]

ATHENODO'RUS CABvpSScopos). I. Of Ak-
Nos, a rhetorician, who lived in the time of Pollux.
He had been a disciple of Aristocles and Chrestus.
(Philost. Vit. Sophist, ii. 14 ; Eudocia, p. 51.)

2. The father and brother of the poet Aratus.
The latter defended Homer against the attacks of
Zoilus. (Suidas, s. «. *'ApaTos.)

3. A Stoic philosopher, snmamed Cananites
(Kavavirr^s) from Cana in Cilicia, the birthplace of
his father, whose name was Sandon. Athenodonis
was himself a native of Tarsus. It is the same per-
son probably whom Cicero {ad Att. xvi. II) calls
Athenodorus Calvus. In Rhodes he became ac-
quainted with Posidonius, by whom probably he was

2 d2

404 ATHENODORUS.

instructed in the doctrines of the Stoics. He after-
wards went to Apollonia, where he taught, and
attracted the notice of Octavianus, whom he fol-
lowed to Rome. He stood high in the favour of
the emperor, and was permitted to offer him advice,
which he did on some occasions with considerable
freedom. (Dion Cass. lii. 36, Ivi. 43 ; Zonaras, p.
544, b.) Zosimus (i. 6) tells us, that the govern-
ment of Augustus became milder in consequence of
his attending to the advice of Athenodoms. The
young Claudius was placed under his instruction.
(Suet. Clawi. 4.) In his old age he returned
to Tarsus, which was at that time misgoverned
by Boethus, a favourite of Antonius. Atheno-
dorus procured his expulsion and that of his
party, and restored order. Through his in-
fluence with Augustus, he procured for his native
city a remission of the vectigalia. He died at
the age of eighty-two, and his memory was ho-
noured by an annual festival and sacrifice. (Strab.
xiv. p. 674 ; Lucian, Macrob. 21 ; Cic. ad Fam.
iii. 7, ad Att. xvi. 14.) He was the author of a
work against the Categories of Aristotle (Porphj-r.
in Categ. p. 21, a. ; Simplic. Categ. p. 15, b. ; Sto-
baeus. Serin. 33) attributed by some to Athenodoms
Cordylio ; of an account of Tarsus (Steph. 'A7xtciArj) ;
of a work addressed to Octavia (Pint. Poplic. 17);
of one irefA (TtrovSris Koi TrajSe^ar ( Athen. xii. p.519);
of a work called Uepiiraroi (Diog. Laert. iii. 3, v.
36), and of some others. (Fabric. fiiU. Graec. iii.
p. 543; Hoffmann, Dissert, de Allien. Tarsensi,
Lips. 1 732 ; Sevin, in the Memoires de VAcad. des
Inscr. xix. p. 77.)

4. Surnamed Coruylio (KopSvKiuv), a Stoic
philosopher, bom at Tarsus. He was the keeper
of the library at Pergamus, and in his anxiety to
preserve the doctrines of his sect in their original
purity, used to cut out from the works of the Stoic
writers such parts as appeared to him erroneous or
inconsistent. He removed from Pergamus to Rome,
and lived with M. Cato, at whose house he died.
(Strab. xiv. p. 674 ; Diog. Laert. vii. 34 ; Plut.
Cat. Min. 10 ; Senec. de TranquUL Aninii^ c. 3, Ep.
X.4.)

5. An Eretrian, the author of a work entitled
liiroixviiiJiaTa. (Photius, Cod. 119.)

6. Of Rhodes, a rhetorician spoken of by Quin-
tilian. (ii. 17.)

7. Of Soli, a disciple of Zenon. (Diog. Laert.
vii. 38, 121.) He maintained, in opposition to the
other Stoics, that all offences were not equal.

8. Of Tarsus. [See Nos. 3 and 4.]

9. Of Teos, a player on the cithara, was one of
the performers who assisted at the festivities cele-
brated at Susa in b. c. 324, on the occasion of the
marriage of Alexander with Statira. There was
also a tragedian of the same name, whose services
were called into requisition on the same occasion.
(Athen. xii. p. 538.) [C. P. M.]

ATHENODO'RUS CAe^S^wpos), a Greek
physician in the first century after Christ or the
beginning of the second. He was probably a con-
temporary of Plutarch, by whom the first book of
his treatise On Epidemic Diseases^ 'EiriS^/xio, is
quoted. (Sympos. viii. 9. § 1.) [W. A. G.j

ATHENODO'RUS ('A07ji/(5Sa'pos). 1. A sta-
tuary, a native of Cleitor in Arcadia, executed
statues of Zeus and Apollo, which were dedicated
bj' the Lacedaemonians at Delphi after the battle
of Aegos-potami. He was also famed for his
statues of distinguished women. He was a pupil

ATIA.

of the elder Polycletus, and flourished at the end
of the fifth century b. c. (Paus. x. 9. § 8 ; Plin.
//. N. xxxiv. 19, init., and § 26.)

2. A sculptor, the son and pupil of Agesander
of Rhodes, whom he assisted in executing the
group of Laocoon. [Agesander.] [C. P. M.]

ATHENO'GENES CAe-nuoj4pvs),the author of
a work, probably a poem, entitled Cephaliou.
(Athen. iv. p. 164, a.)

ATHENO'GENES {'Aevvoy4vr,s), a Christian
martyr, of whom nothing more is known with cer-
tainty than that, when he was proceeding to the
stake, he left, as a parting gift to his friends, a
hymn in which the divinity of the Holy Spirit was
acknowledged. We learn this fact from St. Basil,
by whom it is incidentally recorded. {De Spiritu
Suncto, c. 29.) On the supposed authority of this
testimony, some have erroneously attributed to
Athenogenes the morning hymn (v/jluos 4w9iv6s)
beginning A«|o ei' v\i/icrTois 0e(^, and the evening
hymn {vfipos ia-rr^pipSs) beginning <l>ws i\ap6v
dyias So|t)s. (For the hymns themselves, see
Usher, Diss, de Sijmbolo-Apodolico, &c. p. 33 ;
Thomas Smith's Miscellanea priora, p. 152; Fa-
bric. Bibf. Gr. vii. pp. 171-2.) But Basil in this
passage makes no mention whatever of the morning
hpnn, while he expressly distinguishes the evening
h}Tnn from that of Athenogenes, and says that he
does not know who was its author. Cave falls
into the above-mentioned error in the first volume
of his Historia Literaria (ed. 1688), but corrects it
in the dissertation de Libris et Officiis Ecdesiasticis
Graecorum, appended to the second volume, pub-
lished in 1698. Le Moyne makes Athenogenes
contemporary with Clemens Alexandrinus, and re-
presents him as suffering under the emperor Seve-
rus. In this chronology Cave and Lumper concur.
Gamier, in a note upon the above-cited passage in
Basil, identifies this Athenogenes with one whom
the martyrologies represent as sufl^ering under Dio-
cletian. Baronius and Tillemont strangely suppose
that Athenogenes is one and the same with Athe-
nagoras, whose apology for the Christians was
addressed to M. Aurelius Antoninus and his son
Commodus. (Le Moyne, Varia Sacra, ii. pp.
1095-6; Tillemont, Alemoires, &c. ii. p. 632;
Lumper, Historia Theologico-Critica, &c. iv. pp. 39,
40 ; Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vii. pp. 170-2.) [J.M.M.]

ATHO'US ('A^oJos), a surname of Zeus, derived
from mount Athos, on which the god had a temple.
(Hesych. s. v.; Aeschyl. Agam. 270.) [L. S.]

ATHRYILA'TUS {'AQpvtKaTos), a Greek
physician of Thasos, introduced by Plutarch as
one of the speakers in his Symposiacon (iii. 4),
and who must therefore have lived at the end oi
the first or the beginning of the second century
after Christ. [W. A. G.]

ATHYMBRUS {'AevfjL€p6s), ATHYMBRA-
DUS ('Aevfx§pados), and HYDRE'LUS {"TSpv-
Aos), three brothers, who came from Lacedaemon,
and founded cities in Lydia, which were called by
their names. These cities were afterwards de-
serted by their inhabitants, who founded together
the town of Nysa, whence the latter regarded
Athymbrus as its founder. (Strab. xiv. p. 650 ;
Steph. Byz. s.v.''AdviJ.§pa.)

A'TIA, the daughter of M. Atius Balbus of
Aricia, and of Julia, the sister of C. Julius Caesar.
She was married to C. Octavius, and became
him the mother of Augustus Caesar. (Suet.
4 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 59.) She pretended that Augustus

jsar.

by /

Oct. {

stus I

ATILICINUS.

was the son of Apollo, who had intercourse with
her in the fonn of a dragon, while she was sleeping
on one occasion in the temple of the god. (Dion
Cass. xlv. 1; Suet. Oct. 94.) She carefully at-
tended to the education of her son, and is on this
account classed by the author of the Dialogue on
Orators (c. 29) along with Cornelia, the mother of
the Gracchi, and Aurelia, the mother of C. Julius
Caesar. Her husband died in b. c. 59, when her
son was only four years of age, and she afterwards
married L. Marcius Philippus, who was consul in
B. c. 56. On the death of Julius Caesar, she and
her husband tried to dissuade her son from accept-
ing the inheritance which his great-uncle had left
him. (Plut. Oic. 44 ; Suet. Oct. 8 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 60 ;
Appian, B. C. iii. 10.) She died in the first con-
sulship of her son, B. c. 43, and was honoured with
a public funeral (Suet. Oct. 61 ; Dion. Cass,
xlvii. 17.)

A'TIA GENS, plebeian. The word is always
written on coins with one t ; but in manuscripts we
find hoi\i Attius oxidiAtvis. This gens does not appear
to have been of any great antiquity, and none of
its members ever attained the consulship ; but, since
Augustus was connected with it on his mother's
side [Atia], the flattery of the poets derived its
origin from Atys, the son of Alba, and father of
Capys. (Virg. Aen. v. 568.) The cognomens of
the Atii are Balbus, Labienus, Rufus, Varus :
for those who have no cognomens, see Atius.
The only cognomens which occur on coins are
Balbus and Labienus. ( Eckhel, v. p. 1 45.)

ATI'DIUS GE'MINUS. [Geminus.]

ATI'LIA GENS, patrician and plebeian. On
coins the name always occurs with only one I, but
in MSS. usually- with two. The cognomens of the
Atilii under the republic are, Bulbus, Cajlatinus,
LoNGUS, Regulus, Serranus ; and of these the
Longi were undoubtedly patricians. (Dionys. xi.
61.) The first member of this gens who obtained
the consulship was M. Atilius Regulus, in B. c.
335 ; and the Fasti contain several consuls of this
name under the emperors. The only cognomen
found on coins is Sarunus, which appears to be the
same as Serranus. (Eckhel, v. p. 146.) For those
Atilii who have no cognomen, see Atilius.

The annexed coin of the Atilia Gens represents
on the obverse the head of Pallas winged, and on
the reverse the Dioscuri, with the inscription M.
Atili. and underneath Roma.

ATILIUS.

405

ATILICI'NUS, a Roman jurist, who probably
lived about the middle of the first century of the
Christian era. He seems to have been attached to
the sect of Proculus (Heinec. Hist. Jur. Bom.
§ 230), to whom he addressed a letter, which is
contained in the Digest in an extract from Proculus.
(Dig. 23. tit. 4. s. 17.) He is several times referred
to in the Digest, and is also cited in the Institutes
(2. tit. 14, pr.) as an authority ; but there is no
direct extract from him, and the names of his works
have not been preserved, though Bach (Hist. Jur.
Rom. p. 411) seems to infer from Dig. 12. tit. 4.
8. 7. pr., that he p\iblished rcsj>onsa. [J. T. G.]

ATI'LIUS. 1. L. Atilius, a plebeian, consular
tribune b.c. 399, and again in 396. (Liv. v. 13, 18}
Diod. xiv. 54, 90.) He must be distinguished from
L. Atilius, the consular tribune in b. c. 444 (Liv.
iv. 7), who was a patrician, and whose cognomen
was Longus, as we learn from Dionysius (xi. 61).

2. L, Atilius, tribune of the plebs, b. c. 311,
brought forward a bill, in conjunction with his
colleague, C. Marcius, giving the people the power
of electing 16 military tribunes in the four legions,
the usual number levied annually. (Liv. ix. 30.)
As there were six tribunes in each legion, the peo-
ple by this bill had the election of two-thirds of
the whole number. Previously they appointed
only six ; the remaining eighteen were nominated
by the consuls. (Comp. Liv. vii. 5.)

3. L. Atilius, quaestor in b. c. 216, slain at
the battle of Cannae in the same year. (Liv.
xxii. 49.)

4 and 5. M. and C. Atilii, duumviri in B. c.
216, dedicated the temple of Concord, which L.
Manlius, the praetor, had vowed. (Liv. xxiii, 22.)

6. L. Atilius, commander of the Roman gar-
rison in Locri, escaped with his troops by sea,
when the town was surrendered to Hannibal in
B. c. 215. (Liv. xxiv, 1.)

7. L. Atilius, praetor b, c. 197, obtained Sar-
dinia as his province. (Liv. xxxii. 27, 28.)

8. L. Atilius, served in the fleet of Cn. Octa-
vius, who was sent by the consul Paullus to
Saraothrace in b, c. 168, to demand Perseus, who
had taken refuge there. Atilius addressed the
Samothracian assembly in support of this demand.
(Liv. xlv. 5.)

9. L. Atilius, the jurist. See below.

10. Atilius, one of the libertini, built an am-
phitheatre at Fidenae in the reign of Tiberius, A. D.
27 ; but in consequence of the slight and careless
manner in which it was built, it fell down through
the weight of the spectators, and upwards of
20,000 persons perished, according to Suetonius
(Tib. 40), and as many as 50,000, according to
Tacitus, were either injured or destroyed. Atilius
was banished in consequence. (Tac. Ann. iv. 62,
63.)

L. ATI'LIUS, a Roman jurist, who probably
lived in the middle of the sixth century of the city.
By Pomponius (Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 2. § 38) he is
called Pubiius Atilius, and in some manuscripts of
Cicero (Ainic. c. 2), Acilius, not Atilius. He was
among the earliest of the jurisconsults, after Corun-
canius, who gave public instruction in law, and he
was remarkable for his science in profitendo. He
was the first Roman who was called by the people
Sapiens, although, before his time, the jurist P.
Sempronius (who was consul B. c. 304) had ac
quired the cognomen Sophtts, less expressive to
Latin ears. Sapiens was afterwards a title fre-
quently given to jurists. (Gell. iv. 1.) He wrote
Commentaries on the laws of the Twelve Tables.
(Cic. de Leg. ii. 23 ; Heinec. Hist. Jur. Rom. §
125.) [J. T. G.]

M. ATI'LIUS, one of the early Roman poets,
is classed among the comic poets of Rome by Vul-
catius Sedigitus, who assigns him the fifth place
among them in order of merit. {Ap. Gell. xv.
24.) But as Atilius translated into Latin the
Eiectra of Sophocles (Cic. de Fin. i. 2 ; comp. Suet.
Caes. 84), it would appear that he wrote tragedies
as well as comedies. The latter, however, may
have been both superior to, and more numerous

406

ATIUS.

than, the former ; and this would be a sufficient
reason why Sedigitus classed him among the comic
poets, without having recourse to the improbable
conjecture of Weichert (Pott. Latin. Reliquiae^
p. 139), that he had turned the Electra of Sopho-
cles into a comedy. Among his other plays we
have the titles of the following: Mtcoyoj/os (Cic.
Tusc.Disp. iv. 11), Boeotia (Varr. L. L. vi. 89,
ed. MUUer), 'AypoiKos, and Commorientes. (Varr.
ap. Gell. iii. 3.) According to another reading
the last three are attributed to a poet Aquillius.
With the exception of a line quoted by Cicero {ad
Ait. xiv. 20), and a few words preserved in two
passages of Varro (L. L. vii. 90, 106), nothing of
Atilius has come down to us. Cicero (ad Ait. I. c.)
calls him pocta durissimtis, and Licinius describes
him as ferreus scriptor. (Cic. de Fin. I. c.)

ATI'LIUS FORTUNATIA'NUS. [For-

TUNATIANUS.]

ATILLA, the mother of Lucan, was accused by
her own son, in a. d. QQ^ as privy to the conspiracy
against Nero, but escaped punishment, though she
was not acquitted. (Tac. Ann. xv. 56, 71.)

ATIME'TUS, a freedman and paramour of Do-
mitia, the aunt of Nero, accused Agrippina of
plotting against her son Nero, a. d. 56. Agrippina,
however, on this occasion, obtained from Nero the
punishment of her accusers, and Atimetus accord-
ingly was put to death. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 19, 21,
22.)

ATIME'TUS, P. ATTIUS, a physician,
whose name is preserved in an ancient inscription,
and who was physician to Augustus. Some writers
suppose that he is the same person who was a con-
temporary of Scribonius Largus, in the first century
after Christ, and who is said by him (De Compos.
Medicam. c. 29. § 120) to have been the slave of
a physician named Cassius, and who is quoted by
Galen (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos., iv. 8, vol,
xii. p. 771), under the name of Atimetrus ('Atj-
H-nTp6s).

A physician of the same name, who is mentioned
in an ancient inscription with the title Archiater,
is most probably a different person, and lived later
than the reign of Augustus. (Fabric. Bib/. Gr.
vol. xiii. p. 94, ed.vet. ; Rhodius, Note on Scribon.
Larg. pp. 188-9.) [W. A. G.]

There is an epitaph on Claudia Homonoea, the
wife of an Atimetus, who is described as the freed-
mun of Pamphilus, the freedman of the emperor
Tiberius, which has been published by Burmann
(Anth. Lai. vol. ii. p. 90), Meyer (Anih. Lat. n.
1274), and Wernsdorf (Poet. Lat. Min. vol. iii.
p. 213), and is in the form of a dialogue, partly in
Latin and partly in Greek, between Homonoea and
her husband. This Atimetus is supposed by some
writers to have been the same as the slave of
Cassius, mentioned by Scribonius (Wernsdorf, vol.
iii. p. 139); and Lipsius (ad Tac. Ann. xiii. 19)
imagines both to be the same as the freedman of
Domitia spoken of above ; but we can come to no
certainty on the point.

ATI'NI A GENS, plebeian. None of the mem-
bers of this gens ever attained the consulship ; and
the first who held any of the higher offices of the
Btate was C. Atinius Labeo, who was praetor b. c.
188. All the Atinii bear the cognomen Labeo.

A'TIUS. 1. L. Atius, the first tribune of the
second legion in the war with the Istri, b. c. 1 78.
(Liv. xli. 7.)

2. C. Atius, the Pelignian, belonged to the

ATLAS.

Porapeian party, and had possession of Sulmo,
when Caesar invaded Italy, b. c. 49. Caesar de-
spatched M. Antony against the town, the in-
habitants of which opened the gates as soon as
they saw Antony's standards, while Atius cast
himself down from the wall. At his own request
he was sent to Caesar, who dismissed him unhurt.
(Caes. B. C. i. 18.) Cicero writes (ad Att. viii. 4)
as if Atius himself had surrendered the town to
Antony.

ATLAS ("AtAos), according to Hesiod (T/ieop.
507, &c.), a son of Japetus and Clymene, and a
brother of Menoetius, Prometheus, and Epimetheus;
according to Apollodorus (i. 2. $ 3), his mother's
name was Asia ; and, according to Hj-^ginus (Fab.
Prae/.), he was a son of Aether and Gaea. For
other accounts see Diod. iii. 60, iv. 27 ; Plat. Cri-
tias,Y>- ll'l; Serv. ad Aen. iv. 247. According to
the description of the Homeric poems. Atlas knows
the depth of all the sea, and bears the long
columns which keep asunder, or carry all around
(diJi<pls exova-i)^ earth and heaven. (Od. i. 52.)
Hesiod only says, that he bore heaven with his
head and hands. (Comp. Aeschyl. Prom. 347, &c. ;
Paus. V. 18. § 1, 11. § 2.) In these passages Atlas
is described either as bearing heaven alone, or as
bearing both heaven and earth ; and several mo-
dern scholars have been engaged in investigating
which of the two notions was the original one.
Much depends npon the meaning of the Homeric
expression d,u<pls ^x^^^^' \ if the signification is
" the columns which keep asunder heaven and
earth," the columns (mountains) must be conceived
as being somewhere in the middle of the earth's
surface; but if they mean "bear or support all
around," they must be regarded as forming the cir-
cumference of the earth, upon which the vault of
heaven rests apparerdly. In either case, the mean-
ing of keeping asunder is implied. In the Homeric
description of Atlas, the idea of his being a super-
human or divine being, with a personal existence,
seems to be blended with the idea of a mountain.
The idea of heaven-bearing Atlas is, according to
Letronne, a mere personification of a cosmographic
notion, which arose from the views entertained by
the ancients respecting the nature of heaven and its
relation to the earth; and such a personification,
when once established, was further developed and
easily connected with other myths, such as that of
the Titans. Thus Atlas is described as the leader of
the Titans in their contest with Zeus, and, being
conquered, he was condemned to the labour of bear-
ing heaven on his head and hands. (Hesiod, /. c. ;
Hygin. Fab. 150.) Still later traditions distort the
original idea still more, by putting rationalistic inter-
pretations upon it, and make Atlas a man who was
metamorphosed into a mountain. Thus Ovid (Met.
iv, 630, &c., comp, ii, 296) relates, that Perseus came
to him and asked for shelter, which he was refused,
whereupon Perseus, by means of the head of Me-
dusa, changed him into mount Atlas, on which
rested heaven with all its stars. Others go still
further, and represent Atlas as a powerful king,
who possessed great knowledge of the courses ot
the stars, and who was the first who taught men
that heaven had the form of a globe. Hence the
expression that heaven rested on his shoulders was
regarded as a mere figurative mode of speaking.
fDiod. iii. 60, iv, 27; Pans, ix. 20. § 3 ; Herv.'ad
Aen. i, 745 ; Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 873.) At first,
the storv of Atlas referred to one mountain oulv.

ATRATINUS.

wh!ch was believed to exist on the extreme boundarj'
of the ejxrth ; but, as geographical knowledge extend-
ed, the name of Atlas was transferred to other places,
and thus we read of a Mauri tanian, Italian, Arcadian,
and even of a Caucasian, Atlas. ( Apollod. iii, 1 0. § 1 ;
Dionys. i. 61 ; Serv. ad Am. viii. 134.) The com-
mon opinion, however, was, that the heaven-bearing
Atlas was in the north-western part of Africa, and
the range of mountains in that part of the world
bears the name of Atlas down to this day. Atlas is
sjiid to have been the father of the Pleiades by
Pleione or by Hesperis, of the Hyades and Hespe-
rides by Aethra, and of Oenomaus and Maea by
Sterope. (Apollod. iii. 10. § 1; Diod. iv. 27; Serv.
adAen, viii. 130.) Dione and Calypso, and Hyas
and Hesperus, are likewise called his children.
(Hom. Od. vii. 245 ; Hygin. Fab. 83.) Atlas was
painted by Panaenus on the parapet surrounding
the statue of the Olympian Zeus (Paus. v. 11. § 2);
on the chest of Cypselus he was seen carrying hea-
ven and holding in his hands the golden apples of
the Hesperides ; and on the throne of Apollo at
Amyclae he was likewise represented. (Paus. v.
18. § 1, iii. 18. § 7; comp. Heffter, in the Allgem.
Sdmlzeitumj for 1832, No. 74, &c. ; E. Gerhard,
Arcliemoros utid die Hesperide7i^ Berlin, 1838;
Ku?istUatt for 183b', No. 64, &c. ; G. Hermann,
Disseriaiio de Atlanie, Lips. 1820.) [L. S.]

ATOSSA ("AToo-o-a), the daughter of Cyrus,
and the wife successively of her brother Cambyses,
of Smerdis the Magian, and of Dareius Hystaspis,
over whom she possessed great influence. Excited
by the description of Greece given her by Demo-
cedes [Demucedes], she is said to have urged
Dareius to the invasion of that country. She bore
Dareius four sons, Xerxes, Masistes, Achaemenes,
and Hystaspes. (Herod, iii. 68, 88, 133, 134,
vii. 2, 3, 64, 82, 97; Aeschyl. Persae.) According
to a tale related by Aspasius {ad Aristot. Ethic, p.
124), Atossa was killed and eaten by her son
Xerxes in a fit of distraction.

Hellanicus related (Tatian, c. Ch-uec. init.; Clem.
Alex. Strom, i. p. 307, ed. Par. 1629), that Atossa \
was the first who wrote epistles. This statement
is received by Bentley (PJialaris, p. 385, &c.),and
is employed by him as one argument against
the authenticity of the pretended epistles of Pha-
laris. [C.P.M.]

ATRATFNUS, a family-name of the Sem-
pronia gens. The Atratini were patricians, and
were distinguished in the early history of the re-
public ; but after the year B. c. 380, no member of
the femily is mentioned till B. c. 34.

1. A. Sempronius Atratinus, consul B. c.
497. (Liv. ii. 21 ; Dionys. vi, 1.) He had the
charge of the city when the battle of the lake
Regillus was fought (Dionys. vi. 2), which is va-
riously placed in 498 and 496. [See p. 90, b.]
He was consul again in 491, when he exerted
himself with his colleague in obtaining a supply of
com for the people. (Liv. ii. 34 ; Dionys. vii. 20.)
In the war with the Heniicans and Volscians in
487, Atratinus was again entrusted with the cai"e
of the city. (Dionys. viii. 64.) He was interrex
in 482. (Dionys. viii. 90.)

2. A Sempronius A. v. Atratinus, son of
No. 1, consular tribune B. c. 444, the year in which
this office was first instituted. In consequence of
a defect in the auspices, he and his colleagues re-
signed, and consuls were appointed in their stead.
(Liv. iv. 7 ; Dionys, xi. 61; Diod. xii. 32.)

ATREUS.

407

3. L. Sempronius A. f. Atratinus, son of
No. 1, consul B. c. 444. He was censor in the
following year with L. Papirius Mugillanus, and
they were the first who held this office. (Dionys.
xi. 62, 63 ; Liv. iv. 7, 8 ; Cic. ad Fam. ix. 21.)

4. A. Sempronius L. f. A. n. Atratinus,
son of No. 3, was consular tribune three times, in
B. c. 425, 420, and 416. (Liv. iv. 35, 44, 47 ;
Diod. xii. 81, xiii. 9.)

5. C. Sempronius A. p. A. n. Atratinus,
son of No. 2, whence he is called by Livy (iv. 44)
the patruelis of No. 4, was consul B. c. 423, and
had the conduct of the war against the Volscians.
Through his negligence and carelessness the Ro-
man army was nearly defeated, and was saved
only through the exertions of Sex. Tempanius, one
of the officers of the cavalry. The battle was un-
decided, when night put an end to it ; and both
armies abandoned their camps, considering it lost.
The conduct of Atratinus excited great indignation
at Rome, and he was accordingly accused by the
tribune L. Hortensius, but the charge was dropt
in consequence of the entreaties of Tempanius and
three others of his colleagues, who had served under
Atratinus, and had been elected tribunes. It
was revived, however, in 420, and Atratinus was
condemned to pay a heavy fine. (Liv. iv. 37 —
42, 44 ; Val. Max. vi. 5. § 2.)

6. A. Sempronius Atratinus, master of the
horse to the dictator, T. Quinctius Cincinnatus,
B. c. 380. (Liv. vi. 28.)

7. L. Sempronius Atratinus, the accuser of
M. Caelius, whom Cicero defended. (Comp. Suet.
de Clar. Rhet. 2.) In his speech which has come
do\m to us, Cicero speaks highly of Atratinus.
{Pro Cad. 1, 3, 7.) This Atratinus is apparently
the same as the consul of B. c. 34, elected in the
place of M. Antony, who resigned in his favour.
(Dion Cass. xlix. 39.)

ATRAX ("Arpol), a son of Peneius and Bura,
from whom the town of Atrax in Hestiaeotis Avas
believed to have derived its name. (Steph. Byz.
s. f.) He was the father of Hippodameia and
Caenis, the latter of whom by the will of Poseidon
was changed into a man, and named Caenus. (An-
tonin. Lib. 17; Ov. Met. xii. 190, &c.) [L. S.]

ATREIDES ('ATpeiSTjs), a patronymic from
Atreus, to designate his sons and descendants.
When used in the singular, it commonly designates
Agamemnon, but in the plural it signifies the two
brothers, Agamemnon and Menelaus. (Hom. II. i.
12, &c. ; Hor. Carm. ii. 4. 7, &c.) [L. S.]

ATREUS CArpejis), a son of Pelops and Hip-
podameia, a grandson of Tantalus, and a brother of
Thyestes and Nicippe. [Pelops.] He was first
married to Cleola, by whom he became the father of
Pleisthenes ; then to Aerope, the widow of his son
Pleisthenes, who was the mother of Agamemnon,
Menelaus, and Anaxibia, either by Pleisthenes or
by Atreus [Agamemnon] ; and lastly to Pelopia,
the daughter of his brother Thyestes. (Schol. ad
Eurip. Orcst. 5; Soph. Aj. 1271; Hygin. Fab. 83,
&c.; Serv. ad Aen. i. 462.) The tragic fate of the
house of Tantalus gave junple materials to the tra-
gic poets of Greece, but the oftener the subjects
were handled, the greater were the changes and
modifications which the legends underwent ; but
the main points are collected in Hyginus. Tiie
story of Atreus begins with a crime, for he and his
brother Thyestes were induced by their mothrr
Hippodameia to kill their step-brother Chrysippus,

408 ATREUS.

the son of Pelops and the nymph Axioche or Da-
nais. (Hj'gin. Fab. 85; Schol ad Horn. 11. ii. 104.)
According to the Scholiast on Thucydides (i. 9),
who seems himself to justify the remark of his
commentator, it was Pelops himself who killed
Chrysippus. Atreus and Thyestes hereupon took
to flight, dreading the consequences of their deed,
cr, according to the tradition of Thucydides, to
escape the fate of Chrysippus. Sthenelus, king of
Mycenae, and husband of their sister Nicippe (the
Sciiol. on Thucyd. calls her Astydameia) invited
them to come to Midea, which he assigned to them
as their residence. (Apollod. ii 4. § 6.) When
afterwards Eurystheus, the son of Sthenelus,
marched out against the Heracleids, he entrusted
the government of Mycenae to his uncle Atreus;
and after the fall of Eurystheus in Attica, Atreus
became his successor in the kingdom of Mycenae
From this moment, crimes and calamities followed
one another in rapid succession in the house of
Tantalus. Thyestes seduced Aerope, the wife of
Atreus, and robbed him also of the lamb with the
golden fleece, the gift of Hermes. (Eustath. a</^07n.
p. 184.) For this crime, Thyestes was expelled
from Mycenae by his brother ; but from his place
of exile he sent Pleisthenes, the son of Atreus,
whom he had brought up as his own child, com-
manding him to kill Atreus. Atreus however slew
the emissary, without knowing that he was his
own son. This part of the story contains a mani-
fest contradiction ; for if Atreus killed Pleisthenes
under these circumstances, his wife Aerope, whom
Thvestes had seduced, cannot have been the widow
of Pleisthenes. (Hygin. Fab. 86 ; Schol. ad Horn.
ii. 249.) In order to obtain an opportunity for
taking revenge, Atreus feigned to be reconciled to
Thyestes, and invited him to Mycenae. When
the request was complied with, Atreus killed the
two sons of Thyestes, Tantalus and Pleisthenes,
and had their flesh prepared and placed it before
Thyestes as a meal. After Thyestes had eaten
some of it, Atreus ordered the arms and bones of
the children to be brought in, and Thyestes, struck
with horror at the sight, cursed the house of Tan-
tjxlus and fled, and Helios turned away his face
from the frightful scene. (Aeschyl. ^/;am. 1398;
Soph. Aj. 1266.) The kingdom of Atreus was
now visited by scarcity and famine, and the ora-
cle, when consulted about the means of averting
the calamit}', advised Atreus to call back Thyestes.
Atreus, who went out in search of him, came to
king Thesprotus, and as he did not find him there,
he married his third wife, Pelopia, the daughter of
Thyestes, whom Atreus believed to be a daughter
of Thesprotus. Pelopia was at the time with child
by her own father, and after having given birth to
a boy (Aegisthus), she exposed him. The child,
however, was found by shepherds, and suckled by
a goat ; and Atreus, on hearing of his existence,
sent for him and educated him as his own child.
According to Aeschj'lus {Again. 160.5), Aegisthus,
Avhen yet a child, was banished with his father
Thyestes from Mycenae, and did not return thi-
ther until he had grown up to manhood. After-
wards, when Agamemnon and Menelaus had grown
up, Atreus sent them out in search of Thyestes.
They found him at Delphi, and led him back to
Mycenae. Here Atreus had him imprisoned, and
sent Aegisthus to put him to death. But Aegis-
thus was recognised b\' his father ; and, returning
to Atreus, he pretended to have killed Thyestes,

ATT A.

and slew Atreus himself, who was just offering up
a sacrifice on the sea-coast. (Hygin. Fah. 88.)
The tomb of Atreus still existed in the time of
Pausanias. (ii. 16. §5.) The treasury of Atreus
and his sons at Mycenae, which is mentioned by
Pausanias (/. c. ), is believed by some to exist still
(Miiller, Orchom. p. 239) ; but the ruins which
Miiller there describes are above ground, whereas
Pausanias calls the building vnoyaia. [L. S.]

Q. A'TRIUS, was left on the coast in Britain
to take care of the ships, B. c. 54, while Caesar
himself marched into the interior of the country.
(Caes. B.G.\. 9, 10.)

P. ATRIUS, a Roman knight, belonged to
Pompey's party, and was taken prisoner by Caesar
in Africa, b. c. 47, but his life was spared. (Caes.
B. Afr. 68, 89.)

ATROMETUS. [Aerchixes, p. 36, b.]

ATROPATES CATpoTrtfrTjs), called Atrapea by
Diodorus (xviii. 4), a Persian satrap, apparently of
Media, had the command of the Medes, together
with the Cadusii, Albani, and Sacesinae, at the
battle of Guagamela, b. c. 331. After the death of
Dareius, he was made satrap of Media by Alexan-
der. (Arrian, iii. 8, iv. 18.) His daughter was
married to Perdiccas in the nuptials celebrated at
Susa in b. c. 324 ; and he received from his father-
in-law, after Alexander's death, the province of the
Greater Media. (Arrian, vii. 4 ; Justin, xviii. 4 ;
Diod. I. c.) In the northern part of the countrj',
called after him Media Atropatene, he established
an independent kingdom, which continued to exist
down to the time of Strabo. (Strab. xi. p. 523.)
It was related by some authors, that Atropates on
one occasion presented Alexander with a hundred
women, said to be Amazons; but Arrian (vii. 13)
disbelieved the storv.

A'TROPOS. [MoiRAE.]

ATTA, T. QUINCTIUS, aRoman comic poet,
of whom verj' little more is known than that he
died at Rome in b. c. 78, and was buried at the
second milestone on the Praenestine road. (Hiero-
n}-m. in Easeb. Chron. 01. 175, 3.) His surname
Atta was given him, according to Festus (s. v.\
from a defect in his feet, to which circumstance
manj'- commentators suppose that Horace alludes
in the lines {Ep. ii. 1. 79),

" Recte, necne, crocum floresque perambukt Attae
Fabula, si dubitem ;"

but the joke is so poor and far-fetched, that we are
unwilling to father it upon Horace. It appears,
however, from this passage of Horace, that the
plaA's of Atta were very popular in his time. Atta
is also mentioned by Fronto (p. 95, ed. Rom.); but
the passage of Cicero [pro Scstio, 51), in which his
name occurs, is evidently corrupt.

The comedies of Atta belonged to the class called
by the Roman gi-ammarians togalae tabernariae
(Diomedes, iii. p. 487, ed. Putsch), that is, come-
dies in which Roman manners and Roman persons
were introduced. The titles and a few fragments
of the following plays of Atta have come down to
us: Aedilicia (Gell. vii. 9 ; Diomed. iii. p. 487) ;
Aquae Calulue (Non. Marc. p. 133. 11, 139. 7);
ConcHiatrix (Gell vii. 9); Lucubratio (Non. Marc,
p. 468. 22); Afater'era, though this was probably
written by Afranius, and is wrongly ascribed to
Atta (Schol. Cruqu. ad Hor. Ep. ii. 1. 80); Meya-
lensia (Serv. ad Virg. FJcl. vii. 33); Socrus (Pris-
cian, vii. p. 764); Supp/icatio (Macrob. Sat. il 14);

ATTALUS.

Tiro Proficiscens. (Priscian, viii. p. 828.) Tlie
fragments of Atta arc collected by Bothe, in Poet.
IScen. Lat. vol. v. par. ii. p. 97, &c. ; compare Wei-
chert, Poet. Lai. Reliquiae, p. 345.

ATTAGl'NUS ('ATT07r>'os), the son of Phry-
non, one of the leading men in Thebes, betrayed
Thebes to Xerxes on his invasion of Greece (Paus.
vii. 10. § 1), and took an active part in favour of
the Persians. He invited Mardonius and fifty of
the noblest Persians in his army to a splendid
banquet at Thebes, sliortly before the battle of
Plataea, b. c. 479. After the battle, the Greeks
marched against Thebes, and required Attaginus,
with the other partisans of the Median party, to
be delivered up to them. This was at first refused ;
but, after the city had been besieged for twenty
days, his fellow-citizens determined to comply with
the demands of the Greeks. Attaginus made his
escape, but his family were handed over to Pausa-
nias, who dismissed them without injury. (Herod,
ix. 15, 86, 88; Athen. iv. p. 148, e.)

ATTALI'ATA,* MICHAEL, a judge and pro-
consul under Michael Ducas, emperor of the East,
at whose command he published, A. b. 1073, a
work containing a system of law in 9b titles, under
the name iroitifia vqjxikov tjtoj irpayixaTiKT^. This
work was translated into Latin by Leunclavius,
and edited by him in the beginning of the second
volume of his collection. Jus Graeco-Romanum.
If it is a poem, as might be inferred from the title,
no one has yet observed the fact or discovered the
metre in which it is written. Uoirj/xa vofxiK^v is
usually translated opm dejnre. The historians of
Roman law before Ritter (Ritter, ad Heinec. Hist.
J. R. § 406) wrote it6vT]fjLa for TroiT)ixa. There are
many manuscripts of the work in existence, which
differ considerably from the printed edition of
Leunclavius (Bach, Hist. J^. /?. p. 682) It may
be mentioned that extracts from a similar con-
temporary work, avvoi^is tuv vofuav, by Michael
Psellus, are given by Leunclavius as scholia to the
work of Attaliata, and printed as if they were
prose, whereas they are really specimens of the
noKiriKol arlxoi, or popular verses, in which ac-
cent or emphasis is supposed to supply the place of
quantity. [Psellus.] (Heimbach, Anecdota, i.
125-6 ; C. E. Zachariae, Historiae Juris Graeco-
Romani delineatio, p. 7 1, Heidelberg, 1 839.) [ J.T.G. ]

ATTA'LION ('AttoAi'wi'), a physician, who
wrote a commentiiry on the Aphorisms of Hippo-
crates, which is now lost. His date is very uncer-
tnin, as he is mentioned only in the preface to the
Commentary on the Aphorisms falsely ascribed to
Oribasius, who lived in the fourth century after
Christ [W. A. G.]

A'TTALUS ("AttoAos). I. One of the generals
of Philip of Macedon, and the uncle of Cleopatra,
whom Philip married in b. c. 337. He is called
by Justin (ix. 5), and in one passage of Diodorus
(xvii. 2), the brother of Cleopatra ; but this is un-
doubtedly a mistake. (Wess. ad Diod. xvi. 93,
xvii, 2.) At the festivities in celebration of the

ATTALUS.

409

* The quantity of the name appears from tlie
last lines of an epigram prefixed to the edition of
Leunclavius :

'T7nj/)€Ter S^ TTJ 'ypa<prj <pi\o<Pp6vo)S
'O Mixcn/)^ dvOviraTos 'ATToAe^aTTys.
In some MSS. the name in the title of the work
is spelled 'ATTaAtiwTTjs. It is derived from the
place Attala.

man-iage of his niece, Attalus, %'hen the guests
were heated with wine, called upon the company
to beg of the gods a legitimate (ymqa-ios) successor
to the throne. This roused the wrath of Alexan-
der who was present, and a brawl ensued, in which
Philip drew his sword and rushed upon his son.
Alexander and his mother Oljnnpias withdrew from
the kingdom (Plut. Alex. 7; Justin, ix. 7; Athen.
xiii. p. 557, d. e.); but though they soon afterwards
returned, the influence of Attalus does not appear
to have been weakened. Philip's connexion with
Attalus not only thus involved him in family dis-
sensions, but eventually cost him his life. Attalus
had inflicted a grievous outrage upon Pausanias, a
youth of noble family, and one of Philip's body-
guard. Pausanias complained to Philip ; but, as
he was unable to obtain the punishment of the
offender, he resolved to be revenged upon the king
himself, and accordingly assassinated him at the
festival at Aegae in B. c. 336. [Philip.] (Arist.
Pol. V. 8. § 10; Diod. xvi. 93; Plut. Alex. 10;
Justin, ix. 6.) Attalus was in Asia at the time of
Philip's death, as he had been previously sent thi-
ther, along with Parmenion and Amyntas in the
command of some troops, in order to secure the
Greek cities in Western Asia to the cause of Phi-
lip. (Diod. xvi. 91 ; Justin, ix. 5.) Attalus could
have little hope of obtaining Alexander's pardon, and
therefore entered very readily into the proposition
of Demosthenes to rebel against the new monarch.
But, mistrusting his power, he soon afterwards en-
deavoured to make tcnns with Alexander, and
sent him the letter which he had received from
Demosthenes. This, however, produced no change
in the purpose of Alexandei, who had previously
sent Hecataeus into Asia with orders to arrest At-
talus, and convey him to Macedon, or, if this could
not be accomplished, to kill him secretly. Heca-
teus thought it safer to adopt the latter course, and
had him assassinated privately. (Diod. xvii. 2,
3,5.)

2. Son of Andromenes the Stymphaean, and one
of Alexander's officers, was accused with his bro-
thers, Amyntas and Simmias, of having been en-
gaged in the conspiracy of Philotas, b. c. 330, but
was acquitted, together with his brothers. [Amyn-
tas, No. 4.] In B. c. 328, Attjilus was left with
Polysperchon and other officers in Bactria with
part of the troops, while the king himself marched
against the Sogdians. (Arrian, iv. 16.) He ac-
companied Alexander in his expedition into India,
and was employed in several important duties.
(Arrian, iv. 27, v. 12.) In Alexander's last ill-
ness, B. c. 323, he was one of the seven chief offi-
cers who passed the night in the temple of Serapis
at Babylon, in order to learn from the god whether
Alexander should be carried into the temple. (Ar-
rian, vii. 26.)

After the death of Alexander, Attalus joined
Perdiccas, whose sister, Atalante, he had married.
He accompanied his brother-in-law in his unfortu-
nate campaign against Egypt in B. c. 321, and had
the command of the fleet. After the murder of
Perdiccas, all his friends were condemned to death
by the army ; Atalante, who was in the camp, was
immediately executed, but Attalus escaped his
wife's fate in consequence of his absence with the
fleet at Pelusium. He forthwith sailed to Tyre,
where the treasures of Perdiccas had been depo-
sited. These, which amounted to as much as 800
talents, were surrendered to him by Archelaus,

410

ATTALUS.

who had been appointed governor of tlie town, and
by means of these he soon found himself at the
head of 10,000 foot and 800 horse. He remained
at Tyre for some time, to collect the friends of
Perdiccas who had escaped from the army; but
then, instead of uniting his forces immediately with
those of Alcetas, the brother of Perdiccas, he sailed
to the coast of Caria, where he became involved in
a contest with the Rhodians, by whom he was
completely defeated in a sea-fight. (Diod. xviii. 37 ;
Arrian, ap. P/ioi. Cod. 92, p. 72, a., ed. Bekker.)
After this, he joined Alcetas; but their united
forces were defeated in Pisidia by Antigonus, who
had the conduct of the war against the party of
Perdiccas. Alcetas escaped for a time, but Attains
with many others was taken prisoner. (Diod. xviii.
44, 45.) This happened in B. c. 320; and he and
his companions remained in captivity till B. c. 317,
when they contrived on one occasion to overpower
their guards, and obtain possession of the castle
in which they were confined. Before they could
effect their escape, the castle was surrounded with
troops from the neighbourhood. They continued,
however, to defend it for a year and four months ;
but at length were obliged to yield to superior
numbers. (Diod. xix. 16.) We do not hear of
Attains after this : his daughters were with Olyra-
pias in B. c. 317. (Diod. xix. 35.)

3, Arrian speaks (ii. 9, iii. 12) of an Attains who
was the commander of the Agrianians in Alexander's
army at the battles of Issus, b. c. 333, and Guaga-
niela, B. c. 331. He seems to be a different person
from the son of Andromenes.

4. One of the chief officers in the infantry of
Alexander. After the death of Alexander, b. c.
323, the infantry were dissatisfied with the ar-
rangements made by Alexander's generals ; and in
the tumult which ensued. Attains, according to
Justin (xiii. 3) sent persons to murder Perdiccas,
though this is generally attributed to Meleager.
He is again mentioned in the mutiny of the army
at Triparadisus after the death of Perdiccas in B.c.
321. (Arrian, ap. Phot. Cod. 92, p. 71, b. 10.) It
is evident, from both of these circumstances, that
this Attains must be a different person from the
son of Andromenes.

ATTALUS, the name of three kings of Per-
gamus. I. Was the son of Attains, tl'e brother
of Philet^ierus, and Antiochis, daughter of Achaeus
(not the cousin of Antiochus theGreat). [Eumenes.]
He succeeded his cousin, Eumenes 1., in b. c. 241.
He was the first of the Asiatic princes who ven-
tured to make head against the Gauls, over whom
he gained a decisive victory. After this success,
he assumed the title of king (Stnib. xiii. p. 624 ;
Paus. i. 8. § 1, X. 15. § 3; Liv. xxxviii. 16; Po-
'lyb. xviii. 24), and dedicated a sculptured repre-
sentation of his victory in the Acropolis at Athens.
(Paus. i, 25. § 2.) He took advantage of the dis-
putes in the familj- of the Seleucidae, and in B. c.
229 conquered Antiochus Hierax in several battles.
( Porphyr. ap. Euseb. Graec. p. 186; Euseb. Chron.
J mi. p. 347.) Before the accession of Seleucus
Cerauims (b. c. 226), he had made himself master
of the whole of Asia Minor west of mount Taurus.
Seleucus immediately attacked him, and by b. c.
221 Achaeus [Achaeus] had reduced his domi-
nions to the limits of Pergamus itself. (Polyb. iv.
48.)

On the breaking out of the war between the Rho-
dians and Byzantines (b.c. 220), Attains took part

ATTALUS.

with the latter, who had done their utmost to bring
about a peace between him and Achaeus (Polyb.
iv. 49), but he was miable to render them any effec-
tive assistance. In B. c. 218, with the aid of a
body of Gaulish mercenaries, he recovered several
cities in Aeolis and the neighbouring districts, but
was stopped in the midst of his successes by an
eclipse of the sun, which so alanned the Gauls,
that they refused to proceed. (Polyb. v. 77, 78.)
In B. c. 216, he entered into an alliance with
Antiochus the Great against Achaeus. (v. 107.)
In B. c. 211, he joined the alliance of the Romans
and Aetolians against Philip and the Achaeans.
(Liv. xxvi. 24.) In 209, he was made praetor of
the Aetolians conjointly with Pyrrhias, and in the
following year joined Sulpicius with a fleet. After
wintering at Aegina, in 207 he overran Peparethus,
assisted in the capture of Oreus, and took Opus.
While engaged in collecting tribute in the neigh-
bourhood of this town, he narrowly escaped falling
into Philip's hands; and hearing that Prusias,
king of Bithj'nia, had invaded Pergamus, he re-
turned to Asia. (Liv. xxvii. 29, 30, 33, xxviii.
3—7; Polyb. X. 41, 42.)

In B. c. 205, in obedience to an injunction of the
Sibylline books, the Romans sent an embassy to
Asia to bring away the Idaean Mother from Pes-
sinus in PhrN-gia. Attalus received them graciously
and assisted them in procuring the black stone
which was the symbol of the goddess. (Liv. xxix.
10, 11.) At the general peace brought about in
204, Prusias and Attalus were included, the for-
mer as the ally of Philip, the latter as the ally of
the Romans, (xxix. 12.) On the breaking out of
hostilities between Philip and the Rhodians, Atta-
lus took part with the latter; and in B. c. 201,
Philip invaded and ravaged his territories, but was
unable to take the city of Pergamus. A sea-fight
ensued, off Chios, between the fleet of Philip and
the combined fleets of Attalus and the Rhodians,
in which Philip was in fact defeated with conside-
rable loss, though he found a pretext for claiming a
victory, because Attalus, having incautiously pur-
sued a Macedonian vessel too far, was compelled to
abjindon his own, and make his escape by land.
After another ineflectual attempt upon Pergamus,
Philip retired. (Polyb. xvi. 1 — 8 ; Liv. xxxii, 33.)

In 200, Attalus, at the invitation of the Athe-
nians, crossed over to Athens, where the most flat-
tering honours were paid him. A new tribe was
created and named Attalis after him. At Athens
he met a Roman embassy, and war was formally
declared against Philip. (Polyb. xvi. 25, 26; Liv.
xxxi. 14, 15 ; Paus. i. 5. § 5, 8. § 1.) In the
same year, Attalus made some ineffectual attempts
to relieve Abydos, which was besieged by Phili]t.
(Polyb. xvi. 25, 30-34.) In the campaign of 199,
he joined the Romans with a fleet and troops.
Their combined forces took Oreus in Euboea. (Liv.
xxxi. 44 — 47.) Attalus then returned to Asia to
repel the aggressions of Antiochus III., who had
taken the opportxniity of his absence to attack
Pergamus, but was induced to desist by the re-
monstrances of the Romans. (Liv. xxxi. 45 — 47,
xxxii. 8, 27.)

In 198, Attalus again joined the Romans, and,
aftor the campaign, wintered in Aegina. In the
spring of 197, he attended an assembly held at
Thebes for the purpose of detaching the Boeotians
from the cause of Philip, and in the midst of hia
speech was struck with apoplexy. He was ton-

ATTALUS.

veyed to Pergamus, and died the same year, in the
eeventy-second year of his age, after a reign of
forty-four years. (Liv. xxxii. 16, 19, 23, 24, 33,
xxxiii. 2, 21; Polyb. xvii. 2, 8, 16, xviii. 24, xxii.
2, &c.) As a ruler, his conduct was marked by
wisdom and justice ; he was a faithful ally, a gene-
rous friend, and an affectionate husband and fa-
ther. He encouraged the arts and sciences. (Diog.
Laert. iv. 8 ; Athen. xv. p. 697; Plin. H. N. viii.
74, xxxiv. 19. § 24, xxxv. 49.) By his wife,
ApoUonias or Apollonis, he had four sons: Eumenes,
who succeeded him, Attalus, Philetaerus, and
Athenaeus.

II. Sumamed Philadelphus, was the second
son of Attalus I., and was bom in b. c. 200. (Lu-
cian, Macrob. 12 ; Strab. xiii. p. 624.) Before his
accession to the crown, we frequently find him em-
ployed by his brother Eumenes in military opera-
tions. In B. c. 190, during the absence of Eume-
nes, he resisted an invasion of Seleucus, the son of
Antiochus, and was afterwards present at the bat-
tle of Mount Sipylus. (Liv. xxxvii. 18, 43.) In
B. c. 1 89, he accompanied the consul Cn. Manlius
Vulso in his expedition into Galatia. (Liv. xxxviii.
12 ; Polyb. xxii. 22.) In 182, he served his bro-
ther in his war with Phamaces. (Polyb. xxv. 4, 6.)
In 171, with Eumenes and Athenaeus, he joined
the consul P. Licinius Crassus in Greece. (Liv.
xlii. 55, 58, 65.) He was several times sent to
Rome as ambassador : in B. c. 1 92, to announce
that Antiochus had crossed the Hellespont (Liv.
xxxv. 23); in 181, during the war between Eume-
nes and Phamaces (Polyb. xxv. 6); in 167, to con-
gratulate the Romans on their victory over Perseus.
Eumenes being in ill-favour at Rome at this time,
Attalus was encouraged with hopes of getting the
kingdom for himself ; but was induced, by the re-
monstrances of a physician named Stratius, to
abandon his designs. (Liv. xlv. 19, 20 ; Polyb.
XXX. 1 — 3.) In 164 and 160, he was again sent
to Rome. (Polyb. xxxi, 9, xxxii. 3, 5.)

Attalus succeeded his brother Eumenes in B. c.
159. His first undertaking was the restoration of
Ariarathes to his kingdom. (Polyb. xxxii. 23.)
In 156, he was attacked by Prasias, and found
himself compelled to call in the assistance of the
Romans and his allies, Ariarathes and Mithridates.
In B. c. 154, Prusias was compelled by the threats
of the Romans to grant peace, and indemnify At-
talus for the losses he had sustained. (Polyb. iii. 5,
xxxii. 25, &c., xxxiii. 1, 6, 10, 11 ; Appian, MitUr.
3, &c.; Diod. xxxi. Exc. p. 589.) In 152, he sent
some troops to aid Alexander Balas in usurping the
throne of Syria (Porphyr. ap. Euseb. p. 187; Jus-
tin, xxxv. 1), and in 149 he assisted Nicomedes
against his father Pmsias. He was also engaged
in hostilities with, and conquered, Diegylis, a Thra-
cian prince, the father-in-law of Prusias (Diod.
xxxiii. Exc. p. 595, &c. ; Strab. xiii. p. 624), and
sent some auxiliary troops to the Romans, which
assisted them in expelling the pseudo-Philip and
in taking Corinth. (Strab. /. c; Pans. vii. 16. § 8.)
During the latter part of his life, he resigned him-
self to the guidance of his minister, Philopoeraen.
(Plut. Mor. p. 792.) He founded Philadelphia in
Lydia (Steph. Byz. s.v.) and Attaleia in Pamphylia.
(Strab. xiv. p. 667.) He enco^iraged the arts and
sciences, and was himself the inventor of a kind of
embroidery. (Plin. i/.iV. vii. 39, xxxv. 36. § 19,
viii. 74 ; Athen. viii. p. 346, xiv. p. 634.) He
died B. c. 1 38, aged eighty-two.

ATTALUS.

4i;

III. Sumamed Philoaiktor, was tlie son of
Eunienes II. and Stratonice, daughter of Ariara-
thes, king of Cappadocia. While yet a boy, he
was brought to Rome (b. c. 152), and presented to
the senate at the same time with Alexander Balas.
He succeeded his uncle Attalus II. B. c. 138. He
is known to us chiefly for the extravagance of his
conduct and the murder of his relations and friends.
At last, seized with remorse, he abandoned all
public business, and devoted himself to sculpture,
statuary, and gardening, on which he wrote a work.
He died B. c. 133 of a fever, with which he was
seized in consequence of exposing himself to the
sun's rays while engaged in erecting a monument
to his mother. In his will, he made the Romans
his heirs. (Strab. xiii. p. 624; Polyb. xxxiii. 16;
Justin. XXX vi. 14 ; Diod. xxxiv. Exc. p. 601 ;
Varro, R. R. Praef.; ColumeU. i. 1. § 8; Plin.
H. N. xviii. 5 ; Liv. Epit. 58 ; Plut. Tih. Gracch.
14 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 4 ; Florus, ii. 20; Appian. Mithr.
62, Bell. Civ. v. 4.) His kingdom was claimed
by Aristonicus. [ Aristonicus.] [C. P. M.]

A'TTALUS, emperor of the West for one year
(a. d. 409, 410), the first raised to that office
purely by the influence of barbarians. He was
bom in Ionia, brought up as a Pagan (Philos-
torgius, xii. 3), and received baptism from an Arian
bishop. (Sozomen, Hist. Ecd. ix. 9.) Having be-
come senator and praefect of the city at the time
of Alaric's second siege of Rome, he was, after the
surrender of the place, declared emperor by the
Gothic king and his army, in the place of Hono-
rius, and conducted by them in state to Ravenna,
where he sent an insulting message to Honorius,
commanding him to vacate the throne, amputate
his extremities, and retire to a desolate island.
(Philostorgius, xii. 3.) But the union of pride and
folly which he had shewn in the first days of his
reign, by proposing to reannex Egypt and the East
to the empire (Sozomen, Hid. Eccl. ix. 8), and later
by adopting measures without Alaric's advice, in-
duced the Gothic chief to depose him on the plain
of Ariminum. (Zosimus, vi. 6 — 13.) After the
death of Alaric, he remained in the camp of Ataul-
phus, whom, as emperor, he had made count of the
domestics, and whose nuptials with Placidia he ce-
lebrated as a musician. He was again put forward
by Ataulphus as a rival emperor, during the insur-
rection of Jovinus, but on being abandoned by him
(Olympiod. apud Pliot. p. 58), was taken prisoner,
and on being brought before the tribunal of Hono-
rius, was condemned to a sentence with which he
had himself threatened Honorius in his fonner pros-
perity, viz. the amputation of his thumb and fore-
finger, and perpetual banishment to the island of
Lipari, a. d. 416. (Philostorgius, xii. 4, with
Godefroy's Dissertations.)

There is in the British Museum a silver coin of
this emperor, once in the collection of Cardinal
Albano, and supposed to be unique. It is remark-
able as exceeding in size all known ancient silver
coins, and weighs about 1203 grains, and in the
usual numismatic language would be represented
by the number 13^.

The obverse is, priscus. attalvs. p. f. aug.,
a protome of Attidus, turned to the right, wearing
a fillet ornamented with pearls round his forehead,
and the paltidamentum fastened across the right
shoulder with the usual bulla.

The reverse is, invicta. roma. aetkrna. r. m.
Rome, helmeted and draped to the feet, sit-

412

ATTIANUS.

ting in front on a chair ornamented on each side
■W'itii lions'' heads ; in the riyht hand she holds a
globe, on which a small Victory is standing and
holding in her right hand a crown and in her left a
branch of palm ; the left rests upon a spear with
a long iron head, and inverted. [A. P. S.]

A'TTALUS, literary. 1. A Stoic philosopher
in the reign of Tiberius, who was defrauded of his
property by Sejanus, and reduced to cultivate the
ground. (Senec. Siuis. 2. p. 17, ed. Bip.) He taught
the philosopher Seneca {Ep. 108), who frequently
quotes hira. and speaks of him in the highest terms.
(Comp. Nat. Quaest. ii. 50, Ep. 9, 63, 67, 72. 81,
109.) The elder Seneca describes him {Suas.l.c.)
as a man of great eloquence, and by far the acute»t
philosopher of his age. We have mention of a
work of his on lightning {Nal. Quaest. ii. 48) ; and
it is supposed that he may be the author of the
Tlapoipiiai referred to by Hesychius {s.v. Kopiifvovcn)
as written by one Attains.

2. A Sophist in the second century of the Chris-
tian era, the son of Polemon, and grandfather of
the Sophist Hennocrates. (Philostr. Vii. Soph.
ii. 25. § 2.) His name occurs on the coins of
Smyrna, which are figured in Olearius's edition
of Philostratus (p. 609). They contain the in-
scription ATTAA02 20*I2. TAI2 nATPI2I
2MTP. AAOK., which is interpreted, "Attains, the
Sophist, to his native cities Sra} rna and Laodicea."
The latter is conjectured to have been the place of
his birth, the former to have adopted him as a
citizen.

A'TTALUS ("AttoAoj), a physician at Rome
in the second century after Christ, who was a
pupil of Soranus, and belonged to the sect of the
Methodici. He is mentioned by Galen (de JMeth.
Med. xiii. 15. vol. x. p. 910, &c,) as having mis-
tixken the disease of which the Stoic philosoplier
Theagenes died. [W. A. G.]

A'TTALUS ( "'ArraXos), an Athenian statuary,
the son of Andragathus. Pausanias (ii. 19. § '6)
mentions a statue of Apollo Lykeios, in the temple
of that god at Argos, which was made by him.
His name has been found on a statue discovered on
the site of the theatre at Argos ( Bcickh, Corp. Ins.
No. 1146), and on a bust. (Welcker, Kunstb'atl,
1827, No. 82.) [C. P. M.]

ATTHIS or ATTIS fArPts or^Arris), a daugh-
ter of Cranaus, from whom Attica, which was be-
fore called Actaea, was believed to have derived its
name. (Paus. i. 2. § 5.) The two birds into which
Philomele and her sister Procne were metamor-
phosed, were likewise called Attis. (Martial, i 54.
■d, V. 67. 2.) [L. S.]

ATTIA'NUS, CAE'LIUS, a Roman knight,
was the tutor, and afterwards the intimate friend,
of Hadrian. On the death of Trajan, Attianus, in
conjunction with Plotina, caused Hadrian to be
proclaimed ernperor ; and the latter after his ac-
cession enrolled Attianus in the se)iate, made hiia
praefectus praetorio, and conferred upon him the
insignia of the consulship. He subsequently fell,

ATTICUS. ■ '

however, under the displeasure of the emperor.
(Spart. Iladr. 1, 4, 8, 15 ; Dion Cass. Ixix. 1.)
ATTICA. [Atticus, T. Pompomuh.]
A'TTICUS, ANTO'NIUS, a Roman rhetori-
cian of the age of Seneca and Quintilian. (Senec.
Suas. 2. p. 19, ed. Bip.) [L. S.]

A'TTICUS, bishop of Constantinople, was
born at Sebaste, now Sivas, in Annenia Minor.
He was educated in the ascetic discipline of the
Macedonian monks, under the eye of Eustathius, a
celebrated bishop of that sect. However, when
Atticus reached the age of manhood, he conformed
to the orthodox church. He was ordained a pres-
byter at Constantinople ; and in the violent con-
tentions between the friends and the enemies of
the famous Chrysostora, he sided with the latter.
After the death of Arsacius, who had been elevated
to the see of Constantinople on occasion of the se-
cond banishment of Chrysostom, Atticus succeeded
to the office, although the illustrious exile was still
living. The ecclesiastical historians, Socrates and
Sozomen, describe Atticus as a man of great na-
tural prudence, and both of them testify that he
administered the affairs of the church with wisdom
and success. His learning seems to have been
respectable ; his preaching, we are told, was not
attractive. His general manner was extremely
winning, and he was particularly distinguished for
his liberality to the poor. On hearing that distress
amounting almost to famine prevailed at Nicaea, he
sent a large sum of money for the relief of the suf-
fering population, accompanied by a letter to Cal-
liopius, the bishop of the place, which is extiint in
the Ecclesiastical History of Socrates. In his
treatment of heretics, he is said to have exhibited
a judicious combination of kindness and severity.
He spoke charitably of the Novatians, and com-
mended their inflexible adherence to the true faith
under the persecutions of Constantius and Valens, •
though he condemned their terms of communioii as 1
being in the extreme of rigour. It is recorded, fl
however, b}' Marius Mercator that when Coelestius, ■
the well-known disciple of Pelagius, visited Con-
stantinople, Atticus expelled him from the city,
and sent letters to the bishops of various sees,
warning them against him. He was himself laid
under sentence of excommunication by the western
bishops for refusing to insert the name of the de-
ceased Chrysostom in the diptychs or church regis-
ters. In the end, Atticus complied with the de-
mand, and was again received into the communion
of the western churches. He is said by Socrates to
liave foretold his own death : the prophecy, how-
ever, amounted to no more than this — that he told
his friend Calliopius that he should not survive the
ensuing autumn ; and the event corresponded with
his prognostication. He died in the twenty-first
year of his episcopate. Gennadius informs us that
he wrote, in opposition to the Nestorian doctrine,
an excellent treatise de Fide et Virginitate^ which
he dt^dicated ad Rcginas, that is, to the daughters
of the eastern emperor, Aicadius. This work has
perished ; and notliing from the pen of Atticus has
survived, except the following short pieces : 1. A
letter to Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, exhorting
him to follow his own example, and insert the
name of Chrysostom in the sacred tables. This is
preserved in the Church History of Nicephorus
Callisti. 2. The above-mentioned letter to Callio-
pius. 3. A few inconsiderable fragments extant
in the writings of Maiius Mercator and Theodoret,

ATTICUS.
and the appendix to the acts of the council of
Chalcedon. (Socrates, Hist. Eccl. vi. 20, vii. 25 ;
Sozomen, Hid. Eccl. viii. 27 ; Theodoret, Hist. Eccl.
V. 3 ; Marius Mercator, Opera^ ed. Baluz. pp. 1 33,
184, 185; Gennadius, de Viri^ Illustribus^ c. 52;
Niccphorus Callisti, xiv. 26.) [J. M. M.]

A'TTICUS, CU'RTIUS, a Roman knight,
was one of the few companions whom Tiberius
took with him when he retired from Rome to Ca-
preae in a. d. 26. Six years afterward?, A. D. 32,
Atticus fell a victim to the arts of Sejanus. (Tac.
Ann. iv. 58, vi. 10.) He is supposed by Lipsius
to be the same as the Atticus to whom two of
Ovid's Epistles from Pontus (ii. 4, 7) are ad-
dressed.

A'TTICUS, DIONY'SIUS, of Pergamus, a
pupil of the celebrated Apollodorus of Pergamus,
■who was also the teacher of Augustus. [Apollo-
dorus, No. 22.] He was himself a teacher of
rhetoric, and the author of several works, in which
he explained the theory of his master. It would
appear from his surname that he resided at Athens.
(Strab. xiii. p. 625 ; Quintil. iii. 1. § 18.)

A'TTICUS HERO'DES,TIBE'RIUS CLAU'-
DIUS, the most celebrated Greek rhetorician of
the second century of the Christian era, was born
about A. D. 104, at Marathon in Attica. He be-
longed to a very ancient family, which traced its
origin to the fabulous Aeacidae. His father,
whose name was likewise Atticus, discovered on
his estate a hidden treasure, which at once made
him one of the wealthiest men of his age. His
son Atticus Herodcs afterwards increased this
wealth by marrying the rich Annia Regilla. Old
Atticus left in his will a clause, according to which
every Athenian citizen was to receive yearly one
mina out of his property ; but his son entered into
a composition with the Athenians to pay them
once for all five minas each. As Atticus, however,
in paying the Athenians, deducted the debts which
s.ime citizens owed to his father, they were exas-
perated against him, and, notwithstanding the
great benefits he conferred upon Athens, bore him
a grudge as long as he lived.

Atticus Herodes received a very careful educa-
tion, and the most eminent rhetoricians of the
time, such as Scopelianus, Favorinus, Secundus,
and Polemon, were among his teachers : he was
instructed in the Platonic philosophy by Taurus
Tyrius, and in the critical study of eloquence by
Theagenes of Cnidus and Munatius of Tralles.
After completing his studies, he opened a school of
rhetoric at Athens, and afterwards at Rome also,
where Marcus Aurelius, who ever after entertained
a high esteem for him, was among his pupils. In
A. D. 143 the emperor Antoninus Pius raised him
to the consulship, together with C. Bellicius Tor-
quatus ; but as Atticus cared more for his fame as
a rhetorician than for high offices, he afterwards
returned to Athens, whither he was followed by a
great number of young men, and whither L. Verus
also was sent as his pupil by the emperor M. Aure-
lius. For a time Atticus was entrusted with the
administration of the free towns in Asia ; the exact
period of his life when he held this office is not known,
though it is believed that it was a. d. 125 when he
himself was little more than twenty years of age. At
a later time he performed the functions of high
priest at the festivals celebrated at Athens in
honour of M. Aurelius and L. Venis. The wealth
pnd influence of Atticus Herodes did not fail to

ATTICUS.

4t3

raise up enemies, among whom Theodotus and
Demostrtitus made themselves most conspicuous.
His public as well as his private life was attiicked
in various ways, and numerous calumnies were
spread concerning him. Theodotus and Demos-
tratus wrote speeches to irritate the people against
him, and to excite the emperor's suspicion
respecting his conduct. Atticus Herodes, there-
fore, found it necessary to travel to Sirmium,
where M. Aurelius was staying ; he refuted the
accusations of the Athenian deputies, and only
some of his freedmen were punished. These an-
noyances at last appear to have induced him to
retire from public life, and to spend his remaining
years in his villa Cephisia, near Marathon, sur-
rounded by his pupils. The emperor M. Aurelius
sent him a letter, in which he assured him of his
unaltered esteem. In the case of Atticus Herodes
the Athenians drew upon themselves the just
charge of ingratitude, for no man had ever done so
much to assist his fellow-citizens and to embellish
Athens at his own expense. Among the great
architectural works with which he adorned the
city, we may mention a race-course (stadium) of
white Pentelic marble, of which ruins are still ex-
tant ; and the magnificent theatre of Regilla, with
a roof made of cedar-wood. His liberality, how-
ever, was not confined to Attica : at Corinth he
built a theatre, at Olympia an aqueduct, at Delphi
a race-course, and at Thermopylae a hospital. He
further restored with his ample means several
decayed towns in Peloponnesus, Boeotia, Euboea,
and Epeirus, provided the town of Canusium in
Italy with water, and built Triopium on the
Appian road. It also deserves to be noticed, that
he intended to dig a canal across the isthmus of
Corinth, but as the emperor Nero had entertained
the same plan without being able to execute it,
Atticus gave it up for fear of exciting jealousy and
envy. His wealth, generosity, and still more his
skill as a rhetorician, spread his fame over the
whole of the Roman world. He is believed to
have died at the age of 76, in A. D. 180.

If Ave look upon Atticus Herodes as a man, it
must be owned that there scarcely ever was a
wealthy person who spent his property in a more
generous, noble, and disinterested manner. The
Athenians appear to have felt at last their own in-
gratitude ; for, after his death, when his freedmen
wanted to bury him, according to his own request,
at Marathon, the Athenians took away his body,
and buried it in the city, where the rhetorician
Adrianus delivered the funeral oration over it.
Atticus's greatest ambition was to shine as a rhe-
torician ; and this ambition was indeed so strong,
that on one occasion, in his early life, when he had
delivered an oration before the emperor Hadrian,
who was then in Pannonia, he was on the point of
throwing himself into the Danube because his at-
tempt at speaking had been unsuccessful. This
failure, however, appears to have proved a stimulus
to liim, and he became the greatest rhetorician of
his century. His success as a teacher is sufficiently
attested by the great number of his pupils, most of
whom attained some degree of eminence. His own
orations, which were delivered extempore and with-
out preparation, are said to have excelled those of
all his contemporaries by the dignity, fiilness, and
elegance of the style. (^Gell. i. 2, ix. 2, xix. 12.)
Philostratus praises his oratory for its pleasing and
harmonious flow, as well as for its simplicity and

414

ATTICUS.

power. The loss of the works of Atticus renders
it impossible for us to form an independent opinion,
and even if they had come down to us, it is doubt-
ful whether we could judge of them as favourably
as the ancients did ; for we know, that although he
did not neglect the study of the best Attic orators,
yet he took Critias as his great model. Among his
numerous works the following only are specified by
the ancients: I. Aoyoi avrocrx^^ioi, or speeches
which he had delivered extempore. 2. AtaXe'^ets,
treatises or dialogues, one of which was probably
the one mentioned in the Etymologicum Magnum
(s. v.aip(n\v) irepl ydfiov (rvfiSiwaecas. 3. 'Ec^/iiepiSes,
or diaries. 4. 'EiriaTo\al. All these works are now
lost. There exists an oration irepl TroAtreias, in
which the Thebans are called upon to join the Pe-
loponnesians in preparing for war against Archelaus,
king of Macedonia, and which has come down to
lis under the name of Atticus Herodes. But the
genuineness of this declamation is very doubtful ;
at any rate it has very little of the character which
the ancients attribute to the oratory of Atticus.
The " Defensio Palamedis," a declamation usually
ascribed to Gorgias the Sophist, has lately been at-
tributed to Atticus Herodes by H. E. Foss in his
dissertation De Gorgia Leontino, &c. Halae, 1828,
8vo. p. 100, &c. ; but his arguments are not satis-
factory. The declamation irepl woKiTcias is printed
in the collections of the Greek orators, and also by
R. Fiorillo in his Herodis Attici quae supersunt^
admonitionibus Ulusir.^ Leipzig, 1801, 8vo., which
Avork contains a good account of the life of Atticus
Herodes. (Compare Philostratus, VU. Soph. ii. 1 ;
Suid. s.v. 'HpoJSrjs; Westermann, Gesch. der Grteoh.
Beredisamk. § 90.)

At the beginning of the sixteenth century, 1607,
two small columns with inscriptions, and two others
of Pentelic marble with Greek inscriptions, were
discovered on tlie site of the ancient Triopium, the
country seat of Atticus, about three miles from
Rome. The two former are not of much importance,
but the two latter are of considerable interest. They
are written in hexameter verse, the one consisting
of thirty-nine and the other of fifty-nine lines.
Some have thought, that Atticus himself was the
author of these versified inscriptions ; but at the
head of one of them there appears the name
MapK^Wov, and, as the style and diction of the
other closely resemble that of the former, it has
been inferred, that both are the productions of
[Marcellus of Sida, a poet and physician who lived
in the reign of M. Aurelius. These inscriptions,
Avhich are known by the name of the Triopian in-
Bcriptions, have often been printed and discussed,
as by Visconti (^Inscrizioni grecche Triopee^ con
versioni ed osservazioni, Rome, 1794, fol.), Fiorillo
(l. c), in Brunck's Atialecia (ii. 302), and in the
Greek Anthology. {Append. 50 and 51, ed. Tauch-
nitz.) [L. S.]

A'TTICUS, NUME'RIUS, a senator and a
man of praetorian rank, who swore that after the
death of Augustus he saw the emperor ascending
up to heaven. (Dion Cass. Ivi. 46 ; Suet. Aug. 100.)

A'TTICUS, a Platonic philosopher, lived in
the second century of the Christian era, under the
emperor M. Aurelius. (Syncell. vol. i. p. 666, ed.
Dindorf.) Eusebius has preserved {Praep. Ev.
XV. 4 — 9, &c.) some extracts from his works, in
which he defends the Platonic philosophy against
Aristotle. Porphyry {Vit. Plotin. c. 14) makes
mention of the Cno/j.fqiJ.aTa of a Platonic Atticus,

ATTICUS.

but they may have been written by Herodes
Atticus.

A'TTICUS, T. POMPO'NIUS, was bom at
Rome, B. c. 109, three years before Cicero,
and was descended from one of the most an-
cient equestrian families in the state. His
proper name after his adoption by Q. Caecilius,
the brother of his mother, was Q. Caecilius Q. F.
Pomponianus Atticus, by which name Cicero ad-
dressed him when he congratulated him on his acces-
sion to the inheritance of his uncle. {Ad Atl. iii.
20.) His surname, Atticus, was probably given
him on account of his long residence in Athens
and his intimate acquaintance with the Greek lan-
guage and literature.

His fother, T. Pomponius, was a man of culti-
vated mind ; and as he possessed considerable pro-
perty, he gave his son a liberal education. He was
educated along with L. Torquatus, the younger C.
Marius, and M. Cicero, and was distinguished
above all his school-fellows by the rapid progress
which he made in his studies. His father died
when he was still young ; and shortly after his
father's death the first civil war broke out. Atticus
was connected by ties both of affinity and friend-
ship with the Marian party ; for his cousin Anicia
had married the brother of the tribune, P. Sulpicius
Rufus, one of the chief opponents of Sulla, and
Atticus himself was a personal friend of his old
school-fellow, the younger Marius. He resolved,
however, to take no part in the contest, and ac-
cordingly withdrew to Athens in b. c. 85, with
the greater part of his moveable property, under
the pretext of prosecuting his studies. The de-
termination which he came to on this occasion, he
steadily adhered to for the rest of his life. Con-
tented with his equestrian rank, he abstained
from suing for public honours, and would not
mix himself up with any of the political parties
into which all classes were divided for the next
fifty years. But notwithstanding this, he lived on
the most intimate terms with the most distinguish-
ed men of all parties; and there seems to have
been a certain charm in his manners and conver-
sation which captivated all who had intercourse
with him. Though he had assisted the younger
Marius with money in his flight, Sulla was so
much pleased with him on his visit to Athens in
B. c. 84, after the Mithridatic war, that he wished
to take him with him to Rome ; and on Atticus
desiring to remain in Athens, Sulla presented him
with all the presents he had received during his
stay in that cit3\ Atticus enjoyed also the friend-
ship of Caesar and Pompey, Brutus and Cassius,
Antony and Octavianus. I3ut the most intimate
of all his friends was Cicero, whose correspondence
with him, beginning in the year b. c. 68 and con-
tinued down to Cicero's death, supplies us with
various particulars respecting the life of Atticus,
the most important of which are given in the article
Cicero. Atticus did not return to Rome till B. c.
65, when political afiairs had become mora settled ;
and the day of his departure was one of general
mourning among the Athenians, whom he had
assisted with loans of money, and benefited in
various ways. During his residence at Athens, he
purchased an estate at Buthrotum in Epeirus, in
which place, as well as at Athens and afterwards
at Rome, he spent the greater part of his time,
engaged in literary pursuits and commercial under-
takings. He died in b. c. 32, at the age of 77, of

ATTICUS.

roluntary starvation, when he found that ha wns
attacked by an incuriible illness. His wife Pilia,
to whom he was married on the 12th of February,
B. c 5(), when he was fifty-three years of age,
bore him only one child, a daughter, Pomponia or
Caecilia, whom Cicero sometimes calls Attica and
Atticula. {Ad Att. vi. 5, xii. .1, xiii. 5, &c.)
Through the influence of Antony, Pomponia was
nian-ied in the life-time of her father, probably in
u. c. 3(), to M. Vipsanius Agrippa, the minister of
Augustus ; and the issue of this marriage, Vipsania
Agrippina, was married to Tiberius, afterwards
emperor, by whom she became the mother of
Drusus. The sister of Atticus, Pomponia, was
married to Q. Cicero, the brother of the orator ; but
the marriage was not a happy one, and the quarrels
of Pomponia and her husband gave considerable
trouble and vexation to Atticus and M. Cicero.

The life of Atticus by Cornelius Nepos, of which
the greater part was composed while Atticus was
still alive {Xcpos, 19), is to be regarded rather as
a panegyric upon an intimate friend (Nepos, 13,
is-c; comp. Cic. ad Att. xvi. 5, 14), than strictly
(^peaking a biography. According to Nepos, the
jiersonal character of Atticus was faultless ; and
though we cannot trust implicitly to the partial
statements of his panegyrist, yet Atticus could not
have gained and preserved the affection of so many
of his contemporaries without possessing amiable
qualities of no ordinary kind.

In philosophy Atticus belonged to the Epicurean
sect, and had studied it under Phaedrus, Zenon,
and Patron, in Athens, and Saufeius, in Rome.
His studies, however, were by no means confined
to philosophy. He was thoroughly acquainted with
the whole circle of Greek and Roman literature ;
he spoke and wrote Greek like a native, and was a
thorough master of his own language. So high an
opinion was entertained of his taste and critic<il
acumen, that many of his friends, especially Cicero,
were accustomed to send him their works for revi-
sion and correction, and were most anxious to se-
cure his approbation and favour. It is therefore
the more to be regretted that none of his own writ-
ings have come down to us. Of these the most
important was one in a single book, entitled An-
nalis, which contained an epitome of Roman his-
tory from the earliest period to his own time, ar-
ranged according to years. (Cic. ad Ait. xii. 23,
Orat. 34 ; Ascon. in Pison. p. 13, in Cornel, p. 76,
ed. Orelli; Nepos, //anmi. 13, Attic. 8.) This
work was particularly valuable for the history of
the ancient Roman families ; and he had such an
intimate acquaintance with this subject, that he
was requested by many of his con torn poniries to
draw up genealogical tables of their families, speci-
fying with dates the various public offices which
each had held. He accordingly drew up such ta-
bles for the Junii, Marcelli, Fabii, Aemilii, and
others ; and he also wrote inscriptions in verse to be
placed under the statues of distinguished men, in
which he happily described in four or five lines
their achievements and public offices. In addition
to these, we have frequent mention of his letters,
and of a history of Cicero's consulship, in Greek,
written in a plain and inartificial style. (Cic. ad.
AH. ii. 1.)

Atticus was very wealthy. His father left him
two millions of sesterces, and his uncle Caecilius
about ten (Nepos, 5, 14); and this property he
greatly increased by his mercantile speculations.

ATTILA.

415

Rcing a member of the equestrian order, he was
able to invest large sums of money in the various
corporations which farmed the public revenues ; and
he also derived great profits from advancing his
money upon interest. In addition to this, he was
economical in ail his habits ; his monthly expendi-
ture was small, and his slaves brought him in
a considerable sum of money. He had a large
number carefully educated in his own house, whom
he employed in transcribing books. He was thus
enabled to procure a library for himself at a compa-
ratively small cost, and to supply the public with
books at a profit. Atticus, in fact, neglected no
means of making money. We read, for instance,
of his purchasing a set of gladiators, in order to let
them out to magistrates and others who wished to
exhibit games. (Cic. ad Att. iv, 4, b.)

(Hiillemann, Diatribe, in T. Pomponium Atticum,
Traj. ad Rhen. 1838; Dramann's /?07«, vol. v.)

A'TTICUS, C. QUI'NCTIUS, consul suffectus
from the first of November, a. d. 6.9, declared iir
favour of Vespasian at Rome, and with the other
partis<in3 of Vespasian seized the Capitol. Here
they were attacked by the soldiers of Vitellius ;
the Capitol was burnt down, and Atticus, with
most of the other leaders of his party, taken
prisoner. Atticus was not put to death by Vitel-
lius ; and probably in order to obtain the pardon
of the emperor, he admitted that he had set fire to
the Capitol, as Vitellius was anxious that his party
should not bear the odium of this deed. (Tac.
Hid. iii. 73 — 75 ; Dion Cass. Ixv. 17.)

A'TTICUS, M. VESTI'NUS, was consul in
the year (a. d. Qo) in which the conspiracy of
Piso was formed against Nero. Atticus was a
man of firm character, and possessed great natural
talents ; Piso was afraid lest he might restore
liberty or proclaim some one emperor. Although
innocent he was put to death by Nero on the
detection of the conspiracy. Atticus had been
very intimate with the emperor, but had incurred
his hatred, as he had taken no pains to disguise
the contempt in which he held the emperor. He
had still further increased the emperor's hatred by
marrying Statilia Messallina, although he knew
that Nero was among her lovers. (Tac. Ann. xv.
48, 52, 68, 69.)

A'TTICUS, VIPSA'NIUS, a disciple of Apol-
lodorus of Pergamus. (Senec. Controv. ii. 13. p.
184.) As he is mentioned only in this passage of
Seneca, his name has given rise to considerable
dispute. Spalding (ad Quintil. iii. 1. § 18) conjec-
tures that he was the son of M. Vipsanius Agrippa,
who married the daughter of T. Pomponius ylrt/tvw,
and that he had the surname of Atticus in honour
of his grandfather. Frandsen {M. Vipsanius
Agrippa., p. 228), on the other hand, supposes hiia
to have been the father of Vipsanius Agrippa. But
both of these conjectures are unsupported by any
evidence, and are in themselves improbable. We
are more inclined to adopt Weichert's opinion
{Caes. Augusti., ^c. Reliquae, p. 83), that, consider-
ing the imperfect state of Seneca's text, we ought
to read Dionysius in this passage instead of Vip-
sanius. [Atticus, Dionysius.] (Comp. Piderit,
De Apollodorn Pcrgameno, ^c p. 16, &c.)

A'TTILA ('AtttjAos or 'AttIAm, German, J^Ttec/,
Hungarian, Ethele)* king of the Huns, remarkable

* Jjudcn ( Tctitsch. Gesch. ii. p. 568) conjectures that
these were all German titles of honour given to him.

41b'

ATT 1 LA.

as being the most formidable of the invaders of the
Roman empire, and (except Radagaisus) the only
one of them who was not only a barbarian, but a
savage find a heathen, and as the only conqueror
of ancient or modern times who has united under
his rule the German and Sclavonic nations. He
was the son of Mundzuk, descended from the an-
cient kings of the Huns, and with his brother
Bleda, in German Blodel (who died, according
to Joniandes, by his hand, in A. d. 445), at-
tained in A. D. 434 to the sovereignty of all the
northern tribes between the frontier of Gaul and
the frontier of China (see Desguignes, Hist, des
Huns, vol. ii. pp. 295-301), and to the command
of an army of at least 500,000 barbarians. (Jor-
nandes, Ref). Get. cc. 35, 37, 49.) In this position,
partly from the real terror which it inspired, partly
from his own endeavours to invest himself in the
eyes of Christendom with the dreadful character of
the predicted Antichrist (see Herbert, Atiila, p.
360), and in the eyes of his own countrymen with
the invincible attributes attendant on the possessor
of the miraculous sword of the Scythian god of war
( Jornandes, Rt'b. Get. 35), he gradually concentrated
upon himself the awe and fear of the whole an-
cient world, which ultimately expressed itself by
affixing to his name the well-known epithet of
*'the Scourge of God." The word seems to have
been used generally at the time to denote the bar-
barian invaders, but it is not applied directly to
Attila in any author prior to the Hungarian Chro-
nicles, which first relate the story of his receiving
the name from a hermit in Gaul. The earliest
contemporary approaches to it are in a passage in
Isidore's Chronicle, speaking of the Huns as"virga
Dei," and in an inscription at Aquileia, written a
short time before the siege in 451 (see Herbert,
Attila, p. 486), in which they are described as
"imminentia peccatorum flagella."

His career divides itself into two parts. The
first (a. d. 445 — 450) consists of the ravage of
the Eastern empire between the Euxine and
the Adriatic and the negotiations with Theo-
dosius II., which followed upon it, and which
were rendered remarkable by the resistance of
Azimus (Priscus, cc. 35, 36), by the embassy
from Constantinople to the royal village beyond
the Danube, and the discovery of the treacherous
design of the emperor against his life. (lb. 37-72.)
They were ended by a treaty which ceded to Attila
a large territory south of the Danube, an annual
tribute, and the claims which he made for the sur-
render of the deserters from his army. (lb. 34-37.)

The invasion of the Western empire (a. d. 450-
453) was grounded on various pretexts, of which
the chief were the refusal of the Eastera emperor,
^larcian, the successor of Theodosius II., to pay
the above-mentioned tribute (Priscus, 39, 72), and
the rejection by the Western emperor Valentinian
III. of his proposals of marriage to his sister Ho-
noria. (Jornandes, Regti. Succ. 97, Reb. Get. 42.)
Its particular direction was determined by his alli-
ance with the Vandals and Franks, whose domi-
nion in Spain and Gaul was threatened by Aetius
and Theodoric. With an immense anny composed
of various nations, he crossed the Rhine at Stras-
burg, which is said to have derived its name from
his ha\'ing made it a place of thoroughfare (Klemm,
Atiila, p. 175), and marched upon Orleans. From
hence he was driven, by the arrival of Aetius, to
the plains of Chalons on the Marne, where he was

ATTILA.

defeated in the last great battle ever fought by the
Romans, and in which there fell 252,000 (Jornan-
des, Reb. Get. 42) or 300,000 men. (Idatius and
Isidore.) He retired by way of Troyes, Cologne,
and Thuringia, to one of his cities on the Danube,
and having there recruited his forces, crossed the
Alps in A. D. 451, laid siege to Aquileia, then the
second city in Italy, and at length took and ut-
terly destroyed it. After ravaging the whole of
Lombardy, he was then preparing to march upon
Rome, when he was suddenly diverted from Jiis
purpose, partly perhaps by the diseases which had
begun to waste his army, partly by the fear in-
Stilled into his mind that he, like Alaric, could not
survive an attack upon the city, but ostensibly and
chiefly by his celebrated interview with Pope Leo
the Great and the senator Avienus at Pescliiera or
Govemolo on the banks of the Mincius. (Jornandes,
Reb. Get. 42.) The story of the apparition of St.
Peter and St. Paul rests on the authority of an
ancient MS. record of it in the Roman church, and
on Paulus Diaconus, who wrote in the eighth cen-
tury, and who mentions only St. Peter. (Baronius,
Ann. Eccl. A. d. 452.)

He accordingly returned to his palace beyond
the Danube, and (if we except the doubtful story
in Jornandes, de Reb. Get. 43, of his invasion of the
Alani and repulse by Thorismund) there remained
till on the night of his marriage with a beau-
tiful girl, variously named Hilda, Ildico, Mycolth,
the last of his innumerable wives, possibly by her
hand (Marcellin. C'hronicon), but probably by the
bursting of a blood-vessel, he suddenly expired,
and was buried according to the ancient and savage
customs of his nation, (a. d. 454.) The instan-
taneous fall of his empire is well symbolized in the
story that, on that same night, the emperor
Marcian at Constantinople dreamed that he saw
the bow of Attila broken asunder. (Jornandes,
Reb. Get. 49.)

In person Attila was, like the Mongolian race in
general, a short thickset man, of stately gait, with
a large head, dark complexion, flat nose, thin beard,
and bald with the exception of a few white hairs,
his eyes small, but of great brilliancy and quick-
ness. (Jornandes, Reb. Get. 1 ] ; Priscus, 55.) He
is distinguished from the general character of sa-
vage conquerors only by the gigantic nature of his
designs, and the critical era at which he appeared,
— unless we add also the magnanimity which he
shewed to the innocent ambassador of Theodosius II.
on discovering the emperor's plot against his life,
and the awe with which he was inspired by the
majesty of Pope Leo and of Rome. Among the
few personal traits recorded of him may be men-
tioned the humorous order to invert the picture
at Milan which represented the subjugation of the
Scythians to the Caesars (Suidas, s.v. KopuKos); the
command to bum the poem of Marullus at Padua,
who had referred his origin to the gods of Greece
and Rome (Hungarian Chronicles, as quoted by
Herbert, Atiila, p. 500); the readiness with which
he saw in the flight of the storks from Aquileia a
favourable omen for the approaching end of the
siege (Jornandes, Reb. Get. 42 ; Procop. BelL Vand.
i. 4); the stem simplicity of his diet, and the im-
moveable gravity which he alone maintained amidst
the uproar of his wild court, unbending only to
caress and pinch the cheek of his favourite boy,
Imac (Priscus, 49 — 70); the preparation of the
funeral pile on which to bum himself, had the

ATYMNIUS.

Romans forced his camp at Chalons (Jornandes,
Reh. Get. 40) ; the saying, that no fortress could
exist in the empire, if he wished to raze it ; and
the speech at Chalons, recorded by Jornandes {Reb.
Get. 39), which contains parts too characteristic to
have been forged.

The only permanent monuments of his career, be-
Bides itsdestructiveness, are to be found in the great
mound which he raised for the defence of his army
during the siege of Aquileia, and which still re-
mains at Udine (Herbert, Atiila, p. 489) ; and in-
directly in the foundation of Venice by the Italian
nobles who fled from his ravages in A. D. 45 1 . The
partial descent of the Hungarians from the rem-
nant of his army, though maintained strenuously
by Hungarian historians, has been generally doubt-
ed by later writers, as resting on insufficient evi-
dence.

The chief historical authority for his life is Pris-
ons, either as preserved in Excerpt, de LegcU. 33-76
(in the Byzantine historians), or retailed to us
through Jornandes. {Reb. Get. 32-50.) But he has
also become the centre of three distinct cycles of
tradition, which, though now inseparably blended
with fable, furnish glimpses of historical truth.
1. The Hungarian Legends, which are to be found
in the life of liim by Dalmatinus and Nicolaus
Olahus, the Enneads of Sabellicus and the Decads
of Bonfinius, — none of which are earlier, in their
present form, than the twelfth century.

2, The Ecclesmstical Legends, which relate to
his invasion of Gaul, and which are to be found in
the lives of St. Anianus, St. Servatius, St. Geno-
vefa, St. Lupus, and St. Ursula, in the Acta Sanc-
tomm.

3. The German Legends, which depart more
entirely from history, and are to be found in the
Nibeluingen Lied, in a Latin poem on Attila, pub-
lished by Fischer, and, as Mr. Herbert supposes
(p. 536), in the romances about Arthur. See also
AV. Grimm's Heldensagen.

In modem works, a short account is given in
Gibbon (cc. 34, 35), Kotteck (in Ersch andGruber's
Eticyelopadie), and a most elaborate one in the
notes to Mr. Herbert's poem oi Attila., 1838, and
in Klemm's Attiluy 1827. Comp. J. v. Miiller, At-
iila der Held desfunflen Jarh. 1806. [A. P. S.]

ATTILIA'NUS, a sculptor, a native of Aphro-
disias. One of his productions, a statue of a
muse, is in the museum at Florence. (Winckel-
mann, vol. vi. pt. 2. p. 341, note.) [C. P. M.l

ATTI'LIUS. [Atilius.]

A'TTIUS. [Accitrs and Atius.]

A'TTIUS or ATTUS NA'VIUS. [Navius.]

A'TTIUS TU'LLIUS. [Tullius.]

ATTUS CLAUSUS. [Clausus and Clau-
dia Gens ]

ATTUS, a Sabine praenomen. (Val. Max.
Epit. de Nomin.)

ATY'ANAS {'hrvivas), the son of Hippo-
crates, a native of Adramyttium, conquered in
boxing in the Olympic games, B. c. 72. He was
afterwards killed by pirates. (Phlegon. Trail, ap.
Phot. Cod. 97, p. 83, b., 40, ed. Bekk. ; Cic. pro
Flacc. c. 13.)

ATY'MNIUS ('ATo/ivios or ''Ati;;UI'os), a son
of Zeus and Cassiopeia, a beautiful boy, who was
beloved by Sarpedon. (Apollod. iii. 1. §2.) Others
call him a son of Phoenix. (Schol. ad Apollon. ii.
178.) He seems to have been worshipped at Gor-
tyn in Crete together with Europa. (Hock, CVeto,

ATYS.

417

i. p. 105.) Two other mythical personages of this
name occur in Quint. Smym. iii. 300, and Horn. //.
xvi. 317, &c. [L. S.]

ATYS, ATTYS, ATTES, ATTIS, or ATTIN
("Atus, "Attus, "ATTTjy, "Attjs or ^hmv), 1. A
son of Nana, and a beautiful shepherd of the Phry-
gian town, Celaenae. (Theocr. xx. 40; Philostr.
Epist. 39 ; Tertul. de Nat. 1.) His story is related
in difi'erent ways. According to Ovid {Fast. iv.
221), Cybele loved the beautiful shepherd, and
made him her own priest on condition that he
should preserve his chastity inviolate. Atys broke
the covenant with a nymph, the daughter of the
river-god Sangarius, and was thrown by the god-
dess into a state of madness, in which he unmanned
himself. When in consequence he wanted to put
an end to his life, Cybele changed him into a fir-
tree, which henceforth became sacred to her, and
she commanded that, in future, her priests should
be eunuchs. (Compare Arnob. adv. Gent. v. 4, and
Agdistis.) Another story relates, that Atys, the
priest of Cybele, fled into a forest to escape the
voluptuous embraces of a Phrygian king, but that
he was overtaken, and in the ensuing struggle un-
manned his pursuer. The dying king avenged
himself by inflicting tlie same calamity upon Atys.
Atya was found by the priests of Cybele under a
fir-treoj at the moment he was expiring. They
carried him into the temple of the goddess, and en-
deavonred to restore him to life, but in vain. Cy-
bele ordained that the death of Atys should be
bewailed every year in solemn lamentations, and
that henceforth her priests should be eunuchs.
(roAA,oz, Gain., Serv. ad Aen. vs.. 116; comp. Lo-
beck, ad Phrynich. p. 273.) A third account says,
that Cybele, v/hen exposed by her father, the Phry-
gian king Maeon, was fed by panthers and brought
up by shepherdesses,, and that she afterwards se-
cretly married Atys, who was subsequently called
Papas. At this moment, Cybele was recognised
and kindly received by her parents ; but when her
connexion with Atys became known to them,
Maeon ordered Attis, and the shepherdesses among
whom she had lived, to be put to death. Cybele,
maddened with grief at this act of her father, tra-
versed the country amid loud lamentations and the
sound of cymbals. Phrygia was now visited by
an epidemic and scarcity. The oracle commanded
that Attis should be buried, and divine honours
paid to Cybele ; but as thje body of the youth was
already in a state of decomposition, the funeral ho-
nours' were paid to an image of him, which was
made as a substitute.. (Diod. iii. 58, &c.) Accord-
ing to a fourth story related by Pausanias (vii. 17.
§ 5), Atys was a son of the Phrygian king Calaus,
and by nature incapable of propagating his race.
When he had grown up, he went to Lydia, where
he introduced the worship of Cybele. The grateful
goddess conceived such an attachment for him, that
Zeus in his anger at it, sent a wild boar into Lydia,
which killed many of the inhabitants, and among
them Atya also. Atys was believed to be buried
in Pessinus under mount Agdistis. (Paus. i. 4. § 5.)
He was worshipped in the temples of Cybele in
common with this goddess, (vii. 20. § 2; Agdistis;
Hesych. s. v. "Atttjs.) In works of art he is re-
presented as a shepherd with flute and staff. His
worship appears to have been introduced into
Greece at a comparatively late period. It is an
ingenious opinion of Bottiger (Amalthea^ i. p. 353,
&c.), that the mythus of Atys represents the two-

418

AVENTINENSIS.

fold character of nature, the male and female, con-
centrated in one.

2. A son of Manes, king of the Maeonians, from
whose son Lydus, his son and successor, the Maeo-
nians were afterwards called Lydians. (Herod, i. 7,
vii. 74.) Herodotus (i. 94 ; comp. Dionys. Hal.
A. R. i. 26, 28 ; Tacit. Annal. iv. 55) mentions
Tyrrhenus as another sob of Aty« ; and in another
passage (iv. 45), he speaks of Cotys as the son of
Manes, instead of At vs.

3. A Latin chief, the son of Alba, and father of
Capys, from whom the Latin gens Atia derived its
origin, and from whom Augustus was believed to
be descended on his mother's side. (Virg. Aen. v.
568 ; Liv. i. 3 ; Suet. Aug. 4.)

4. A son of Croesus. [Adrastus.] [L. S.]
AU'DATA (AuSdra), an lUyrian, the first wife

of Philip of Macedon, by whom he had a daughter,
Cynna. (Athen. xiii. p. 557, c.)

AUDE'xXTIUS, a Spanish bishop, of whom
Gennadius [de Viris Illustribiin, c. 14) records, that
he wrote against the Manichaeans, the Sabellians,
the Arians, and, with especial energy, against the
Photinians. The work was entitled de Fide ad-
venus ILtereticos. Its object was to shew that the
second person in the Trinity is co-etemal with the
Father. Audentius is styled by Trithemius {de
Script. Eccl. cr.) " vir in divinis ecripturis exerci-
tatum habens ingenium." Cave supposes him to
have flourished about a. d. 260. [J. M. M.]

AUDO'LEON (A«>3o\€wi/ or AvSuKeup), a king
of Paeonia, was the son of Agis. He was a con-
temporary of Alexander the Great, and was the
father of Ariston, who distinguished hunself at the
battle of Guagamela, and of a daughter who married
Pyrrhus, king of Epeirus. In a war with the
Autoriatae he was reduced to great straits, but was
Buccoured by Cassander. (DiocLxx. 19.) [C.P.M.1

COIK OF AUDOLEON.

AVENTINENSIS, the name of a plebeian fa-
mily of the Genucia gens. The name was derived
from the hill Aventinus, which was the quarter of
Rome peculiar to the plebeians. The family was
descended from the tribune Cn. Genucius, who was
murdered in b. c. 473.

1. L. Genucius M. f. Cn. n. Aventinensis,
consul B. c. 365, and again in 362, was killed in
battle against the Hemicans in the latter of these
years, and his army routed. His defeat and death
caused the patricians great joy, as he was the
tirst consul who had marched against the enemy
with plebeian auspices. (Liv. vii. 1, 4, 6 ; Diod.
XV. 90, xvi. 4; Eutrop. ii. 4; Ores. iii. 4; Lyd.
de Mag. ?. 46.)

2. Cn. Genucius M. f. M. n. Aventinensis,
consul B. c. 363, in which j-ear the senate was
chiefly occupied in endeavouring to appease the
anger of the gods. (Liv. vii. 3 ; Diod. xvi. 2.)

3. L. Genucius (Aventinensis), tribune of the
plebs, B. c. 342, probably belonged to this family.
He brought forward a law for the abolition of
usury, and was probably the author of many of the |

AUFIDIUS.

other reforms in the same year mentioned by Livy.
(vii. 42.)

4. L. Genucius (L. f. M. n.) Aventinensis,
consul B. c. 303. (Liv. x. 1 ; Diod. xx. 102.)

AVENTI'NUS, a son of Hercules and the
priestess Rhea, (Virg. Aen. vii. 656.) Servius on
this passage speaks of an Aventinus, a king of the
Aborigines, who was killed and buried on the hill
afterwards called the Aventine. [L. S.]

AVENTI'NUS, one of the mythical kings of
Alba, who was buried on the hill which was after-
wards called by his name. He is said to have
reigned thirty-seven years, and to have been suc-
ceeded by Procas, the father of Amulius. (Liv. i.
3; Dionys. i. 71; Ov. Fast. iv. 5L)

AVERNUS, properly speaking, the name of a
lake in Campania, which the Latin poets describe
as the entrance to the lower world, or as the lower
world itself. Here we have only to mention, that
Avemus was also regarded as a divine being ; for
Servius {ad Virg. Georg. ii. 161) speaks of a statue
of Avemus, which perspired during the storm after
the union of the Avemian and Lucrinian lakes, and
to which exfsatorv sacrifices were offered. [L. S.]

AVERRUNCUS. [Apotropaei.]

AUFI'DIA GENS, plebeian, was not known
till the later times of the republic. The first mem-
ber of it, who obtained the consulship, was Cn.
Aufidius Orestes, in b. c. 71. Its cognomens are
LuRco and Orestes: for those who occur with-
out a fomily-narae, see Aufidius.

AUFIDIENUS RUFUS. [Rufus.];

CN. AUFIDIUS, tribune of the plebs, b. r.
1 70, accused C. Lucretius Gallus on account of his
oppression of the Chalcidians. (Liv. xliii. 10.)

CN. AUFl'DIUS, a learned historian and per-
haps a jurist, is celebrated in some of the extant
works of Cicero for the equanimity with which he
bore blindness ; and we find from St. Jerome {in
Epitaph. Nepatiani, 0pp. vol. iv. P. ii. p. 268, ed.
Benedict.), that his patience was also recounted in
the lost treatise de Consolalioiie. His corporeal
blindness did not quench his intellectual vision.
Bereaved of sight and advanced in age, he still at-
tended his duties, and spoke in the senate, and
found means to write a Grecian history. Cicero
states {Tusc. Disp. v. 38), that he also gave advice
to his friends {nee amicis dcliberantUms deerat) ;
and, on account of this expression, he has been
ranked by some legal biographers among the Roman
jurists. In his old age, he adopted Cn. Aurelius
Orestes, who consequently took the name of Aufi-
dius in place of Aurelius. This precedent has been
quoted (Cic pro Dom. 13) to shew that the power
of adopting does not legally depend on the power
of begetting children. Aufidius was quaestor b. c.
119, tribunus plebis, b. c. 11 4, and finally praetor
B. c. 1 08, about two years before the birth of Cicero,
who, as a boy, was acquainted with the old blind
scholar. {DeFin.\.\d.) [J.T.G.]

SEX. AUFI'DIUS, was warmly recommended
by Cicero to Comificius, proconsul of Africa, in b. c.
43. (Jt^Fam. xii. 26, 27.)

T. AUFI'DIUS, a jurist, the brother of M.
Virgilius, who accused Sulla E. c. 86. It was pro^
bably the jurist who was quaestor B. c. 84, and
wlio was afterwards praetor of Asia. {Cic. pro Flac.
19.) He may also have been the Aufidius once
talked of as one of Cicero's competitors for the con-
sulship, B. c. 63. (Cic. ad Alt. i. 1.) In pleading
private causes, he imitated the manner of T, Ju-

AUGEAS.

ventius and his disciple, P. Orbius, both of whom
were sound lawyers and shrewd but unimpassioncd
speakers. Cicero, in whose lifetime he died at a
very advanced age, mentions him rather slightingly
as a good and harmless man, but no great orator.
{lindus, 48.) [J. T. G.]

T. AUFI'DIUS, a physician, who was a native
of Sicily and a pupil of Asclepiades of Bithynia,
and who therefore lived in the first century b. c.
(Steph. Byz. s. v. Avp^dx^op.) He is probably the
same person who is quoted by Caelius Aurelianus
by the name of Titus only, and who wrote a work
On tlie Soul and another On Chronic Diseases^ con-
sisting of at least two books. {Acut. Morh. ii. 29,
p. 144; Morb. Chron. i. 5, p. 339.) [W.A.G.]

AUFI'DIUS BASSUS. [Bassus.]

AUFI'DIUS CHIUS, a jurist, who is known
only from the so-called Vaticana Fragmenta, first
published by Mai in 1823 along with fragments of
Symmachus and other newly-discovered remains of
antiquity. In Vat. Frag. § 77, an opinion of Ati-
licinus is cited from Aufidius Chius ; hence it is
plain that this Aufidius could be neither Namusa
nor Tucca, the disciples of Servius, for they lived
long before Atilicinus. The Chian may possibly
be identified with Titus or Titus Aufidius, who
was consul under Hadrian, and is mentioned in the
preamble of a senatusconsultum which is cited in
Dig. 5. tit. 3. s, 20 [22]. § 6. (Bruns, Quid con-
ferant Vaticajia Fragmenta ad melius cognoscendum
jus Romanum, p. 1 6, Tubingae, 1 842.) [J. T. G.]

AUFI'DIUS NAMUSA. [Namusa.]

AUFI'DIUS TUCCA. [Tlcca.]

AU'GARUS. [AcBAEUS.]

AUGE or AUGEI A (Ai/77? or Kiyiia), a daugh-
ter of Aleus and Neaera, was a priestess of Athena,
and having become by Heracles the mother of a
son, she concealed him in the temple of the god-
dess. In consequence of this profanation of the
sanctuary, the country was visited by a scarcity ;
and when Aleus was informed by an oracle that
the temple of Athena was profaned by something
unholy, he searched and found the child in it, and
ordered him to be exposed on mount Parthenion,
where he was suckled by a stag (eAa^os), whence
the boy derived the name of Telephus. Auge was
surrendered to Nauplius, who was to kill her, but
he gave her to Teuthras, king of the Mysians,
who made her his wife. (ApoUod. ii. 7. § 4, iii.
9. § 1.) The same story is related with some
modifications by Pausanias (viii. 4. § 6, 48. § 5),
Diodorus (iv. 33), Hyginus(Fa6. 99), and Tzetzes
{ad Lycoph. 206). Respecting her subsequent
meeting with her son Telephus, see Telephus.
Her tomb was she\vn in the time of Pausanias
(viii. 4. § 6) at Pergamus in Mysia. Auge was
represented by Polygnotus in the Lesche of Delphi,
(x. 28. § 4.) Another mythical personage of this
name, one of the Horae, occurs in Hyginus. {Fah.
183.) [L. S.]

AU'GEAS or AUGEIAS {Myias or Au-ye.'as),
a son of Phorbas and Hermione, and king of
the Epeians in Elis. According to some accounts
he was a son of Eleios or Helios or Poseidon.
(Pans. V. 1. § 7 ; Apollod. ii. 5. § 5 ; Schol. ad
Apollon. i. 172.) His mother, too, is not the
same in all traditions, for some call her Iphiboe or
Naupidame. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 41 ; Hygin. Fab.
14.) He is mentioned among the Argonauts, but
he is more celebrated in ancient story on account
of his connexion with Heracles, one of whose

AUGURINUS.

419

labours, imposed upon him by Eurj'Stheus, was
to clear in one day the stables of Augeas, who
kept in them a large number of oxen. Heracles
was to have the tenth part of the oxen as his re-
ward, but when the hero had accomplished his
task by leading the rivers Alpheus and Peneus
through the stables, Augeas refused to keep his
promise. Heracles, therefore, made war upon
him, which terminated in his death and that of his
sons, with the exception of one, Phyleus, whom
Heracles placed on the throne of his father. (Apol-
lod. I. c. ; ii. 7. § 2 ; Diod. iv. 13, 33 ; Theocrit.
Idyll. 25.) Another tradition preserved in Pau-
sanias (v. 3. § 4, 4. § 1) represents Augeas as
dying a natural death at an advanced age, and as
receiving heroic honours from Oxylus. [L. S.]

AU'GEAS or AU'GIAS (AiJv^as or hiylas),
an Athenian poet of the middle comedy. Suidas
{s. V.) and Eudocia (p. 69) mention the following
plays of his : ''AypoiKos, Als, KaTTjpovfjLevos, and
Uop<pvpa. He appears likewise to have written
epic poems, and to have borrowed from Antiraachus
of Teos. (Fabric. Bibl. Grace, il p. 425. [C.P.M.]

AUGURI'NUS, the name of families in the
Genucia and Minucia gentes. The word is evi-
dently derived from augur.

I. Genucii Atcgurini,

They must originally have been patricians, as we
find consuls of this family long before the consulship
was open to the plebeians. But here a difficulty
arises. Livy calls (v. 13, 18) Cn. Genucius, who
was consular tribune in B. c. 399 and again in 396,
a plebeian, and we learn from the Capitoline Fasti
that his surname was Augurinus. Now if Livy
and the Capitoline Fasti are both right, the
Genucii Augurini must have gone over to the
plebeians, as the Minucii Augurini did. It is
possible, however, that Augurinus in the Capitoline
Fasti may be a mistake for Aventinensis, which
we know was a plebeian family of the same gens.
[Aventinensis.]

1. T. Genucius L. f. L. n. Augurinus, con-
sul B. c. 451, abdicated his office and was made a
member of the first decemvirate. (Liv. iii. 33 ;
Dionys. x. 54, bQ ; Zonar. vii. 18.) He was not
included in the second. In the contests in 445
respecting the admission of the plebs to the consul-
ship, which ended in the institution of the consular
tribunate, Augurinus recommended the patricians
to make some concessions. (Dionys. xi. 60.)

2. M. Genucius L. f. L. n. Augurinus, brother
of the preceding (Dionys. xi. 60), consul b. c. 445,
in which year the consular tribunate was instituted,
and the lex Canuleia carried, establishing con-
nubium between the patres and plebs. (Liv. iv.
1, &c. ; Dionys. xi. 52, 58 ; Diod. xii. 31; Zonar.
vii. 19; Varr. L. L. v. 150, ed. Miiller.)

3. Cn. Genucius M. f. M. n. Augurinus,
consular tribune b.c. 399, and again in 396, in
the latter of which years he was cut oflF by an am-
buscade in the war with the Faliscans and Cape-
nates. (Liv. v. 13, 18 ; Diod. xiv. 54, 90.)

II. Minucii Augurini.

They were originally patricians, but a part of
the family at least passed over to the plebeians
in B. c. 439. [See below, No. 5.]

1. M. Minucius Augurinus, consul b. c. 497,
in which year the temple of Saturn was dedicated
and the Saturnalia instituted. (Liv. ii. 21; Dionys.
vi. 1.) He was consul again in 492, when there
was a great famine at Rome. He took an active

2 E 2

4-20

AUGURINUS.

part in the defence of Coriolanus, who was brought
to trial in this year, but was unable to obtain his
acquittal. (Liv. ii. 34; Dionys. vii. 20, 27 — 32,
38, 60, 61.) In the victorious approach of Corio-
lanus to Rome at the head of the Volscian army,
Augurinus was one of the embassy sent to in-
tercede with him on behalf of the city. (Dionys.
viii. 22, 23.)

2. P. MiNucius Augurinus, consul b. c, 492,
was chiefly engaged in his consulship in obtaining
a supply of com from different countries, on account
of the famine at Rome. (Liv. ii. 34 ; Dionys.
Tii. 1 ; Oros. ii. 5.)

3. L. MiNUcius P. F. M. N. EsQUiLiN'us Au-
gurinus, consul B. c. 458, carried on the war
against the Aequians, but through fear shut himself
up in his camp on the Algidus, and allowed the
enemy to surround him. He was delivered from
his danger by the dictator L. Quinctius Cincin-
uatus, who compelled him, however, to resign his
consulship. In the Fasti Capitolini we have one
of the inversions which are so common in Roman
history : in the Fasti, Augurinus is represented as
consul suffectus in place of one whose name is lost,
instead of being liimself succeeded by another.
(Liv. iii. 25 — 29 ; Dionys. x. 22 ; Dion Cass. Frag.
xxxiv. 27, p. 140, ed. Reimar ; Val. Max. ii.

7. §7,

2 ; Flor. i. 11; Zonar. vii. 1 \

Niebuhr, Rom. Hist. ii. n. 604.)

4. Q. AIlNUCIUS P. F. M. N. ESQUILINUS Au-

GURiNUS, brother of No. 3, consul B. c. 457, had
the conduct of the war against the Sabincs, but
could not do more than ravage their lands, as they
shut themselves up in their walled towns. (Liv.
iii. 30 ; Dionys. x. 26, 30.)

5. L. MiNucius Augurinus, was appointed
pracfect of the corn-market (prae/eclus unnonae)
in B. c. 439, in order to regulate the price of com
and obtain a supply from abroad, as the people
were suffering from grievous famine, Sp. Maelius,
who distinguished himself by his liberal supplies of
corn to the people, was accused by the patricians
of aiming at the sovereignty; and Augurinus is
siiid to have disclosed his treasonable designs to
the senate. The femient occasioned by the assas-
sination of Maelius was appeased by Augurinus,
who is sjiid to have gone over to tlie plebs from
the patricians, and to have been chosen by the
tribunes one of their body. It is stated, indeed,
that he was elected an eleventh tribune, .as the
number of their body was full ; but this seems in-
credible. That he passed over to the plebs, how-
ever, is confirmed by the fact, that we find subse-
quently members of his family tribunes of the
plebs. Augurinus also lowered the price of com
in three market days, fixing as the maximum an as
for a modius. The people, in their gratitude, pre-
sented him with an ox having its horns gilt, and
erected a statue to his honour outside the Porta

Trigeraina, for which everj' body subscribed an
ounce of brass. (Liv. iv. 12 — 16; Plin. //. iV.
xviii. 4, xxxiv. II; Niebuhr, Rom. Hist. ii. p. 423,
&c.) This circumstance is commemorated in the

AUGUSTIXUS.

preceding coin of the Minucia gens. The nbverso
represents the head of Pallas winged : the reverse
a column sumiounted by a statue, which is not
clearly delineated in the annexed cut, with ears of
com springing up from its base. The inscription
is O. MINVCI. C. F. AVGVRINI., with RoMA at the
top. (Eckhel, v. p. 254.)

6. Ti. MiNUCius AucuRiNUS, consul b. c. 305,
the last year of the Samnite war, was said in some
annals to have received a mortal woimd in battle.
(Liv. ix. 44; Diod. xx. 81.)

7. M. MiNUcius (Augurinus), tribune of the
plebs, B. c. 216, introduced the bill for the creation
of the triumviri mensarii. (Liv. xxiii. 21.)

8. C- MiNucius Augurinus, tiibune of the
plebs, B. c. 1 87, proposed the imposition of a fine
upon L. Scipio Asiaticus, and demanded that Scipio
should give security (praedes). As Scipio, how-
ever, refused to do so, Augurinus ordered him to
be seized and carried to prison, but was unable to
carry his command into effect in consequence of
the intercession of his colleague, Tib. Semprouius
Gracchus, the father of Tib. and C. Gracchi.
(Gell. vii. 19.) A different account of this affair
is given in Livy. (xxxviii. 55—60.)

9. Tl Minucius (Augurinus) Moixiculus,
was praetor peregrinus B. c. 1 80, and died of the
pestilence which visited Rome in that year, (Liv,
xl. 35, 37.)

AUGURI'NUS, SE'NTIUS, a poet in the
time of the younger Pliny, who wrote short poems,
such as epigrams, idylls, &c., which he called joo»"-
VKitia, and which were in the style of Catullus
and Calvus. He was an intimate friend of the
younger Pliny, whom he praised in his verses ;
and Pliny in return represented Augurinus as one
of the first of poets. One of his poems in praise of
Pliny is preserved in a letter of the latter. (Plin.

Fp. iv. 27,

AUGUSTl'NUS, AURF/LIUS, ST., the most
illustrious of the Latin fathers, was bom on the
1 3th of November, a. d. 354, at Tagaste, an inland
town in Numidia, identified by D'Anville with the
modern Tajelt. His father, Patricius, who died
about seventeen years after the birth of Angustin,
was originally a heathen, but embraced Christia-
nity late in life. Though poor, he belonged to the
curiales of Tagaste. (August. Cow/ ii. 3.) He
is described by his son as a benevolent but hot-
tempered man, comparatively careless of the
morals of his offspring, but anxious for his im-
provement in learning, as the means of future
success in life. Monnica,* the mother of Angus-
tin, was a Christian of a singularly devout and
gentle spirit, who exerted herself to the utmost
in training up her son in the practice of piety ;
but his disposition, complexionally ardent and
headstrong, seemed to bid defiance to her ef-
forts. He has given, in his Confessions, a vivid
picture of his boyish follies and vices, — his love of
play, his hatred of learning, his disobedience to his
parents, and his acts of deceit and theft. It would
indeed be absurd to infer from this recital that he
was a prodigy of j'outhful wickedness, such faults
being unhappily too common at that early age.
None, however, but a very shallow moralist will
treat these singular disclosures with ridicule, or

* For the orthography of this name, see Biihr,
GescMchfe der Romischen Literatur^ ISuppleineni ,
vol. ii. p. 225. and note p. 228.

AUGUSTINUS.

deny that they open a very important chapter in
the history of human nature. "When Augnstin
was still very young, he fell into a dangerous dis-
order, which induced him to wish for baptism ;
but on his recovery, the rite was delayed. He
tells us that he was exceedingly deligiited, from
his childhood, with the fabulous stories of the
Latin poets ; but the difficulty of learning Greek
inspired hira with a groat disgust for that language.
He was sent, during his boyhood, to be educated
at the neighbouring town of Madaura, and after-
wards removed to Carthage in order to prosecute
the study of rhetoric. Here he fell into vicious
practices ; and before he was eighteen, his concu-
bine bore him a son, whom he named Adeodatus.
He applied, however, with characteristic ardour, to
the study of the great masters of rhetoric and phi-
losophy. In particular, he describes in strong
terms the beneficial effect produced upon him by
reading the Hortensius of Cicero. Soon after this,
he embraced the Manichacan heresy, — a wild and
visionary system, repugnant alike to sound reason
and to Scripture, but not without strong foscina-
tions for an ardent and imaginative mind undisci-
plined in the lessons of practical religion. To this
pernicious doctrine he adhered for nine years, dur-
ing which he unhappily seduced others into the
adoption of the same errors.

After teaching grammar for some time at his
native place, he returned to Carthage, having lost
a friend whose death affected liim very deeply.
At Carthage he became a teacher of rhetoric, and
in his twenty-seventh year published his first
work, entitled, " de apto et pulchro," which he
dedicated to Hierius, a Roman orator, known to
him only by his high reputation. Of the fate
of this work the author seems to have been singu-
larly careless ; for when he wrote his Confessions,
he had lost sight of it altogether, and says he does
not remember whether it was in two or three
books. We agree with Lord Jeftery {Encycl. Brit.
art. Beauty) in lamenting the disappearance of this
treatise, which was probably defective enough in
strict scientific analysis, but could not fiiil to
abound in ingenious disquisition and vigorous elo-
quence.

About this time Augustin began to distrust the
baseless creed of the Manichaeans, and the more
so that he found no satisfaction from the reasonings
of their most celebrated teacher, Faustus, with
whom he frequently conversed. In the year 383,
he went, against the wishes of his mother, to
Rome, intending to exercise his profession as a
teacher of rhetoric there. For this step, he assigns
as his reason that the students in Rome behaved
with greater decorum than those of Carthage,
where the schools were often scenes of gross and
irrepressible disorder. At Rome he had a danger-
ous illness, from which however he soon recovered ;
and after teaching rhetoric for a few months, he
left the imperial city, in disgust at the fraudulent
conduct of some of his students, and went to
^lilan, designing to pursue his profession in that
city. At that time Ambrose was bishop of Milan,
and his conversation and preaching made a good
impression upon Augustin. He was not, however,
converted to Christianity at once, but fell, for a
time, into a state of general uncertainty and scep-
ticism. The great mystery of all, the origin of
evil, especially perplexed and tormented him. By
degrees his mind acquired a healthier tone, and

AUGUSTINUS. 421

the reading of some of the Platonic philosopher^
(not in the original Greek, but in a Latin version)
disposed him still more favourably towards the
Christian system. From these he turned, with a
delight unfelt before, to the Holy Scriptures, in the
perusal of which his earlier doubts and difficulties
gave way before the self-evidencing light of divine
truth. He was greatly benefited by the religious
conversations which he held with Simplician, a
Christian presbyter, who had formerly instructed
Ambrose himself in theologj'. After deep consi-
deration, and many struggles of feeling (of which
he has given an interesting record in the eighth
and ninth books of his Confessions), he resolved on
making a public profession of Christianity, and
was baptized by Ambrose at Milan on the 25th of
April, A. D. 387. His fcUow-townsraan and inti-
mate friend, Alypius, and his natural son, Adeo-
datus, of whose extraordinary genius he speaks
with fond enthusiasm, were baptized on the
same occasion. His mother Monnica, who had
followed him to Milan, rejoiced over this happy
event as the completion of all her desires on earth.
She did not long survive it ; for shortly after his
conversion, Augustin set out with her to return to
Africa, and at Ostia, on the banks of the Tiber, hia
mother died, after an illness of a few days, in the
fiftj'-sixth year of her age. Her son has given, in
the ninth boak of his Confessions (cc. 8-11) a brief
but deeply interesting account of this excellent
woman. Augustin remained at Rome some time
after his mother's death, and composed his treatises
de MorUms Ecclesiae Catholicae et de Moribus
Manichaeorum, de Quantitute Animae, and de
Libera Arbitrio. The latter, however, was not
finished until some years after.

In the latter part of the year 388, Augustin re-
turned by way of Carthage to Tagaste. He sold the
small remains of his paternal property, and gave the
proceeds to the poor; and passed the next three years
in seclusion, devoting himself to religious exercises.
At this period of his life he wrote his treatises de
Gencsi contra JManichacos^ de Alusica, de Mayistro^
(addressed to his son Adeodatus), and de Vera
Religione. The reputation of these works and of
their author's personal excellence seems to have
been speedily diffused, for in the year 391, Augus-
tin, against his own wishes, was ordained a priest
by Valerius, then bishop of Hippo. On this, he spent
some time in retirement, in order to qualify himself
by the special study of the Bible for the work of
preaching. When he entered on this public duty,
he discharged it with great acceptance and success.
He did not, however, abandon his labours as an
author, but wrote his tractate de Utditate credendi^
inscribed to his friend Honoratus, and another en-
titled de duabus Aiiimabus contra JManichacos.
He also published an account of his disputation
with Fortunatus, a distinguished teacher of the
Manichaean doctrine. In the year 393, he was
appointed, though still only a presbyter, to deliver
a discourse upon the creed before the council of
Hippo. This discourse, which is still extant, was
published at the solicitation of his friends.

In the year 39o, Valerius exerted himself to ob-
tain Augustin as his colleague in the episcopal
charge; and though Augustin at first urged his
unwillingness with great sincerity, his scruples
were overcome, and he was ordained bishop of
Hippo. He performed the duties of his new office
with zealous fidelity, and yet found time amidst

422

AUGUSTINUS.

them all for the composition of many of his ablest
and most interesting v/orks. His history, from the
time of his elevation to the see of Hippo, is so
closely implicated with the Donatistic and Pela-
gian controversies, that it would be impracticable
to pursue its details within our prescribed limits.
For a full and accurate account of the part which
he took in these memorable contentions, the reader
is referred to the life of Augustin contained in the
eleventh volume of the Benedictine edition of his
works, and to the thirteenth volume of Tillemont's
" Memoires pour ser\-ir a THistoire Ecclesiastique,"
• — a quarto of 1075 pages devoted entirely to the
life and writings of this eminent father. Of those
of his numerous works which we have not already
noticed, we mention the three following, as especi-
ally interesting and important : His Confessions,
in thirteen books, were written in the year 397.
They are addressed to the Almighty, and contain
an account of Augustin's life down to the time
when he was deprived of his mother by death.
The last three books are occupied with an allego-
rical explanation of the Mosaic account of the crea-
tion. His autobiography is written with great
genius and feeling; and though the interspersed
addresses to the Deity break the order of the nar-
rative, and extend over a large portion of the work,
they are too fine in themselves, and too character-
istic of the author, to allow us to complain of their
length and frequency. The celebrated treatise, de
Civitate Dei, commenced about the year 413, was
not finished before a. d. 426. Its object and struc-
ture cannot be better exhibited than in the author's
own words, taken from the 47th chapter of the se-
cond book of his Retractationes : " Interea Roma
Gothorum irruptione, agentium sub rege Alarico,
atque impetu magnae cladis eversa est : cujus ever-
sionem deorura falsorura multorumque cultores,
quos usitato nomine Paganos vocaraus, in Christia-
nam religionem referre conantes, solito acerbius
et araarius Deum verum blasphemare coeperunt.
Unde ego exardescens zelo domus Dei, adversus
eorum blasphemias vel errores, libros de Civitate
Dei scribere institui. Quod opus per aliquot annos
me tenuit, eo quod alia multa intercurrebant, quae
differre non oporteret, et me prius ad solvendum
occupabant. Hoc autem de Civitate Dei grande
opus tandem viginti duobus libris est terminatum.
Quorum quinque primi eos refellunt, qui res hu-
manas ita prosperari volunt, ut ad hoc multorum
deorum cultum, quos Pagani colere consuerunt, ne-
cessarium esse arbitrentur ; et quia prohibetur, mala
ista exoriri atque abundare contendunt. Sequentes
autem quinque adversus eos loquuntur, qui fatentur
liaec mala, nee defuisse unquam, nee defutura mor-
talibus ; et ea nunc magna, nunc parva, locis, tem-
poribus, personisque, variari : sed deorum multorum
cultum, quo eis sacrificatur, propter vitam post
mortem futuram, esse utilem disputant. His ergo
decern libris duae istae vanae opiniones Christianae
religionis adversariae refelluntur. Sed ne quisquam
nos aliena tantum redarguisse, non autem nostra
asseruisse, reprehenderet, id agit pars altera operis
hujus, quae duodecim libris continetur. Quamquam,
ubi opus est, et in prioribus decern quae nostra sunt
asseramus, et in duodecim posterioribus redargua-
mus adversa, Duodecim ergo libroram sequentium,
primi quatuor continent exortum duarum Civit^ituni,
quarum est una Dei, altera hujus mundi. Secundi
quatuor excursum earum sive procursum. Tertii
rero, qui et postremi, debitos fines. Ita omnes

AUGUSTINUS.

viginti et duo libri cum sint de utraque Civitate
conscripti, titulum tamen a meliore acceperunt, ut
de Civitate Dei potius vocarentur." The learning
displayed in this remarkable work is extensive ra-
ther than profound ; its contents are too miscella-
neous and desultory, and its reasonings are often
more ingenious than satisfactory. Yet, after every
due abatement has been made, it will maintain its
reputation as one of the most extraordinary pro-
ductions of human intellect and industry. The
Retractationes of Augustin, written in the year

428, deserve notice as evincing the singular can-
dour of the author. It consists of a review of all
his own productions ; and besides explanations and
qualifications of much that he had written, it not
unfrequently presents acknowledgments of down-
right errors and mistakes. It is one of the noblest
sacrifices ever laid upon the altar of truth by a
majestic intellect acting in obedience to the purest
conscientiousness.

The life of Augustin closed amidst scenes of
violence and blood. The Vandals under the fero-
cious Genseric invaded the north of Africa, a. d.

429, and in the following year laid siege to Hippo.
Full of grief for the sufferings which he witnessed
and the dangers he foreboded, the aged bishop
prayed that God would grant his people a deliver-
ance from these dreadful calamities, or else supply
them ^vith the fortitude to endure their woes : for
himself he besought a speedy liberation from the
flesh. His prayer was granted ; and in the third
month of the siege, on the 28th of August, 430,
Augustin breathed his last, in the seventy-sixth
)-ear of his age. The character of this eminent
man is admitted on all hands to have been marked
by conspicuous excellence after his profession of
the Christian faith. The only faults of which he
can be accused are an occasional excess of severity
in his controversial writings, and a ready acquies-
cence in the persecution of the Donatists. His in-*
tellect was in a very high degree vigorous, acute,
and comprehensive ; and he possessed to the last a
fund of ingenuous sensibility, which gives an inde-
scribable charm to most of his compositions. His
style is full of life and force, but deficient both in
purity and in elegance. His learning seems to
have been principally confined to the Latin authors,
of Greek he knew but little, and of Hebrew no-
thing. His theological opinions varied considerably
even after he became a Christian ; and it was
during the later period of his life that he adopted
those peculiar tenets with regard to grace, predes-
tination, and free-will, which in modem times
have been called August! nian. His influence in
his own and in every succeeding age has been im-
mense. Even in the Roman Catholic Church his
authoritj' is professedly held in high esteem ; al-
though his later theological system has in reality
been proscribed by every party in that communion,
except the learned, philosophic, and devout frater-
nity of the Jansenists. The early Reformers drank
deeply into the spirit of his speculative theology ;
and many even of those who recoil most shrink-
ingly from his doctrine of predestination, have
done ample justice to his surpassing energy of in-
tellect, and to the warmth and purity of his reli-
gious feelings.

The earliest edition of the collected works of
Augustin is that of the celebrated Amerb;ich, which
appeared in nine volumes folio, at Basle, loOb", and
was reprinted at Paris in 1515. This edition did

AUGUSTINUS.

not, however, contain the Epistohe, the Sei-mones,
and the Enarrationes in Psalinos, which had been
previously published by Amerbach. In 1529,
the works of Augustin were again published at
Basle, from the press of Frobenius, and under the
editorship of Erasmus, in ten volumes folio. This
edition, though by no means faultless, was a con-
fiiderable improvement upon that of Amerbach. It
was reprinted at Paris in 1531-32 ; at Venice,
with some improvements, in 1552, and again in
1570; at Lyons in 1561-63, and again in 1571.
It was also issued from the press of Frobenius at
Basle, with various alterations, in 1543, in 1556,
in 1569, and in 1570. In 1577 the valuable edi-
tion of Augustin prepared by the learned divines
of Louvain, was published at Antwerp, by Christo-
pher Plantin, in ten volumes folio. It far surpasses
in critical exactness all the preceding editions ; and
though, on the whole, inferior to that of the Bene-
dictines, it is still held in high estimation. No
fewer than sixteen of the " Theologi Lovanienses "
were employed in preparing it for publication. It
has been very frequently reprinted : at Geneva in
1596 ; at Cologne in 1616 ; at Lyons in 1664 ; at
Paris in 1586, in 1603, in 1609, in 1614, in 1626,
in 1635, and in 1652. The Benedictine edition
of the works of Augustin, in eleven volumes folio,
was published at Paris in 1679 — 1700. It was
severely handled by Father Simon ; but its supe-
riority to all the former editions of Augustin is
generally acknowledged. The first volume con-
tnins, besides the Retractations and the Confes-
sions, the greater part of the works written by
Augustin before his elevation to the episcopal dig-
nity. The second comprises his letters. The third
and fourth include his exegetical writings, the
fourth being entirely filled up with his Commen-
fciry on the Psalms. The fifth volume contains
the sermons of Augustin. The sixth embraces his
Opera Moralia. The seventh consists of the trea-
tise de Civitate Dei. The eighth comprehends his
principal works against the Manichaeans, and those
against the Arians. The ninth comprises his con-
trover!>ial writings against the Donatists. The
tenth consists of his treatises on the Pelagian con-
troversy. Each of these volumes contains an ap-
pendix consisting of works falsely attributed to
Augustin, &c. The eleventh volume is occupied
with the life of Augustin, for the preparation of
which Tillemont lent the sheets of his unpublished
volume upon this father. This valuable edition
was reprinted at Paris, in eleven thick imperial
octavo volumes, 1836 — 39. The edition of Le
Clerc (who calls himself Joannes Phereponus)
appeared (professedly at Antwerp, but in reality)
at Amsterdam, in 1700 — 1703. It is a republica-
tion of the Benedictine edition, with notes by Le
Clerc, and some other supplementary matter ; be-
sides an additional volume containing the poem of
Prosper de Ingratis, the Commentary of Pelagius
on the Epistles of Paul, and some modem produc-
tions referring to the life and writings of Augustin.
Of the numerous editions of the separate works
of Augustin the following are all that we have
space to enumerate : — De Civitate Dei : editio prin-
ceps, e monasterio Sublacensi, 1467, foL; Mogun-
tiae per Petr, SchoelTer, cum commentariis Thomae
Valois et Nic. Triveth, 1473, fol., reprinted at
Basle in 1479 and again in 1515; commentariis
illustratum studio et labore Jo.Lud. Vivis, Basileae,
1522, 1555, 1570, fol, ; cum commentariis Leon.

AUGUSTULUS.

42a

Coquael et Jo. Lud. Vivis, Paris, 1613, 1636, fol..
Lips. 1825, 2 vols. 8vo. Confessiones : editio
princeps, Mediolani, 1475, 4to. ; Lovanii, 1563,
12mo. and again 1573, 8vo.; Antverp. 1567, 1568,
1740, 8vo.; Lugd. Batav. 1675, 12mo, apud Elze-
vir.; Paris, 1776, 12mo. (an edition highly com-
mended) ; Berol. 1 823, ed. A. Neander ; Lips.
(Tauchnitz), 1837, ed. C. H. Bruder ; Oxon.
(Parker), 1840, ed. E. B. Pusey. De Fide et
Operibus : editio princeps, Coloniae, 4 to. 1473;
ed. Jo. Hennichio, Francof. ad M. et Rintelii,
1652, 8vo. De Doctrina Christiana: Helmstad.
1629, 8vo. ed. Georgius Calixtus, reprinted at
Helmstadt in quarto, 1655; Lips. 1769, 8vo. ed.
J. C. B. Teegius, cum praef. J. F. Burscheri. De
Spiritu et Litera : Lips. 1767, 1780, 8vo, ed. J. C.
B. Teegius ; Regiment. 1 824, 8vo. cum praef. H.
Olshausen. De Conjugiis Adulterinis : Jenae, 1 698,
4to. cum notis Jurisconsulti celeberrimi (Joannis
Schilter) quibus dogma Ecclesiae de matrimonii
dissolutione illustratur.

The principal sources of information respecting
the life of Augustin are his own Confessions, Re-
tractations, and Epistles, and his biography written
by his pupil Possidius, bishop of Calama. Among
the best modem works on this subject are those of
Tillemont and the Benedictine editors already men-
tioned ; Laurentii Berti " De rebus gestis Sancti
Augustini," &c. Venice, 1746, 4to. ; Schrockh,
" Kirchengeschichte," vol. xv. ; Neander, " Ges-
chichte der Christlichen Religion und Kirche," vol.
ii. ; Bahr, " Geschichte der Romischen Literatur,"
Supplement^ vol. ii. For the editions of the works
of Augustin, see Cas. Oudin. " Commentarius de
Scriptoribus Ecclesiae Antiquis," vol. i pp. 931 —
993, and C. T. G. Schbnemann's "• Bibliotheca
Histor.-Literaria Patrum Latinorum," voL ii. pp.
33 — 363. On the Pelagian controversy, see (be-
sides Tillemont) G. J. Vossii " Historia de Contro-
versiis quas Pelagius ejusque reliquiae moverunt,"
Opp. vol. vi.; C. W. F. Walch's "Ketzerhistorie,"
vol. iv. und v. ; G. F. Wiggers' " Versuch einer
pragmat. Darstellung des Augustinismus und Pela-
gianisnms," Berlin, 1821. [J. M. M.]

AUGU'STULUS, RO'MULUS, the last Ro-
man emperor of the West, was the son of Orestes,
who seized the government of the empire after
having driven out the emperor Julius Nepos.
Orestes, probably of Gothic origin, married a
daughter of the comes Romulus at Petovio or Pe-
tavio, in the south-western part of Paunonia ; their
son was called Romulus Augustus, but the Greeks
altered Romulus into Mw^CAAos, and the Romans,
despising the youth of the emperor, changed Au-
gustus into Augustulus. Orestes, who declined
assuming the purple, had his youthful son pro-
claimed emperor in A. d. 475, but still retained the
real sovereignty in his own hands. As early as
476, the power of Orestes was overthrown by
Odoacer, who defeated his rival at Puvia and put
him to death ; Paulus, the brother of Orestes, wiis
slain at Ravenna. Romulus Augustulus was allow-
ed to live on account of his youth, beauty, and
innocence, but was exiled by the victor to the villa
of Lucullus, on the promontory of Misenum in
Campania, which was then a fortified castle. There
he lived upon a yearly allowance of six thousand
pieces of gold : his ultimate fate is unknown.

The series of Roman emperors who had govern-
ed the state from the battle of Actium, ij. c. 31..
during a period of five hundred and seven year&»

424

AUGUSTUS.

closes with the deposition of the son of Orestes ;
and, strangely enough, the last exnperor combined
the names of the first king and the first emperor of
Rome. [Orestes, OnoACER.] (Amm. Marc.
Excerpta, pp. 662, 663, ed. Paris, 1681; Cassiod.
Chronicony ad Zenonem ; Jomand. de Regnorum
Successione^ p. 59, de Reb. Goth., pp. 128, 129, ed.
Lindenbrog; Procop. de Bell. Goth. i. 1, ii. 6 ;
Cedrenus, p. 350, ed. Paris; Theophanes, p. 102,
ed. Paris; Evagrius, ii. 16.) [W. P.J

AUGUSTUS, the first emperor of the Roman
empire, was bom on the 23rd of September of the
year B. c. QZ, in the consulship of !M. Tullius
Cicero and C. Antonius. He was the son of C.
Octavius by Atia, a daughter of Julia, the sister of
C. Julius Caesar, who is said to have been de-
scended from the ancient Latin hero Atys. His
real name was, like that of his father, C. Octavius,
but for the sake of brevity, and in order to avoid
confusion, we «hall call him Augustus, though this
was only an hereditary surname which was given
him afterwards by the senate and the people to
express their veneration for him, whence the Greek
writers translate it by 1^Sa(Tr6s. Various wonderful
signs, announcing his future greatness, were subse-
quently believed to have preceded or accompanied
his birth. (Suet. Aup. 94; Dion Cass, xlv. l,&c.)

Augustus lost his father at the age of foilr years,
whereupon his mother married L. Marcius Philip-
pus, and at the age of twelve (according to Nicolaus
Damascenus, De Vit. Aug. 3, three years earlier)
he delivered the funeral eulogium on his grand-
mother, Julia. After the death of his father his
education was conducted with great care in the
house of his grandmother,..Julia, and at her death
he returned to his mother, who, as well as his
step-father, henceforth watched over his education
with the utmost vigilance. His talents and beauty,
and above all his relationship to G. Julius Caesar,
drew upon him the attention of the most distin-
guished Romans of the time, and it seems that J.
Caesar himself, who had no male issue, watched
over the education of the .promising youth with no
less interest th.in his parents. In his sixteenth
year (N. Damascenus erroneously says in liis
fifteenth) he received the toga virilis, and in the
same year was made a member of the college of
pontiffs, in the place of L, Domitius, who had been
killed after the battle of Pharsalia. (N. Damasc.
Z. c. 4 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 59 ; Suet. Aug. 94 ; Dion
Cass. xlv. 2.) From this time his uncle, C. Julius
Caesar, devoted as much of his time as his own
busj' life allowed him to the practical education of
his nephew, and trained him for the duties of the
public career he was soon to enter upon. Dion
Cassius relates that at this time Caesar also brought
about his elevation to the rank of a patrician, but
it is a well attested fiu;t that this did not take
place till three years later. In B. c. 47, when
Caesar went to Africa to put down the Pompeian
party in that country, Augustus wished to accom-
pany him but was kept back, because his mother
thought that his delicate constitution would be un-
able to bear the fatigues connected with such an
expedition. On his return Caesar distinguished
him, nevertheless, with military honours, and in his
triumph allowed Augustus to ride on horseback
behind his triumphal car. In the year following
(B.C. 45), when Caesar went to Spain against the sons
of Pompey, Augustus, who had then completed his
seventeenth year, was to have accompanied his

AUGUSTUS.

uncle, but was obliged to remain behind on account
of illness, but soon joined him with a few com-
panions. During his whole life-time Augustus,
with -one exception, was unfortunate at sea, and
this his first attempt nearly cost him his life, for
the vessel in which he sailed was wrecked on the
coast of Spain. Whether he arrived in Caesar's
camp in time to take part in the battle of
Munda or not is a disputed point, though the
former seems to be more probable. (Suet. Atig.
94 ; Dion Cass, xliii. 41.) Caesar became more
and more attached to Lis nephew, for he seems to
have perceived in him the elements of everything
that would render him a worthy successor to him-
self: he constantly kept him about his person, and
while he was yet in Spain he is said to have made
his will and to have adopted Augustus as his son,
though without informing him of it. In the
autumn of b. c. 45, Caesar returned to Rome with
his nephew ; and soon afterwards, in accordance
with the wish of his uncle, the senate raised the
gens Octavia, to which Augustus belonged, to the
rank of a patrician gens. About the same time
Augustus was betrothed to Servilia, the daughter
of P. Servilius Isauricus, but the engagement ap-
pears afterwards to have been broken off.

The extraordinary distinctions and favours which
had thiis been conferred upon Augustus at such an
early age, must have excited his pride and ambi-
tion, of which one remarkable example is recorded.
In the verj' ^-ear of his return from Spain he was
presumptuous enough to ask for the office of
magister equitum to the dictator, his uncle. Cae-
sar, however, refused to grant it, and gave it to
M. Lepidus instead, probably because he thought
his nephew not yet fit for such an office. He
wished that Augustas should accompany him on
the expedition which he contemplated against the
Getae and Parthians ; and, in order that the
young man might acquire a more thorough prac-
tical training in military affairs, he sent him to
Apollonia in lUyricum, where some legions were
stationed, and whither Caesar himself intended to
follow him. It has often been supposed that Cae-
sar sent his nephew to Apollonia for the purpose
of finishing his intellectual education ; but although
this was not neglected during his stay in that city,
yet it was not the object for which he was sent
thither, for Apollonia offered no advantages for the
pui-pose, as may be inferred from the fact, that
Augustus took his instructors — the rhetorician
ApoUodorus of Pergamus and the mathematician
Theogenes, with him from Rome. When Caesar
had again to appoint the magistrates in B. c. 44,
he remembered the desire of his nephew, and con-
ferred upon him, while he was at Apollonia, the
office of magister equitum, on which he was to
enter in the autumn of b. c. 43. But thingb
turned out far differently. Augustus had scarcely
been at Apollonia six months, when he was sur-
prised by the news of his uncle's murder, in
March, b. c. 44. Short as his residence at this
place had been, it was yet of great influence upon
his future life : his military exercises seem to have
strengthened his naturally delicate constitution,
and the attentions and flatteries which were paid
to the nephew of Caesar by the most distinguished
persons connected with the legions in Illyricum,
stimulated his ambition and love of dominion, and
thus explain as well as excuse many of the acts of
which he was afterwards guilty. It was at Apol-

AUGUSTUS.
Ionia, also, that Augustus fonned his intimate
friendship with Q. Saividienus Rufus and M. Vip-
Banius Agrippa.

When the news of Caesar's murder reached the
troops in lUyricum, they immediately oftercd to
follow Augustus to Italy and avenge his uncle's
death ; but fear and ignorance of the real state of
affairs at Rome made him hesitate for a while. At
last he resolved to go to Italy as a private person,
accompanied only by Agripi)a and a few other
friends. In the beginning of April he landed at
Lupiae, near Brundusium, and here he heard of
his adoption into the gens Julia and of his being
the heir of Caesar. At Brundusium, whither he
next proceeded, he was saluted by the soldiers as
Caesar, which name he henceforth assumed, for his
legitimate name now was C. Julius Caesar Octa-
vianus. After having visited his stepfather in the
neighbourhood of Naples, he arrived at Kome, ap-
parently about the beginning of May. Here he
demanded nothing but the private property which
Caesar had left him, but declared that he was re-
solved to avenge the murder of his benefactor.
The state of parties at Rome was most perplexing ;
and one cannot but admire the extraordinary tact
and prudence which Augustus displayed, and the
skill with which a youth of barely twenty contrived
to blind the most experienced statesmen in Rome,
and eventually to carry all his designs into effect.
It was not the faction of the conspirators that
placed difficulties in his way, but one of Caesar's
own party, M. Antony, who had in his possession
the money and papers of Caesar, and refused to
give them up. Augustus declared before the prae-
tor, in the usual manner, that he accepted of the
inheritance, and promised to give to the people the
portion of his uncle's property which he had be-
queathed them in his will. Antony endeavoured
by all means to prevent Augustus from obtaining
h'is objects ; but the conduct of Augustus gained
the favour of both the senate and the people.
[Antomus, p. 215, b.] Augustus had to con-
tend against Dec. Brutus, who was in possession
of Cisiilpiue Gaul, as well as against Antony ; but
to get rid of one enemy at least, the sword was
drawn against the latter, the more dangerous of
the two. While Antony was collecting troops for
the war against D. Brutus, two of the legions
which came from Macedonia, the legio Martia
and the lifth, went over to Augustus ; and to pre-
vent the remaining troops following the example,
Antony hastened with them to the north of Italy.
Cicero, who had at first looked upon Augustus
with contempt, now began to regard him as the
only man capable of delivering the republic from
its troubles ; and Augustus in return courted
Cicero. On the 10th of December, Cicero, in his
third Philippic, proposed that Augustus should be
entrusted with the command of the army against
Antony, and on the first of January, B. c. 43, he
repeated the same proposal in his fifth Philippic.
The senate now granted more than had been
asked : Augustus obtained the command of the
army with the title and insignia of a praetor, the
riglit of voting in the senate with the consulars,
and of holding the consulship ten years before he
attjiined the legitimate age. He was accordingly
sent by the senate, with the two consuls of the
year, C. Vibius Pansa and A. Hirtius, to compel
Antony to raise the siege of Mutina. Augustus dis-
tinguished himself by his defence of the camp near

AUGUSTUS. 425

Mutina, for which the soldiers saluted him as
imperutor. The fall of the two consuls threw the
command of their armies into his hands. Antony
was humbled and obliged to flee across the Alps.
Various reports were spread in the meantime of
disputes between D. Brutus and Augustus, and it
was even said that the death of the two consuls
was the work of the latter. The Roman aris-
tocracy, on whose behalf Augustus had acted, now-
determined to prevent him from acquiring all
further power. They entrusted D. Brutus with
the command of the consular armies to prosecute
the war against Antony, and made other regula-
tions which were intended to prevent Augustus
gaining any further popularity with the soldiers. He
remained inactive, and seemed ready to obey the
commands of the senate. Antony had in the
meantime become reconciled with the governors in
Gaul and Spain through the mediation of Lepidus,
and was now at the head of a powerful army.
In these circumstances Augustus resolved to seek
a power which might assist him in gaining over An-
tony, or enable him to oppose him more effectually
if necessary. This power was the consulship. He
was very popular Avith the soldiers, and they were
by promises of various kinds induced to demand
the consulship for him. The senate was terrified,
and granted the request, though, soon after, the
arrival of troops from Africa emboldened them
again to declare against him. But Augustus had
won the favour of these troops : he encamped on
the campus Martins, and in the month of August
the people elected him consul together with Q.
Pedius. His adoption into the gens Julia was now
sanctioned by the curies ; the sums due to the peo-
ple, according to the will of Julius Caesar, were
paid, the murderers of the dictator outlawed, and
Augustus appointed to carry the sentence into
effect. He first marched into the north, professedly
against Antony, but had scarcely entered Etruria,
when the senate, on the proposal of Q. Pedius,
repealed the sentence of outlawry against Antony
and Lepidus, who were just descending from the
Alps with an army of 17 legions. D. Brutus took
to flight, and was afterwards murdered at Aquileia
at the command of Antony. On their arrival at
Bononia, Antony and Lepidus were met by Au-
gustus, who became reconciled with them. It was
agreed by the three, that Augustus should lay
down his'consulship, and that the empire should
be divided among them under the title of triumviri
rei publicae constituendae, and that this arrange-
ment should last for the next five years. Lepidus
obtained Spain, Antony Gaul, and Augustus Africa,
Sardinia, and Sicily. Antony and Augustus were
to prosecute the war against the murderers of
Caesar. The first objects of the triumvirs were to
destroy their enemies and the republican party;
they began their proscriptions even before they
arrived at Rome ; their enemies were murdered
and their property confiscated, and Augustus was
no less cruel than Antony. Two thousand equites
and three hundred senators are said to have been
put to death during this proscription : the lands of
whole townships were taken from their owners
and distributed among the veteran soldiers. Num-
bers of Roman citizens took to flight, and found a
refuge with Sex. Pompeius in Sicily. Augustus
first directed his arms against the latter, because
Pompeius had it in his power to cut off all pro-
vibions fi'om Rome. The armv assembled at Rhe-

420

AUGUSTUS.

giura ; but an attempt to cross over to Sicily was
thwarted by a naval victory which Ponipeius gain-
ed over Q. Salvidienus Rufus in the very sight of
Augustus. Soon after this, Augustus and Antony
sailed across the Ionian sea to Greece, as Brutus
and Cassius were leaving Asia for the west.
Augustus was obliged to remain at Dyrrhachium
on account of illness, but as soon as he had recov-
ered a little, he hastened to Philippi in the autumn
of B. c. 42, The battle of Philippi was gained by
the two triumvirs : Brutus and Cassius in despair
put an end to their lives, and their followers
surrendered to the conquerors, with the exception
of those who placed their hopes in Sext, Pompeius.
After this successful war, in which the victory
was mainly owing to Antony, though subsequently
Augustus claimed all the merit for himself, the
triumvirs made a new division of the provinces.
Lepidus obtained Africa, and Augustus returned
to Italy to reward his veterans with the lands he
had promised them. All Italy was in fear and
trembling, as every one anticipated the repetition
of the horrors of a proscription. His enemies,
especially Fulvia, the wife of Antony, and some
other of the friends of the latter, increased these
apprehensions by false reports in order to excite
the people against him ; for Augustus was detained
for some time at Brundusiura by a fresh attack of
illness. But he pacified the minds of the people
by a letter which he wrote to the senate.

These circumstances not only prevented for
the present his undertaking anything fresh against
Sext Pompeius, but occasioned a new and unex-
pected war. On his arrival at Rome, Augustus
found that Fulvia had been spreading these
rumours with the View of drawing away her hus-
band from the arms of Cleopatra, and that L.
Antonius, the brother of the triumvir, was used
by her as an instrument to gain her objects. Au-
gustus did all he could to avoid a rupture, but in
Tain. L. Antonius assembled an anny at Prae-
neste, with which he threw himself into the
fortified town of Perusia, where he was blockaded
by Augustus with three armies, so that a fearful
famine arose in the place. This happened towards
the end of B. c. 41. After several attempts to
break through the blockading armies, L. Antonius
was obliged to surrender. The citizens of Perusia
obtained pardon from Augustus, but the senators
were put to death, and from three to four hundred
noble Perusines were butchered on the 15th of
March, b. c. 40, at the altar of Caesar. Fulvia
fled to Greece, and Tiberius Nero, with his wife
Livia, to Pompeius in Sicily and thence to Antonj',
who blamed the authors of the war, probably for
no other reason but because it had been unsuccess-
ful. Antony, however, sailed with his fleet to
Brundusiura, and preparations for war were made
on both sides, but the news of the death of Fulvia
in Greece accelerated a peace, which was concluded
at Brundusium, between the two triumvirs. A
new division of the provinces was again made :
Augustus obtained all the parts of the empire west
of the town of Scodra in Illyricum, and Antony
the eastern provinces, while Italy was to belong to
them in common. Antony also formed an engage-
ment with the noble-minded Octavia, the sister of
Augustus and widow of C. Marcellus, in order to
confirm the new friendship. 'The marriage was
celebrated at Rome. Sext. Pompeius, who had
had no share in these transactions, continued to

AUGUSTUS.

cut oiF the provisions of Rome, which was suffering
greatly from scarcity : scenes of violence and out-
rage at Rome shewed the exasperation of the peo-
ple. Augustus could not hope to satisfy the
Romans unless their most urgent wants were
satisfied by sufficient supplies of food, and this
could not be effected in any other way but by a
reconciliation with Pompeius. Augustus had an
interview with him on the coast of Misenum, in
B. c. 39, at which Pompeius received the procon-
sulship and the islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and
Corsica, together with the province of Achaia.
In return for these concessions he was to provide
Italy with corn. In order to convince the Romans
of the sincerity of his intentions, Augustus be-
trothed M. Marcellus, the son of Octavia and step-
son of Antony, who was present on this occasion,
to a daughter of Pompeius.

Peace seemed now to be restored everywhere.
Antony returned to the East, where bis generals
had been successful, and Augustus too received
favourable news from his lieutenants in Spain and
Gaul. Augustus, however, was anxious for an op-
portunity of a war, by which he might deprive
Sext. Pompeius of the provinces which had been
ceded to him at Misenum. A pretext was soon
found in the fact, that Pompeius allowed piracy to
go on in the Mediterranean. Augustus solicited
the aid of the two other triumvirs, but they did
not support him ; and Antony was in reality glad
to see Augustus engaged in a struggle in which he
was sure to suffer. The fleet of Augustus suffered
greatly from storms and the activity of Deraochares,
the admiral of Pompeius; but the latter did not
follow up the advanUiges he had gained, and Au-
gustus thus obtained time to repair his ships, and
send Maecenas to Antony to invite him again to
take part in the war. Antony hereupon sailed to
Tarentum, in the beginiiing of the year 37, with
300 ships : but, on his arrival there, Augustus had
changed his mind, and declined the assistance.
This conduct exasperated Antony ; but his wife,
Octavia, acted as mediator ; the two triumvirs met
between Tarentum and Metapontura, and the ur-
gent necessity of the times compelled them to lay
aside their mutual mistrust. Augustus promised
an army to Antony for his Parthian war, while
Antony sent 1"20 ships to increase the fleet of Au-
gustus, and both agreed to prolong their office of
triumvirs for five years longer. While Antony
hastened to Syria, Octavia remained with her bro-
ther. Soon after this, M. Vipsanius Agrippa re-
ceived the command of the fleet of Augustus, and
in July of the year 36, Sicily was attacked on all
sides ; but storms compelled the fleet of Augustus
to return, and Lepidus alone succeeded in landing
at Lilybaeum. Pompeius remained in his usual
inactivity ; in a sea-fight oft' Mylae he lost thirty
ships, and Augustus landed at Tauromeniuni.
Agrippa at last, in a decisive naval battle, put an
end to the contest, and Pompeius fled to Asia.
Lepidus, who had on all occasions been treated
with neglect, now wanted to take Sicily for him-
self ; but Augustus easily gained over his troops,
and Lepidus himself submitted. He was sent to
Rome by Augustus, and resided there for the re-
mainder of his life as pontifex maximus. -The
forces which Augustus had under his command
now amounted, according to Appian, to forty-five
legions, independent of the light-armed troops and
the cavalry, and to GOO ships. Augustus rewarded

AUGUSTUS.

Lis soldiers with garlands and money, and promised
still further rewards; but the veterans insisted
upon their dismission, and upon receiving (at once)
the lands and all the sums that had been promised
them. Augustus quelled the rebellion in its com-
mencement by severity combined with liberality :
he dismissed the veterans who had fought at Mu-
tina and Philippi, and ordered them to quit Sicily
immediately, that their disposition might not spread
further among the soldiers. The latter were satis-
fied with the promises of Augustus, which he ful-
filled at the expense of Sicily, and lands were as-
signed to the veterans in Campania. Augustus
now sent back the ships of Antony, and took pos-
session of Africa. The Roman senate hastened to
honour the conqueror in the most extravagant
manner ; and when he approached the city, which
Maecenas had governed during his absence, the
senate and people flocked out to meet him. Au-
gustus addressed the senate in a very modest man-
ner, and declined some of the distinctions which
were offered him. He celebrated his ovation on
the 1 3th of November, B. c. 36. The abundant
supply of provisions which was now brought to
Rome satisfied the wants and wishes of the people;
and as this h.ippy state of things was the result of
his victory, his interests coincided with those of
the people, whose burdens were also lessened in
various ways.

By the conquest of two of his rivals, Augustus
liad now acquired strength enough to enter upon
the contest with the third. He first endeavoured,
however, as much as was in his power, to remedy
the confusion and demoralisation in which Italy
had been involved in consequence of the civil wars,
and he pretended only to wait for the arrival of his
colleague in order to withdraw with him into pri-
vate life, as the peace of the republic was now re-
stored. This pretended self-denial did not remain
unrewarded, for the people elected him pontifex
maximus, though Lepidus, who held this office,
was yet alive ; and the senate decreed, that he
should inhabit a public building, that his person
should be inviolable, and that he should sit by the
side of the tribunes. Augustus took every oppor-
tunity of praising and supporting his absent col-
league, Antony, and by this stratagem the Romans
gradually became convinced, that if new disputes
should break out between them, the fault could not
possibly lie with Augustus. But matters did not
yet come to this : the most urgent thing was to keep
his troops engaged, and to acquire funds for pfiying
them. After suppressing a mutiny among the in-
solent veterans, he prepared for a campaign against
some tribes on the north-eastern coast of the Adri-
atic, of which the Romans had never become com-
plete masters, and which from time to time refused
to pay their tribute. Augustus marched along the
coast, without meeting with much resistance, until
he came near the country of tlie Japydes : their
capital Metulum was strongly fortified and garri-
soned ; but the perseverance of Augustus and the
courage of his troops compelled the garrison to sur-
render, and the place was changed into a heap of
ashes 1)y the brave Japydes themselves (b. c. 3.5). As
the season of the year was not yet much advanced,
Augustus undertook a campaign against the Pan-
nonians in Segestica. After several engagements
during their march through the country, the Ro-
mans appeared before the town of Segesta, which,
after a siege of thirty days, sued for pardon. Au-

AUGUSTUS.

427

gustus, to suit his own purpose, imposed only a fine
upon the inhabitants, and leaving his legate Fufiua
Geminus behind with a garrison of twenty-five
cohorts, he returned to Rome. Octavia had in the
meantime been repudiated by Antony ; and at the
request of Augustus the senate declared Octavia
and Livia inviolable, and granted them the right
of conducting their own affairs without any male
assistance — an apparent reparation for the insult
offered to Octavia by her husband, but in reality a
means of keeping the recollection of it alive. Au-
gustus intended next to make an expedition against
Britain, but the news of fresh revolts in the coun-
tries from which he had just returned, altered his
plan. His generals soon restored peace, but he
himself went to Dalmatia, where Agrippa had the
command. Several towns were taken, and neither
life nor property was spared. Augustus penetrated
as far as Setovia, where he was wounded in hia
knee. After his recovery, he gave the command
to Statilius Taurus, and returned to Rome to un-
dertake the consulship for the year B. c. 33, which
1/e entered upon on the 1st of January together
with L. Volcatius Tullus, and laid down on the
same day, under the pretext of the Dalmatian war,
though his presence there was no longer necessary,
since Statilius Taurus had already completed the
defeat of the Dalmatians. Out of the spoils made
in this war Augustus erected a portico called, after
his sister, Octavia. During this year, Agrippa was
aedile, and did all he could to gain popularity for
his friend Augustus and himself, and Augustus
also made several very useful regulations.

Meantime the arbitrary and arrogant proceedings
of Antony in the East were sufficient of themselves
to point hira out to the Romans as an enemy of
the republic, but Augustus did not neglect to direct
attention secretly to his follies. Letters now passed
between the two triumvirs full of mutual crimina-
tions ; and Antony already purchased from Arta-
vasdes cavalry for the impending war against his
colleague. The rupture between the two triumvirs
was mainly brought about by the jealousy and am-
bition of Cleopatra. During the year B. c. 32,
while Cleopatra kept Antony in a perpetual state
of intoxication, Augustus had time to convince the
Romans that the heavy sacrifices he demanded of
them were t» be made on their own behalf only, as
Italy had to fear everything from Antony War
was now declared against Cleopatra, for Antony
was looked upon only as her infatuated slave. In
B. c. 31, Augustus was consul for the third time
with M. Valerius Messalla. Rome was in a state
of great excitement and alarm, and all classes had
to make extraordinary exertions. An attempt of
Augustus to attack his enemy during the winter
was frustrated by stonns ; but, in the spring, his
fleet, under the command of the able Agrippa,
spread over the whole of the eastern part of the
Adriatic, and Augustus himself with his legions
landed in Epeinis. Antony and Cleopatra took
their station near the promontory of Actium in
Acarnania. Their fleet iiad no able rowers, and
everything depended upon the courage of the sol-
diers and the size of their ships. Some persons
ventured to doubt xhe safety of entering upon a
sea-fight, but Cleopatra's opinion prevailed, and
the battle of Actium was fought in September, 31.
As soon as the queen observed that victory was
not certain on her side, she took to flight, and An-
tony soon followed her. His fleet fought in vain

428

AUGUSTUS.

to the last, and, after a long hesitation, the land
forces surrendered.

The danger which had threatened to bring Rome
under the dominion of an eastern queen was thus
removed, the ambition of Augustus was satisfied,
and his generosity met with general admiration.
After the battle of Actium, he proceeded slowly
through Greece and a part of western Asia, where
he entered on his fourth consulship for the 3'ear
B. c. 30, and passed the winter at Samos. The
confidence of his army in him grew with his suc-
cess, but the veterans again shewed symptoms of
discontent, and demanded the fulfilment of the
promises made to them. Soon after, they broke
out into open rebellion, and Augustus hastened
from Samos to remedy the evil in person. It was
with great difficulty that he escaped the storms
and arrived at Brundusium. Here he was met by
the Roman senators, equites, and a great number
of the people, which emboldened him to ask for
their assistance to pay his soldiers. His requests
were readily complied with, and he was enabled to
fulfil his engagements .towards the veterans, and
assigned lands to them in various parts of the em-
pire. Without going to Rome, he soon after sailed
to Corinth, Rhodes, Syria, and Egypt. Cleopatra
negotiated with Augustus to betray Antony ; but
when she found that Augustus only wanted to
spare her that she might adorn his triumph, she
put an end to her life. [Antonhs, No. 12.]
Egypt was made a Roman province, and the booty
which Augustus obtained was so immense, that he
could easily satisfy the demands of his anny. At
Rome the senate and people rivalled each other in
devising new lionours and distinctions for Augustus,
who was now alone at the head of the Roman world.
In Samos he entered upon his fifth consulship for
the year b. c. 29. The senate sanctioned all his
acts, and conferred upon him many extraordinary
rights and privileges. The temple of Janus was
closed, as peace was restored throughout the em-
pire. In August of the same year, Augustus re-
turned to Rome, and celebrated his threefold
triumph over the Pannonians and Dalmatians,
Antony and Egypt ; and he obtained the title of
imperator for ever.

After these solemnities were over, Augustus un-
dertook the consulship for the year -28 together
with his friend Agrippa. He was determined from
the first not to lay down the power which his own
successes and the circumstances of the times had
placed in his hands, although he occasionally pre-
tended that he would resign it. He first directed
his attention to the restoration of order in all parts
of the government ; and, as he was invested with
the censorship, he began by clearing the senate of
all unworthy members; he ejected two hundred
senators, and also raised the senatorial census ; but
where a worthy senator's property did not come
up to the new standard, he very libemll}^ made it
up out of his own means. He raised many ple-
beian families to the rank of patricians ; and as he
had a predilection for ancient, especially religious,
institutions, he restored several temples which had
fallen into decay, and also built new ones. The
keeping of the aerariura was transferred from the
quaestors to the praetors and ex-praetors. After
having introduced these and many other useful
changes, he proposed in the senate to lay down
his powers, but allowed himself to be prevailed
upon to remain at the head of atFairs for ten years

AUGUSTUS.

longer. This plan was afterwards repeated several
times, and he apparently allowed himself to be al-
ways persuaded to retain his power either for ten
or five years longer. He next made a division of
the provinces, leaving the quiet and peaceful ones
to the senate, and retaining for himself those which
required the presence of an anny. The adminis-
tration of the former was given ever}' year by the
senate to proconsuls, while Augustus placed the
others under legati Caesaris, sometimes also called
propraetores, whom he appointed at any time he
pleased. He declined all honours and distinctions
which were calculated to remind the Romans of
kingly power ; he preferred allowing the republican
forms to continue, in order that he might imper-
ceptibly concentrate in his own person all the
powers which had hitherto been separated. He
accepted, however, the name of Augustus, which
was offered to him on the proposal of L. Munatiua
Plancus. In B. c. 23 he entered upon his eleventh
consulship, but laid it down immediately after-
wards; and, after having also declined the dicta-
torship, which was offered him by the senate, he
accepted the imperium proconsulare and the tribu-
nitia potestas for life, by which his inviolability
was legally established, while by the imperium
proconsulare he became the highest authority in all
the Roman provinces. When in B. c. 12 Lepidus,
the pontifex maximus, died, Augustus, on whom
the title of chief pontiff had been conferred on a
former occasion, entered upon the office itself.
Thus he became the high priest of the state, and
obtained the highest influence over all the other
colleges of priests. Although he had thus united
in his own person all the great offices of state, yot
he was too prudent to assume exclusively the titles
of all of them, or to shew to the Romans that he
was the sole master. Otlier persons were accord-
ingly allowed to hold the consulship, praetorship,
and other public offices ; but these offices were in
reality mere fonns and titles, like the new offices
which he created to reward his friends and parti-
sans. Augustus assumed nothing of the outward
appearance of a monarch : he retained the simple
mode of living of an ordinary citizen, continued his
familiar intimacy with his friends, and appeared in
public without any pomp or pageantry ; a kingly
court, in our sense of the word, did not exist at all
in the reign of Augustus.

His relation to the senate was at first rather un-
defined : in B. c. 28 he had been made princeps
senatus, but in the beginning of the year 24 he
was exempted by the senate from all the laws of
the state. During the latter years of his life, Au-
gustus seldom attended the meetings of the senate,
but formed a sort of privy council, consisting of
twenty senators, with whom he discussed the most
important political matters. Augustus had no mi-
nisters, in our sense of the word ; but on state
matters, which he did not choose to be discussed
in public, he consulted his personal friends, C. Cil-
nius Maecenas, M. Vipsanius Agrippa, M. Vaienua
IMessalla Corvinus, and Asinius PoUio, all of whom
contributed, each in his wa\', to increase the splen-
dour of the capitcil and the welfare of the empire.
The people retained their republican privileges,
though they were mere forms : they still met in
their assemblies, and elected consuls and other
magistrates ; but only such persons were elected as
had been proposed or recommended by the emperor.
The almost uninterrupted festivities, games, and

AUGUSTUS.

distributions of corn, and the like, made tlic people
forget the substance of their republican freedom;
and they were ready to serve him wlio fed them
most liberally : the population of the city was then
little better than a mob.

It was a necessary consequence of the dominion
acquired by force of arms, that standing armies
{ciiiitra stativa) were kept on the frontiers of the
empire, as on the Rhine, the Danube, and the
Euphrates, which in many instances became the
foundations of flourishing towns. The veterans
were distributed into a number of colonics. For
the protection of liis own person, Augustus esta-
liHshed ten praetorian cohorts, consisting of one
thonsand men each, which were placed under the
command of two equites with the title of praefccti
praetorio. For the purpose of maintaining order
and security in the city, he instituted a sort of
police, under the name of cohortcs urbanae, which
were under the command of the pracfectus urbi.
The fleets were stationed at Ravenna, Miscnum,
and in various ports of the provinces. In the divi-
sion of the provinces which Augustus had made in
B, c. '27, especial regulations were made to secure
strict justice in their administration ; in conse-
quence of which many, especially those which were
not oppressed by armies, enjoyed a period of great
prosperity. Egypt was governed in a manner
difterent from that of all other provinces. The
division of the provinces was necessarily followed
by a change in the administration of the finances,
which were in a bad condition, partly in conse-
quence of the civil wars, and partly through all the
domain lands in Italy having been assigned to the
veterans. The system of taxation was revised,
and the taxes increased. The aerarium, out of
which the senate defrayed the public expenses,
was separated from the fiscus, the funds of the
emperor, out of which he paid his annies.

Augustus enacted several laws to improve the
moral condition of the Romans, and to secure the
public peace and safety. Thus he made several
regulations to prevent the recurrence of scarcity and
famine, promoted industry, and constructed roads
and other works of public utility. The large sums
of money which were put into circulation revived
commerce and industry, from which the eastern
provinces especially and Egypt derived great ad-
A'antages.

Although Augustus, who must have been star-
tled and frightened by the murder of Caesar, treat-
ed the Romans with the utmost caution and mild-
ness, and endeavoured to keep out of sight every
thing that might shew him in the light of a sove-
reign, 3'et several conspiracies against his life re-
minded him that there were still persons of a
republican spirit. It will be sufficient here to
mention the names of the leaders of these conspi-
racies,— M. Lepidus, L. Murena, Fannius Caepio,
and Cornelius Cinna, who are treated of in sepa-
rate articles.

After this brief sketch of the internal affairs of
the Roman empire during the reign of Augustus,
it only remains to give some account of the wars
in which he himself took part. Most of them
Avere conducted by his friends and relations, and
Deed not be noticed here. On the whole, we may
remark, that the wars of the reign of Augustus
Avere not wars of aggression, but chiefly undertaken
to secure the Roman dominion and to protect the
frontiers, which were now more exposed than be-

AUGUSTUS. 429

fore to tlic hostile inroads of barbarians. In
B. c. 27, Augustus sent M. Crassus to check the
incursions of the Dacians, Bastarnians, and Moe-
sians on the Danube ; and, in the same year, he
himself went to Gaul and Spain, and began the
conquest of the warlike Cantabri and Asturii,,whose
subjugation, however, was not completed till b. c.
19 by Agrippa. During this campaign Augustus
founded several towns for his veterans, such as
Augusta Emerita and Caesar Augusta. In B. c.
21 Augustus travelled through Sicily and Greece,
and spent the winter following at Samos. After
this, he went to Syria at the invitation of Tiridates,
who had been expelled from his kingdom of Par-
thia. The ruling king, Phraates, for fear of the
Romans, sent back the standards and prisoners
which had been taken from Crassus and Antony.
Towards the end of the year 20, Augustus returned
to Samos, to spend the approaching winter there.
Here ambassadors from India appeared before him,
with presents from their king, Pandion, to confirm
the friendship which had been sought on a former
occasion. In the autumn of B. c. 19, he returned
to Rome, where new honours and distinctions were
conferred upon him. His vanity was so much gra-
tified at these bloodless victories which he had
obtained in Syria and Samos, that he struck medals
to commemorate them, and afterwards dedicated
the standards which he had received from Phraates
in the new temple of Mars Ultor. In B. c. 18, the
imperium of Augustus was prolonged for five years,
and about the same time he increased the number
of senators to 600. The wars in Armenia, in the
Alps, and on the Lower Rhine, were conducted by
his generals with varying success. In B. c. 16 the
Romans suff'ered a defeat on the Lower Rhine by
some German tribes ; and Augustus, who thought
the danger greater than it really was, went himself
to Gaul, and spent two years there, to regulate the
government of that province, and to make the ne-
cessary preparations for defending it against the
Germans. In b. c. 13 he returned to Rome, leav-
ing the protection of the frontier on the Rhine to
his step-son, Drusus Nero. In B. c. 9 he again
went to Gaul, where he received German ambassa-
dors, who sued for peace; but he treacherously
detained them, and distributed them in the towns
of Gaul, where they put an end to their lives in
despair. Towards the end of this year, he returned
to Rome with Tiberius and Drusus. From this
time forward, Augustus does not appear to have
again taken any active part in the wars that were
carried on. Tliosc in Germany were the most for-
midable, and lasted longer than the reign of Au-
gustus.

In A. D. 13, Augustus, who had then reached
his 75th year, again imdertook the government of
the empire for ten years longer; but he threw
some part of the burden upon his adopted son and
successor, Tiberius, by making him his colleague.
In the year following, a. d. 14, Tiberius was to
undertake a campaign in lUvricum, and Augustus,
though he was bowed down by old age, by domestic
misfortunes and cares of every kind, accompanied
him as far as Naples. On his return, he was tciken
ill at Nola, and died there on the* 29th of August,
A. D. 14, at the age of 76. When he felt his end
approaching, he is said to have asked his friends
who were present whether he had not acted his
part well. He died very gently in the arms of his
wife, Li via, who kept the event secret, until Tibe-

430

AUGUSTUS.

rius had returned to Nola, where he was immedi-
ately saluted as the successor of Augustus. The
body of the emperor was carried by the decuriones
of Nola to Boviilae, where it was received by the
Roman equites and conveyed to Rome. The so-
lemn apotheosis took place in the Campus INIartius,
and his ashes were deposited in the mausoleum
which he himself had built.

As regards the domestic life of Augustus, he was
one of those unhappy men whom fortune sun-ounds
with all her outward splendour, and who can yet
partake but little of the general happiness which
they establish or promote. His domestic misfor-
tunes must have embittered all his enjoyments.
Augustus was a man of great caution and modera-
tion— two qualities by which he maintained his
power over the Roman world ; but in his matri-
monial relations €ind as a father he was not happj',
chiefly through his own fault. He was first mar-
ried, though only nominally, to Clodia, a daughter
of Clodius and Fulvia. His second wife, Scribonia,
was a relation of Sext. Pompeius : she bore him
his only daughter, Julia. After he had divorced
Scribonia, he married Li via Drusilla, who was car-
ried away from her husband, Tiberius Nero, in a
state of pregnancy. She brought Augustus two
step-sons, Tiberius Nero and Nero Claudius Dru-
sus. She secured the love and attachment of her
husband to the last moments of his life. Augustus
had at first fixed on M. Marcellus as his successor.

AUGUSTUS.

the son of his sister Octavia, who was married to his
daughter, Julia. Agrippa, jealous of Augustus'
partiality for him, left Rome, and did not return
till Marcellus hnd died in the flower of his life.
Julia was now compelled by her father to marry
the aged Agrippa, and her sons, Caius and Lucius
Caesar, were raised to the dignity of principes ju-
ventutis. At the death of Agrippa, in B. c. 12,
Tiberius was obliged to divorce his wife, Vipsania,
and, contrary to his own will, to marry Julia.
Dissatisfied with her conduct and the elevation of
her sons, he went, in b. c. 6, to Rhodes, where he
spent eight years, to avoid living with Julia. Au-
gustus, who became at last disgusted with her
conduct, sent her in B. c. 2 into exile in the island
of Pandataria, near the coast of Campania, whither
she was followed by her mother, Scribonia. The
children of Julia, Julia the Younger and Agrippa
Postumus, were likewise banished. The grief of
Augustus was increased by the deaths of his friend
^Laecenas, in B. c. 8, and of his two grandsons,
Caius and Lucius Caesar, who are said to have
fallen victims to the ambitious designs of Livia,
who wished to make room for her own son, Tibe-
rius, whom the deluded emperor was persuaded to
adopt and to make his colleague and successor.
Tiberius, in return, was obliged to adopt Drusus
Germanicus, the son of his late brother, Drusus.
A more complete view of the family of Augustus
is given in the annexed stenama.

Stkmma op Augustus and his Family.

1. Ancharia.

I

Octavia, the elder.

C. Octavius, praetor in b. c. 61, married to
2. Atia, daughter of M. Atius Balbus and Julia, a sister of C. Julius Caesar.

1. Octavia, the younger.

I
2. C. Octavius (C. Julius Caesar Octavi-

ANUs Augustus), married to
1. Clodia. 2. Scribonia. 3. Livia.

Julia, married to
1. M. Marcellus. 2. M. Vipsanius Agrippa, 3. Tiberius, emperor.
No issue. I No issue.

C. Caesar, married to Livia, 2.
the sister of Germanicus.
Died A. D. 4.

L. Caesar, betrothed
to Aemilia Lepida.
Died A. D. 2.

3. Julia, married
to L. Aemilius
Paullus.
I

I. M. Aemilius Lepidus,
married to Drusilla,
daughter of Germanicus.

I
2. Aemilia Lepida,
married to
1. A p. Junius Silanus. 2. Drusus.

4. Agrip
pina,
mar-
ried to
Germa-

I I

1. L. Silanus. 2. M. Silanus. 3. Junia Calvina.

Agrippa
Postu-
mus.
Put to
death

A.D.14.

1. Nero, married
to Julia, dau.
of Drusus, the
son of Tiberius,
(Tac. Atm. vi.
27.)

2. Drusus,
married to
Aemilia
Lepida.
(Tac^nn.
vi 40.)

3. Caligula,
emperor.

4. Agrippina,
married to
Cn. Domi-
tius.

5. Drusilla, married
to L L. Cassius,
and 2. M. Aemil.
Lepidus.

, Livia or Li-

villa,married
to 1. M. Vi-
cinius,
2. Quintiliua
Varus. (?)

Nbko, eraperor.

AVIANUS.

Our space does not allow us here to enter into
a critical examination of the character of Augus-
tus : what he did is recorded in history, and public
opinion in his own time praised him for it as an
excellent prince and statesman ; the investigation
of the likiden motives of his actions is such a deli-
rate subject, that both ancient and modem writers
i'.ave advanced the most opposite opinions, and
both supported by strong argimients. The main
difficulty lies in the question, whether his govern-
ment was the fruit of his honest intentions and
wishes, or whether it was merely a means of satis-
iying his own ambition and love of dominion ; in
other words, whether he was a straightforward
and honest man, or a most consummate hypocrite.
Thus much is certain, that his reign was a period
of happiness for Italy and the provinces, and that
it removed the causes of future civil wars. Pre-
vious to the victory of Actium his character is less
a matter of doubt, and there we find sufficient
proofs of his cruelty, selfishness, and faithlessness
toivards his friends. He has sometimes been
charged with cowardice, but, so far as military
courage is concerned, the charge is unfounded.

(The principal ancient sources concerning the
life and reign of Augustus are : Sueton. Augustus ;
Xicolaus Damasc. De Vita Augusti ; Dion Cass,
xlv. — Ivi. ; Tacitus, Annal. i. ; Cicero's Epistles
and Philippics; Veil. Pat. ii. 59—124; Plut.^n-
tonius. Besides the numerous modem works on
the History of Rome, we refer especially to A.
Weithert, Imperatoris Caesaris Augusti Scriptorum
lieliquiae, Fasc. i., Grimae, 1841, 4to., which con-
tains an excellent account of the youth of Augustus
and his education ; Drumann, Geschichie lioms, vol.
iv. pp. 245 — 302, who treats of his history down
to the battle of Actium ; Loebell, Ueber das Prin-
c pat des Augustus, in Raumer's Jlistorisclies Tas-
< henbuch, 5ter, Jahrgang, 1 834 ; Karl Hoeck,
Ji'amische Geschichte vom Verfall der RepuUik his
zur Vollendung der Monarchie unier Co?istantin, i.
1. pp. 214—421.) [L. S.J

AVIANUS.

431

COIN OF AUGUSTUS.

AVIA'NUS, M. AEMILIUS, a friend of
Cicero, and the patron of Avianus Evander and
Avianus Hammonius. (Cie. ad Fam. xiii. 2, 21,
27.)

AVIA'NUS, FLA'VIUS, the author of a col-
lection of forty-two Aesopic fables in Latin elegiac
verse, dedicated to a certain Theodosius, who is
addressed as a man of great learning and highly
cultivated mind. The designation of this writer
appears under a number of different shapes in dif-
ferent MSS., such as Avianus, Atiia7ius, Abidnus,
Aljienus, and Avienus, from which last fonn he was
hy many of the earlier historians of Roman litera-
ture, such as Vossius and Funccius, identified with
the geographical poet, Rufus Festus Avienus.
[AviKNus.] But, independent of the circumstance
that no fact except this resemblance of name can
be adduced ia support of such an opinion, the ar-

gument derived from the style of these compositions
must, to every reader of taste and discrimination,
appear conclusive. Nothing can be imagined more
unlike the vigorous, bold, spirited, and highly em-
bellished rotundity which characterizes the Des-
criptio Orbis and the Aratea than the feeble, hesi-
tating, dull meagreness of the fabulist. Making all
allowances for numerous corruptions in the text,
we can scarcely regard these pieces in any other
light than as the early effusions of some unprac-
tised youth, who patched very unskilfully expres-
sions borrowed from the purer classics, especially
Virgil, upon the rude dialect of an imlettered age.
Cannegieter, in liis erudite but most tedious
dissertation, has toiled unsuccessfully to prove that
Avianus flourished under the Antonines. Wems-
dorf, again, places him towards the end of the
fourth centurj', adopting the views of those who
believe that the Theodosius of the dedication may
be Aurelius Macrobius Ambrosius Theodosius, the
grammarian, and adding the conjecture, that the
Flavianus of the Saturnalia may have been cor-
mpted by transcribers into Fl. Avianus. These
are mere guesses, and may be taken for what they"
are wortli. Judging from the language, and we
have nothing else whatever to guide us, we should
feel inclined to place him a hundred years later.

A vianus was first printed independently by Jac.
de Breda, at Deventer in Holland, in the year
1494, 4to., Gothic characters, under the title
" Apologus Aviani civis Romani adolescentulis ad
mores et Latinum sermonem capessendos utilissi-
mus ;" but the editio princeps is appended to the
fables of Aesop which appeared about 1480. The
earlier editions contain only twenty-seven fables ;
tlie whole forty-two were first published by Rigal-
tius, along with Aesop and other opuscula (16mo.
Lugd. 1570). The most complete edition is that
of Cannegieter, 8vo. Amstel. 1731, which was fol-
lowed by those of Nodell, 8vo. Amstel. 1787, and
of C. H.' Tzschucke, 12mo. Lips. 1790.

"• The fables of Avian translated into Englyshe**
are to be found at the end of " The Subtyl Histo-
lyes and Fables of Esope, translated out of Frenshe
into Englysshe, by William Caxton at Westmyn-
stre. In the yere of our lorde M cccc Ixxxiii., &c.
Enprynted bytlie sametlie xxvj daye ofMarclie theyere
of our lord u cccclxxxiij. And the fyrst yere of the
regne of kyng Rychard tlie thyrde,^'' folio. This book
was reprinted by Pynson. We have a translation
into Italian by Giov. Gris. Trombelli, 8vo. Venez.
1735; and into German by H. Fr. Kerler, in his
Horn. Fabddichter, Stuttgard, 1838. (Vossius, de
Poetis Lait. p. 56 ; Funccius, de Vegeta L. L. Senec-
tule, cap. iii. § Ivi.; Barth. Advcrsar. xix. 24, xxviu
el, xxxix. 7 and 13, xlvi. 4, 7, 16; Wemsdor^
Poett. Lait. Minn. vol. v. pars. ii. p. 663, who effec-
tually destroys the leading argument of Cannegieter
that Avianus must be intermediate between Phae-
drus and Titianus, upon which idea the hypothesis
that he lived under the Antonines rests.) [W.R.]
AVIA'NUS EVANDER. [Evandkr.]
AVIA'NUS FLACCUS. [Flaccvs.]
AVIA'NUS HAMMO'NIUS. [Hammonius.]
AVIA'NUS, LAETUS, the name prefixed to
an epigram in iDad Latin, comprised in three ele-
giac distich s, on the famous work of ^lartianus
Capella. The subject proves that it cannot be ear-
lier than the end of the fifth centurj-. (Burmann,
Antholog. Add. i. p. 738, or Ep. n. 553, ed. Meyer.;
Barth. Advcrsar. xviii. 21.) [W. R.]

431

AVIENUS.

AVIA'NUS PHILO'XENUS. [Philoxe-

NUS.]

AVI'DIUS CA'SSIUS. [Cassius.]
AVI'DIUS FLACCUS. [Flaccus.]
C. AVIE'NUS, tribune of the soldiers of the
tenth legion, was ignominiously dismissed from the
army, on account of misconduct in the African war,
B.C. 4«. (Hirt. J9. J/r. 46.)

AVIE'NUS, RUFUS FESTUS. The fol-
lowing poems are ascribed to an author bearing
this name : —

1. Descriptio Orlns Terrae^ or, as it is variously
entitled in different editions and MSS., Mdaphrasis
Perigeseos Dionysii — Situs Orbis — Ambitus Orbis —
in 1394 hexameter lines, derived directly from the
"Trepiriynais of Dionysius, and containing a succinct
account of the most remarkable objects in the
physical and political geography of the known
world. It adheres too closely in some places, and
departs too widely in others, from the text of the
Alexandrian, to be called with propriety a trans-
lation, or even a paraphrase, and still less does it
deserve to be regarded as an independent work,
but approaches more nearly to our modem idea of
a new edition compressed in certain passages, en-
larged in others, and altered throughout. These
changes can hardly be considered as improvements,
for not unfrequently the anxiety of the writer to
expand and embellish his original has made him
wander into extravagance and error, while on the
other hand the fear of becoming prolix and tedious
has led to injudicious curtailments, and induced
him to omit the names of nations and districts
which ought not to have been passed over. Nor
does he attempt to correct the mistakes of his pre-
decessor, nor to take advantage of those stores of
knowledge which must have been available at the
period when he lived ; but the blunders and follies
of the old Greek poets, who were profoundly
ignorant of all the regions to the West and North
of their own country, arc implicitly followed, and
many things set down which every well-informed
man under the empire must have known to be
absurd. There is, however, a considerable energy
and liveliness of style, which animates the inherent
dulness of the undertaking and carries the reader
lightly on, while much ingenuity is displayed in
varying the expression of constantly-recurring
ideas.

2. Ora Maritima, a fragment in 703 Iambic
trimeters. The plan comprehended a full delinea-
tion of the shores of the Mediterranean, together
with those of the Euxine and sea of Asov, and a
portion of the Atlantic without the pillars of
Hercules ; but we know not if this design was
ever fully carried out, for the portion which has
Deen preserved is confined almost entirely to the
coast stretching from Marseilles to Cadiz. The
author professes to have commenced the essay in
order to satisfy the intelligent inquiries of a youth
named Probus, to whom it is addressed, with re-
gard to the geography of the Pontus and the
Maeotic Gulf ; but if intended for the purposes
of instruction, it is impossible to imagine any task
executed in a less satisfactory manner. There is
an absence of all order and arrangement. Instead
of advancing steadily in a given direction, we are
carried backwards and forwards, transported
abruptly from one spot to another at a great dis-
tance, and brought again and again to the same
point without completing any circuit, besides being

AVIENUS.

distracted with discussions on localities and objocts
totally foreign to the matter in hand. Moreover,
the different nations and districts are distinguished
by their ancient and forgotten names, instead of
those by which they were actually known at the
time when this guide-book was composed, and all
the old and exploded fantasies of half mythical
geography revived and gravely propounded. V\'e
are led almost irresistibly to the conclusion, that
Avienus, possessing no practical or scientific ac-
quaintance with his subject, had read a number of
conflicting accounts of the countries in question,
written in former times by persons who were as
ignorant as himself, and had combined and pieced
them together in the hope of elaborating a consistent
whole, — neglecting with strange perversity the
numftrous sources of accurate information opened
up by the wars so long waged and the dominion
so long exercised by his countrymen in thosa
regions.

3. Aratea Phaenomena^ and Aratea Prorf-
7iostica^ both in Hexameter verse, the first con-
taining 1325, the second 552 lines. They bear
exactly the same relation to the well known works
of Aratus as the Descriptio Orbis Terrae does
to that of Dionysius. The general arrangement of
the Greek original is followed throughout, and
several passages are translated more closely than
in the versions of Cicero and Germanicus, but on
the other hand many of the mythical legends are
expanded, new tales are introduced, and extracts
from the works of celebrated astronomers, scraps
of Pythagorean philosophy, and fragments of
Aegyptian superstition, are combined and worked
up with the materials of the old fabric. The re-
sult is much more successful than in the two efforts
previously examined. Here there was more room
for the imagination to disport itself unencumbered
with dry details and stubborn facts, and accord-
ingly the interest is well sustained and the flowing
and spirited style of the poet appears to great
advantijge.

4. Three short fugitive pieces, the first addressed
to a friend, Flavianus Myrmecias^ V. C, requesting
a gift of some pomegranates from his estates in
Africa, in order to remove an attack of bile and
indigestion ; the second, De Cantu Sircnum^ or
SlreimmAllegoria^ on the allurements of the daugh-
ters of Achelous and the device by which Ulj-sscs
escaped their wiles ; the third. Ad Amicos de Aijro^
enumerating the various occupations which by
turns occupied the time and engaged the attention
of the writer each day when living in country re-
tirement.

We must remark, that while we can scarcely
entertain a doubt that the two Geographical Essays
are from the same pen, especially since in the
second (1. 71) we find a direct reference to the
first, we have no external evidence connecting
them with the others, except the fact, that the
same name is prefixed in all MSS. to the whole,
with the exception of the 2nd and 3rd epigrams.
But, on the other hand, the style, manner, and
phraseology of the Anitean poems correspond so
exactly with what Ave observe in the rest, that
scholars in general have acquiesced in the arrange- I
ment which assigns the whole to one person. They \
evidently belong to an epoch when Latin litera- }
ture, although fast verging to old age, was still
fresh and hale, and far from being paralyzed by
infirmities ; — we still perceive with pleasure a

AVIENUS.

force and freedom of expression in strong contrast
with the inflated feebleness and uneasy stiifhess
which marked the last period of decay.

Assuming that the astronomical Avienus is the
same with the geographical Avienus, we can at
once determine approximately the age to which he
belongs ; for Jerome, in his commentary on the
Epistle of St. Paul to Titus, mentions that the
quotation by the Apostle, in the xvii. chapter of
the Acts, Tou yap koI 76»'oy ifffxti'^ is to be found
in the Phaenomena of Aratus, " quern Cicero in
Latinum sermonem transtulit, et Germanicus Cae-
sar, et nu})er Aviemcs.'''' Now Jerome died in 420;
therefore, allowing all fair latitude to the somewhat
indefinite nuper^ we may with tolerable certainty
place Avienus in the latter half of the fourth cen-
tury, under Valens, the Valentinians, Gratian,
and Theodosius, or even somewhat earlier, under
Constantine and Julian. Our next step leads us
upon ground much less firm, but we may venture
yet a little further. An inscription, discovered
originally, we are told, in the church of St. Nicholas,
of the Furbishers, at Rome, and afterwards de-
posited in the Villa Caesarina, has been published
by Fabretti and others, and will be found in Bur-
mann's Anthologia, (i. 79, or Ep .n. 278, ed. Meyer.)
It bears as a title R. Festus V. C. Db Se Ad
Beam Nortiam, and begins in the first person,
Feshcs MiLsoni soboles prolesque Avieni^ after
which follows an announcement on the part of this
individual, that he was bom at Vuisinii, that he
dwelt at Rome, tnat he had twice been elevated to
the office of proconsul, that he was the happy
husband of a lady named Placida, the proud father
of a numerous offspring, and the author of many
poems {carmina multa sevens) ; then follows a sort
of epitaph in four lines, inscribed by Placidus, ap-
parently the son of the above personage, to the
sacred memory of his sire. Wernsdorf and others
have at once pronounced without hesitation, that
the Festus who here calls himself descendant of
Musonius and son of Avienus, for such is undoubt-
edly the true meaning of the words, must be the
same with our Rufus Festus Avienus. The proof
adduced, when carefully sifted, amounts to this : —
1. It is probable that the ancestor here referred to
may be C. Musonius Rufus, the celebrated Stoic
and intimate friend of Apollonius of Tyana. He
was exiled by Nero, patronized by Vespasian, and
is frequently mentioned by the writers who treat
of this period. This idea receives confirmation
from the circumstance that Tacitus and Philostratus
both represent Musonius as a Tuscan, and Suidas
expressly asserts that he was a native of Vuisinii.
We thus fully establish an identity of name be-
tween the writer of the inscription and our
Avienus, and can explain satisfactorily how the ap-
pellation Rufus came into the family. 2. From
two laws in the Codex of Justinian (see Gotho-
fred, Frosopogr. Cod. Tlwod.), it appears that a
certain Festus was proconsul of Africa in the
years 366 and 367, which agrees with the age we
have assigned to our Avienus from St. Jerome,
and an inscription is extant (Boeckh, Inscr. Graec.
i. p. 436) commemorating the gratitude of the
Athenians towards '^ov<pios ^otos, proconsul of
Greece. Now the editor of Dionysius and Aratus
must have been a Greek scholar, and we gather
from some lines in the Descriptio that he had re-
putedly visited Delphi in person ; thus he may be
this very 'Poijtpios ♦^o-tos, and the two proconsular

AVIENUS.

433

appointments are in this way determined. 3. The
words '* carmina multa sevens " point out a simi-
larity of taste and occupation. 4. Lastly, in the
epitaph by Placidus we detect an expression,
" Jupiter aethram (Pandit, Feste tibi)," which
seems to allude directly to the second line of the
Phaenomena, " excelsum reserat Jupiter aethram,'*
although this may be merely an accidental resem-
blance. It will be seen that the evidence requires
a good deal of hypothetical patching to enable it to
hang together at all, and by no means justifies the
undoubting confidence of Wernsdorf ; but, at the
same time, we can scarcely refuse to acknowledge
that the coincidences are remarkable.

We need scarcely notice the opinion of some
early critics, that Avienus was a Spaniard, since it
avowedly rests upon the consideration, that the
fragment of the Ora Maritima which has been
preserved is devoted chiefly to the coast of Spain,
and contains quotations from the works of Himilco
and the Carthaginian annalists with regard to that
country and the shores of the Atlantic. To refute
such arguments would be almost as idle as to
invent them. Nor need we treat with greater
respect the assertion that he was a Christian. Not
a line can be quoted which would appear to any
reasonable man favourable to such a notion ; but, on
the contrary, wherever he speaks of the Pagan
gods we find that he expresses in very unequivocal
language a marked reverence for their worship.
There is little to be said either for or against the
idea, that he is the young Avienus introduced by
Macrobius in the Saturnalia as talking with Sym-
machus. So far as dates are concerned there is no
anachronism involved, but the name was very
common, and we have no clue to guide us to any
conclusion.

Servius, in his commentary on Virgil (x. 388),
speaks of an Avienus who had turned the whole of
Virgil and Livy into Iambics {qui totum Viryilium
et Livium iambis scripsit)^ and refers to him again
(x. 272) as the person " qui iambis scripsit Vir-
gilii fabulas." We cannot doubt that Livy the
historian must be indicated here, for he was by so
much the most celebrated of all authors bearing
that appellation, that a grammarian like Servius
would scarcely have failed to add a distinguishing
epithet had any other Livy been meant. There
is no difficulty in believing the operation to have
been performed upon Virgil, for we know that
such conversions were common exercises during
the decline of literature, and Suidas tells us in
particular of a certain Marianus, in the reign of the
emperor Anastasius, who turned the dactylics of
Theocritus, Apollonius, Callimachus, and others,
into iambic measures.

Lastly, all scholars now admit that there are no
grounds for supposing, that the prose treatise
" Breviarium de Victoriis ac Provinciis Populi Ro-
mani ad Valentinianum Augustum," ascribed to a
Sextus Rufus or Rufus Festus, and the topographi-
cal compendium " Sexti Rufi de Regionibus Urbis
Romae," belong to Avienus, as was at one time
maintained ; while the poem " De Urbibus His-
paniae Mediterraneis," quoted as his work by
several Spaniards, is now known to be a forgery,
executed in all probability by a certain Hieronymus
Romanus, a Jesuit of Toledo, who was notorious
for such frauds.

The Editio Princeps of Avienus was printed at
Venice in Roman characters, by Antonius de

2f

434

AVITUS.

Strata, under the care of Victor Pisanus, in 4to.,
and bears the date of 25th October (8 KaL Nov.),
1488. It contains the Descriptio Orbis Terrae^
the Ora Maritima, the Aratea, and the epigram
addressed to Flavianus Myrmecim ; besides which
we find in the same volume the translation of
Aratus by Cicero and Germanicus, and the verses
of Q. Serenus Samonicus on the cure of diseases.

The most useful edition is to be found in the
second part of the fifth volume of the Poetae
Latini Minores of Wernsdorf, which, however,
does not include the Aratea, Wernsdorf not having
lived to complete his work. But this last piece
also, which was carefully edited by Buhle and
placed at the end of his Aratus, is given in the
French reprint of Wernsdorf (1825), which forms
a portion of the collection of Latin classics pub-
lished at Paris by Lemaire. [W. R.]

AVrOLA, the name of a family of the Acilia
gens, which is not mentioned till the very end of
the republic

1. M'. AciLius AvioLA, consul suffectus in b.c.
33, from the Ist of July, is probably the same
Aviola who is said to have come to life again on
the funeral pile, when it was supposed that he was
dead, but to have been nevertheless burnt to death,
because the flames could not be extinguished.
(Plin. H. N. vu. 52. s. 53 ; Val. Max. i. 8. § 12.)

2. AciLius Aviola, legate of Gallia Lugdunensis
under Tiberius, put down an outbreak of the Ande-
cavi and Turonii, in A. D. 21. (Tac. Ann. iii, 41.)

3. M'. AciLius Aviola, consul in the last year
of the reign of Claudius, a. d. 54. (Tac. Ann. xii.
64 ; Suet. Claud. 45.)

A V IT I A' N US, son of Julius Ausonius and
Aemilia Aeonia, was a young man of great pro-
mise, wlio was being brought up to follow his fa-
ther's profession as a physician, but died at an
early age, in the fourth century after Christ. He
was a younger brother of the poet Ausonius, who
in one of his poems (Parent, xiii.) laments his pre-
mature death, and gives the above particulars of
his life. [W. A. G.]

AVI'TUS, A'LCIMUS ECDrCIUS(orECDI'-
DIUS), son of Isicius, archbishop of Vienne, was
born about the middle of the 5th century. From his
earliest years he is said to have devoted himself to
literature, and to have given promise of that eru-
dition which subsequently gained for him, among
his countrymen at least, the reputation of being
the most profound and eloquent scholar of his age.
After bestowing an ample inheritance on the poor,
he retired into the monastery of St, Peter and St.
Paul, close to the walls of his native city, and re-
mained in the seclusion of the cloister until the
death of his father (in a. d. 490), whom he suc-
ceeded in the archiepiscopal dignity. His fame as
a pious and charitable priest and a powerful con-
troversialist now rose very high. He took part in
the celebrated conference at Lyons between the
Arians and the Catholic bishops, held in the pre-
sence of the Burgundian king, where, as we are
told, he silenced the heretics and brought back
many waverers to the bosom of the church. Gun-
debald himself is said to have yielded to his argu-
ments, although from political motives he refused
to recant his errors openly; and all agree, that
after his death his son Sigismund publicly declared
his adherence to the true faith. Avitus, at the
request of his royal admirers^ published treatises
in confutation of the Nestorians, Eutychians, Sa-

AVITUS.

bellians, and Pelagians, and was peculiarly success-
ful in gaining over a number of Jews who had set-
tled in his diocese. By pope Hormisda he was
appointed vicar apostolic in Gaul, in the year 517
presided at the council of Epaune (^concilium Epao-
nense), died on the 5th of February, 523, was
buried in the monastery of St. Peter and St. Paul,
where he had passed so many years of his early
life, and in the fulness of time received the honours
of canonization.

The works of Avitus are

1. Sacrorum Poemaium libri quinque, dedicated
to his brother, Apollinaris, bishop of Valentia, a
renowned worker of miracles. This collection con-
sists of five distinct pieces, all in hexameter verse,
extending to upwards of 2500 lines, De Initio Muti-
diy De Peccato Originali, De Senteniia Dei^ De Di-
luvio Mundi, De Transitu Maris Rubri.

2. De consolatoria Castitatis Laude^ in 666 hexa-
meters, addressed to his sister Fuscina, a nun.

These productions display much imagination and
great fluency ; the plan of the different portions is
well conceived and skilfully executed, and both in
versification and expression they deserve the mode-
rate praise of being much better than could have
been expected, belonging as they do to what Func-
cius has quaintly termed the '• Iners ac decrepita
senectus" of the Latin language. Barthius is of
opinion that we are prevented from estimating them
fairly, in consequence of the numerous depravations
and interpolations which he believes them to have
suffered from the monks in ages still more barba-
rous. Besides his effusions in verse, Avitus is
known to have published nine books of epistles,
and a great number of homilies ; but of these the
following only are extant :

3. Eighty-seven letters to and from various per-
sons of distinction in church and state.

4. A homily "i)e Festo Rogationum ei prima
ejus Institutione.''^

5. Eight fragments of homilies.

6. Fragments of opuscula.

These remains shew that he was Avell versed in
scripture and in theology, and that he possessed
some knowledge of Greek and Hebrew, and they
contain curious and valuable information on various
points of ecclesiastical history, discipline, and doc-
trine.

The poems were first printed at Strasburg in
1507 from a MS. in the possession of Beroaldus,
and are given in the Corpus Poetarum Latinorum
of Maittaire and similar compilations.

The whole works of Avitus were published col-
lectively with notes by Pere Sirmond, at Paris,
] 643, 8vo., in the second volume of his Opuscula
of the fathers and other ecclesiastical writers, and
also in the works of Sirmond published by Pere la
Baume, Paris, 1690, fol,, and reprinted at Venice,
1729, fol. Since that period, a new homily has
been discovered, and is included in the fifth vol. of
the Themur. Anecdoi. bv Dom. Martenne. [W. R.]

AVI'TUS, A'LPHIUS. The Latin poet quoted
under this name is believed to have flourished dur-
ing the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. Many
suppose him to be the same person with Alfius
Flavus — the precocious pupil of Cestius and con-
temporary with Seneca, who while yet a boy was
so famed for his eloquence, that crowds flocked to
listen to his orations (Senec. Conirov. i.l ) — and with
Flavius Alfius, referred to by Pliny {H. N. ix. 8),
as an authority for a story about dolphins. Hence

AVITUS.

Vossius conjectures, that his designation at full
length and properly arranged may have been Fla-
vuH Alfius Avitus. All this is very ingenious and
very uncertain. We know from Terentianus Mau-
rus (1. 2448), that Alphius Avitus composed a
work upon Illustrious Men, in iambic dimeters,
extending to several books ; and eight lines are
cited by Priscian from the second book, forming a
part of the legend of the Faliscan schoolmaster who
betrayed his pupils to Camillus; besides which,
three lines more from the first book are contained
in some MSS. of the same grammarian. (Priscian,
vol i. pp. 410, 553, vol. ii. p. 131, ed. Krehl, or pp.
823, 947, 1 1 36, ed. Putsch.) These fragments are
given in the Anthologia Latina of Burmann, ii. p.
267, and Add. ii. p. 730, or Ep. n. 125, ed. Meyer.

There is also an "Alpheus philologus," from
whom Priscian adduces five words (vol. i. p. 370,
ed. Kr., or p. 792, ed. Putsch), and an Alfius whose
work on the Trojan war is mentioned by Festus,
s. V. Mameriini. (Wernsdorf, Foett. Latt. Minn.
vol. iii. p. xxxi., vol. iv. pars ii. p. 826.) [W. R.]

AVITUS, GALLO'NIUS, was legate over the
provinces of Thrace under Aurelian, and a letter
addressed to him by that emperor is quoted by
Vopiscus in the life of Bonosus. Some critics have
supposed, that he was the author of an " allocutio
sponsalis," in five hexameters, preserved among the
" fragmenta epithalamiorum veterum," and that the
little poem itself was one of the hundred nuptial
lays which were composed and recited when Gal-
lienus celebrated the marriages of his nephews.
(Pollio, Gall. 11.) Wernsdorf, however, considers
that the lines belong to Alcimus AvUus Alethius.
[Alethius.J (Wernsdorf, Poett. Latt. Minn. vol.
iv. pars ii. p. 501 ; Burmann, Antholog. iii. 259, or
Ep. n. 259, ed. Meyer.) [W. R.]

AVITUS, JU'LIUS, the husband of Julia
Maesa, brother-in-law of Julia Domna and Septi-
raius Severus, uncle by marriage of Caracalla, father
of Julia Soemias and Julia Mamaea, and maternal
grjindfather of Elagabalus and Alexander Severus.
He was of consular rank, and, as we gather from
the fragments of Dion Cassius, governed in succes-
sion Asia, Mesopotamia, and Cyprus. From him
Elagabalus inherited the name of Avitus — an ap-
pellation by which ancient historians frequently
distinguish that emperor. (Dion Cass. Ixxxviii. 30,
Ixxix. 16; Herodian, v. 3. § 2 ; see also the genea-
logical table under Caracalla.) [W. R.]

AVITUS, M. MAECI'LIUS, emperor of the
West, was descended from a noble family in Au-
vergne, and spent the first thirty years of his life
in the pursuits of literature, field-sports, jurispru-
dence, and aims. The first public office to which
he was promoted was the praetorian praefecture of
Gaul, and whilst in retirement in his villa near
Clermont, he was appointed master of the armies
of Gaul. During this period, he twice went as
ambassador to the Visigothic court, first in a. d. 450
toTheodoric I., to secure his alliance on the invasion
of Attila; secondly in a. d. 456, to Theodoric II.,
on which last occasion, having received the news
of the death of Maximus, and of the sack of Rome
by the Vandals, he was, by the assistance of the
Visigoths, raised to the vacant throne ; but, after a
year's weak and insolent reign, was deposed by
Ricimer, and returned to private life as bishop of
Placentia. But the senate having pronounced the
sentence of death upon him, he fled to the sanc-
tuary of his patron saint, Julian, at Brivas in Au-

AURELIA.

435

vergne, and there died, or at least was buried.
(a. d. 456.)

His private life is chiefly known from the Pane-
gyric of his son-in-law, Sidonius Apollinarus ; his
public life from Gregor. Turon. ii. 11, and Idatius,
Chronicon. [A. P. S.J

The annexed coin of Avitus has on the obverse
the head of Avitus crowned with a diadem of
pearls, and the inscription D. M. Avitus Perp. F.
Aug., and on the reverse the emperor wearing the
paludamentura, and standing with one foot upon a
barbarian ; in the right hand he holds the cross,
and in the left a small figure of Victory.

AULANUS EVANDER. [Evander.]

AULESTES, a Tyrrhenian ally of Aeneas in
Italy, is called a son of Tiberis and the nymph
Manto, and brother of Ocnus. He was slain by
Messapus, and was regarded as the founder of
Perusia. (Virg. Aen. x. 207, xii. 290.) [L. S.]

AU'LIA GENS, probably plebeian. Persons
of this name rarely occur, though one meniLer of
the gens, Q. Aulius Cerretanus, obtained the con-
sulship twice in the Samnite war, in b. c. 323 and
319. The name is derived froni the pnienomen
Aulus, as Sextius from Sextus, Marcius from Mar-
cus, and Quintius from Quintus. The only cogno-
men belonging to this gens is Cerretanus.

AULIS (AwAis), a daughter of Ogygus and
Thebe, from whom the Boeotian town of Aulis was
believed to have derived its name. (Paus. ix. 19.
§5.) Other traditions called her a daughter of
Euonymus, the son of Cephissus. (Steph. Byz.
s. V. Ad\ls.) She was one of the goddesses who
watched over oaths under th<; name of irpa^t^lKcu.
[Alalcomenia.] [L. S.]

M\ AU'LIUS, praefect of the allies, was killed
in the battle in which Marcellus was defeated by
Hannibal, B. c. 208. (Liv. xxvii. 26, 27.)

AULO'NIUS (AuAc^l'Jos), a surname of Ascle-
pius, derived from a temple he had in Aulon, a val-
ley in Messenia. (Pausi iv. 36. § 5.) [L. S..]

AURA (Ay^a), a daughter of Lelas and Peri-
boea, was one of the swift-footed companions of
Artemis. She was beloved by Dionysus, but fled
from him, until Aphrodite, at the request of Dio-
nysus, inspired her with love for the god. She
accordingly became by him the mother of twins,
but at the moment of their birth she was seized
with madness, tore one of her children to pieces,
and then threw herself into the sea. (Nonnus,
Dionys. 260.) Aura also occurs as the name of a
race-horse and of one of Actaeon's dogs. ( Paus. v\,
13. § 5 ; Hygin. Fab. 181.) [L. S.J

AURE'LIA, the wife of C. Julius Caesjir, by
whom she became the mother of C. Julius Caesar,
the dictator, and of two daughters. It is doubtful
who her parents were : Drumann (Geseh. Foms,
iii. p. 128) conjectures, that she was the daughter
of M. Aurelius Cotta and Rutilia (comp. Cic. ad
Att. xii. 20), and that C. M. and L. Cottae, who
were consuls in b. c. 75, 74, and 65 respectively,

2 f2

436 AURELIANUS.

were her brothers. She carefully watched over the
education of her children {Dial, de Oral. 28 ; comp.
Dion Cass. xliv. 38), and always took a lively in-
terest in the success of her son. She appears to
have constantly lived with him ; and Caesar on his
part treated her with great affection and respect.
Thus, it is said, that on the day when he was
elected Pontifex Maximus, B. c. 63, he told his
mother, as she kissed him upon his leaving his
house in the morning to proceed to the comitia,
that he would not return home except as Pontifex
Maximus. (Suet Caes. 13.) It was Aurelia who
detected Clodius in the house of her son during the
celebration of the mysteries of the Bona Dea in
B. c. 62. (Plut. Caes. 9, 10; Suet. Ca^. 74.) She
died in b. c. 54, while her son was in Gaul. (Suet.
Caes. 26.)

AURE'LIA FADILL.4. [Antoninus, p. 211.]

AURE'LIA GENS, plebeian, of which the
family names, under the republic, are Cotta,
Orestes, and Scaurus. On coins we find the
cognomens Cotta and Scaurus, and perhaps Rufus
(Hckhel, v. p. 147), the last of which is not men-
tioned b)' historians. The first member of the gens
who obUuned the consulship was C. Aurelius Cotta
in B. c. 252, from which time tlie Aurelii become
distinu'uished in history down to the end of the
republic. Under the early emperors, we find an
Aureliun family of the name of Fulvus, from which
the Roman emperor Antoninus was descended,
whose n.ime originally was T. Aurelius Fulvus.
[See pp. 210, 211. J

AURK'LIA MESSALI'NA. [Albinus, p.
93, b J

AURE'LIA ORESTILLA, a beautiful but pro-
fligiite woman, whom Catiline married. i\s Aurelia
at first objected to marry him, because he had a
grown-up son by a former marriage, Catiline is said
to have killed liis own offspring in order to remove
this impediment to tlieir union. (Sail. Cat. 15, 35 ;
Ap[)ian, B. C. ii. 2 ; comp. Cic. ad Fuvi. ix. 22.)
Her daughter was betrothed to the younger Cornifi-
cius ill B. c. 49. (Caelius, up. Cic. ad Fain. viii. 7.)

AURELIA'NUS, named twice by Dion Cas-
sius (Ixxviii. 12, 19), is supposed to be the con-
spirator against Caracalla, who appears in the text
of Spartianus as licanus or Rdianus. The soldiers
demanded him from Macrinus, who at first resisted
their importunities, but at length yielded him up
to their fury. [W. R.]

AURELIA'NUS. On coins, this emperor is
uniformly styled L. Domitius Aurelianus, but in
some fasti and inscriptions he appears as Valerius
or Valerianus Aurelianus, the name Valerius being
confirmed by a letter addressed to him by his pre-
decessor, Claudius. (Vopisc. c. 17.) He was of
such humble origin, that nothing certain is known
of his family, nor of the time or place of his nati-
vity. According to the account commonh' received,
he was bom about the year a. d. 212, at Sirmiura
in Pannonia, or, as others assert, in Dacia, or in
Moesia. His father is said to have been a farm
servant on the property of Aurelius, a senator, his
mother to have officiated as priestess of Sol in the
village where she dwelt. It is certain that her
son, in after-life, regarded that deity as his tutelary
god, and erected for his worship at Rome a magni-
ficent temple, decorated with a profusion of the
most costly ornaments. In early youth, Aurelian
was remarkable for vivacity of disposition, for bo-
dily strength, and for an enthusiastic love of all

AURELIANUS.
military exercises. After entering upon the career
of arms, he seems to have served in every grade
and in every quarter of the world, and became so re-
nowned for promptness in the use of weapons, and
for individual prowess, that his comrades distin-
guished him as '* Hand-on-sword " {Aurelianus
manu adferrum). In a war against the Sarmar
tians, he was believed to have slain forty-eight of
the enemy in one day, and nearly a thousand in
the course of a single campaign. When tribune of
the sixth legion in Gaul, he repelled a predatory
incursion of the Franks, who liad crossed the Rhine
near Mayence, and now for the first time appear
in history. His fame as a soldier, an officer, and a
general, gradually rose so high, that Valerian com-
pared him to the Corvini and Scipios of the olden
time, and, declaring that no reward was adequate
to his merits, bestowed on him the titles of Liber-
ator of Illyria and Restorer of Gaul. Having been
appointed lieutenant to Ulpius Crinitus, captain-
general of Illyria and Thrace, he expelled the
Goths from these provinces ; and so important was
this service deemed, that Valerian, in a solemn as-
sembly held at Byzantium, publicly returned thanks
to Aurelian for having averted the dangers by
which the state was menaced, and after presenting
him with a multitude of military decorations, pro-
claimed him consul elect. At the same time, he
was adopted by Ulpius Crinitus, declared his heir,
and probably received his daughter in marriage.
He is marked in the Fasti as consul suiFectus on
the 22nd of May, 257.

We hear nothing of Aurelian during the reign
of the indolent and feeble Gallienus; but great suc-
cesses were achieved by him under Claudius, by
whom he was appointed to the command previously
held by his adopted father, and was entrusted with
the defence of the frontier against the Goths, and
nominated commander-in-chief of the cavalry of the
empire.

Upon the death of Claudius, which took place
at Sirmium in 270, Aurelian was at once hailed as
his successor by the legions. Quintillus, the bro-
ther of Claudius, at the same time asserted his
own claims at Aquileia ; but, being abandoned by
his soldiers, put himself to death within less than
three weeks from the time when he assumed the
purple.

The reign of Aurelian, which lasted for about
four years and a half, from the end of August, 270,
until the middle of March, 275, presents a succes-
sion of brilliant exploits, which restored for a while
their ancient lustre to the arms of Rome.

As soon as his authority had been formally re-
cognised in the metropolis, he directed his first ef-
forts against a numerous host of Goths and Van-
dals, who, led by two kings and many powerful
chiefs, had crossed the Danube, and were ravaging
Pannonia. These, after sustaining a decisive de-
feat, were forced to submit, and were permitted to
retire upon leaving the sons of the two kings, and
other noble youths, as hostages, and furnishing a
contingent of two thousand auxiliaries.

A great victory was next gained over the Ale-
manni and other German tribes, which was fol-
lowed by a serious reverse. For, while the em-
peror was employing every exertion to cut off their
retreat, he failed to watch them in front. The
barbarians, taking advantage of this oversight,
pressed boldly forwards, outstripped their heavy-
armed pursuers, and bursting into Italy wasted all

AURELIANXTS.

Cisalpine Gaul. When at length overtaken near
Placentia, they avoided a buttle and sought shelter
in a thick forest. Issuing from thence under cloud
of night, they attacked and dispersed the Romans
with great slaughter, and, advancing into Umbria,
threatened the dissolution of the empire. Aurelian,
however, having rallied his army, defeated the in-
vaders near Fano, and in two subsequent engage-
ments.

During the panic caused by the first alarm of
this inroad, a formidable sedition had arisen in the
city. Aurelian, upon his return from the pursuit,
giving way to his natural violence of temper, exe-
cuted bloody vengeance upon the authors of the
plot, and upon all to whom the slightest suspicion
attached. Numbers suflfered death, and many no-
ble senators were sacrificed upon the most frivolous
charges. Ammianus distinctly asserts, that the
wealthiest were selected as victims, in order that
their confiscated fortunes might replenish an ex-
hausted treasury.

Aurelian next turned his arms against the far-
famed Zenobia [Zenobia], queen of Palmyra, the
widow of Odenathns [Odenathus], who had been
permitted by Gallienus to participate in the title of
Augustus, and had extended his sway over a large
portion of Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt. The
Romans on their march vanquished various barba-
rous tribes on the Thracian border, who opposed
their progress. Passing over the Bosporus, tliey
continued their triumphant course through Bithy-
nia, which yielded without resistance, stormed
Tyana, which had closed its gates at their ap-
proach, and at length encountered the forces of
Zenobia on the banks of the Orontes, not far from
Antioch. The Palmyrenians, being driven from their
position, retreated to Emesa, where they were a se-
cond time overpowered in a bloody battle and forced
to retire upon their capital. Aurelian pursued them
across the desert, which he passed in safety, al-
though harassed by the constant attacks of the
Bedouins, and proceeded at once to invest Palmyni,
which surrendered after a long and obstinate de-
fence, the queen herself having been previously
captured in an attempt to eft'ect her escape to Per-
sia. A profound sensation was produced by these
events, and embassies poured in from all the most
powerful nations beyond the Euphrates, bearing
gifts and seeking friendship. The affairs of these
regions having been fully arranged, the emperor set
out on his return to Italy. At Byzantium he was
overtaken by the intelligence that the inhabitants
of Palmyra had revolted, had murdered the gover-
nor and Roman garrison, and proclaimed a relation
of Zenobia Augustus. He immediately turned
back, marched direct to Palmyra, which he entered
unopposed, massacred the whole population, and
razed the city to the ground, leaving orders, how-
ever, to restore the temple of the Sun, which had
been pillaged by the soldiers. While yet in Me-
sopotamia, it became known that Egypt had risen
in rebellion, and .icknowledged a certain Firmus as
their prince. Aurelian instantly hurried to Alex-
andria, put to death the usurper, and then returned
to Rome.

But Aurelian 's labours were not yet over. All the
provinces of the East, Greece, Italy, Illyria, and
Thrace, now owned his sway ; but Gaul, Britain,
and Spain were still in the hands of Tetricus [Tk-
TRicus], who had been declared emperor a short
time before the death of Gallienus, and had been left

AURELIANUS.

437

in undisturbed possession by Claudius, who was fully
occupied in resisting the Germans and Goths on the
Upper and Lower Danube. Tetricus, however,
finding that disaffection prevailed among his legions,
is said to have privately entered into negotiations
with Aurelian. A battle was fought near Chalons,
during the heat of which Tetricus surrendered
himself, and his soldiers, being then left without a
commander, were cut to pieces. Thus the Roman
empire, which had been dismembered for more than
thirteen years, was now once more restored to its
former integrity. In honour of the long series of
victories by which this result had been obtained, a
magnificent triumph was celebrated at Rome, such
as had never been witnessed since the days of
Pompey and Julius Caesar. Among the long pro-
cession of captives which defiled along the Sacred
Way, three might be seen, who engrossed the at-
tention of all — Zenobia, Tetricus, and his son —
a queen, an Augustus, and a Caesar.

For a brief period, the emperor was enabled to
devote his attention to domestic improvements and
reforms. Several laws were passed to restrain pro-
fusion and luxury. The poor were relieved by a
liberal distribution of the necessaries of life ; quays
were erected along the river, and many works of
public utility c»mmenced. The most important of
all was the erection of a new line of strongly forti-
fied walls, embracing a much more ample circuit
than the old ones, which had long since fallen into
ruin ; but this vast plan was not completed until
the reign of Probus.

About this time, a formidable disturbance arose
among the persons entrusted with the management
of the mint, who had been detected in extensive
frauds, and, to escape the punishment of their
crimes, had incited to insurrection a great multitude.
So fierce was the outbreak, that seven thousand sol-
diers are said to have been slain in a tight upon the
Coelian hill ; but the riot, which almost deserves the
name of a civil war, was at length suppressed.

After a short residence in the city, Aurelian re-
paired to Gaul, and then visited in succession the
provinces on the Danube, checking by his presence
the threatened aggressions of the restless tribes who
were ever ready to renew their attacks. He at this
time carried into effect a measure which, although
offensive to the vanity of his countrymen, was dic-
tated by the wisest policy. Dacia, which had been
first conquered by Trajan, but for a long series of
years had been the seat of constant war, was en-
tirely abandoned, and the garrisons transported to
the south bank of the Danube, which was hence-
forward, as in the time of Augustus, considered
the boundary of the empire.

A large force was now collected in Thrace in
preparation for an expedition against the Persians.
But the career of the warlike prince was drawing
to a close. A certain Mnestheus, his freedman
and private secretary, had betrayed his tnist, and,
conscious of giiilt, contrived by means of forged
documents to organise a conspiracy among some of
the chief leaders of the army. While Aurelian
was on the march between Heracleia and Byzan-
tium, he was suddenly assailed, and fell by the
hands of an officer of high rank, named Mucapor.
The treachery of Mnestheus was discovered when
it was too late. He was seized and condemned to
be cast to wild beasts.

It will be seen from the above sketch that Au-
relian was a soldier of fortune ; that he possessed

438

AURELIANUS.

military talents of the higheBt order ; and that to
these alone he was indebted for his elevation. One
of his most conspicuous virtues as a commander
was the rigid discipline which he enforced among
legions long accustomed to unbounded license.
His rigour, however, was free from caprice, and
tempered by stem and inflexible justice; for we
find that his soldiers submitted to his rule without
a murmur while he was still in a private station,
raised him to the throne, served him with fidelity
during the period of his dominion, and after his
death displayed the most enthusiastic devotion to
his memory. His great faults as a statesman were
the harshness of his disposition, and the impetuous
violence of his passions, which frequently betrayed
him into acts of sanguinary cruelty. Diocletian
was wont to say, that Aurelian was better fitted to
command an army than to govern a state.

The wife of Aurelian, we learn from coins and
inscriptions, was Ulpia Severina, and, as was re-
marked above, is supposed to have been the daugh-
ter of his adopted father, Ulpius Crinitus. He
had a daughter whose descendants were living at
Rome when Vopiscus wrote, (c. 42.)

It is worthy of observation, that this humble
Pannonian peasant was the first of the Roman
princes who openly assumed the regal diadem ;
and now for the first time we read upon medals
struck during the lifetime of an emperor the arro-
gant and impious titles of Lord and God {Deo et
Domino nostro Aureliano Aug.).

Our chief authorities for the life of Aurelian are
an elaborate biography by Vopiscus, founded, as he
himself informs us, upon Greek memoirs, and espe-
cially upon certain journals kept by the order of
the emperor, and deposited in the Ulpian library.
We find also some important information in the
other writers of the Augustan history, in the minor
historians, and in the works of Dexippus and Zosi-
mus. But the chronology is involved in inextrica-
ble confusion. Coins, which are usually our surest
guides, here afford no aid. Thus we cannot decide
whether the expedition against Zenobia preceded
or followed the submission of Tetricus ; the invasion
of the Goths and Vandals, described above as the
first event after his accession, is by Tillemont di-
vided into two distinct inroads, one before and the
other after the Aleniannic war ; so also the evacu-
ation of Dacia is placed by Gibbon among the ear-
liest acts of his reign, and represented as having
exercised a material influence upon the treaty con-
cluded with the (jioths, while others refer it to the
very close of his life. Although these and all the
other events may be regarded as certain, the time
when they occurred, and consequently their relation
to eat I other, are altogether doubtful. [W. R.J

com OP AURELIANTJg.

AURELTA'NUS, CAE'LIUS or COE'LIUS,
a very celebrated Latin physician, respecting whose
age and country there is considerable uncertainty.
Some writers place him as early as the first century
of the Christian era, while others endeavour to

AURELIANUS.

prove that he was at least a century later. This
opinion is founded principally upon the circum-
stance of his not mentioning, or being mentioned
by, Galen, indicating that they were contemporar
ries or rivals. Numidia has been generally assigned
as his native country, but perhaps without any di-
rect evidence ; it may, however, be concluded, from
the imperfection of his style and the incorrectness
of some of the terms which he employs, that he
was not a native either of Greece or Italy. But
whatever doubts may attach to his personal history,
and whatever faults of style may exist in his
writings, they afford us much valuable information
respecting the state of medical science. He was a
professed and zealous member of the sect of
the Methodici, and it is principally from his
work that we are able to obtain a correct view of
the principles and practice of this sect. In his de-
scriptions of the phaenomena of disease, he displays
considerable accuracy of observation and diagnostic
sagacity ; and he describes some disorders which are
not to be met with in any other ancient author.
He gives us a very ample and minute detail of the
practice which was adopted both by himself and
his contemporaries ; and it must be acknowledged
that on these points his remarks display a compe-
tent knowledge of his subject, united to a clear
and comprehensive judgment.

He divides diseases into the two great classes of
acute and chronic^ nearly corresponding to diseases
of constriction and of relaxation, and upon these
supposed states he founds his primary indications ;
but with respect to the intimate nature of these
states of the system, as well as of all hidden or
recondite causes generally, he thinks it unnecessary
to inquire, provided we can recognise their exist-
ence, and can discover the means of removing them.
Hence his writings are less theoretical and more
decidedly practical than those of any other author
of antiquity ; and they consequently contributed
more to the advancement of the knowledge and
actual treatment of disease than any that had pre-
ceded them. The}' contributed in an especial man-
ner to perfect the knowledge of therapeutics, by
ascertaining with precision the proper indications
of cure, with the means best adapted for fulfilling
them. The great defect of Caelius Aurelianus (a
defect which was inherent in the sect to which he
belonged), was that of placing too much dependence
upon the twofold division of diseases, and not suf-
ficiently attending to the minute shades by which
the}' gradually run into each other ; which is the
more remarkable in one who shews so much atten-
tion to the phaenomena of disease, and who for the
most part allows himself to be so little warped by
preconceived hypotheses. This view of the subject
leads him not unfrequently to reject active and de-
cisive remedies, when he could not reconcile iheir
operation to his supposed indications ; so that, al-
though his practice is seldom what can be styled
bad, it is occasionally defective.

His work consists of three books On Acute Dis-
eases, "Celerum Passionum," (or"DeMorbis Acu-
tis,") and five books On Chronic Diseases, " Tar-
darum Passionum" (or " De Morbis Chronicis").
The books On Chronic Diseases were first published
in folio, Basil. 1529 ; those 0?i Acute Diseases in
8vo. Paris, 1533. The first edition of the whole m
work was that published at Lyons in 8vo. 1566; J|
perhaps the best is that by Amman, Amstel. 1709j ^
4to., which was several times reprinted. The last

AURELIUS.

edition of the whole work is that by Haller, Lau-
Ban, 1774, 8vo. 2 vols. A new edition was begun
at Paris by Delattre, 1826, 8vo,, but only one vo-
lume was published. Some academical dissertations
on Caelius Aureiianus were published by C. G.
Kiihn, which are reprinted in his Optiscula A cade-
mica Medica et Phildogica, Lips. 1827, 1828, 8vo.
vol. ii. p. 1, &c. For further information respecting
Caelius Aureiianus, see Haller's Biblioth. Medic.
Pract. vol. i. ; Sprengel's Hist de la Mid. vol. ii. ;
Bostock's Hist, of Med.; and Choulant's Handbuch
der D'ucherkunde fur die Adtere Medidn, Leipzig,
8vo. 1 84 1 , from which two latter works the pre-
ceding account has been taken. [W. A. G.]
AIJRELIA'NUS FESTI'VUS. [Fbstivus.]

AURELIUS.

439

Roman emperors, of whom an account is given
under Antoninus, Aurklius, Caracalla, Ca-
R1NU8, Carus, Claudius, Commodus, Maxkn-
TIU8, Maximianus, Numerianus, Probus,
QuiNTiLLus, Romulus, Skverus, Verus.

M. AURE'LIUS ANTONl'NUS, commonly
distinguished by the epithet of " the philosopher,"
was born at Rome, on the Coelian hill, on the 20th
of April, A. D. 121. From his paternal ancestors,
who for three generations had held high offices of
state and claimed descent from Numa, he inherited
the name of M. Annius Verus, while from his
great-grandfather on the mother's side he received
the appellation of Catilius Severus. The principal
members and connexions of the family are repre-
sented in the following table : —

Annius Verus, of praetorian rank, a native
of the municipium of Succubo in Spain.

Annius Verus, consul for a third time A. d. 126,
and praef. urb. Married Rupilia Faustina,
daughter of Rupilius Bonus, a consular.

Annius
Libo,
Consul,

A.D.128.

Annia

Cornificia,

younger

than M.

Aurelius.

Annius Verus. Married
Domitia Calvilla, named
also Lucilla, and died
while praetor.

M. Annius Verus,

postea

M. Aurelius Antoninus

Augustus. Married

his first cousin, Annia

Faustina.

I

Annia Galeria
Faustina Augusta,
wife of Antoninus

Pius Augustus.

Annia Faustina
Augusta, wife of
Marcus Aurelius
Antoninus Au-
gustus.

Maternal Descent,

L. Catilius Severus,
consul A. D. 120, and praef. urb.

Catilia. (Not named),

married, it would seem,

L. Calvisius Tullus,

consul a second time 109.

I
Domitia Calvilla.
Married Annius Verus.

M. Annius Verus,

postea

M. Aurelius Antoninus

Aug.

I.

Annius
Verus

Caesar,
born
163,
died

Antoninus
Geminus,
twin bro-
ther of
Commodus,
died when

I
L. Aurelius Com-
modus Augustus,
born 31 August,
A.D.I 61. Mar-
ried Brutia Cris-
pina, daughter of

170. 4 years old. Brutius Praesens.

I
Annia Lucilla Augusta, wife

of L. Aurolius Verus Au-
gustus, the colleague of M.
Aurelius. Her second hus-
band was Claudius Pom-
peianus, a Roman knight,
of Syrian extraction.

I I .

Vibia Domitia

Aurelia Faustina.
Sabina.

Fadilla.

N.B. M. Aurelius and Faustina seem to have had several children in addition to the above. Three
daughters were still alive after the death of Commodus (Lamprid. Commod. 18 ; Herodian. i. 12),
and one of these was put to death by Caracalla in 212. We find in an inscription the names of his
sons, T. Aurelius Antoninus, and T. Aelius Aurelius, both of whom were, it is probable, older than
Commodus, and died young. (See Tillemont.)

The father of young Marcus having died while
praetor, the boy was adopted by his grandfather,
Annius Verus, and from a very early period enjoyed
the favour of Hadrian, who bestowed on him the
honours of the equestrian order when only six
years old, admitted him as a member of the frater-
nity of the Salian priests at the age of eight, and
as a tribute to the sincerity and truthfulness of his
disposition, was wont in playful affection to ad-
dress him not as Verushui Verissimits. At the age
of fifteen he received the manly gown, and was be-
trothed to the daughter of Aelius Caesar, the heir-
apparent to the throne. But not long after (1 38),
in consequence of the sudden death of his intended
father-in-law, still more brilliant prospects were
suddenly opened up to the youth. For, according
to the arrangement explained under Antoninus

Pius, both he and L. Ceionius Commodus, son of
Aelius Caesar, were adopted by Antoninus Pius,
immediately after the latter had been himself
adopted by Hadrian. He was now styled M.
Aelius Aurelius Verus Caesar, and was immediately
chosen to fill the office of quaestor for the following
year. The proposed union with the daughter of
Aelius Caesar was set aside, on account, it was
alleged^ of disparity in age, and Faustina, the
daughter of Pius, who had been previously des-
tined by Hadrian for young Ceionius Commodus,
was fixed upon as the future wife of Marcus Aure-
lius. Their nuptials, however, were not celebrated
until after a lapse of seven years. (145.) In 140
he was raised to the consulship, and in 147, after
the birth of a daughter by Faustina, was permitted
to share the tribunate, and was invested with va«

440

AURELIUS.

riou3 other honours and privileges befitting his
Btation. From this time forward he was the con-
stant companion and adviser of the monarch, and
the most perfect confidence subsisted between the
son and his adopted father until the death of the
latter, which happened on the 7th of March, 161.

The first act of the new ruler was the admission
of Ceionius Commodus to a full participation in the
sovereign power, and these emperors henceforward
bore respectively the names of M. Aurelius Anto-
ninus and L. Aurelius Verus. When the double
adoption by Antoninus Pius took place, it was
settled that the son of Aelius Caesar should be
considered as the younger brother. Thus, on the
coins struck before the death of Pius, M. Aurelius
alone bears the appellation of Caesar, to him alone
Pius committed the empire with his dying breath,
and to him alone did the senate formally offer the
vacant throne. Hence his conduct towards L. Verus
was purely an act of grace. But the alliance pro-
mised to prove advantageous both to the parties
themselves, and also to the general interests of the
state. Marcus was weak in constitution, and took
more delight in philosophy and literary pursuits
than in politics and war, while Lucius, young,
active, and skilled in all manly exercises, was
likely to be better fitted for the toils of a military
life. His aptitude for such a career was soon put
to the proof. The war, which had been long
threatening the east, at length burst forth. Verus,
after being betrothed to Lucilla, the daughter of
his colleague, was despatched in all haste to the
Parthian frontier towards the end of 161, while
M. Aurelius remained in the city to watch an
irruption of the Catti into the Rhenish provinces
and a threatened insurrection in Britain.

Vologeses III., who had been induced to aban-
don a meditated attack upon Armenia by the re-
monstrances of Antoninus Pius, thinking that a
fitting season had now arrived for the execution of
his long-cherished schemes, had destroyed a whole
Roman legion quartered at Elegeia, and advancing
at the head of a great army, had spread devasta-
tion throughout Syria. Lucius having collected
his troops, proceeded to Antioch, where he deter-
mined to remain, and entrusted the command of
his army to Cassius and others of his generals.
Cassius compelled the Parthians to retreat, invaded
Mesopotamia, plundered and burnt Seleuceia, razed
to the ground the royal palace at Ctesiphon, and
penetnvted as far as Babylon ; while Statius Priscus,
who was sent into Annenia, stonned Artaxata,
and, rescuing the country from the usurper, rein-
stated the lawful but dethroned monarch Soaemus.
Vologeses was thus constrained to conclude an igno-
minious peace, in virtue of which Mesopotamia was
ceded to the Romans. These events took place in
]62 and the three following years. In 166, Lucius
returned home, and the two emperors celebrated
jointly a magnificent triumph, assuming the titles
of Anneniacus^ Parthicus Maximiis^ and Medicos.
But although this campaign had terminated so
gloriously, little praise was due to the commander-
in-chief. Twice he was unwillingly prevailed upon
to advance as far as the Euphrates, and he made a
journey to Ephesus (in 164) to meet his bride on
her arrival from Italy ; but with these exceptions
he passed his winters at Laodiceia, and the rest
of his time at Daphne or at Antioch, abandon-
ing himself to gaming, drunkenness, and dissolute
pleasures of every kind. All the achievements of

AURELIUS.

the war were performed by his legates, and all the
general arrangements conducted by M. Aurelius at
Rome.

A still heavier danger was now impending, which
threatened to crush Italy itself. A combination
had been formed among the numerous tribes,
dwelling along the whole extent of the northern
limits of the empire, from the sources of the Danube
to the lUyrian border, including the Marcomanni,
the Alani, the Jazyges, the Quadi, the Sarmatae,
and many others. In addition to the danger from
without, the city was hard pressed by numerous
calamities from within. Inundations had destroy-
ed many buildings and much property, among
which were vast granaries with their contents, the
poor were starving in consequence of the deficiency
thus caused in the supplies of corn, and numbers
were perishing by a fearful pestilence, said to have
been brought from the east by the troops of Verus.
So great was the panic, that it was resolved that
both emperors should go forth to encounter the foe.
Previous to their departure, in order to restore
confidence to the populace, priests were siunmoned
from all quarters, a multitude of expiatory sacri-
fices were perfonned, many of them according to
strange and foreign rites, and victims were offered
to the gods with the most unsparing profusion.

The contest which had now commenced with
the northern nations was continued with varying
success during the whole life of M. Aurelius, whose
head-quarters were generally fixed in Pannonia ;
but the details preserved by the historians who
treat of this period are so confused and so utterly
destitute of all chronological arrangement, that it
becomes impossible to draw up anything like a
regular and well-connected narrative of the progress
of the struggle. Medals are our only sure guide, '
and the information afforded by these is neces-
sarily meagre and imperfect. It would appear that
the barbarians, overawed by the extensive pre-
parations of the Romans and by the presence of the
two Augusti, submitted for a time and sued for
peace, and that the brothers returned to Rome in
the course of 168. They set out again, however, in
1 QQ., but before they reached the army, L. Vems
was seized with apoplexy, and expired at Aetinum,
in the territory of Veneti. Marcus hastened' back
to Rome, paid the last honours to the memory of
his colleague, and returned to Germany towards
the close of the year. He now prosecuted the war
against the Marcomanni with great vigour, although
from the ravages caused by the plague among the
troops, he was forced to enrol gladiators, slaves,
and exiles, and, from the exhausted state of the
public treasury, was compelled to raise money by
selling the precious jewels and furniture of the
imperial palace. In consequence of the success
which attended these extraordinary efforts, the
legends Germanicus and Germania Subacta now
appear upon the coins, while Parthicus, Anneniacus,
and Medicus are dropped, as having more especi-
ally appertained to L. Verus. Among the nume-
rous engagements which took place at this epoch,
a battle fought on the frozen Danube has been
very graphically described by Dion Cassius (Ixxii.
7) ; but by far the most celebrated and important
was the victory gained over the Quadi in 174,
which having been attended by certain circum-
stances believed to be supernatural, gave rise to the
famous controversy among the historians of Chris-
tianity upon what is commonly termed the Miracle

V

AURELIUS.

AURELIIIS.

441

of the Thundering Legion. Those who may desire
to investigate this question will find the subject
fully discussed in the correspondence between King
and Moyle. (Moyle's Works,, vol. ii. Lond. 1726.)
There is an excellent summary of the whole argu-
ment in Lardner's "Jewish and Heathen Testimo-
nies" (chap. XV.), and many useful remarks are to
be found in Milman's History of Christianity (chap,
vii.), and in the Bishop of Lincohi's "Illustrations,
&c. from TertuUian" (p. 105). An attempt has
been made recently to restore the credit of the sup-
posed miracle, in the essay by Mr. Newman, prefixed
to a portion of Fleury's " Ecclesiastical History,"
published at Oxford in 1842.

Whatever opinion we may form upon the sub-
ject of debate, we may feel certain of the fact, that
the Romans were rescued from a very critical
situation by a sudden storm, and gained an im-
portant victory over their opponents. That they
attributed their preservation to the direct interpo-
sition of heaven is proved by the testimonies of the
ancient historians, and also by the sculptures of
the Antonine column, where a figure supposed to
represent Jupiter Pluvius is seen sending down
streams of water from his arms and head, which
the Roman soldiers below catch in the hollow of
their shields.

This success, and the circumstances by which it
was accompanied, seem to have struck terror into
the surrounding nations, who now tendered sub-
mission or claimed protection. But the fruits were
in a great measure lost, for the emperor was pre-
vented from following up the advantage gained, in
consequence of the alarm caused by unexpected
disturbances which had broken out in the East,
and had quickly assumed a very formidable aspect.
Faustina had long watched with anxiety the de-
clining health of her husband, and anticipating his
speedy death, was filled with alarm lest, from
the youth and incapacity of her son Commodus,
the empire might pass away into other hands. She
had, therefore, opened a correspondence with Avi-
dius Cassius, who had gained great fame in the
Parthian war commemorated above, who had sub-
sequently suppressed a serious insurrection in
Egypt, and had acted as supreme governor of the
Eastern provinces after the departure of Lucius
Verus. Her object was to persuade him to hold
himself in readiness to aid her projects, and she
offered him her hand and the throne as his rewards.
While Cassius was meditating upon these propo-
sals, he suddenly received intelligence that Marcus
was dead, and forthwith, without waiting for a
confirmation of the news, caused himself to be pro-
claimed his successor. The falseness of the rumour
soon became known, but deeming that his offence
was beyond forgiveness, he determined to prose-
cute the enterprise ; within a short period he made
himself master of all Asia within Mount Taurus,
and resolved to maintain his pretensions by force.
A report of these transactions was forthwith trans-
mitted to Rome by M.Verus, the legate commanding
in Cappadocia. Aurelius, who was still in Panno-
nia, summoned his son to his presence in all haste,
«uid bestowed on him the manly gown, intending
to set out instantly for the seat of war. But in the
midst of active preparations for a campaign Cassius
was assassinated by two of his own officers, after
having enjoyed a nominal sovereignty for three
months and six days. His son soon after shared
the same fate. The conduct of Marcus throughout

the whole of this rebellion can scarcely fail to ex-
cite the warmest admiration. In the mournful
address delivered to his soldiers, he bitterly de-
plores that he should be forced to engage in a con-
test so revolting to his feelings as civil strife. His
chief dread was that Cassius, from shame or re-
morse, might put an end to his own life, or fall by
the hand of some loyal subject — his fondest wish,
that he might have an opportunity of granting a
free pardon. Nor did this forgiving temper exhaust
itself in words. When the head of the traitor was
laid at his feet, he rejected with horror the bloody
offering, and refused to admit the murderers to his
presence. On repairing to the East, where his
presence was thought necessary to restore tran-
quillity and order, he displayed the greatest lenity
towards those provinces which had acknowledged
the usurper, and towards those senators and per-
sons of distinction who were proved to have fa-
voured his designs. Not one individual suffered
death ; few were punished in any shape, except
such as had been guilty of other crimes ; and
finally, to establish perfect confidence in all, he
ordered the papers of Cassius to be destroyed with-
out suffering them to be read. During this expe-
dition, Faustina, who had accompanied her husband,
died in a village among the defiles of Taurus.
According to some, her end was caused by an at-
tack of gout ; according to others, it was hastened
by her own act, in order to escape the punishment
which she feared would inevitably follow the dis-
covery of her negotiations with Cassius. Her guilt
in this matter is spoken of by Dion without any
expression of doubt ; is mentioned by Capitolinus as
a report only, and positively denied by Vulcatius ;
but the arguments employed by the latter are of
no weight.

After visiting Egypt, the emperor set out for
Italy, touched at Athens on his homeward journey,
reached Brundusium towards the end of the year
176, and celebrated a triumph along with Commo-
dus, now consul elect, on the 23rd of December.
Scarcely was this ceremony concluded, when fresh
tumults arose upon the Danube, where the presence
of the emperor was once more required. According-
ly, after concluding somewhat earlier than he had
intended the nuptials of Commodus and Crispina, he
quitted Rome along with his son, in the month of
August (177), and hastened to Germany. During
the two following years his operations were attended
with the most prosperous results. The Mjircomanni,
the Hermanduri, the Sarmatae, ^nd the Quadi, were
repeatedly routed, their confederacy was broken up,
and everything seemed to promise that they would
at length be effectually crushed. But the shat-
tered constitution of Marcus now sunk beneath the
pressure of mental and bodily fatigue. He died in
Pannonia, either at Vindobona (Vienna) or at Sir-
mium, on the 17th of March, 180, in the 59th
year of his age and the 20th of his reign. A
strong suspicion prevailed that his death had been
accelerated by the machinations of his son, who
was accused of having tampered with the physi-
cians, and persuaded them to administer poison.

The leading feature in the character of M. Aure-
lius was his devotion to philosophy and literature.
When only twelve years old he adopted the dress
and practised the austerities of the Stoics, whose
doctrines were imparted to him by the most cele-
brated teachers of the day — Diognotus, Apollonius,
and Junius Rusticus. He studied the principles

44-2

AURELIUS.

of composition and oratory under Herodes Atticus
and Cornelius Fronto, and by his close and unre-
mitting application laid the foundation of the bad
health by which he was so much oppressed in after
life. While yet Caesar he was addressed by Justin
Martyr {Apolog. i. init.) as Verissimus " the phi-
losopher," an epithet by which he has been com-
nonly distinguished from that period down to the
present day, although no such title was ever pub-
licly or formally conferred. Even after his elevation
to the purple, he felt neither reluctance nor shame
in resorting to the school of Sextus of Chaeroneia,
the descendant of Plutarch, and in listening to the
extemporaneous declamations of Hermogenes. From
his earliest youth he lived upon terms of the most
affectionate familiarity with his instructors, as we
may gather from his correspondence with Fronto
[Fronto] ; the most worthy were, through his
influence, promoted to the highest dignities ; after
their death he placed their images in the chapel of
his lares, and was wont to strew flowers and offer
sacrifices on their graves. Nor was his liberality
confined to his own preceptors, for learned men in
every quarter of the world enjoyed substantial
proofs of his bounty. Philosophy was the great
object of his zeal, but the other branches of a polite
education were by no means neglected ; music,
■"oetry, and painting, were cultivated in turn, and
*ue severer sciences of mathematics and law en-
gaged no small portion of his attention. In juris-
prudence especially, he laboured throughout life
with great activity, and his Constitutions are be-
lieved to have filled many volumes. These are now
all lost, but they are constantly quoted with great
respect by later writers. (See Westenberg, Dis-
sertationes ad Consiituiiones M. Aurelii Imperatorist
Lug. Bat. 1736.)

With the excepticm of a few letters contained
in the recently discovered remains of Fronto, the
only production of Marcus which has been pre-
served is a volume composed in Greek, and entitled
MdpKov 'AvTwi'iuov rov auTOKparopos tuv fls
iavTov f3i§\ia t§'. It is a sort of common-place
book, in which were registered from time to time
the thoughts and feelings of the author upon moral
and religious topics, together with striking maxims
extracted from the works of those who had been
most eminent for wisdom and virtue. There is no
attempt at order or arrangement, but the contents
are valuable, in so far as they illustrate the system
of self-examination enjoined by the discipline of the
Stoics, and present a genuine picture of the doubts
and difliculties and struggles of a speculative and
reflecting mind.

The education and pursuits of M. Aurelius exer-
cised the happiest influence upon a temper and
disposition naturally calm and benevolent. He
succeeded in acquiring the boasted composure and
self-command of the disciples of the Porch, without
imbibing the harshness which they were wont to
exhibit. He was firm without being obstinate ; he
Bteadfixstly maintained his own principles without
manifesting any overweening contempt for the opi-
nions of those who differed from himself; his jus-
tice was tempered with gentleness and mercy; his
gravity was devoid of gioom. In public life, he
Bought to demonstrate practically the truth of the
Platonic maxim, ever on his lips, that those states
only could be truly happy which were governed by
philosophers, or in which the kings and rulers were
guided by the tenets of pure philosophy. In gene-

AURELIUS.

ral policy, both at home and abroad, he steadily
followed in the path of his predecessor, whose
counsels he had shared for more than twenty years.
The same praise, therefore, which belongs to the
elder may fairly be imparted to the younger Anto-
nine ; and this is perhaps the most emphatic pane-
gyric we could pronounce. No monarch was ever
more widely or more deeply beloved. The people >
believed, that he had been sent down by the gods, i
for a time, to bless mankind, and had now returned |
to the heaven from which he descended. So uni- ^
versal was this conviction among persons of
every age and calling, that his apotheosis was
not, as in other cases, viewed in the light of a mere
empty form. Every one, whose means permitted,
procured a statue of the emperor. More than a
century after liis decease, these images were to be
found in many mansions among the household
gods, and persons were wont to declare, that he
had appeared to them in dreams and visions, and
revealed events which afterwai'ds came to pass.

The great, perhaps the only, indelible stain upon
his memory is the severity with which he treated
the Christians ; and his conduct in this respect was
the more remarkable, because it was not only com-
pletely at variance with his own general principles,
but was also in direct opposition to the wise and
liberal policy pursued by Hadrian and Pius. The
numerous apologies published during his reign
would alone serve to point out that the church was
surrounded by difficulties and dangers ; but the
charge of positive persecution is fully established
by the martyrdom of Justin at Rome, of the vene-
rable Polycarp, with many others, at Smyrna (167)
in the early part of his reign, and by the horri-
ble atrocities perpetrated at Vienne and Lyons se-
veral years afterwards. (177.) It would be but a
poor defence to allege, that these excesses were
committed without the knowledge of a prince who
on all other occasions watched with such care over
the rights of his subjects in the most remote pro-
vinces. But, in so far as the proceedings in Gaul
are concerned, we have -clear evidence that they
received his direct sanction ; for when the Roman
governor applied for instructions, an answer was
returned, that all who confessed themselves to be
Christians should suffer death. It is probable that
his better feelings were in this instance overpow-
ered by the violence of evil counsellors ; for had he
followed the dictates of his own nature, he would
have been contented to moralise upon and lament
over what he viewed as ignorant and obstinate ad-
herence to a vain superstition. (See jMed. xi. 3.)
But this calm contempt by no means satisfied the
active hate of the crowd of real and pretended
Stoics, whom his patronage had attracted. Many
of these Ave re bigots of the worst class, and che-
rished sentiments of the most malignant animosity
towards the professors of the new religion. Accus-
tomed to regard all other sects with self-satisfied
disdain, thej^ could ill brook the freedom with
which their follies and fallacies were now attacked
and exposed ; they regarded with jealous rage a
code of morals and a spotless purity of life far su-
perior to aught they had ever practised, or taught,
or imagined ; and least of all could they forgive
the complete overthrow of their own exclusive pi-e-
tensions to mental fortitude and calm endurance of
bodily suffering.

Although no other serious charge has been pre-
ferred against M. Aurelius, for the mraour that he

AUHELIUS.

poisoned L. Verus never seems to have obtained or
deserved the slightest credit, we may perhaps by a
close scrutiny detect a few weaknesses. The deep
sorrow expressed upon the death of Faustina, and
. the eagerness with which he sought to heap ho-
nours on the memory of a wicked woman and a
faithless wife, who rivalled Messalina in shameless
•nd promiscuous profligacy, if sincere, betoken a
degree of carelessness and blindness almost incre-
dible ; if feigned, a strange combination of apathy
f and dissimulation. Nor can we altogether forgive
his want of discernment or of resolution in not dis-
covering or restraining the evil propensities of his
son, whose education he is said to have conducted
with the most zealous aire. Making every allow-
ance for the innate depravity of the youth, we can
scarcely conceive that if he had been trained with
judicious firmness, and his evil passions combated
and controlled before they became fully developed,
he would ever have proved such a prodigy of heart-
less cruelty and brutal sensuality.

Our chief authorities for this period of history
are the life of M. Aurelius by Capitolinus, a mass
of ill-selected and badly arranged materials, and
the 71st book of Dion Cassius, a collection of awk-
wardly patched fragments. Some facts may be ex-
tracted from the minor Roman historians, and from
Aristeides {Oral, ix.), Herodian, Joannes Antio-
chenus, and Zonaras.

The editio princeps of the Meditations was pub-
lished by Xylander (Tigur. 1558, 8vo.), and re-
published with improvements by the same scholar
ten years afterwards. (Basil. 1568, 8vo,) The
next in order was superintended by Merick Casau-
bon (Lond. 1643, 8vo,), followed by the edition of
Gataker (Cantab. 1652, 4to,), reprinted at London
(1697) with additional notes from the French of
And. Dacier, and his life of M. Aurelius translated
into Latin by Stanhope. This last edition must,
upon the whole, be still considered as the most
useful and ample. A new recension of the text,
accompanied by a commentary, was commenced by
Schulz, at the beginning of the present century
(Sles\lo. 1802, 8vo.), but the work is still imper-
fect, one volume only having appeared.

There are numei'ous translations into most of the
European languages. In English, the best, though
indifferent, is that published at Glasgow in 1749
and 1764; in French, that of Madame Dacier
(Paris, 1691); in German, that of Schulz. (Sles-
wick, 1799.) For further information with regard
to the instructors of this emperor and his various
litcrarv compositions, see Fabric. Bibl. Ch-aec. vol.
v. p. 500. [W. R.]

AUREOLUS.

443

COIN OP AURELIUS.

AURE'LTUS, a physician who must have lived
in or before the second century after Christ, as one
of his prescriptions is quoted by Giilen. (/)e Com'
pos. Medicam. sec. Loc. v. 5. vol. xii. p. 892.) He

is probably tlie same person who is mentioned in
Cramer's Anecd. Gr. Paris, vol. i. p. 394. [W.A.G.J

AURE'LIUS ARCA'DIUS CHA'RISIUS.
[Charisius.]

AURE'LIUS AUGUSTI'NUS. [Augusti-

NUS.]

AURE'LIUS CORNE'LIUS CELSUS.

[Celsus.]
AURE'LIUS OLY'MPIUS NEMESIA'NUS.

[Nemesianus.]
AURE'LIUS OPI'LIUS. [Opilius.]
AURE'LIUS PHILIPPUS. [Phiuppus.]
AURE'LIUS PRUDE'NTIUS. [Pruden-

TIUS.]

AURE'LIUS SY'MMACHUS.[Symmachus.]
AURE'LIUS VICTOR. [Victor.]
AURE'OLUS. After the defeat and captivity
of Valerian, the legions in the different provinces,
while they agreed in scorning the feeble rule of
Gallienus, could by no means unite their suffrages
in favour of any one aspirant to the purple ; but each
army hastened to bestow the title of Augustus up-
on its favourite general. Hence arose within the
short space of eight years (a. d. 260 — 267) no less
than nineteen usurpers in the various dependencies
of Rome, whose contests threatened speedily to
produce the complete dissolution of the empire.
The biographies of these adventurers, most of whom
were of very humble origin, have been compiled by
Trebellius Pollio, who has collected the whole un-
der the fanciful designation of the Thirty Tyrants.
But the analogy thus indicated will not bear exa-
mination. No parallel can be established between
those pretenders who sprung up suddenly in diverse
quarters of the world, without concert or sympathy,
each struggling to obtain supreme dominion for
himself, and that cabal which united under Critias
and Theramenes with the common purpose of
crushing the liberties of Athens. Nor does even
the number correspond, for the Augustan historian
is obliged to press in women and children and
many doubtful names, in order to complete his tale.
Of the whole nineteen, one only, Odenathus the
Palmyrene, in gratitude for his successful valour
against Sapor, was recognised by Gallienus as a
colleague. It has been remarked, that not one
lived in peace or died a natural death.

Among the last of the number was Aureolus, a
Dacian by birth, by occupation originally a shepherd.
His merits as a soldier were discovered by Valerian,
who gave him high military rank ; and he subse-
quently did good service in the wars waged against
Ingenuus, Macrianus, and Postumus. He was at
length induced to revolt, was proclaimed emperor by
the legions of Illyria in the year 267, and made him-
self master of Northern Italy. Gallienus, having
been recalled by this alarm from a campaign against
the Goths, encountered and defeated his rebellious
general, and shut him up in Milan ; but, while
prosecuting the siege with vigour, was assassinated.
This catastrophe, however, did not long delay the
fate of the usurper, who was the nearest enemy
and consequently the first object of attack to his
rival, the new emperor Claudius. Their preten-
sions were decided by a battle fought between
Milan and Bergamo, in which Aureolus was slain ;
and the modern town of Pontirolo is said to repre-
sent under a corrupt form the name of the bridge
(Pons Aureoli) thrown over the Adda at the spot
where the victory was won. The records preserved
of this period are full of confusion and contradic-

444

AUSONIUS.

tion. In what has been said above we have fol-
lowed the accounts of Aurelius Victor and Zonaras
in preference to that of Pollio, who places the
usurpation of Aureolus early in 261 ; but on t^^is
supposition the relations which are known to have
subsisted afterwards between GaUienus and Au-
reolus become quite unintelligible. [W. R.J

AU'RIA. [AuRius, No. 4.]

AU'RIUS, the name of a family at Larinum,
frequently mentioned in Cicero's oration for Clu-
entius.

1. M. AuRius, the son of Dinaea, was taken
prisoner at Asculum in the Italian war. He fell
into the hands of Q. Sergius, who confined him in
his ergastulum, where he was murdered by an
emissary of Oppianicus, his brother-in-law. (cc. 7, 8.)

2. Num. Aurius, also the son of Dinaea,
died before his brother, M. Aurius. (c. 7.)

3. A. Aurius Melinus, a relation of the two
preceding, threatened to prosecute Oppianicus, on
account of the murder of M. Aurius. Oppianicus
thereupon fled from Larinum, but was restored by
Sulla, and obtained the proscription and death of
M. Aurius Melinus and his son, Caius. (c. 8.)
Melinus had married Cluentia, the daughter of
Sassia ; but as his mother-in-law fell in love with
him, he divorced Cluentia and married Sassia.
.'cc. 5, 9, 26.)

4. AuRiA, the wife of the brother of Oppianicus,
was killed by the latter, (c. 11.)

AURORA. [Eos.]

AURUNCULEIA GENS, plebeian, of which
CoTTA is the only family-name mentioned : for
those who have no cognomen, see Aurunculeius.
None of the members of this gens ever obtained
the consulship : the first who obtained the praetor-
ship was C. Aurunculeius, in B. c. 209.

AURUNCULEIUS. 1. C. Aurunculeius,
praetor R c. 209, had the province of Sardinia.
(Liv. xxvii. 6, 7.)

2. C. Aurunculeius, tribune of the soldiers of
the third legion in b. c. 207. (Liv. xxvii. 41.)

',i. L. Aurunculeius, praetor urbanusB. c. 190.
He was one of the ten commissioners sent to ar-
range the affairs of Asia at the conclusion of the
war with Antiochus the Great, b. c. 188. (Liv.
xxxvi. 45, xxxvii. 2, 53.)

4. C. Aurunculeius, one of the three Roman
ambassadors sent into Asia, b. c. 155, to prevent
Prusias from making war upon Attains. (Polyb.
xxxiii. 1.)

AURUNCUS, POST. COMI'NIUS, consul
B. c. 501, in which year a dictator was first ap-
pointed on account of the conspiracy of the Latin
states against Rome. (Liv. ii. 18; Dionys. v. 50 ;
Zonar. vii. 13.) According to some accounts, he is
said to have dedicated the temple of Saturn, in 497,
in accordance with a decree of the senate. (Dionys.
vi. 1.) Auruncus was consul again, in 493, and
entered upon his office during the secession of the
plebs, who had occupied the Aventine. He carried
on war successfully against the Volscians, and took
several of their towns. It was during this cam-
paign that C. Marcius first distinguished himself
at Corioli, whence he obtained the surname of Co-
riolanus. (Liv. ii. 33; Dionys. vi. 49, 91, 94 ; Cic.
de Rep. ii. 33, pro Balb. 23; Plut. Conol. 8.) It was
probably on account of Coriolanus having served
under him that Auruncus is represented as one of
the ambassadors sent to Coriolanus when the lat-
ter was marching against Rome. (Dionys. viii. 22.)

AUSONIUS.

AUSON {ki<rwv), a son of Odysseus either by
Calypso or Circe. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 44, 6^Q ;
Schol. ad Apollon. iv. 553 ; Serv. ad ^en. iii. 171;
Suidas, s. v. Ada-ovlcou.) The country of the Au-
runcans was believed to have derived from him
the name of Ausonia. Dionysius (i. 72), in enu-
merating the sons of Odysseus by Circe, does not
mention Auson. Liparus, from whom the name of
the island of Lipara was derived, is called a son of
Auson. (Steph. Bvz. a v. Anrdpa.) [L. S.]

AUSO'NIUS, 'who in the oldest MSS. is en-
titled Decimus Magnus Ausonius, although the
first two names are found neither in his own poems,
nor in the epistle addressed to him by Symmachus,
nor in the works of any ancient author, was born
at Bourdeaux in the early part of the fourth cen-
tury. His father, Julius Ausonius, who followed
the profession of medicine, appears to have been a
person of high consideration, since he was at one
period invested with the honorary title of praefect
of Illyricum ; but there is no ground for the asser-
tion of Scaliger, frequently repeated even in the
most recent works, that he acted as physician in
ordinary to the emperor Valentinian. If we can
trust the picture of the parent drawn by the hand
of the son, he must have been a very wonder of
genius, wisdom, and virtue. {Idyll, ii. passim ;
Parental, i. 9, &c.) The maternal grandfather of
our poet, Caecilius Argicius Arborius, being skilled
in judicial astrology, erected a scheme of the nati-
vity of young Ausonius, and the horoscope was
found to promise high fame and advancement.
(Parental, iv. 17, &c.) The prediction was, in all
probability, in some degree the cause of its own
accomplishment. The whole of his kindred took
a deep interest in the boy whose career was to
prove so brilliant. His infant years were sedu-
lously watched by his grandmother, Aemilia Co-
rinthia Maura, wife to Caecilius Arborius, and by
his maternal aunts, Aemilia Hilaria and Aemilia
Dryadia, the former of whom was a holy woman,
devoted to God and chastity. {Parental, vi. and
XXV.) He received the first rudiments of the Greek
and Latin languages from the most distinguished
masters of his native town, and his education wag
completed under the superintendence of Aemilius
Magnus Arborius, his mother's brother, who taught
rhetoric publicly at Toulouse, and who is named as
the author of an elegy still extant, Ad Nympham
nimis cultam. {Profess, viii. 12, &c., x. 16, iii. 1,
i. 11; Parental, iii. 12, &c. ; Wemsdorf, Poet.
Lat. Minores^ vol. iii. p. 217.) Upon his return
to Bourdeaux he practised for a while at the bar ;
but at the age of thirty began to give instructions
as a grammarian, and not long after was promoted
to be professor of rhetoric. The duties of this
office were discharged by him for many years, and
with such high reputation that he was summoned
to court in order that he might act as the tutor of
Gratian, son of the emperor Valentinian. {Praef. ad
Syagr. 15, &c.) Judging from the honours which
were now rapidly showered down upon him, he
must have acquitted himself in his important charge
to the entire satisfaction of all concerned. He re-
ceived the title of count {comes) and the post of
quaestor from Valentinian, after whose death he
was appointed by his pupil praefectus of Latiuni,
of Libya, and of Gaul, and at length, in the year
379, was elevated to the consulship, thus verifying
to the letter, as Bayle has observed, the apophthegm
of Juvenal :

AUSONIUS.

** Si fortuna volet fies de rhetore consul."
The letter of Gratian, conferring the dignity,
and the grateful reply of Ausonius, are both extant.
After the death of Gratian he retired from public
life, and ended his days in a country retreat at no
great distance from his native city (Epist. xxiv.),
without losing, however, his court favour, for we
have direct evidence that he was patronised by
Theodosius. {Praefaiiuncjda, i.)

The precise dates of the birth and of the death
of Ausonius are alike unknown. That he was
born about the beginning of the fourth century, as
stated above, is evident from the fact, that he
speaks of himself as far advanced in years when
invested with the consulship {Grat. Act.)^ and he
was certainly alive in 388, since he refers to the
victory of Theodosius over Maximus, and the death
of the " Rutupian robber." {Clar. Urb. vii.)

Judging from the fond terms in which Ausonius
speaks of his relations, the kindly feeling which
appears to have been maintained between himself
and several of his pupils, and the warm gratitude
expressed by him towards his benefactors, we
should be led to conclude that he was gentle,
warm-hearted, and affectionate ; but it is so very
easy to be amiable upon paper, that we have per-
haps no right to form any decided opinion upon
his character. His religious faith has been the
subject of keen controversy, but there seems to be
little difficulty in determining the question. From
his cradle he was surrounded by Christian relatives,
he was selected by a Christian emperor to guide
the studies of his Christian son, and he openly
professes Christianity in several of his poems. It
is objected — 1. That his friend and quondam dis-
ciple, Pontius PauUinus, the famous bishop of
Nola, frequently upbraids him on account of his
aversion to the pure faith. 2. That several of his
pieces are grossly impure. 3. That his works con-
tain frequent allusions to Pagan mythology, with-
out any distinct declaration of disbelief. 4. That
he was the intimate friend of Symmachus, who
was notorious for his hostilitj' to Christianity.
5. That the compositions in which he professes
Christianity are spurious. To which arguments we
may briefly reply, that the first falls to the ground,
because the assertion, on which it rests, is entirely
false ; that if we admit the validity of the second
and third, we might demonstrate half the poets
who have lived since the revival of letters to be
infidels ; that the fourth proves nothing, and that
the fifth, the vest being set aside, amounts to a
petitio principii, since it is supported by no inde-
pendent evidence extemal or internal. His poetical
powers have been variously estimated. While
some refuse to allow him any merit whatever,
others contend that had he lived in the age of
Augustus, he would have successfully disputed the
palm with the brightest luminaries of that epoch.
Without stopping to consider what he might have
become under a totally different combination of
circumstances, a sort of discussion which can never
lead to any satisfactory result, we may pronounce
with some confidence, that of all the higher attri-
butes of a poet Ausonius possesses not one. Con-
siderable neatness of expression may be discerned
in several of hia epigrams, many of which are evi-
dently translations from the Greek ; we have a
very favourable specimen of his descriptive powers
iu the Moselta, perhaps the most pleasing of all
his pieces ; and some of his epistles, especially that

AUSONIUS.

44.5

to PauUinus (xxiv.) are by no means deficient in
grace and dignity. But even in his happiest
efforts we discover a total want of taste both in
matter and manner, a disposition to introduce on
all occasions, without judgment, the thoughts and
language of preceding writers, while no praise
except that of misapplied ingenuity can be con-
ceded to the great bulk of his minor effusions,
which are for the most part sad trash. His stylo
is frequently harsh, and in latinity and versifica-
tion he is far inferior to Claudian.

His extant works ere —

1. Epigrammaium Liber, a collection of 150
epigrams. 2. Epfiemeris, containing an account of
the business and proceedings of a day. 3. Paren-
talia, a series of short poems addressed to friends
and relations on their decease. From these Vinet
has extracted a very complete catalogue of the
kindred of Ausonius, and constructed a genealogi-
cal tree. 4. Professores, notices of the Professors
of Bourdeaux, or of those who being natives of
Bourdeaux gave instructions elsewhere. 6. Epi-
taphia Heroum, epitaphs on the heroes who fell
in the Trojan war and a few others. 6. A metri-
cal catalogue of the first twelve Caesars, the period
during which each reigned, and the manner of his
death. 7. Tetrasticha, on the Caesars from Julius
to Elagabalus. 8. Clarae Urbes, the praises of
fourteen illustrious cities. 9. Ludxis Septem Sa-
pientum, the doctrines of the seven sages expounded
by each in his own person. 10. Idyllia, a collec-
tion of twenty poems on different subjects, to
several of which dedications in prose are prefixed.
The most remarkable are, Epicedion in patrem
Julium Antonium; Ausonii Villvla ; Cupido cruet
affixus ; Mosella ; and the too celebrated Cento
Nuptialis. 11. Eclogarium, short poems connected
with the Calendar and with some matters of do-
mestic computation. 12. Epistolae, twenty-five
letters, some in verse, some in prose, some partly
in verse and partly in prose, addressed to various
friends. 13. Gratiarum Actio pro Consulatu, in
prose, addressed to the emperor Gratian. 14.
Periochae, short arguments to each book of the
Iliad and Odyssey. 15. Tres Praefatiunculae, one
of them addressed to the emperor Theodosius.

The Editio Princeps of Ausonius appeared at
Venice in folio, without a printer's name, in a vo-
lume bearing the date 1472, and containing Pro-
bae Centones, the eclogues of Calpurnius, in addition
to which some copies have the Epistle on the death
of Drusus and some opuscula of Publius Gregorius
Tifernus. It is extremely scarce. The first edi-
tion, in which Ausonius is found separately, is that
edited by J. A. Ferrarius, fol. Mediolan. 1490,
printed by Ulderic Scinzenzeller. The first edi-
tion, in which the whole of the extant works are
collected in a complete form, is that of Tadaeu*
Ugoletus, printed by his brother Angelus, at
Parma, 4to. 1499. The first edition, which ex-
hibits a tolerable text, is that of Phil. Junta, Bvo.
Florent. 1517; and the best edition is the Vari-
orum of Tollius, 8vo. Amstel. 1671. [W. R.]

AUSO'NIUS, JULIUS, an eminent physician,
who, however, is chiefly known by his being the
father of the poet of the same name, from whose
works almost all the events of his life are to be
learned. He was a native of Cossio Vasatum (the
modem Bazas)., but removed to Burdigala {Bour-
deaux). He married Aemilia Aeonia, with whom
he lived thirty-six years, and by whom he had four

U6

AUTOLEON.

children, two sons, Decius Magnus Ausonius and
Avitianus, and two daughters, Aemilia Melania
and Julia Dryadia. He was appointed praefect
of Illyricum by the emperor Valentinian. (a. d.
364 — 375.) He died at the age either of
eighty-eight ( Auson. Pare/j^. i. 4) or ninety (Id.
Ijpiced. V. 61), after having enjoyed perfect health
both of body and mind. If he at all resembled
the description given of him by his son, he
must have been a most remarkable man, as al-
most every intellectual and moral excellence is at-
tributed to him. He wrote «ome medical works,
which are not now extant. (Fabric. Bibiioth. Gr.
vol. xiii. p. 96, ed. vet; Scaliger, Vita Auson.;
Ausonius, Parent i. and Epiced.) [W. A. G.]

AUTA'RITUS (AyTopjTos), the leader of the
Gallic mercenaries in the Carthaginian army in
Africa, took an active part in the rebellion against
Carthage at the end of the first Punic war. He
at length fell into the power of Hamilcar, and was
crucified, b. c. 238. (Polyb. i. 77, 79, 80, 85, 86.)

AUTE'SION (AvT€(riwi'), a son of Tisamenus,
grandson of Thersander, and great-grandson of
Polyneices. He is called the father of Theras and
Argeia, by the latter of whom Aristodemus became
the father of Eurysthenes and Procles. He was a
native of Thebes, where he had succeeded his
father as king, but at the command of an oracle he
went to Peloponnesus and joined the Dorians.
(Apollod. ii. 8. $ 2 ; Paus. iii. 15. $ 4, 3. $ 3, ix.
5. § 8 ; Herod, iv. 147, vi. 52 ; Strab. viii. p.
347.) [L. S.]

AU'TOCLES (A^tokA^s). 1. Son of Tolmaeus,
was one of the Athenian commanders in the suc-
cessful expedition against Cythera, B.c. 424 (Thuc.
iv. 53) ; and, together with his two colleagues,
Nicias and Nicostratus, he ratified, on the part of
Athens, the truce which in B. c. 423 was concluded
for one year with Sparta. (Tliuc. iv. 119.)

2. Son of Strombichides, was one of the Athe-
nian envoys empowered to negotiate peace vnth
Sparta in b. c. 371. (Xen. Hell. vi. 3. § 2 ; comp.
Diod. XV. 38.) Xenophon {Hell. vi. 3. § 7, &c.)
reports a somewhat injudicious speech of his, which
was delivered on this occasion before the congress
at Sparta, and which by no means confirms the
character, ascribed to him in the same passage, of a
skilful orator. It was perhaps this same Autocles
who, in B. c. 362, was appointed to the command
in Thrace, and was brought to trial for having
caused, by his inactivity there, the triumph of
Cotys over the rebel Miltocythes. (Dem. c. ^4 ris-
iocr. p. 655, c. Polycl. p. 1207.) Aristotle {Rhet.
ii. 23. § 12) refers to a passage in a speech of
Autocles against Mixidemides, as illustrating one
of his rhetorical tokoi. [E. E.]

AUTO'CRATES (Ayro/fparTjs), an Athenian,
a poet of the old comedy. One of his plays, the
Tu.uTrai'jo-Tat, is mentioned by Suidas and Aelian.
( V. H. xii. 9.) He also wrote several tragedies.
(Suidas, s. V. AvTOKparrfs.)

The Autocrates whose 'Axa*<o is quoted by
Athenaeus (ix. p. 395 and xi. p. 460) seems to
have been a different person. [C. P. M.]

AUTOLA'US (AvToAaos), a son of Areas, who
found and brought up the infant Asclepius when
exposed in Thelpusa. (Paus. viiL 4. § 2, 25.
§6.) [L.S.]

AUTO'LEON (AuToAewj/), an ancient hero of
Croton in southern Italy, concerning whom the
following story is related : — It was customary with

AUTOLYCUS.

the Opuntian Locrians, whenever they drew up their
army in battle array, to leave one place in the line*
open for their national hero Ajax. [ Ajax.] Onoe
in a battle between the Locrians and Crotoniats in
Italy, Autoleon wanted to penetrate into this
vacant place, hoping thus to conquer the Locrians.
But the shade of Ajax appeared and inflicted on
Autoleon a wound from which he suffered severely.
The oracle advised him to conciliate the shade of
Ajax by offering sacrifices to him in the island of
Leuce. This was was done accordingly, and Au-
toleon was cured. While in the island of Leuce,
Autoleon also saw Helen, who gave him a commis-
sion to Stesichorus. This poet had censured Helen
in one of his poems, and had become blind in con-
sequence. Helen now sent him the message, that
if he would recant, his sight should be restored to
him. Stesichorus composed a poem in praise of
Helen, and recovered his sight. (Conon, Aarra.
18.) Pausanias (iii. 19. § 11) relates precisely
the same story of one Leonymus. [L. S.]

AUTO'LYCUS (AvroKvKos). 1. A son of
Hermes or Daedalion by Chione, Philonis, or
Telauge. (Apollod, i. 9. § 16 ; Hygin. Fab. 201;
Eustath. ad Horn. p. 804.) He was the husband
of Neaera (Paus. viii. 4. § 3), or according to
Homer {Od. xix. 394, &c.), of Amphithea, by
whom he became the father of Anticleia, the
mother of Odysseus and Aesimus. He had his
residence on mount Parnassus, and was renowned
among men for his cunning and oaths. (Comp.
Hygin. I. c. ; Ov. Met. xi. 311.) Once when he
came to Ithaca as a guest, the nurse placed his
newly-born grandson Odysseus on his knees, and
he gave the child the name Odysseus. After-
wards, when Odysseus was staying with him, he
was wounded by a boar during the chase on Pai>
nassus, and it was by the scar of this wound that
Odysseus was subsequently recognized by his aged
nurse, when he returned from Troy. (Paus. x. 8.
§ 4 ; Ov. Met. xi. 295, &c. ; Hygin. Fab. 200.)
PolyTuede, the mother of Jason, was, according to
ApoUodorus, a daughter of this Autolycus, and the
same writer (ii. 4. § 9) not only describes him as
the teacher of Heracles in the art of wrestling, but
mentions him among the Argonauts ; the latter of
which statements arose undoubtedly from a con-
fusion of this Autolycus with the Thes&alian of the
same name. Autolycus is very famous in ancient
story as a successful robber, who had even the
power of metamorphosing both the stolen goods and
himself. (Hom. //. x. 267 ; Hygin. Fab. 201 ;
Apollod. ii. 6. § 2; Strab. ix. p. 439 ; Eustath.
ad Hom. p. 408 ; Serv. ad Aen. ii. 79.)

2. A Thessalian, son of Deimachus, who to-
gether with his brothers Deileon and Phlogius
joined Heracles in his expedition against the
Amazons. But after having gone astray the
two brothers dwelt at Sinope, until they joined
the expedition of the Argonauts. ( Apollon. Rhod.
ii. 955, &c. ; Valer. Flacc. v. 115.) He was sub-
sequently regarded as the founder of Sinope, where
he was worshipped as a god and had an oracle.
After the conquest of Sinope by the Romans, his
statue was carried from thence by Lucullus to
Rome. (Strab. xii. p. 546.) It must be noticed,
that Hyginus {Fab. 14) calls him a son of Phrixus
and Chalciope, and a brother of Phronius, Demo-
leon, and Phlogius. [L. S.]

AUTO'LYCUS (AUtoKvkos), a young Athenian
of singular beauty, the object of the affection of

AUTOLYCUS.

Callias. It is in honour of a victory gained by
him in the pentathlum at the Great Pariathenaea
tliat Callias gives the banquet described by Xeno-
phon. (Comp. Athen. v. p. 187.) [C. P. M.]

AUTO'LYCUS {AiT6\vKos). 1. An Areiopa-
gite, who was accused by the orator Lycurgus on
account of removing his wife and children from
Athens after the battle of Chaeroneia, b. c 338,
jind was condemned by the judges. The speech of
Lycurgus against Autolycus was extant in the
time of Harpocration, but has not come down to
us. (Lycurg. c. Leocr. p. 177, ed. Reiske; Harpo-
crat. s. w. Avr6\vKOs, i^pia ; Plut. Vit. X. Orat.
p. 843, c. d.)

2. The son of Agathocles, and the brother of
Lysimachus, was appointed one of the body-guard
of king Philip Arrhidaeus, B. c. 321. (Arrian, ap.
Phot. Cod. 92, p. 72, a. 14, ed. Bekker.)

AUTO'LYCUS ('Ai/roAw/cos), a mathematician,
who is said to have been a native of Pitane in
Aeolis, and the first instnictor of the philosopher
Arcesilaus. (Diog. Laert. iv. 29.) From this, it
would follow, that he lived about the middle of the
fourth century b. c, and was contemporary with
Aristotle. We know nothing more of his history.
He wrote two astronomical treatises, which are
still extant, and are the most ancient existing spe-
cimens of the Greek mathematics. The first is on
i/ie Motion of the Sphere (irfpl Kivovufvqs ccpaTpas).
It contains twelve propositions concerning a sphere
which with its principal circles is supposed to re-
volve uniformly about a fixed diameter, whilst a
fixed great circle (the horizon) always divides it
into two hemispheres (the visible and invisible).
Most of them are still explicitly or implicitly in-
cluded amongst the elements of astronomy, and
they are such as would naturally result from the
first systematic application of geometrical reasoning
to the apparent motion of the heavens. This trea-
tise may be considered as introductory to the se-
cond, which is on tlie risings and settings of the fixed
stars, iTfpl liTiToXuv koI hvaeuv, m two books.
Autolycus first defines the true risings and settings,
and then the apparent. The former happen when
the sun and a star are actually in the horizon to-
gether ; and they cannot be observed, because the
sun's light makes the star invisible. The latter
happen when the star is in the horizon, and the
sun just so far below it that the star is visible, and
there are in general four such phaenomena in the
year in the case of any particular star ; namely, its
first visible rising in the morning, its last visible
rising in the evening, its first visible setting in the
morning, and last visible setting in the evening.
In a favourable climate, the precise day of each of
these occurrences might be observed, and such ob-
servations must have constituted the chief business
of practical astronomy in its infancy ; they weie,
moreover, of some real use. because these phaenomena
afforded a means of defining the seasons of the
year. A star when rising or setting is visible ac-
cording to its brilliance, if the sun be from 10 to
1 8 degrees below the horizon. Autolycus supposes
1 5 degrees, but reckons them along the ecliptic in-
stead of a vertical circle ; and he proceeds to esta-
blish certain general propositions concerning the
intervals between these apparent risings and set-
tings, taking account of the star's position with
respect to the ecliptic and equator. It was impos-
sible, without trigonometry-, to determine before-
hand the absolute time at which any one of them

AUTONOE.

417

would happen ; but one having been observed, the
rest might be roughly predicted, for the same star,
by the help of these propositions. The demon-
strations, and even the enunciations, are in some
cases not easily understood without a globe ; but
the figures used by Autolycus are simple. There
is nothing in either treatise to shew that he had
the least conception of spherical trigonometry'.

There seems to be no complete edition of the
Greek text of Autolycus. There are three Greek
manuscripts of each treatise in the Bodleian and
Savilian libraries at Oxford. The propositions
without the demonstrations were printed in Greek
and Latin by Dasypodius in his " Sphaericae Doc-
trinae Propositiones," Argent. 1572. Both the
works were translated into Latin from a Greek
MS. by Jos. Auria, Rom. 1587 and 1588 ; and a
translation of the first by Maurolycus, from an
Arabic version, is given, without the name of Au-'
tolycus, at p. 243 of the " Universae Geometriae,
etc. Synopsis" of Mersennus, Paris, 1645.

A full account of the works of Autolycus may
be found in Delambre's Hist, de rAstronomie An-
cienne. Brucker quotes an essay by Carpzovius,
de Autolyco Piianeo Diatribe, Lips, 1744. See
also Schaubach, Geschichte der Griechischen Astro ^
nomie, p. 338 ; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. ii. p.
89. [W. F. D.]

AUTO'MATE (AuTO/icfxTj), one of the Danaids,
who, according to Apollodorus (ii. 1. § 5) and
others, killed Busiris, who was betrothed to her ;
whereas, according to Pausanias (vii. 1. § 3), she
was maiTied to Architeles, the son of Achaeus, who
emigrated from Phthiotis in Thessaly to Argos
with Archander, [L. S.]

AUTOMA'TIA (AiTOfiarla) a surname of
Tychc or Fortuna, which seems to characterize her
as the goddess who manages things according to
her own will, without any regard to the merit of
man. Under this name Timoleon built to the god-
dess a sanctuary in his house. (Plut. De Sui
Laude, p. 542, e.; Nepos, Timol. 4.) [L. S.]

AUTO'MEDON {AvroixeSuv), a son of Diores,
was, according to Homer, the charioteer and com-
panion of Achilles, whereas Hyginus {Fab. 97)
makes him sail by himself with ten ships against
Troy. According to Virgil (Aen. ii. 476), he
fought bravely by the side of Pyrrhus, the son of
Achilles. (Hom. II. ix. 209, xvi. 148, 219, xvii.
429, &c., xix. 392, xxiv. 474.) [L. S.]

AUTO'MEDON (AvtoixcSm), of Cyzicus, a
Greek epigrammatic poet, twelve of whose epigrams
are contained in the Greek Anthology, (v. 129, x.
23, xi. 29, 46, 50, 319, 324—326, 346, 361,
xii. 34.) He must have lived in the first century
of the Christian era, as one of his poems is ad-
dressed to Nicetes, a distinguished orator in the
reign of Nerva. One of the epigrams usually
attributed to Theocritus {Anth. Graec. vii. 534 ;
No. 9, in Kiessling's edition of Theocritus, p. 778)
has in the manuscript the inscription AJrojutSoj/Tor
AItwKov : if this is correct there must have been
an Aetolian poet of the name of Automedon.

AUTOMEDU'SA. [Alcathous.]

AUTO'NOE (AvTovSv), a daughter of Cadmus
and Harmonia, w*as the wife of Aristaeus, by whom
she became the mother of Polydorus. (Hesiod.
Theog. 977; Pans. x. 17. § 3.) According to
Apollodorus (iii.. 4. § 2, &c.), Polydorus was a
brother of Autonoe, and Actaeon was her son.
(Comp. Diod. iv. 81.) Autonoe together with her

44B

AUXESIA.

sister Agave tore Pentheiis to pieces in their
Bacchic fury. (Hygin. Fab. 184.) At last grief
and sadness at the lamentable fate of the house of
her father induced her to quit Thebes, and slie
went to Erineia in the territory of Megara, where
her tomb was shewn as late as the time of Pausa-
Lxas. (i. 44. § 8.) There are five other mythical
personages of this name. (Hesiod. Theog. 258 ;
Apollod. i. 2. § 7, ii. 1. § 5, 7. § 8 ; Paus. viii.
9. § 2 ; Horn. Od. xviii. 182.) [L. S.]

AUTOPHRADATES (Awroc^paSoTTjs), a Per-
sian, who distinguished himself as a general in the
reign of Artaxerxes III. and Dareius Codomannus.
In the reign of the former he made Artabazus, the
revolted satrap of Lydia and Ionia, his prisoner,
but afterwards set him free. (Dem. c. Aristocr.
p. 671.) [Artabazus, No. 4.] After the death
of the Persian admiral, Memnon, in B. c. 333,
Autophradates and Phamabazus undertook the
commtind of the fleet, and reduced Mytilene,
the siege of which had been begun by Memnon.
Phamabazus now sailed with his prisoners to
Lycia, and Autophradates attacked the other
islands of the Aegaean, which espoused the cause
of Alexander the Great. But Phamabazus soon
after joined Autoptradates again, and both sailed
against Tenedos, which was induced by fear to
surrender to the Persians. (Arrian, AmJ). ii. 1)
During these expeditions Autophradates also laid
siege to the town of Atameus in Mysia, but with-
out success. (Aristot. Polit. ii. 4. § 10.) Among
the Persian satraps who appeared before Alexander
at Zadracarta, Arrian {Anab. iii. 23) mentions an
Autophradates, satrap of the Tapuri, whom Alex-
ander left in the possession of the satrapy. But this
satrap is undoubtedly a different person from the
Autophradates who commanded the Persian fleet
in the Aegean. [L. S.]

AUTRO'NIA GENS, of which the only family-
name mentioned is Paktus. Persons of this gens
first came into notice in the last century of the
republic : the first member of it who obtained the
consulship was P. Autronius Paetus, in B. c. 65.

AUXE'SIA (Ai)|7j<rfa), the goddess who grants
growth and prosperity to the fields, a surname of
Persephone. According to a Troezenian legend,
there came once during an iiisuri'ection at Troezen
vwo Cretan maidens, Auxesia and Daniia, who
was probably Demeter, and who, in our editions of
Pausanias, is called Lamia (perhaps only an incor-
rect reading for Damia). During the tumult, the
two maidens were stoned to death, whereupon the
Troezenians paid divine honours to them, and in-
stituted the festival of the Lithobolia. (Paus. ii.
32 § 3.) According to an Epidaurian and Aegi-
netan tradition, the country of Epidaurus was vi-
sited by a season of scarcity, and the Delphic ora-
cle advised the Epidaurians to erect statues of
Auxesia and Damia, which were to be made of
olive-wood. The Epidaurians therefore asked per-
mission of the Athenians to cut down an Attic
olive-tree. The request was granted, on condition
that the Epidaurians should every year offer up
sacrifices to Athena Agraulos and Erechtheus.
When the condition was complied with, the coun-
try of Epidaurus again bore fruit as before. Now
•when about B. c. 540 Aegina separated itself from
Epidaurus, which had till then been regarded as
its metropolis, the Aeginetans, who had had their
sacra in common with the Epidaurians, took away
the two statues of Auxesia and Damia, and

AXIONICUS.

erected them in a part of their own island called
Oea, where they offered sacrifices and celebrated
mysteries. When the Epidaurians, in consequence
of this, ceased to perform the sacrifices at Athens,
and the Athenians heard of the statues being car-
ried to Aegina, they demanded their surrender of
the Aeginetans. The islanders refused, and the
Athenians threw ropes round the sacred statues,
to drag them away by force. But thunder and
earthquakes ensued, and the Athenians engaged in
the work were seized with madness, in which they
killed one another. Only one of them escaped to
carry back to Athens the sad tidings. The Aegi-
netans added to this legend, that the statues, while
the Athenians were dragging them down, fell upon
their knees, and that they remained in this atti-
tude ever after. (Herod, v.' 82-86; Paus. ii. 30. § 5;
Hom. Hymn, in Cer. 122; comp. Miiller, Dor. ii.
10. § 4, note f., iv. 6. § 11, Aeginet. p. 171.) [L.S.]

AUXO (AiJfa;). 1. [HORAE.]

2. An ancient Attic divinity, who was wor-
shipped, according to Pausanias (ix. 35. § 1), to-
gether with Hegemone, under the name of Charites.
[Charites.] [L. S.]

A'XIA GENS, plebeian, of which very little
is known, as there are only two or three persons
of this name mentioned by ancient writers. There
is a coin of this gens bearing on the obverse the
cognomen Naso^ and on the reverse the inscription
L. Axsius L. F. (Eckhel, v. p. 148); Ajcsius being
instead oi Axius^ in the same way as we find Max-
sumus for Maxmnus and Aleasandrea for Aleocan'
drea. We do not know who this L. Axsius Naso
was ; as the Axii mentioned by ancient writers
have no cognomen. [Axius.]

AXI'EROS ('A|i6/)os), a daughter of Cadmilus,
and one of the three Samothracian Cabeiri. Ac-
cording to the Paris-Scholia on Apollonius (i. 915-
921), she was the same as Demeter. The two
other Cabeiri were Axiocersa (Persephone), and
Axiocersus (Hades). [Cabeiri.] [L. S.]

AXILLA, the name of a family of the Servilia
gens, which is merely another form of Ahala.
Axilla is a diminutive of Ala. (Comp. Cic. Orat.
45.) We have only one person of this name men-
tioned, namely,

C. ServiliusQ. f. C. n.(Structus). Axilla,
consular tribune in B.C. 419 and again in 418,
in the latter of which he was magister equitum
to the dictator Q. Servilius Priscus Fidenas. This
is the account of the Fasti Capitolini ; but Livy
calls the consular tribune in B. c. 418 only C.
Servilius, and says that he was the son of the
dictator Q. Servilius Priscus Fidenas. He also
tells us that some annals related, that the magister
equitum was the son of the dictator, while others
called him Servilius Ahala (Axilla). (Liv. iv. 45,
46.)

AXION {^ki,iu}v). 1. A son of Phegeus of
Psophis, and brother of Temenus and Arsinoe or
Alphesiboea. (Paus. viii. 24. § 4.) ApoUodoms (iii.
7. § 5) calls the two sons of Phegeus, Agenor and
Pronous. [Agenor, No. 5, Alcmaeon, Acarnan.]

2. A son of Priam, who was slain by Eurypylus,
the son of Euaemon. (Hygin. Fab. 90 ; Paus. x.
27.) [L. S.]

AXIONI'CUS ('A|t({j/iKoj), an Athenian poet
of the middle comedy. Some unimportant frag-
ments of the following plays have been preserved
by Athenaeus : the Tvppi]v6s or Tvpp'fiviKhs (iv. p.
166, vi. p. 244); ^iXivpitrihr^s (iv. p. 175, viii. p.

AZKSIA.

.142); ^iKivva (x. p. 44-2); Xa\KiiiK6s (vi. p. 239,
iu.p.9.5.) [C.P. M.]

AXIOPISTUS ('A|jo7rj(TTos), a Locrian or
Sicyonian, was the author of a poem entitled
KavuiP KOI FvcSjuoj, which was commonly ascribed
to Epichumius. (Athen. xiv. p. 648, d. e.)

AXIOPOENOS {"A^ioiroivos), the avenger, a
suniarae of Athena. Under this name Heracles
built a temple to the goddess at Sparta, after he
had chastised Hippocoon Jind his sons for the mur-
der of Oeonus. (Pans. iii. 15. § 4.) [L. S.]

AXIOTIIEA. [Prometheus.]

AX I O'TH EA ('A|(o0e'o). 1. Wife of Nicocles,
kill"? of Paphos. When Nicocles, by the command
of Ptolemy Lagi, killed himself, Axiothea slew her
daughters with her own hand, to prevent their fall-
ing into the hands of their enemies, and then, to-
gether with her sisters-in-law, killed herself. (Diod.
XX. 21; Polyaen. Strateg. viii. 48.)

2. A native of Phlius, who came to Athens, and
putting on male attire, was for some time a hearer
of Plato, and afterwards of Speusippus. (Diog.
Laert. iii. 46, iv. 2 ; Clem. Alex. Stromat. iv. p.
523 ; Themistius, Orat. iv.) [C. P. M.]

A'XIUS ("Altos), a Paeonian river-god, who
begot by Periboea a son, Pelegon, the father of As-
teropaeus. (Hom. //. xxi. 141, with the note of
Eustath.; Asteropaeus.) [L. S.]

A'XIUS. 1. L. Axius, a Roman knight, men-
tioned by Varro. (/?. R. iii. 7.)

2. Q. Axius, an intimate friend of Cicero and
Varro, the latter of whom has introduced him as
one of the speakers in the third book of his de Re
Riwtica. (Comp. Cic. ad Ait. iii. 15, iv. 15.) Sue-
tonius quotes (CoMJs. 9) from one of Cicero's letters
to Axius, and Gellius speaks (vii. 3) of a letter
Avhich Tiro, the freedman of Cicero, wrote to Axius,
the friend of his patron. Axius was a man of wealth,
and was accustomed to lend money, if at least the
Axius to whom Cicero talked of applying in B. c.
61 {ad Att. i. 12), is the same a« the above. In
B. c. 49, however, we find that Axius was in
Cicero's debt, {ad Alt. x. 11, 13, 15.)

AXUR. [Anxur.]

AZAN ('Afixi'), a st)n of Areas and the njTnph
Erato, was the brother of Apheidas and Elatus,
and father of Cleitor. The part of Arcadia which
he received from his father was called, after him,
Azania. After his death, funeral games, which
were believed to have been the first in Greece,
were celebrated in his honour. (Paus. viii. 4. §§ 2,
3, v. 1. § 6 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'K^ivia.) [L. S.]

AZANI'TES ('Afaj/iTTjs), a physician whose
medical formulae appear to have enjoyed some ce-
lebrity, as they are quoted with approbation by
Galen {de Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. t. 2. vol. xiii.
p. 784), Oribasius {Synops. iii. p. 43), Aetrus (Te-
trab. iv. Serm. ii. 34. p. 705, and Tetrab. iv. Serm.
iii. 21. p. 772), Paulus Aegineta (iv. 55, p. 530,
vii. 19, p. 686), and others. As Galen is the ear-
liest writer by whom he is mentioned, he must
have lived some time in or before the second cen-
tury after Christ. [ W. A. G.]

AZEMILCUS ('AfeViXKos), king of Tyre, was
serving in the Persian fleet under Autophradates
at the time when Alexander arrived at Tyre, B, c.
332. He was in the city when it was taken, but
his life was snared by Alexander. (Arrian, ii. 15,
24.) ^ \

AZE'SIA ('A^Tjo-Ia), a surname of Demeter and
Persephone, which is derived either from d^alvuv

BABYS.

44f>

reus KapKovs, to dry fioiits, or from ^qTtty, to seek.
(Zenob. iv. 20 ; Snid. s. v.; Hesych. s. v.; Spiin-
hehn, ad Callim. p. 740.) [L. S.]

AZEUS (*Aj"€i/s), a son of Clymenus of Orcho-
menos, was a brother of Erginus, Stratius, Arrhon,
and Pyleus, father of Actor and grandfather of
Astyoche. (Horn. //. ii. 513 ; Paus. ix. 37. § 2.)
He went with his brothers, under the command of
Erginus, the eldest, against Thebes, to take ven-
geance for the murder of his father, who had been
slain by the Thebans at a festival of the Onches-
tian Poseidon. [Erginus, Clymenus.] [L. S.]

AZO'RUS ("Afcofjos), according to Hesychius
{s. v.), the helmsman of the ship Argo, who is said
to have built the Pelagouian town of Azoros.
(Steph. Byz. s. v,) [L. S.]

B.

BA'BILUS, an astrologer at Rome, in the
reign of Nero (Suet. Ner. c. 36), is perhaps the
same as Barbillus. [Barbillus.]

BA'BRlUS(Bogptos), or BA'BRI AS (Bagp/os),
sometimes also called GA'BRIAS {TaSpias\ who
is not a different person from Babrius, as Bentley
supposed, a Greek poet, who after the example of
Socrates turned the Aesopean fables into verse.
The emperor Julian {Ep. 90) is the first writer
who mentions Babrius ; but as some of Babrius's
verses are quoted by ApoUonius in his Homeric
Lexicon {s. v. aetSe), though without mentioning
his name, he lived in all probability before the
time of Augustus. [Apollonius, No. 5.] This
is in accordance with the account of Avianus, who
speaks {Praef.) of Babrius before Phaedrus.

The work of Babrius, which was in Choliambic
verses [see p. 47, b.], was called MiJeot and My-
6iaijL§oi, and was comprised in ten books according
to Suidas (s. v. Bcigpios), or two volumes {volttmina)
according to Avianus. His version, which is one
of no ordinary merit, seems to have been the basis
of all the Aesopean fables which have come down
to us in various forms. Later writers of Aesopean
fables, such as Maximus Planudes, probably turn-
ed the poems of Babrius into prose, but they did
it in so clumsy a manner, that many choliambic
verses may still be traced in their fables, as Bentley
has shewn in his dissertation on Aesop's fables.
[Ae^opus, p. 48, a.] Bentley was the first writer
who called the attention of the learned to this fact,
which was proved still more clearly by Tyrwhitt
in his dissertation " De Babrio, Fabularum Aeso-
pearum Seriptore," Lond. 1776, reprinted at Erlan-
gen, 1785, ed. Harles. To this treatise Tyrwhitt
added the fragments of Babrius, which were but
few in number and chiefly taken from Suidas ; but
several of his complete poems have been discovered
in a Florentine and Vatican MS., and were first
published by de Furia under the title of " Fabulae
Aesopicae, quales ante Planudem ferebantur,"
Flor. 1809. They have also been edited by J.Gl.
Schneider, *' Aesopi Fabulae, cum Fabulis Babrii,'*
Vnitisl. 1812; by Berger, Ba6piov /jLvduv xwAto^-
fiiKwu Pi€\ia rpia., &c., Monach. 1816 ; and bj
Knoch, "Babrii Fabulae et Fabularum Fragmenta,"
HalisSax. 1835.

BABU'LLIUS. [Bacillus.]
BABYS (Bogus). 1. The sjxme according to
Hellanicus {ap. AtJien. xv. p. 680, a.) as the Egyp-
tian Typhon. [Typhon.]

2«

450

BACCHIADAE.

2. The father of Pherec5'des. (Strab. x. p. 487 ;
Diog. Laeit. i. 116. [Phekecydks.]

3. A flute player, who gave occasion to the pro-
verb against bad flute-plaj-ers, " He plays worse
than Babys." (Athen. xiv. p. 624, b.; comp.Zenob.
iv. 81.)

BACCHEIDAS (BaKx^lBas), of Sicyon, a
dancer and teacher of music, in honour of whom
there is an ancient epigram of four lines preserved
by Athenaeus. (xiv. p. 629, a.)

BACCHEIUS or BACCHl'US, of Miletus, the
author of a work on agriculture (Var. li. R. i. 1),
who is referred to by Pliny as one of the sources
of his Natural History. (Elenchus, lib. viii. x. xiv.
XV. xvii. xviii.)

BACCHEIUS (Bo/cx€it>s), surnamed Senior
(o yepw), the author of a short music.il treatise
in the form of a catechism, called flaayooyrj
T^xyvs ixova-iKrjs. We know nothing of his his-
tory. Fabricius {DiU. Graec. ii. p. 260, &c.) gives
a list of persons of the same name, and conjectures
that he may have been the Baccheius mentioned by
M. Aurelius Antoninus {de Rebus suis, i. 6) as his
first instiuctor. The treatise consists of brief and
clear explanations of the principal subjects belong-
ing to Hannonics and Rhythm. Baccheius reckons
seven modes (pp. 12, 18), corresponding to the
seven species of octave anciently called by the
same names. Hence Meibomius {pruef. in Arist.
Quint.) supposes that he lived after Ptolemy, who
adopts the same system, and before Manuel
Bryonnius, in whose time an eighth (the Hyper-
mixolydian) had been added. But the former
supposition does not seem to rest on satisfactory
grounds.

'i'he Greek text of Baccheius was first edited by
Marinus Mersennus, in his Commentary on the
first six chapters of Genesis. (Paris, 1623, foL,
p. 1887.) It was also printed in a separate form,
with a Latin version, by Fnnleric Morelli, Paris,
1623, 8vo., and liistly by Meibomius, in the Anti-
quae Musicae Auctores Septem, Amst. 1652. An
anonymous Greek epigram, in which Baccheius is
mentioned, is printed by Meibomius in his preface,
from the same manuscript which contained the
text ; also bv Fabricius. (/. e.) [\V. F. D.]

BACCHEIUS (Ba/cxeros), one of the earliest
commentators on the writings of Hippocrates, was
a native of Tanagra in Boeotia. (Erot. G'loss. Hip-
pocr. p. 8.) He was a follower of Herophilus (Gal.
Cowmetit, in Hippocr. ^'Aphor."" vii. 70. vol. xviii.
pt. i. p. 187), and a contemporary of Philinus,
and must therefore have lived in the third century
B. c. Of his writings (which were both valuable
and interesting) nothing remains but a few frag-
ments preserved by Erotianus and Galen, by whom
he is frequently mentioned. (Erot. Gloss. Hippocr.
pp. 8, 32, 38, &c. ; Gal. Comment, in Hippocr.
'"''Ejid. VI." i. prooem. vol. xvii. pt. i. p. 794;
Comment, in Hiprpocr^ "c/e Med. Offic.'''' i, prooem.
vol. xviii. p. ii. p. 631 .) [ W. A. G.]

BACCHI'ADAE (BaK:x*a5ai), a Heracleid clan,
derived their name from Bacchis, who was king of
Corinth from 926 to 891 B.C., and retained the
supreme rule in that state, first under a monarchical
form of government, and next as a close oligarchy,
till their deposition by Cypselus, about B. c. 657.
Diodorus {Fragm. 6), in his list of the Heracleid
kings, seems to imply that Bacchis was a lineal
descendent from Aletes, who in B. c. 1074 deposed
the Sisyphidae and made himself master of Corinth

BACCHYLIDES.

{Wei%.adDiod. I. c; Pind. Olymp. xiii. 17; Schol.
ad Pind. Nem. vii. 155 ; Pans. ii. 4 ; Miill. Dor.
i. 5. § 9) ; while from Pausanias (/. e.) it would
rather appear, that Bacchis was the founder of a
new, though still a Heracleid, dynasty. In his line
the throne continued till, in b. c. 748, Telestes was
murdered by Arieus and Perantas, who were them-
selves Bacchiads, and were perhaps merely the in-
struments of a general conspiracy of the clan to
gjiin for their body a larger share of power than
they enjoyed under the regal constitution. (Dioci.
and Pans. //. cc.) From Diodorus, it would seem
that a year, daring which Automenes was king,
elapsed before the actual establishment of oligarchy.
According to the same author, this form of govern-
ment, with annual prytanes elected from and ])y
the Bacchiadae, lasted for ninety years (747-657);
nor does it .appear on what grounds a period of 200
years is assigned to it by Str.abo. (Strab. viii. p.
378 ; Mull. Dor. Append, ix. Jiote x.) It was in-
deed of too n.arrow and exclusive a kind to be of
any very long duration ; the members of the ruling
clan intermarried only with one another (Herod, v.
92); and their downfall was moreover hastened by
their excessive luxury (Ael. V. H. i. 19), as well
as by their insolence and oppression, of which the
atrocious outrage that drove Archias from Corinth,
and led to the founding of Syracuse and Corcyra,
is prob.ably no very unfair specimen. (Diod. Ere,
de Virt. et. Vit. 228; Pint. A mat p. 772, e.; Schol.
ad Apollon. Rliod. iv. 1212.) On their deposition
by Cypselus, with the help of the lower orders
(Herod, v. 92 ; Aristot. Folit. v. 10, 12, ed.
I3ekk.), they were for the most part driven into
b.anishnient, and are said to have taken refuge in
different parts of Greece, and even Italy. (Plut.
Lysimd, c. 1 ; Liv. i. 34 ; comp. Niebuhr, Hist, of
Rome, vol. i. p. 366, &c.) Some of them, how-
ever, appear to have still reniained at Corinth,
if we may consider as a B<acchiad the Heracleid
Phalius, who led the colony to Epidamnus in
B. c. 627. (Thuc. i. 24.) As men of the greatest
distinction among the Bacchi.adae, may be men-
tioned Philol.aus, the legislator of Thebes, about
B. c. 728 (Aristot. Polit. ii. 12, ed. Bekk.), ajid
Eumelus, the cyclic poet (Pans. ii. 1, 3, iv. 33;
Athen. i. p. 22, c; Schol. ad Pind. Olymp. xiii. 30;
Miill. Hvft. of Greek Lit. c. x. § 2.) Stmbo tells
us also (vii. p. 326), thfit the Lyncesti.in kings
claimed descent from the Bacchiad.ae. [E. E.J

BA'CCHIDES (Ba/cx'Sr/s), an eunuch of Mi-
thridates. After the defeat of the latter by
Lucullus, Mithridates in despair sent Bacchides to
put his wives .and sisters to death, b. c. 71. (Plut.
Lucull. 18, &c) Appi.an {Mith. 82) calls the
eunuch Bacchus. The Bacchides, who was the
governor of Sinope, at the time when this town
was besieged by Lucullus, is probably the same as
the above. (Strab. xii. p. 546.)

BACCHUS. [Dionysus.]

BACCHY'LIDES (Ba/cxi^At'STjs). 1, One of
the great lyric poets of Greece, was a native of
lulis in the ishnd of Ceos, and the nephew as well
as fellow-townsman of Simonides. (Strab. x. p.
426 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'lovK'is.) His father is va-
riously called ^ledon (Suidas, s. v. BaKx^^i^r]^),
Meilon (Epigr. in novem Lyr. ap. B'uc/c/i., Sckul.
Pind. p. 8), or Meidylus (Etym. M. p. 582. 20) :
his patermal grandfather was the athlete Bac-
chylides. We know nothing of his life, except
th.at he lived at the court of Hiero in Syracuse,

BACCHYLUS.

togpllicr witli Simonides and Pindar. (Aelian, V.
H. iv. 15.) Eusebius makes him flourish in B.C.
450; but as Hiero died B. c, 407, and Bacchylides
obtained great fame at his court, his poetical
reputation must have been established as early as
B c. 470. The Scholiast on Pindar frequently
states {ixd 01. ii. 154, 155, ad Pylh. ii 131, 161,
Ib'O", l(i7, 171) that Bacchylides and Pindar were
jealous of and opposed to one another; but whether
this was the fact, or the story is to be attributed to
the love of scandal which distinguishes the later
Greek grammarians, it is impossible to determine.
The poems of Bacchylides were numerous and
of various kinds. They consisted of Epinici
(songs, like Pindar's, in honour of the victors in
the public games), Hymns, Paeans, Dithyrambs,
Prosodiiv, Hyporchemata, Erotica, and Paroenia or
Drinking-songs : but all of these have perished
with the exception of a few fragments. It is,
therefore, difficult to form an independent opinion
of their poetical value ; but as far as we can judge
from what has come down to us, Bacchylides was
distinguished, like Simonides, for the elegance and
finish of his compositions. He was inferior to
Pindar in strength and energy, as Longinus re-
marks (c. 33) ; and in his lamentations over the
inexorable character of fate, and the necessity of
submitting to death, he reminds one of the Ionic
elegy. Like his predecessors in Lyric poetry, he
wrote in the Doric dialect, but frequently intro-
duces Attic forms, so that the dialect of his poems
very much resembles that of the choruses in the
Attic tragedies.

Besides his lyrical poems there are two epigrams
in the Greek Anthology attributed to Bacchylides,
one in the Doric and the other in the Ionic dialect,
and there seems no reason to doubt their genuine-
ness. The fragments of Bacchylides have been
published by Neue, " Bacchylidis Cei Fragmenta,''
Berol. 1823, and by Bergk, " Poetae Lyrici
Graeci," p. 820, &c.

2. Of Opus, a poet, whom Plato, the comic
poet (about B. c. 400), attacked in his play entitled
the Sopiiists. (Suidas, s. v. 2o(pi<TT')]s,)

BA'CCHYLUS (written BaKxv^^os, by Eu-
sebius, but given with only one I by Jerome,
RufHnus, Sophronius, and Nicephorus), bishop of
Corinth, flouiished in the latter half of the second
century, under Commodus and Severus. He is
recorded by Eusebius and Jerome as having writ-
ten on the question, so early and so long disputed,
as to the proper time of keeping Easter. From
the language of Eusebius, Valesius is disposed to
infer that this was not a Synodical letter, but one
which the author wrote in his own individual
capacity. But Jerome says expressly, that Bac-
chylus wrote " de Pascha ex omnium qui in Achaia
erant episcoporum persona." And in the ancient
Greek Synodicon, published by Pnphus at Stras-
burg in 1601, and inserted in both editions of
Fabricius's JJMioilieca Graeca^ not only is this
council registered as having been held at Corinth
by Bacchylides, archbishop of that place, and
eighteen bishops with him, but the celebration of
Easter is mentioned as the subject of their de-
liberations. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. xii. p. 364.)
Notwithstanding the slight change of the name,
and the designation of Bacchylides as archbishop of
Corinth, there can be no reasonable doubt tliat he
is the same with the bishop mentioned by Euse-
bius and Jerome. (Euseb. Hist. EccL v. 22, 23 ;

BACIIIARIUS.

4.'31

Jerome, de Viiis lUustr. c. 44, and the note of 1«
S. Cyprian.) [J. M. M.]

BACHLVRIUS, a Latin ecclesiastical writer,
respecting whom we possess little authentic infor-
mation. The following account of him is given by
Gennadius, de Viris li/usiriOus, c. 24 : "Bachiarius,
vir Christianae philosophiae, nudus et expeditus
vacare Deo disponens, etiam peregrinationem prop-
ter conservandam vitae integritatem elegit. Edi-
disse dicitur grata opuscula: sed ego ex illis unum
tfintum de fide Ubellum legi, in quo satisfacit Ponti-
fici urbis, adversus querulos et infamatores peregri-
nationis suae, et indicat, se non timore hominum,
sed Dei, peregrinationem suscepisse, et exiens de
terra sua cohaeres ficret Abrahamae patriarchae."
To this brief account some additions of doubtful
authority have been made by later writers. Bishop
Bale calls him Bachiarius Alaccueus, says that he
was a native of Great Britain, and a disciple of St.
Patrick, and assigns the cruel oppressions under
which his country was then groaning as the cause
of his voluntary expatriation. Joannes Pitseus
(John Pits), the Roman Catholic chronicler, fol-
lows the account of Bale. Aubertus Miraeua
(Aubert Lemire) says that Bachiarius was an Irish-
man, a disciple of St. Patrick, and contemporary
with St. Augustin. These statements rest on no
sufficient evidence ; for Bale, the source of them
all, is an inaccurate and injudicious writer. *
Schonemann denies that there is any proof, that
Bachiarius was a native either of Great Britain or
Ireland ; and, from the contents of the treatise de
Fide, infers, that the author's country was at tlie
time extensively infested with heresy, from the
imputation of which he deemed it necessary to
clear himself. Schonemann concurs with Muratori
in thinking that this could not be the Pelagian
doctrine, to which there is no reference throughout
the treatise ; and adopts the conclusion of Francis
Florins, that tne author's country was Spain, and
the heresy which he was solicitous to disavow that
of the Priscilluinists. This notion agrees very well
with the contents of the work de Fide; but as it
is not supported, so far as we are aware, by any
positive evidence, we are rather surprised to see it
coolly assumed by Neander (Geach. der Chiist.
Jieli(/ion, &c. ii. 3, p. 1485) as indubitably true.

The only surviving works of Bacliiarius are tho
treatise "de Fide," mentioned above, and a letter
to a certain Januarius, respecting the re-admissioi.
of a monk into the church, who had been excom-
municated for seducing a nun. The " Olijurgatio
in Evagrium," inaccurately ascribed to Jerome, and
the " Libri Duo de Deitate et Incarnatione Verbi
ad Januarium," improperly classed fuiiong the
works of Augustin, are regarded by Fiorius as
the productions of Bachiarius. This, though not
intrinsically improbable, wants the confirmation ot
direct external proof. Possenin, Bale, ; nd Pits
attribute other works to Bachiarius, but upon no
sufficient grounds.

The " Epistola ad Januarium de recipiendis
Lapsis," or *' De Reparatione Lapsi," was first
published in the Atunumcnta S. J'alrum Orlho-
doxographa of John James Grynaeus, Basle, 156i>.
It was included in the Paris editions of de la

* "The infinite fables and absurdities which this
author (Bale) hath without judgment stuft himself
withal." Selden, Notes on Drayton's Foly-OlLion^
Song Nine.

2 g2

452

BACIS.

Bigne's BiLliotlieca Patrum, 1575, vol. i. 1589,
vol. iii. 1654, vol. iii. ; in the Colc^ne edition,
1618, vol. v.; and in the Lyon''8 edition, 1677,
vol. vi. The treatise " de Fide " was first pub-
lished in the second volume of Muratori's Anec-
dola, Milan, 1697, where the text is given from a
manuscript of great antiquity, and is accompanied
by valuable prolegomena and notes. In 1748,
both works were ably edited at Rome by Franciscus
Florins, who, besides other illustrative matter,
adds two learned dissertations, the first " de
Haeresi Priscilliana," the second " de Scriptis et
Doctrina Bachiarii." This edition is reprinted in
the ninth volume ofGallandi's B'ddiotheca Patrunu
The works of Bachiarius are also included in the
fifteenth volume of Le Espatia Satfrada of Henrj'
Florez, a voluminous collection in tharty-four vo-
lumes quarto, Madrid, 1747-84.

From the scanty remains of this author it is
hardly possible to fonn a very exact judgment of
his character, learning, and abilities. So far as
may be collected from the above-named treatises,
he appears to have possessed an understanding
somewhat above mediocrity, and well exercised in
the current theological erudition of the Latin church
during the fifth century. His spirit and temper
seem to have been singularly amiable. [J.M. M,]

L. BACILLUS, praetor B. c. 45, to whom
Caesar would not assign a province, but gave a sum
of money instead. Bacillus felt the indignity so
much, that he put an end to his life by voluntarj'
starvation. (Dion Cass, xliii. 47.) It is conjec-
tured that Babullius, whose death Cicero mentions
in this year {ud Att. xiii. 48), may be the same as
the above.

BACIS (BoKJs), seems to have been originally
only a common noun derived from jSofetv, to speak,
and to have signified any prophet or speaker. In
later times, however, Bacis was regarded as a
proper noun, and the ancients distinguish several
seers of this name.

1. The Boeotian, the most celebrated of them,
was believed to have lived and given his oracles at
Heleon in Boeotia, being inspired by the nymphs
of the Corycian cave. His oracles were held in
liigh esteem, and, from the specimens we still pos-
sess in Herodotus and Pausanias, we see that, like
the Delphic oracles, they were composed in hexa-
meter verse. (Paus. iv. '27. § 2, ix. 17. § 4, x. 12.
§ 6, 14. § 3, 32. § 6 ; Herod, viii. 20, 77, ix. 43 ;
Aristoph. Poor, 1 009 with the Schol., Equit. 1 23, Av.
907.) From these passages -it seems evident, that
in Boeotia Bacis was regarded as an ancient pro-
phet, of whose oracles there existed a collection
made either by himself or by others, similar to the
Sibylline books at Rome ; and, in fact, Cicero {de
Divin. i. 18), Aelian {V. H. xii. 25), Tzetzes {ad
Lycoph. 1278), and other writers, mention this
Bacis always as a being of the same class with the
Sibyls.

2. The Arcadian, is mentioned by Clemens of
Alexandria as the only one besides the Boeotian.
{Strom, i. p. 333.) According to Suidas, he be-
longed to the town of Caphya, and was also called
C^-das and Aletes. (Comp. Tzetzes, ad Lycoph. I.e.)

3. The Athenian, is mentioned along with the
two others by Aelian, Suidas, Tzetzes, and the
Scholiast on Aristophanes. (Pew, 1009; comp.
Perizon. ad Aelian., V. H. xii. 25.) [L. S.]

BACIS or PACIS, is only another name for
the Egyptian Onuphis, the sacred biUl, who was

BAEBIUS.

worshipped at Ilermonthis in Upper Figypt, just
as Apis was at Memphis. In size Bacis was re-
quired to excel all other bulls, his hair to be bristly,
and his colour to change every daj'. (Macrob. Sat.
i. 21 ; Aelian, Hist. An. xii. 11.) [L. S.]

BA'DIUS, a Campanian, challenged his hospes,
T. Quinctius Crispinus, to single combat when the
Romans were besieging Capua, B. c. 212. Crispi-
nus at first refused, on account of the friendship
subsisting between him and Radius, but was at
length induced by his fellow-soldiers to accept the
challenge. In the combat which ensued, he
wounded Radius, who fled to his own party. (Liv.
XXV. 18; Val. Max. V. 1. § 3.)

BADRES (BaSpTjs), or BARES (Boprys), a
Persian, of the tribe of the Pasargadae, was ap-
pointed to the command of the naval portion of
the force which Aryandes, governor of Egypt, sent
against the Barcaeans on the pretext of avenging
the murder of Arcesilaus HI. [Battiadae.]
After the capture of Barca (about 512 b. c), the
Persians were allowed to pass through Cyrene,and
Radres was anxious to take the city ; but through
the refusal of Amasis, who commanded the land
force, the opportunity was lost. (Herod, iv. 167,
203.) This is perhaps the same Badres whom
Herodotus mentions as commanding a portion of
the Persian army in the expedition of Xerxes
against Greece. (Herod, vii. 77.) [E. E.]

BAE'BIA GENS, plebeian, of which the cog-
nomens are Dives, Herennius (? see Liv. xxii.
34), Si>LCA, Tamphilus : the last is the only sur-
name which appears on coins, where it is written
Tuwpilus. (Eckhel, v. p. 149.) The first member
of the gens who obtained the consulship was Cn.
Baebius Tamphilus, in b. c. 182. For those whose
cognomen is not mentioned, see Baebius.

BAE'BIUS. 1. L. Baebius, one of the am-
bassadors sent by Scipio to Carthage, B, c. 202.
He was afterwards left by Scipio in command of
the camp. (Liv. xxx. 25 ; Polyb. xv. 1, 4.)

2. Q. Baebius, tribune of the plebs, b. c. 200,
endeavoured to persuade the people not to engage in
the war against Philip of Macedon. (Liv. xxxi. 6.)

3. M. Baebius, one of the three commissioners
sent into Macedonia, B. c. 186, to investigate the
charges brought by the Maronitae and others
against Philip of Macedon. (Polyb. xxxiii. 6.)

4. L. Baebius, one of the three commissioners
sent into Macedonia, B. c. 168, to inspect the state
of affairs there, before Aemilius PauUus invaded
the country. (Liv. xliv. 18.)

5. A. Baebius, caused the members of the
Aetolian senate to be killed in b. c. 167, and was
in consequence afterwards condemned at Rome.
Livy calls him praeses, a term which is applied in
later times by the jurists to a governor of a pro-
vince. Whether, however, Baebius had the go-
vernment of Aetolia, or only of the town in which
the murder was perpetrated, is uncertain. (Liv.
xlv. 28, 31.)

6. C. Baebius, tribune of the plebs, b. c. Ill,
was bribed by Jugurtha when the latter came to
Rome. When Mummius commanded Jugurtha to
give answers to certain questions, Baebius bade
him be silent, and thus quashed the investigation.
(Sail. Juff. 33, 34.)

7- C. Baebius was appointed by L. Caesar
(called Sext. Caesar by Appian), b. c. 89, as hia
successor in the command in the social war. (Ap-
pian, n. a i. 48.)

BAGAEUS.

8. M. Baebius was put to death by Marius and
Ciniia when they entered Rome in «. c. 87. In-
stead of being killed by any weapon, liaebius was
literally torn to pieces by the hands of his enemies.
(Appian, B. C. i. 72; Florus, iii. 21 ; Lucan, ii.
119.)

9. M. Baebius, a brave man, slain by order of
L. Piso in Macedonia, u. c. .57. (Cic. in Pis. 36.)

10. A. Baebius, a Roman eques of Asta in
Spain, deserted the Pompeian party in the Spanish
war, and Avent over to Caesar, b. c. 45. {BM.
Ilisp. 26.)

11. Baebius, a Roman senator, served under
Vatinius in lUyria. On the murder of Caesar,
B. c. 44, the Illyrians rose against Vatinius, and
cut off Baebius and five cohorts which he com-
manded. (Appian, ///yr. 13.)

BAE'BIUS MACRI'NUS. [Macrinus.]
BAE'BIUS MARCELLl'NUS. [Marcbl-

LINUS.]

BAETON (BafrcBv), was employed by Alexan-
der the Great in measuring distances in his marches,
whence he is called o 'A\e^dv5pov /BrjuaTiO-rrj's.
lie wrote a work upon the subject entitled (rradixol
rrjs 'A\e^dvSpov -Kopeias. (Athen. x. p. 422, b. ;
Plin. H.iV. vi. 17. s. 21, 19. s. 22, vii. 2; Solin.5.5.)

BAE'TYLUS (BairuAoy), is in reality the name
of a peculiar kind of conical shaped stones, which
were erected as symbols of gods in remarkable
places, and were from time to time anointed with
oil, wine, or blood. The custom of setting up such
stones originated, in all probability, in meteors
being erected in the places where they had fallen
down. (Phot. Cod. 242.) Eusebius {Praep. Erang.
i. 10) says, that Baetyli were believed to be stones
endowed with souls and created by Uranus. Hence
Baetylus, when personified, is called a son of Urar
nus and Ge, and a brother of llus and Cronos.
Traces of the veneration paid to such stones are
found among the Hebrews and Phoenicians, no
less than among the Greeks. Photiiis (/. c.) says,
that Asclepiades ascended mount Libanon, in the
neighbourhood of Heliopolis in Syria, and saw
many Baetyli there, concerning which he related
the most wonderful tales. (Comp. Lucian, J/ej;-. 30;
Theophrast. Charact. 16 ; Clem. Alex. Strom. vH.
p. 713.) In Grecian mythology, the stoiie which
was given to Uranus, to swallow instead of the in-
fant Zeus, was called Baetylus (Hesych. s. r.); and
a little above the temple of Delphi, on the left,
there was a stone which was anointed with oil
every day, and on solemn occasions covered with
raw wool : tradition said, that this stone was the
same which Uranus had swallowed. (Paus. ix. 24.
§ 3 ; comp. vii. 22. § 3 ; Tac. Hhit. ii. 3.) [L. S.]

BAEUS (Batos), the helmsman of Odysseus,
who is said to have died during the stay of the
latter in Sicily. Mount Baea in the island of Ce-
phallenia, and several islands and towns, but espe-
cially Baiae in Campania, in the bay of which he
was believed to have been buried, are supposed to
have derived tlieir names from him. (Lycophr.
694, with Tzetz. note ; Steph. Byz. s. v. Baio ;
Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1967.) [L. S.]

BAGAEUS {Bayaios). 1. A Persian noble-
man, to whom was allotted the dangerous office of
conveying the order of Dareius Hystaspis for the
execution of Oroetes, the powerful and rebellious
satrap of Lydia, about 520 B. c. On his arrival at
Sardis, Bagaeus first ascertained the disposition
of the satrap's guards by the delivery to them of

T3AG0AS.

453

several minor firmans from the king; and, when
he biiw that they received these with much reve-
rence, he gave the order for the death of Oroetes,
which was unhesitatingly obeved. (Herod, iii.
128.)

2. Or Bancaeus {BayKoios)^ a half-brother of
the satrap Phamabazus, is mentioned by Xeno-
phon as one of the commanders of a body of Per-
sian cavalry, which, in a skirmish near Dascylium,
defeated the cavalry of Agesihius, in the first year
of his invasion of Asia, B. c. 396. (Xcn. Ile/l. iii.
4. § 13; Pint. Agesil. 9.) [E. E.]

BAGI'STANES (BayiffTaurfs), a distinguished
Babylonian, deserted Bessus and the conspirators,
when Alexander was in pursuit of them and Da-
reius, B. c. 330, and informed Alexander of the
danger of the Persian king. (Arrian, iii. 21 ;
Curt. V. 1 3.)

BAGO AS(Ba7coas). 1. An eunuch, highly trusted
and favoured by Artaxerxes 111. (Ochus), is said
to have been by birth an Egyptian, and seems to
have fully merited the character assigned him by
Diodorus, of a bold, bad man (toAut; Kal irapauo/xla
Biacpepuv). In the successful expedition of Ochus
against Egypt, b. c. 350,* Bagoas was associated by
the king with Mentor, the Rhodian, in tlie com-
mand of a third part of the Greek mercenaries.
(Diod. xvi. 47.) Being sent to take possession of
Pehisium, which had surrendered to the Theban
Lacrates, he incurred the censure of Ochus by per-
mitting his soldiers to plunder the Greek garrison
of the town, in defiance of the terms of capitulation.
(Diod. xvi. 49.) In the same war, the Egyptian
part of the garrison at Bubastus having made terms
with Bagoas for thafliselves, and admitted him
within the gates, the-Greek garrison, privately in-
stigated by his colleague Mentor, attacked and
slaughtered his men and took him prisoner. Men-
tor accordingly had the credit of releasing him and
r(?ceiving the submission of Bubastus ; and hence-
forth an alliance was formed between them for
their mutual interest, which was ever strictly pre-
served, and conduced to the power of both, —
Mentor enjoying the satrapy of the western pro-
vinces, while Bagoas directed affairs at his pleasure
in the centre of the empire, — and the king \vas re-
duced to a cipher. (Diod. xvi, 50.) The cruelties
of Ochus having excited general detestation, Ba-
goas at length removed him by poison, a. c. 338,
fearing perhaps lest the effects of the odium in
which he was held might extend to himself, and
certainly not from the motive absurdly assigned by
Aelian, viz. the desire of avenging the insult olVered
by Ochus, so many years before, to the religion of
Egypt. To the murder of the king he joined that
of all his sons except Arses, the youngest, whom
he placed upon the throne ; but, seeing reason to
apprehend danger from him, he put him also to
death in the third year of his reign, B. c. 336. Ho
next conferred the crown on Codomannus (a great-
grandson of Dareius II.), who having discovered,
soon after his accession, a plot of Bagoas to poison
him, obliged the traitor to drink the potion himself.
(Diod. xvii. 5 ; Ael. K II. vi. 8 ; Strab. xv. p. 736;
Arr. Anah. ii. p. 41, e. ; Curt. vi. 3. § 12.) [E. E.]
2. A favourite eunuch of Alexander the Great
who first belonged to Dareius and afterwards fell
into the hands of Alexander. He was a youth of

* This date is from Diodorus; but see Thirl-
w^all's Greece, vol. vi. p. 142, note 2.

454 BALBINUS.

remarkable beauty. Alexander was passionately
fond of him, and is said to have kissed him pub-
licly in the theatre on one occasion. (Curt. vi. 5,
X. 1 ; Plut. Alex. 67; Athen. xiii. p. 603, b.)

3. A general of Tigranes or Mithridates, who
together with Mithraus expelled Ariobarzanes from
Cappadocia in B. c. 92. (Appian, A////ir. 10; comp.
Justin, xxxviii. 3.)

The name Bagoas frequently occurs in Persian
histor}'. According to Pliny (//. A^. xiii. 9), it
was the Persian word for an eunuch ; and it is
sometimes used by Latin writers as synonymous
with an eunuch. (Comp. Quintil. v. 12 ; Ov. Am.
ii. 2. 1.)

BAGO'PHANES, the commander of the citadel
at Babylon, who surrendered it and all the royal
treasures to Alexander after the battle of Guaga-
mela, b. c. 331. (Curt. v. 1.)

BA'LACRUS (BoiKaKpos). 1. The son of
Kicanor, one of Alexander's bod\'-guard, was ap-
pointed satrap of Cilicia after the battle of Jssus,
B. c. 333. (Arrian, ii. 12.) He fell in battle
against the Pisidians in the life-time of Alexander.
(Diod, xviii. 22.) It was probably this Balacrus
who manied Phila, the daughter of Antipater, and
subsequeiitlv the wife of Craterus. (Phot. p. 111.
b. 3, ed. Bekker.)

2. Tiie son of Amj-ntas, obtained the command
of the allies in Alexander's army, when Antigonus
was appointed satrap of Phrygia, B. c. 334. After
the occupation of Egypt, B. c. 331, he was one of
the generals left behind in that country with a
part of the army. (Arrian, i. 30, iiL 5 ; Curt,
viii. 11.)

3. The commander of the javelin- throwers (aKov-
naTal) in the army of Alexander the Great.
(Arrian, iii. 12, iv. 4, 24.)

BA'LAGRUS (BdXaypos), a Greek writer of
uncertain date, wrote a work on Macedonia (Mane-
Soviicd) in two books at least. (Steph. Byz. s. vv.
'AM'-Agos, "OAStjAos, Aup^ax'Oi'.)

B.\'LANUS, a Gaulish prince beyond the Alps,
who sent ambassadors offering to assist the Romans
in their Macedonian war, B. c. 169. (Liv. xliv. 14.)

BALAS. [Alexander Bal.as, p. 114.]

BALBi'LIUS, who was in Spain, b. c. 44
(Cic. utl Alt. XV. 13), is conjectured by Mongault
to be only a diminutive of Cornelius Balbus, the
younger, a friend of Cicero's, but this is very im-
probable.

C. BALBILLUS, governor of Egypt in the
reign of Nero, A. d. 55 (Tac. Ann. xiii. 22), and
a man of great learning, wrote a work respecting
Aegypt and his journeys in that country. (Sencc.
Quui'st. Nat. iv. 2 ; Plin. H. N. xix. prdoem.)

BALBl'NUS, was proscribed by the triumvirs
in B. c. 43, but restored with S-'x. Pompeius in
B. c. 39, and subsequently advanced to the con-
sulship. (Appian, iv. 50.) No other author but
Appian, and none of the Fasti, mention a consul of
this name; but as we learn from Appian that Bal-
binus was consul in the year in which the con-
spiracy of the younger Aemiliiis Lepidus was
detected by Maecenas, that is b. c. 30, it is con-
jectured that Balbinus may be the cognomen of
L. Saenius, who was consul suffectus in that year.

BALBl'NUS. When intelligence reached Rome
that the elder Gordian and his son had both pe-
rished in Africa, and that the savage Maximin,
thirsting for vengeance, was advancing towards Italy
at the head of a powerful anny, the senate resolved

BALBINUS.

upon electing two rulers with equal power, one of
whom should remain in the city to direct the civil
administration, while the other should march against
Maximin. The choice fell upon Decimus Caelius
Balbinus and Marcus Clodius Pupienus Maxinuis,
both consulars well stricken in years, the one a
sagacious sUvtesman^ the other a bold soldier and
an able general. Balbinus, who was of noble birth,
and traced his descent from Cornelius Balbus of
Cadiz, the friend of Pompej', Cicero, and Caesar,
had governed in succession the most important
among the peaceful provinces of the empire. He
was celebrated as one of the best orators and poets
of the age, and had gained the esteem and love of
all ranks. Maximus, on the other hand, was of
lowly origin, the son, according to some, of a black-
smith, according to others, of a coaclnnaker. He
had acquired great renown as an imperial legate by
his victories over the Sarmatians in Ulyria and the
Germans on the Rhine, had been eventually ap-
pointed prefect of the city, and had discharged the
duties of that office with a remarkable lirmiiesa
and strictness.

The populace, still clinging with .affection to the
family of Gordian, and dreading the severity of
Maximus, refused for a while to ratify the decision
of the senate, and a serious tumult arose, which
was not quelled until the grandson of Gordian, <i
bo}' of fourteen, was presented to the crowd and
proclaimed Caesar. While Pupienus was hasten-
ing to encounter Maximin, now under the walls of
Aquileia, a formidable strife broke out at Rome
between the citizens and the praetorians. The
camp of the praetorians was closely invested, and
they were reduced to great distress in consequence
of the supply of water being cut off, but in retalia-
tion the}- made desperate sallies, in which whole
regions of the town were burned or reduced to
ruins. These disorders were repressed for a time
by the glad tidings of the destruction of Maximin,
and all parties joined in welcoming with the most
lively demonstrations of joy the united armies and
their triuniphant chief. But the calm was of short
duration. The hatred existing between the prae-
torians and the populace had been only smothered
for a while, not extinguished ; the soldiers of all
ranks openly lamented that they had lost a prince
chosen by themselves, and were obliged to submit
to those nominated by the civil power. A conspi-
racy was soon orgxmized by the guards. On a day
when public attention was engrossed by the exhi-
bition of the Capitoline games, a strong band of
soldiers forced their way into the jalace, seized
the two emperors, stripped them of their royal
robes, dragged them through the streets, and finally
put them to death.

The chronology of this brief reign is involved in
much difficulty, and different historians have con-
tracted or extended it to periods varying from
twenty-two days to two years. The statements of
ancient writers are so irreconcileable, that we have
no sure resource except medals; but, by studying
carefully the evidence which these afford, we may
repose with considerable confidence on the conclu-
sion of Eckhel, that the accession of Balbinus and
Maximus took place about the end of April, a. d.
238, and their death before the beginning of Au-
gust in the same year.

We ought to notice here a remarkable innova-
tion which was introduced in consequence of the
circumstances attending the election of these princes.

BALBUS.

Up to this period, although sereral individuals had
enjoyed at the same time the appellation of Au-
gustus, it had been held as an inviolable maxim of
the constitution, that the office of chief pontiff did
not admit of division, and could be vacated by
death only. But the senate, in this case, anxious
to preserve perfect equality between the two em-
perors, departed from a rule scrupulously observed
from the earliest ages, and invested both with the
office and appellation of Pontifex Maximus. The
precedent thus established was afterwards gene-
rally followed ; colleagues in the empire became
generallj', as a matter of course, colleagues in the
chief priesthood ; and when pretenders to the pur-
ple arose at the same time in different parts of the
world, they all assumed the title among their other
designations. [W. R.]

BALBUS.

455

COIN OF BALBINL'S.

BALBTTS, a family-name in several gentes. It
was originally a surname given to some one who
had an impediment in his speech.

I. Jcilii Dalbi^ plebeians.

1. M'. AciLius L. F. K. N. Balbus, consul
B. c. 150. (Cic. de Sened. 5, ad Att. xii. 5 ; Plin.
//. N. vii. 36.)

2. M\ AciLius M. F. L. N. Balbus, consul
B. c. 114. (Obsequ. 97; Plin. //. A', ii. 29, 5b'.
B. 57.)^ It is doubtful to which of the Acilii Balbi
the annexed coin is to be referred. The obverse
has the inscription BA(i,)iiVs, with the head of
Pallas, before which is X. and beneath Roma,
the whole within a laurel garland. On the reverse
we have MV. AciLi, with Jupiter and Victory in
a quadriga.

II. T. Ampitis Bufbi/s, plebeian,
tribune of the plebs b. c. 6.^, proposed, in conjunc-
tion with his colleague T. Labieiius, that Pompey,
■who was then absent from Rome, should, on ac-
count of his Asiatic victories, be allowed to wear
a laurel crown and all the insignia of a triumph in
the Circensian games, and also a laurel crown and
the praetexta in the scenic games. (Veil. Pat. ii.
40.) He failed in his first attempt to obtain the
aedileship, altiiough he was supported by Pompey
(Schol. Bob. pro JHuhc. p. 257, ed. Orelli) ; but he
appears to have been praetor in b. c. 59, as we find
that he was governor of Cilicia in the following
year. (Comp. Cic. ail Fum. i. 3.) On the breaking
out of the civil war in B. c. 49, he sided with the
Ponipeian party, and took an active part in the
levy of troops at Capua. {Ad Att. viii. 1 1, b.) He
no doubt left Italy with the rest of his party, for
we fiudhim in the next year endeavouring to obuiin

money by plundering the temple of Diana in Ephe-
sus, which he was prevented from doing only by
the arrival of C.'iesar. (Caes. D. C. iii. 105.) Bal-
bus was one of those who was banished by Caesar;
but he afterwards obtained his pardon through the
intercession of his friend Cicero (comp. Cic. ad
Fam. xiii. 70), who wrote him a letter on the oc-
casion, B. c. 46. {Ad Fam. vi. 12.)

Balbus appears to have written some work on
the history of his times; for Suetonius {Cues. 77)
quotes some remarks of Caesiir's from a work of
T. Ampins. Balbus was also mentioned in the
fourth book of Varro "De Vita Populi Romani."
(Varr. Fraym. p. 2-J9, ed. Bip.)

III. Q. Antonius Bidbus^ plebeian,
is supposed to be the same as Q. Antonius who
was praetor in Sicily in B. c. 82 and was killed by
L. Philippus, the legate of Sulla. (Liv. Epit. 86.')
The annexed coin was struck either by, or in
honour of, this Balbus. The obverse represents
the head of Jupiter; the reverse is Q. A(n)to.
Ba(l)b. Pr. with Victory in a quadriga.

IV. M. Aims Balhis., plebeian,
of Aricia, niarried Julia, the sister of Julius Caesar,
who bore him a daughter, Atia, the mother of Au-
gustus Caesar. [Atia.] He was praetor in B. c.
62, and obtained the government of Sardinia, as
we learn from the annexed coin (copied from the
Thetiaiir. Morell.), of which the reverse is Atil'J
Balbus Ph., with the head of Balbus ; and the
obverse, Sard. Pater, with the head of Sardus,
the ^ther or mythical ancestor of the island. In

B. c. 59, Balbus was appointed one of the vigintiviri
under the Julian law for tlie division of the land
in Campania ; and, as Pompey was a member of
the same board, Balbus, who was not a person of
any importance, was called by Cicero in joke
Ponipey's colleague. (Suet. Oct. 4, /-'/u/. iii. 6,
ad Att. ii. 4.)

V. Cornelii lialbi., plebeians.
The Cornelii Balbi were, properly speaking, no part
of the Cornelia gens. The first of this name was
not a Roman ; he was a native of Gades ; and his
original name probably bore some resemblance in
sound to the Latin Balbus. The reason why he
assumed the name of Cornelius is mentioned below.
[No. 1.]

1. L. Cornelius Balbits, sometimes called
Major to distingui.>-h him from his nephew [No. ;^],
was a native of G.ides, and descended from an illus-
trious family in that town. Gades, being one of
the federate cities, supported the Romans in their

4oG

BALBUS.

war against Sertorius in Spain, and Balbus thus
had an opportunity of distinguishing himself. He
served under the Roman generals, Q. !Metellus
Pius, C. Memmius, and Ponipey, and was present
at the battles of Turia and Sucro. He distin-
guished himself so much throughout the war, that
Pompey conferred the Roman citizenship upon
him, his brother, and his brother's sons ; and this
act of Pompey's was ratified by the law of the con-
suls, Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and L. Gellius, b. c.
72. (Cic. pro Balb. 8.) It was probably in honour
of these consuls that Balbus took the gentile name
of the one and the praenomen of the other ; though
some modern writers suppose that he derived his
name from L. Cornelius, consul in B. c. 1 99, who
was the hospes of the inhabitants of Gades. {Pro
Balb. 18.)

At the conclusion of the war with Sertorius,
B. c. 72, Balbus removed to Rome. He obtained
admission into the Crusturainian tribe by accusing
a member of this tribe of bribery, and thus gaining
the place which the guilty party forfeited on con-
viction. Balbus had doubtless brought with him
considerable wealth from Gades, and supported by
the powerful interest of Pompey, whose friendship
he assiduously cultivated, he soon became a man of
great influence and importance. One of Ponipey 's
intimate friends, the Greek Theophanes of Myti-
lene, adopted him; and Pompey himself shewed
him marks of favour, which not a little oflFendcd
the Roman nobles, who were indignant that a man
of Gades should be preferred to them. Among
other presents which Pompey made him, we read of
a grant of land for the purpose of pleasure-grounds.
But Balbus was too prudent to confine hini'^elf to
only one patron ; he early paid court to Caesar,
and seems to have entirely ingratiated himself into
his favour during Pompey's absence in Asia in
prosecution of the Mithridatic war. From this
time, he became one of Caesar's most intimate
friends, and accompanied him to Spain in b. c. (il,
in the capacity of praefectus fabrum, when Caesar
went into that province after his praetorship. Soon
after his return to Rome, the first triumvirate was
formed, B. c. 60 ; and though he was ostensibly the
friend both of Pompey and Caesar, he seems to have
attached himself more closely to the interests of the
latter than of the former. On Caesjir's departure
to Gaul in b. c. 58, Bjilbus again received the ap-
pointment of praefectus fabrum, and from this time
to the breaking out of the civil war, he passed his
time alternately in Gaul and at Rome, but princi-
pally at the latter. He was the manager and
steward of Caesar's private property in the city,
and a great part of the Gallic booty passed through
his hands. But his increasing wealth and influence
raised him many enemies among the nobles, who
were still more anxious to ruin him, as he was
the favourite of the triumvirs. They accordingly
induced an inhabitant of Gades to accuse him of
having illegally assumed the rights and privileges
of a Roman citizen. The cause came on for trial
probably in b. c. 55 ; and as there was yet no
breach between Pompey and Caesar, Balbus was
defended by Pompey and Crassus, and also by
Cicero, who undertook the defence at Pompey's
request, and whose speech on the occasion has
come down to us. Balbus was acquitted, and
justly, as is shewn in the article Foederatae Civi-
tates in the Did. of Ant.

In the civil war, in b. c. 49, Balbus remained at

BALBUS.

Rome, and endeavoured to some extent to keep up
the semblance of neutrality. Thus he looked after
the pecuniary affiiirs of his friend, the consul Cor-
nelius Lentulus, who was one of Pompey's parti-
zans ; but his neutrality was scarcely disguised.
It is true that he did not appear against Pompey
in the field, but all his exertions were employed to
promote Caesar's interests. He was especially
anxious to gain over Cicero, with whom he had
corresponded before the breaking out of the civil
war. Knowing the weak side of Cicero, he had
first requested him to act the mediator between
Caesar and Pompey, and afterwards pressed him
to come to Rome, which would have been tanta-
mount to a declaration in Caesar's favour. Cicero,
after a good deal of hesitation, eventually left
luily, but returned after the battle of Pharsalia
(b. c. 48), when he re-opened his correspondence
with Balbus, and requested him to use his good
ofliccs to obtain Caesar's pardon for him. During all
this time, Balbus, in conjunction with Oppius, had
the entire management of Caesar's aflairs at Rome ;
and we see, from Cicero's letters, that Balbus was
now regarded as one of tlie chief men in the state.
He seems, however, to have used his good fortune
with moderation, and never to have been deserted
by the prudence which had always been one of his
chief characteristics. AVe are therefore disposed to
reject the tale, which is related only by Suetonius
{Caes, 78) and Plutarch {Caes. (iO), that Balbus
prevented Caesar from rising to receive the senate
on his return from the Spanish war, in B. c. 45.

On the murder of Caesar in March, 44, Balbus
was placed in a somewhat critical position. He
retired from the city, and spent two months in the
country, and was one of the first who hastened
to meet young Octavianus at Neapolis. During
this time, he frequently saw Cicero, who l^elieved
that his professions to Octavianus were hollow,
and that he was iu reality tlie friend of Antony.
In this, however, Cicero was mistaken ; Balbus,
whose good fortune it always was to attach himself
to the winning party, accompanied Octavianus to
Rome, and was subsequently advanced by him to
the highest offices in the state. It is uncertain in
what j-ear he was praetor ; but his propraetorship
is commemorated in the annexed coin of Octavi-
.inus (copied from the Tkesaur. Morell.), which
contains on the obverse C. Caesar. IIIvir. R.
P. C. with the head of Octavianus, and on the

reverse Balbus Pro Pr. He obtained the con-
sulship in B. c. 40, the first instance, according to
Pliny (//. N. vii. 43. s. 44), in which this honour
had been conferred upon one who was not bom a
Roman citizen. The year of his death is unknown.
In his will he left every Roman citizen twenty
denarii apiece (Dion Cass, xlviii. 32), which would
seem to shew that he had no children, and that
consequently the emperor Balbinus could not be,
as he pretended, a lineal descendant from him.
Balbus was the autiior of a diary {Ephcmeris)

BALBUS.

which has not come do^vn to us, of the most re-
markable occurrences in his own and Caesar's life.
(Sidon. Apoll. Ep. ix. 14; Suet. Caes. 81 ; Capi-
tolin. Balbin. 2.) He took care that Caesar's Com-
mentaries on the Gallic war should be continued ;
and we accordingly find the eighth book dedicated
to him. There does not, however, appear to be
sufficient grounds for the conjecture of some mo-
dern writers, that Balbus was the author of the
History of the Spanish war. In the collection of
Cicero's letters we find four from Balbus. {Ad
Alt. viii. 15, ix. 6, 13.)

2. P. Cornelius Balbus, brother of the pre-
ceding, received the Roman franchise at the same
time as his brother ; but appears to have died soon
afterwards, either in Gades or Rome.

3. L. Cornelius Balbus, P. f., son of the pre-
ceding [No. 2], and frequently called Minor, to
distinguish him from his uncle [No. 1], was bom
at Gades, and received the Roman franchise along
with his father and uncle. On the breaking out
of the civil war (b. c. 49) he served under Caesar,
and was sent by him to the consul L. Cornelius
Lentulus, who was an old friend of his uncle's, to
persuade him to return to Rome. Balbus under-
took the same dangerous commission in the follow-
ing year, and paid Lentulus a visit in the Pompeian
camp at Dyrrhachium, but he was not successful
either time. Balbus served under Caesar in the
Alexandrian and Spanish wars, during which time
he kept up a correspondence with Cicero, with whom
he had become acquainted through his uncle. In
return for his services in these wars, Caesar made
him pontiff; and it is therefore probably this Cor-
nelius Balbus who wrote a work on the Roman
sacra, of which the eighteenth book is quoted by
Macrobius. {Suturfi. iii. 6.)

In B. c. 44 and 43, Balbus was quaestor of the
propraetor Asinius Pollio in Further Spain ; and
while there, he added to his native town Gades a
suburb, which was called the new city, and built a
dock-yard ; and the place received in consequence
the name of Didyma or double-city. (Strab. iii. p.
169.) But his general conduct in Spain was of a
most arbitrary and tyrannical kind ; and at length,
after pliuidering the provincials and amassing large
treasures, he left Spain in B. c. 43, without even pay-
ing the soldiers, and crossed over to Bogud in Africa.

From tliat time, we hear nothing of Balbus for
upwards of twenty years. We then find him go-
vernor of Africa, with the title of proconsul, al-
though he had been neither praetor nor consul.
While in Africa, he obtained a victory over the
Garamantes, and enjoyed a triumph in consequence
in March, b. c. 19, the first instance of this honour
having been conferred upon one who was not born
a Roman citizen. (Plin. //. JV. v. 5 ; Veil. Pat. ii.
51; Strab. iii. p. 1C9.) Balbus, like his uncle, had
amassed a large fortune ; and, as A..ugustus was
anxious to adorn Rome with public buildings, Bal-
bus erected at his own expense a tlieatre in the
city, which was remarkable on account of its con-
taining four pillars of onyx. It was dedicated in
b. c. 13, with festive games, on the return of Au-
gustus to Rome ; and as a compliment to Balbus
tor having built it, his opinion was asked first in
the senate by Tiberius, who was consul in that
year. (Dion Cass. liv. 25 ; Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 7.
s. 12.) After this we hear nothing further of Bal-
bus. He may have been the Cornelius Balbus
whom L. Valerius made his heir, although he had

BALBUS.

457

involved Valerius in many law-suits, and had at last
brought a capital charge against him. (Val. Max.
vii. 8. § 7.)

(For further information respecting the Comelii
Balbi, see Orelli's Onomasiicon TuUianum and
Drumann's Rom^ vol. ii. p. 594, &c.)
VI. Domitius Balbus^
a wealthy man of praetorian rank, whose will was
forged in A. D. 61. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 40.)
VII. LaeliiDalbi.

1. D. Laelius D. f. D. n. Balbus, one of the
quindecemviri who superintended the celebration
of the saecular games in b. c. 17 (Fast. Capitol.),
and consul in B. c. 6. (Dion Cass. Iv. 9.)

2. Laelius Balbus, accused Acutia, formerly
the wife of P. Vitellius, of treason {majestas), but
was unable to obtain the usual reward after her
condemnation, in consequence of the intercession
of the tribune Junius Otho. He was condemned
in A. D. 37 as one of the paramours of Albucilla,
deprived of his senatorial rank, and banished to an
island : his condemnation gave general satisfaction,
as he had been ever ready to accuse the innocent.
(Tac. Ann. vi. 47, 48.)

VIII. Lucilii Balbi.

1. L. Lucilius Balbus, the jurist. See below.

2. Q. Lucilius Balbus, probably the brother
of the preceding, a Stoic philosopher, and a pupil
of Panaetius, had made such progress in the Stoic
philosophy, that he appeared to Cicero comparable
to the best Greek philosophers. {DeNat.Deor. i. 6.)
He is introduced by Cicero in his dialogue " On
the Nature of the Gods" as the expositor of the
opinions of the Stoics on that subject, and his ar-
guments are represented as of considerable weight.
{De Nat. Deor. iii. 40, de Divin. i. 5.) He was
also the exponent of the Stoic opinions in Cicero's
" Plortensius." {Fragm. p. 484, ed. Orelli.)

IX. L. Naerius Balbus, plebeian,
one of the quinqueviri appointed in B. c. 171 to
settle the dispute between the Pisani and Lunenses
respecting the boundaries of their lands. (Liv. xlv.
13.) The annexed coin of the Naevia gens belongs
to this family. The obverse represents a head of
Venus, the reverse is C. Nae. Ba(a)b. with Victory
in a chariot.

X. Nonius Balbus., plebeian,
tribune of the plebs, b. c. 32, put his veto upon the
decree which the senate would have passed against
Octavianus at the instigation of the consul C. So-
sius, a partizan of Antony. (Dion Cass. L. 2.)
XI. Octavius Balbus. See below.
XII. Thorii Balbi, plebeians.
1. C. Thorius Balbus, of Lanuvium, is said
by Cicero to have lived in such a manner, that
there was not a single pleasure, however refined
and rare, which he did not enjoy. {De Fin. ii. 20.)
He must not be confounded, as he has been by
Pighius, with L. Turius who is mentioned in Ci-
cero's Bridus (c. 67). The annexed coin of L.
Thorius Balbus contains on the obverse the head
of Juno Sospita, whose worship was of great anti-

4j8

BALBUS.

quity at Lanuvium, with the letters I. S. M. R.
(that is, Junonis SospUae magnae reginae)\ and on
the reverse L. THoaivs Baabvs, with a bull rush-
ing forward. Eckhel (v. p. 324, &c.) thinks that
the bull has an allusion to the name of Thorius,
■which the Romans might regard as the same as
the Greek botipios, impetuous.

2. Sp. Thorius Balbus, tribune of the plebs
about B. c. Ill, was a popular speaker, and intro-
duced in his tribuneship an agrarian law, of which
considerable fragments have been discovered on
bronze tablets, and of which an account is given in
the Did. of Ant. s. v. Thuria Lex. (Cic. Brut. 36,
de Orat. ii. 70 ; Appian, B. C. i. 27.)

BA'LBUS, JU'NIUS, a consular, husband of
Metia Faustina, the daughter of the elder Gordian.
(Capitolin. c. 4.) According to some historians,
the third Gordian, who succeeded Balbinus and
Pupienus Maximus, was the issue of this marriage,
while others maintain that he was the son of Gor-
dian the second. [Gordianus.] [W. R.]

BALBUS, L. LUCI'LI US, a Roman jurist, one
of the pupils of Q. Mucius Scaevola, and one of the
legal instructors of the eminent lawyer and distin-
guished friend of Cicero, Servius Sulpicius Rufus.
He was probably the father of Lucilius, the com-
panion of Appius Pulcher in Cilicia (Cic. ad Fam.
iii. 4), and the brother of Q. Lucilius Balbus, the
Stoic philosopher. [Balbus, No. VI IL] Cicero {de
Orat. iii. 21 ) speaks of the duo Balbi as Stoics. By
Heineccius {Hist. Jur. Rom. § 149) and others the
jurist Lucius has been confounded with Quintus
the Stoic philosopher. The jurist was occasionally
quoted in the works of Sulpicius ; and, in the time
of Pomponius, his writings did not exist in a sepa-
rate form, or, at least, were in the hands of few.
(Dig. i. tit. 2. 8. 42.) He was a man of much
learning. In giving advice and pleading causes
his manner was slow and deliberate. (Cic. Brut.
42, pro Quint. 16, 17.) [J. T. G.]

BALBUS, L. {qu. P.) OCTA'VIUS, a Roman,
contemporary with Cicero. He was remarkable
for his skill in law, and for his attention to the
duties of justice, morality, and religion. (Cic. pro
Cluent. 38.) For these reasons he bore a high
character as a jtidex in public as well as private
trials. There is a passage in Cicero {in Ver. ii. 12)
in relation to L. Octavius Balbus, which has been
misinterpreted and corrupted by commentators and
critics ignorant of the Roman forms of pleading.
Cicero accuses Verres of having directed an issue
of fact in such an improper form, that even L. Oc-
tavius, if he had been appointed to try it, would
have been obliged to adjudge the defendant in tlie
cause either to give up an estate of his own to the
plaintiff, or to pay pecuniary damages. The per-
fect acquaintance with Roman law, and the know-
ledge of his duty which Balbus possessed, would
have compelled him to pass an unjust sentence.
To understand the compliment, it is necessary to

BALDUINUS.
remark, that in the time of Cicero a judex in a pri-
vate cause was appointed for the occasion merely,
and that his functions rather resembled those of a
modern English juryman than those of a judge. It
was his duty to try a given question, and according
to his finding on that question, to pronounce the
sentence of condemnation or acquittal contained in
the formula directed to him by the praetor. It was
not his duty but the praetor's to determine whether
the question was material, and whether the sen-
tence was made to depend upon it in a manner
consistent with justice. In the ordinary fonn of
Roman action for the recovery of a thing, as in the
English action of detinue, the judgment for the
plaintiff was not directly that the thing should be
restored, but the defendant was condemned, unless
it were restored, to pay damages. The remainder
of the chapter has been equally misinterpreted and
corrupted. It accuses Verres of so shaping the
formula of trial, that the judex was obliged to treat
a Roman as a Sicilian, or a Sicilian as a Roman.

The death of Octavius Balbus is related by Va-
lerius Maximus (v. 7. § 3) as a memorable example
of paternal affection. Proscribed by the triumvire
Augustus, Antony, and Lepidus, b, c. 42, he had
already made his escape from his house, when a
false report reached his ears that the soldiers were
massacring his son. Thereupon he returned to his
house, and was consoled, by witnessing his son's
safety, for the violent death to which he thus of-
fered himself.

The praenomen of Balbus is doubtful. In Cic.
pro Cluent. 38 most of the MSS. have P. ; in Cic. in
Verr. ii. 12 the common reading is L. [J.T.G.]

BALDUI'NUS I. (BaA5ou?j/os), BALDWIN,
the first Latin emperor of Constantinople, was the
son of Baldwin, count of Haiiiaut, and Marguerite,
countess of Flanders. He was born at Valenciennes
in 1171, and after the death of his parents inherit-
ed both the counties of Hainaut and Flanders.
He was one of the most powerful among those
warlike barons who took the cross in 1200, and
arrived at Venice in 1202, whence they intended
to sail to the Holy Land. They changed their
plan at the supplication of prince Alexis Angehis,
the son of the emperor Isaac II. Angelas, who
was gone to Venice for the purpose of persuading
the crusaders to attack Constantinople and release
Isaac, who had been deposed, blinded, and im-
prisoned by his brother Alexis Angelas, who
reigned as Alexis III. from the year 1195. The
crusaders listened to the promises of young Alexis,
who was chiefly supported by Baldwin of Flanders,
as he is gen.erally called ; and they left Venice
with a powerful fleet, commanded by the doge of
Venice, Dandolo, who was also commander-in-chief
of the whole expedition. The various incidents
and the final result of this bold undertaking are
given under Alexis III., IV., and V. The
usurper Alexis III. was driven out by the cru-
saders ; prince Alexis and his father Isaac suc-
ceeded him on the throne ; both perished by the
usurper Alexis V. Ducas Murzuphlus; and Mur-
zuphlus in his turn was driven out and put to
death by the crusaders in 1204. During this
remarkable war Baldwin distinguished himself by
his military skill as v/ell as by his personal charac-
ter, and the crusaders having resohed to choose
one of their own body emperor of the East, their
choice fell upon Baldwin.

Baldwin was accordingly crowned emperor at

BALDUINUS.

Constantinople, on the 9th of May, 1204. But he
received only a very small part of the empire, namely
Constantipople and the greater part of Thrace ; the
Venetians obtained a much greater part, consisting
chiefly of the islands and some parts of Epeirus ;
Boniface, marquis of Monteferrato, received Thes-
salonica, that is Macedonia, as a kingdom ; and
the rest of the empire, in Asia as well as in Europe,
was divided among the French, Flemish, and
Venetian chiefs of the expedition. The speedy
ruin of the new Latin empire in the East was not
doubtful under such divisions ; it was hastened by
the successful enterprises of Alexis Comnenus at
Trebizond, of Theodore Lascaris at Nicaea, and by
the partial revolts of the Greek subjects of the con-
querors. Calo-Ioannes, king of Bulgaria, sup-
ported the revolters, who succeeded in making
themselves masters of Adrianople. Baldwin laid
siege to this town ; but he was attacked by Calo-
Ioannes, entirely defeated on the 14th of April,
1205, and taken prisoner. He died in captivity
about a year afterwards. Many fables have been
invented with regard to the nature of his death :
Nicetas {Urbs Capia, 16) says, that Calo-Ioannes
ordered the limbs of his imperial prisoner to be cut
ofi^ and the mutilated body to be thrown into a
field, where it remained three days before life left
it. But from the accounts of the Latin writers,
whose statements have been carefully examined
by Gibbon and other eminent modern historians,
we must conclude, that although Baldwin died in
captivity, he was neither tortured nor put to death
by his victor. The successor of Baldwin I. was his
brother Henry I. (Nicetas, Alexis Isaacius An-
yelus Fr. iii. 9, Alexis Ducas Murziiphlus, i. 1,
Urbs Capta^ 1 — 17; Acropolita, 8, 12; Nice-
phorus Gregor. ii. 3, &c. ; Villehardouin, De la
CoiKfueste de Constantinoble, ed. Paulin Paris,
Paris, 1838.) [W. P.]

BALDUI'NUS II. (BoASour^os), the last Latin
emperor of the east, was descended from the noble
family of Courtenay, and was the son of Peter I. of
Courtenay, emperor of Constantinople, and the
empress Yolanda, countess of Flanders. He was
born in 1217, and succeeded his brother, Robert,
in 1228, but, on account of his youth, was put
under the guardiansliip of John of Brienne, count
De la Marclie and king of Jerusalem. The empire
was in a dangerous position, being attacked in the
south by Vatatzes, the Greek emperor of Nicaea,
and in the north by Asan, king of Bulgaria, who in
1234 concluded an alliance with Vatatzes and laid
siege to Constantinople by sea and land. Until
then the regent had done very little for his ward
and the realm, but when the enemy appeared under
the walls of the capital the danger roused him to
energy, and he compelled the besiegers to withdraw
after having susUiined severe losses. John of
Brienne died soon afterwards. In 1337 Vatatzes
and Asan once more laid siege to Constantinople,
which was defended by Geol^roy de Villehardouin,
prince of Achaia, while the emperor made a men-
dicant visit to Europe. Begging for assisttince, he
appeared successively at the courts of France,
England, and Italy, and was exposed to humilia-
tions of every description ; he left his son Philip
at Venice as a security for a debt. At last he
succeeded in gaining the friendship of Louis IX.,
king of France, of the emperor Frederic II., and
of Pope Gregory IX., among whom Louis IX. was
the most useful to him. The French king gave

BALSAMO,

459

the unhappy emperor a large sum of money and
other assistance, in return for which Baldwin per-
mitted the king to keep sevenil most holy relics.
With the assistance of the Latins, Baldwin ob-
tained some advantages over Vatjilzes, and in 1243
concluded an alliance with the Turks Seljuks ; but
notwithstanding this, he was again compelled to
seek assistance among the western princes. He
was present at the council of Lyon in 1 245, and
returned to Greece after obtaining some feeble
assistance, which was of no avail against the forces
of Michael Palaeologus, who had made himself
master of the Nicaean empire. On the night of the
I5th of July, 1261, Constantinople was taken by
surprise by Alexis Caesar Strategopulus, one of the
generals of Michael Palaeologus. Baldwin fled to
Italy. In 1270 he nearly persuaded Charles, king
of Naples, to fit out a new expedition against
Michael Palaeologus, and Louis IX. of France
promised to second him in the undertaking ; but
the death of Louis in Tunis deterred the Latin
princes from any new expedition against the East.
Baldwin II. died in 1275, leaving a son, I'hilip of
Courtenay, by his wife Maria, the daughter of
John of Brienne. The Latin empire in the East
had lasted fifty-seven years. (Acropolita, 14, 27»
37, 78, 85, &.C.; Pacliymeres, Micliacl Palaeologus^
iii. 31, &c., iv. 29 ; Nicephorus Gregor. iv. 4, &c.,
viii. 2, &c.) [W.P.]

BALEA'RICUS, an agnomen of Q. Caecilius
Metellus, consul B. c. 123. [Metellus.]

BALISTA, one of the thirty tyrants of Trebel-
lius PoUio. [AuREOLUs.] He was prefect of the
praetorians under Valerian, whom he accompanied
to the East. After the defeat and capture of that
emperor, when the Persians had penetrated into
Cilicia, a body of Roman troops rallied and placed
themselves under the command of Balista. Led
by him, they raised the siege of PompeiopoHs, cut
off numbers of the enemy who were straggling in
disorderly confidence over the face of the country,
and retook a vast quantity of plunder. His career
after the destruction of Macrianus, whom he had
urged to rebel against Gallienus, is very obscure.
According to one account, he retired to an estate
near Daphne ; according to another, he assumed
the purple, and maintained a precarious dominion
over a portion of Syria and the adjacent provinces
for three years. This assertion is however based
on no good foundation, resting as it does on the
authority of certain medals now universally recog-
nised as spurious, and on the hesitating testimony
of Trebellius PoUio, who acknowledges that, even
at the time when he wrote, the statements regard-
ing this matter were doubtful and contradictory.
Neither the time nor manner of Balista 's death
can be ascertained with cerUiinty, but it is believed
to have happened about 264, and to have been
contrived by Odenathus. (Trebell. Pollio, Trig.
Tyrann. xvii., GalUen. 2, &c. ; see Macrianus,
Odenathus, Quietus.) [\V. R.J

BALLO'NYMUS. [Abdolonimus.]
BA'LSAMO, THEODO'RUS, a celebrated
Greek canonist, born at Constjintinople, where,
under Manuel Comnenus, he filled the offices of
Mugiiae Ecclcsiae (S. Sophiae) Diucomts, Nomo-
phylax, and Chartophylux. Under Isaac Angelas
he was elevated to the dignity of patriarch of An-
tioch, about 1185 ; but, on account of the invasion
of the Latins, he was never able to ascend the pa-
triarchal throne, and all the business of the patri-

4G0

BALSAMO.

archate was conducted at Constantinople. He died
about 1204. Of the works of this author there is
no complete edition : they are scattered among va-
rious collections. Under the auspices of the em-
peror Manuel Coranenus and of Michael Anchialus,
the patriarch of Constantinople, he composed com-
mentaries or scholia upon the Syntagma and tlie
Nomocanon of Photius. These scholia seem, from
external evidence, (though there is some difference
of opinion among critics as to the exact date of
their composition,) to have been begun as early as
1 166, and not to have been completed before 1 192.
They are of much use in illustrating the bearing of
the imperial law of Rome upon the canon law of
the Greek Church. The historical accuracy of
Balsamo has been questioned. In the preface of
his commentary upon Photius, he refers the last
revision of the Basilica to Constantinus Porphyro-
genitus ; whereas Attaliata, Blastares, Harmeno-
pulus, and other authorities, concur in ascribing
that honour to Leo the Wise. The Syntagma of
Photius (which is a collection of canons at large),
and the Nomocanon (which is a systematic ab-
stract), are parts of a single plan ; but, with the
scholia of Balsamo, they have been usually edited
separately. The scholia on the Nomocanon are
best given in Justelli et Voelli Bihliotlieca Juris
Canonici. (Paris, 1661, vol. ii. p. 789, &c.) The
Syntagma, without the Nomocanon, is printed with
the scholia of Balsamo and Zonaras subjoined to
the text in the Synodicon of Bishop Beveridge. In
this edition much use is made of an ancient Bod-
leian MS., which supplies the lacunae of the for-
mer printed edition of Paris, 1620. A further
collation of Beveridge 's text witli three MSS. is
given in "NVolfii Anecdota Graeca Savra et Pro-
fana, vol. iv. p. 113. The scholia of Balsamo, un-
like those of Zonaras, treat not so much of the
sense of words as of practical questions, and the
mode of reconciling apparent contradictions. The
text of Justinian's collections is carefully compared
by Balsamo with the Basilica, and the portions of
the former which are not incorporated in the latter
are regarded by him as having no validity in eccle-
siastical matters.

Other genuine works of Balsamo are extant.
His book MeAercov koX airoKplfffbiv^ and his an-
swers to the questions of ^Marcus, patriarch of
Alexandria, are given by Leunclavius. {Jus. Gr.
Rom. vol. i.) The former work is also to be found
in Cotelerius, Ecd. Gr. Monum.

Several works have been erroneously attributed
to Balsamo. Of these the most important is a
Greek collection of Ecclesiastical Constitutions, in
three books, compiled chiefly from the Digest,
Code, and No veils of Justinian. It is inserted,
with the Latin translation of Leunclavius, in Jus-
telli et Voelli Bill. Jur. Can. vol. ii. F. A. Biener,
however, in his history of the Authenticae (Diss.
i. p. 16), proved that this collection was older
than Balsamo ; and in his history of the Novells
(p. 179), he referred it to the time of the em-
peror Heraclius. (a. d. 610 — 641.) Heimbach
{Anecdota^ vol. i. pp. xliv. — xlvii) maintains, in
opposition to Biener, that the collection was made
Roon after the time of Justin II. (565-8), and
that four Novells of Heraclius, appended to the
work, are the addition of a later compiler. There
is extant an arrangement of Justinian's Novells
according to their contents, which was composed,
as Biener has shewn, by Athanasius Scholasticus,

BARBATA.

though a small portion of it had been previously
printed under the name of Balsamo. (Hugo, Rom,
R. R. 14.)

The Glossa ordinaria of the Basilica, which was
formed in the r2th century from more ancient scho-
lia, is, without sufiicient reason, attributed to Bal-
samo by Assemani. {Bibl. Jur. Orient^ ii. p. 386.)

Tigerstrijm, in his Aeussere Geschichte des Rom.
7?cc/i/«(Berlin, 1841,p. 331), speaks of a Upox^ipov^
or legal manual, of Aniiochus Balsamo, as extant in
MS. ; but he does not say where, nor does he cite
any authority for the fact. As Tigerstrom is often
inaccurate, we suspect that Antiochus is put by
mistake for Theodorus, and that the Proclieiron
audum is referred to, of which an account is given
by C. E. Zacharia, Historiae Juris Gnieco-Romani
Delineation § 48. The commencement of this Pro-
clieiron was published, by way of specimen, by Za-
charia in the Prolegomena to his edition of tiie
Procheiron of the emperor Basilius. (Heidelb. 1837.)
The Procheiron Auctum is supposed by Biener (in
Savigny's Journal, vol viii. p. 276) to have been
nither later than Balsamo, from whose works it
borrows, as also from the works of Joannes Citrius,
who outlived Balsamo. (Beveridge, Preface to the
St/nodicon^ §§ 14 — 21 ; Bach, Hist. Jur. Rom. ed.
Stockmann, p. 684 ; Heimbach, de Basil. Oruf. pp.
130, 132; Biener, Gesch. der Now. pp. 210-218;
Witte, in RJiein. Mus. fur Jurisp. iii. p. 37, n. ;
Walter, Kirvlienrecht, Bonn, 1842, § 77.) [J.T.G.]

T. BALVE'NTIUS, a centurion of the first
century {primi pili), who was severely wounded in
the attack made by Ambiorix upon Q. Titurius
Sabinus, B. c. 54. (Caes. B. G. v. 35.)

M. BAMBA'LIO, a man of no account, the
father-in-law of M. Antonius, the triumvir, who
received the nickname of Bambalio on account of a
hesitancy in his speech. His full name was M.
Fulvius Bambalio, and his daughter was Fulvia :
he must not be confounded with Q. Fadius, whose
daughter Fadia was Antony's first wife. (Cic.
Phil. ii. 36, iii. 6.)

L. BA'NTIUS, of Nola, served in the Roman
army at the battle of Cannae, B. c. 216, in which
he was dangerously wounded and fell into the
hands of Hannibal. Having been kindly treated
by Hannibal, and sent home laden with gifts, he
was anxious to surrender Nola to the Carthagi-
nians, but was gained over to the Romans by the
prudent conduct of Marcellus, who had the com-
mand of Nola. (Liv. xxiii. 15 ; Plut. MarcelL 10,
&c.)

BA'PHIUS, a Greek commentator on the
Basilica (cited Basilica^ vol. vii. p. 787, ed. Fa-
brot). His date and histor}'^ are uncertain, but he
probably lived in the 10th or Uth centurj'. Suarez
(Notida Basilicorum^ § 39) thinks, that Baphius is
not strictly a proper name, but an appellative epi-
thet given to an annotator on the Rubrics of the
Basilica. This opinion is rejected by Bach. {Hist.
Jur. Rom. 676, n. i.) Tigerstrom {Aeuss. Rom.
Rechtsgesch. p. 330) erroneously calls him Salomon
Baphius. The names should be separated b}"" a
comma, for Salomon is a distinct scholiast (cited
Basilica, vol. iii. p. 361 ). [J. T. G.]

BARBA, CA'SSIUS, a friend of J. Caesar,
who gave Cicero guards for his villa, when Caesar
paid him a visit in b. c. 44. (Cic. ad Ati. xiii. 52 ;
comp. Phil. xiii. 2.)

BARBA'TA, the bearded, a surname of Venus
(Aphrodite) among the Romans. (Serv. ad Aen,

BARBATUS.

ii. 632.) Macrobius (Sat. iii. 8) also mentions a
statue of Venus in Cyprus, representing the god-
dess with a beard, in female attire, but resembling
in her whole figure that of a man. (Comp. Suidas,
s. V. 'AtppoSir-n ; Hesych. s. v. 'AtppiSnos.) The
idea of Venus thus being a mixture of the male
and female nature, seems to belong to a very late
period of antiquity. (Voss, Mytlu)l. Briefe^ ii. p.
'J82, &c.) [L. S.]

BARBA'TIO, commander of the household
troops under the Caesar Gallus, arrested his mas-
ter, by command of Constantius, at Petovium in
Noricum, and thence, after stripping him of the
ensigns of his dignity, conducted him to Pola in
Istria, A. D. 354. In return for his services, he was
promoted, upon the death of Silvanus, to the rank of
general of the infantry (peditum mayister)^ and was
sent with an army of 2.5,000 or 30,000 men to co-
operate with Julian in the campaign against the
Alemanni in 356 ; but he treacherously deserted
him, either through envy of Julian, or in accordance
with the secret instructions of the emperor. In
358, he defeated the Juthungi, who had invaded
Rhaetia ; and, in the following year, he was be-
headed by command of Constantius, in consequence
of an imprudent letter which his wife had written
him, and which the emperor thought indicated
treasonable designs on his part. (Amm. Marc. xiv.
11, xvi. 11, xvii. 6, xviii. 3; Liban. Orat. x.
p. 273.)

M. BARBA'TIUS, a friend of J. Caesar, and
afterwards quaestor of Antony in B. c. 40. (Cic.
Phil. xiii. 2 ; Appian, B. C. v. 31.) His name
occurs on a coin of Antony : the obverse of which
is M. Ant. Imp. Avg. IIIvir. R. P. C, M. Bar-
bat. Q. P., where there can be little doubt that
M. Barbat. signifies M. Barbatius, and not Bar-
batus, as Ursinus and others have conjectured,
■who make it a surname of the Valeria gens. The
letters Q. P. probably siynify Quaestor Propraetore.
(Comp. Eckhel, v. p. 334.)

This M. Barbatius appears to be the same as the
Barbarius Philippus mentioned by Ulpian (Dig. 1.
tit. 14. s. 3), where Barba/ius is only a false read-
ing for Barbadus, and also the same as the Bar-
bius Philippicus, spoken of by Suidas. (s. v.) We
learn from Ulpian and Suidas that M. Barbatius
was a runaway slave, who ingratiated himself
into the favour of Antony, and through his in-
fluence obtained the praetorship under the trium-
virs. While discharging the duties of his office in
the forum he was recognized, we are told, by his
old master, but privately purchased his freedom by
a large sum of money. (Comp. Garaton. ad Cic.
Phil. xiii. 2.)

BARBA'TUS, the name of a family of the
Iloratia gens. Barbatus was also a surname of P.
Cornelius Scipio, consul in B. c. 328 [SciPio], of
the Quinctii Capitolini [Capitolinus], and of M.
Valerius Messalla, consul in B. c. 12. [Messalla.]
1. M. HoRATius M. F. M. N. Barbatus, was
one of the most violent opponents of the second
decemvirs, when they resolved to continue their
power beyond their year of office. In the tumult
which followed the death of Virginia, Valerius
Poplicola and Horatius Barbatus put themselves
at the head of the popular movement ; and when
the plebeians seceded to the Sacred Hill, Valerius
and Horatius were sent to them by the senate, as
the only acceptable deputies, to negotiate the terras
of peace. The right of appeal and the tribunes

BARBULA.

461

were restored to the plebs, and a full indemnity
granted to all engaged in the secession. The
decemvirate was also abolished, and the two friends
of the plebs, Valerius and Horatius, were elected
consuls, b. c. 449. The liberties of the plebs
were still further confirmed in their consulship by
the passing of the celebrated Vaieriae Horatiae
Leges. [Poplicola.] Horatius gained a great
victory over the Sabines, which inspired them with
such dread of Rome, that they did not take up
anns again for the next hundred and fifty years.
The senate out of spite refused Horatius a triumph,
but he celebrated one without their consent, by
command of the populus. (Liv. iii. 39, &c., 49,
50,53,55, 61—63; Dionys. xi. 5, 22, 38, 45,
48 ; Cic. de Jiep. ii. 31 ; Diod. xii. 26 ; Zonar.
vii. 18.)

2. L. HoRATics Barbatus, consular tribune,
b. c. 425. (Liv. iv. 35.)

BARBILLUS {BapSiWo^), an astrologer at
Rome in the reign of Vespasian. (Dion Cass. Ixvi.
9.) He was retained and consulted by the em-
peror, though all of his profession were forbidden
the city. He obtained the establishment of the
games at Ephesus, which received their name from
him, and are mentioned in the Arundelian Mar-
bles, p. ri, and discussed in a note in Reimar's
edition of Dion Cass. vol. ii. p. 1084. [A. G.]

BARBUCALLUS, JOANNES {'luAvims Bap-
SovKaWos), the author of eleven epigrams in the
Greek Anthology. From internal evidence his
date is fixed by Jacobs about A. D. 551. The
Scholiast derives his name from Barbucale, a city
of Spain within the Ebro mentioned by Polybius
and Stephanus. The name of the city as actually
given by Polybius (iii. 14), Stephanus Byzantinus
(s. v.), and Livy (xxi. 5), is Arbucale {'Ap§ovKd,\ri)
or Arbocala, probably the modem Albucella. [P. S.]

BA'RBULA, the name of a family of the patri-
cian Aeniilia gens.

1. Q. Aemjlius Q. f. L. n. Barbula, consul
in B. c. 317, in which year a treaty was made with
the Apulian Teates, Nerulum taken by Barbula,
and Apulia entirely subdued. (Liv. ix. 20, 21 ;
Diod. xix. 17.) Barbula was consul again in 311,
and had the conduct of the war against the Etrus-
cans, with whom he fought an indecisive battle
according to Livy. (ix. 30 — 32 ; Diod. xx. 3.)
The Fasti, however, assign him a triumph over the
Etruscans, but this Niebuhr {Rom. Uitt. iii. p.
278) tliinks to have been an invention of the
family, more especially as the next campaign
against the Etruscans was not opened as if the Ro-
mans had been previously conquerors.

2. L. Aemilius Q. f. Q. n. Barbula, son of
No. 1, was consul in B. c. 281. The Tarentines
had rejected with the vilest insult the terras of
peace which had been oflfered by Posturaius, the
Roraan ambassador ; but as the republic had both
the Etruscans and Samnites to contend with, it
was unwilling to come to a rupture with the Ta-
rentines, and accordingly sent the consul Barbula
towards Tarentura with instructions to offer the
same terms of peace as Posturaius had, but if they
were again rejected to raake war against the city.
The 1 arentines, however, adhered to their former
resolution ; but as they were unable to defend
themselves against the Romans, they invited
Pyrrhus to their assistance. As soon as Barbula
became acquainted with their determination, he
prosecuted the war with the utmost vigour, beat

462

BARJiULA.

the Tarentinss in the open field, and took several
of their towns. Alarmed at his progress, and
trusting to his clemency, as he had treated the
prisoners kindly and dismissed some without ran-
som, the Tarentines appointed Agis, a friend of
the Romans, general with unlimited powers. But
the arrival of Cineas, the chief minister of Pyrrhus,
almost immediately afterwards, caused this ap-
pointment to be annulled ; and as soon as Milo
landed with part of the king's forces, he marched
against Barbula and attacked the army as it was
passing along a narrow road by the sea-coast. By
the side of the road were precipitous mountains,
and the Tarentine fleet lay at anchor ready to
discharge missiles at the Roman army as it march-
ed by. The army would probably have been
destroyed, had not Barbula covered his troops by
placing the Tarentine prisoners in such a manner
that they would have become the first object of
the enemj^'s artillery. Barbula thus led his army
by in safety, as the Tarentines would not injure
their own countrymen.

Barbula continued in southern Italy after the
expiration of his consulship as proconsul. He
gained victories over the Samnites and Sallentines,
as we learn from the Fasti, which record his tri-
umph over these people, as well as over the
Etruscans, in Qiiinctilis of 280. (Zonar. viii. 2;
Oros. iv. 1 ; Appian, Samn. p. 58, &c., ed. Schw. ;
Dionys. Exc. p. 2342, &c,, ed. Reiske ; Frontin.
Stmt. i. 4. § 1, where Aemilius PauUus is a mis-
take.)

3. M. Aemilius L. f. Q. n. Barbula, son of
No. 2, was consul in b. c. 230, and had in con-
junction with his colleague the conduct of the war
against the Ligurians. (Zonar. viii. 19.) Zonaras
says (/. c), that when the CarUiafjinians heard of
the Ligurian war, they resolved to march against
Rome, but that they relinquished their design
when the consuls came into their country, and re-
ceived the Romans as friends. This is evidently
a blunder, and must in all probability be referred
to the Gauls, who, as we learn from Polybius (ii.
21), were in a state of great ferment about this
time owing to the lex Flaminia, which had been
passed about two years previously, b. c. 232, for
the division of the Picentian land.

4. Barbula purchased Marcus, the legate of
Brutus, who had been proscribed by the triumvirs
in B. c. 43, and who pretended that he was a slave in
order to escape death. Barbula took Marcus with
him to Rome, where he was recognized at the city-
gates by oneof Barbula's friends. Barbula, by means
of Agrippa, obtained the pardon of Marcus from
Octavianus. Marcus afterwards became one of the
friends of Octavianus, and commanded part of his
forces at the battle of Actium, b. c. 31. Here he had
an opportunity of returning the kindness of his for-
mer master. Barbula had served under Antony, and
after the defeat of the latter fell into the hands of the
conquerors. He, too, pretended to be a slave, and
was purchased by Marcus, who procured his par-
don from Augustus, and both of them subsequently
obtained the consulship at the same time. Such
is the statement of Appian {B. C. iv. 49), who does
not give us either the gentile or fiimily name of
Marcus, nor does he tell us whether Barbula be-
longed to the Aemilia gens. The Fasti do not
contain any consul of the name of Barbula, but he
and his friends may have been consuls suffecti, the
names of all of whom are not preserved.

BARDESANES.

BARCA, the surname of the great Hamilcar,
the father of Hanibal. [Hamilcar."} It is pro-
bably the same as the Hebrew Barak., wliich sig-
nifies lightning. Niebuhr {Ram. Hist. iii. p. 609)
says, that Barca must not be regarded as the name
of a house, but merely as a surname of Hamilcar:
but, however this may be, we find that the family
to which he belonged was distinguished subse-
quently as the " Barcine family," and the war and
democratical party as the " Barcine party." (Liv.
xxi. 2, 9, xxiii. 13, xxviii. 12, xxx. 7, 42.)

BARDANES. [Arsaces XXL, p. 358.]

BARDESANES, a Syrian writer, whose hia-
tory is involved in partial obscurity, owing to the
perplexed and somewhat contradictory notices of
him that are furnished by ancient authorities.
He was bom at Edessa in MesopotJimia, and
flourished in the latter half of the second century,
and perhaps in the beginning of the third. The
Edessene Chronicle (Assemani, BiU. Orient, i.
389) fixes the year of his birth to a. d. 154 ; and
Epiphanius {Haer. bQ) mentions, that he lived in
favour with Abgar Bar Manu, who reigned at
Edessa from a. d. 152 to a. d. 187. It is difficult
to decide whether he was originally educated in
the principles of the famous Gnostic teacher Valen-
tinus (as Eusebius seems to intimate), or whether
(as Epiphanius implies) he was brought up in the
Christian faith and afterwards embraced the
Valentinian heresy. It is clear, however, that he
eventually abandoned the doctrines of Valentinus
and founded a school of his own. For an account
of the leading principles of his theology see
Mosheim, de Rebiis Christian, ante Constantinum
M. pp. 395—397, or C. W. F. Walch's Ketzer-
historie^ vol. i. pp. 415 — 422.

Bardesanes wrote much against various sects of
heretics, especially against the school of Marcion.
His talents are reported to have been of an elevated
order, and Jerome, refernng to those of his works
which had been translated out of Syriac into Greek,
observes, " Si autem tanta vis est et fulgor in inter-
pretatione, quantam putamus in sermone proprio."
He elsewhere mentions that the writings of Bar-
desanes were held in high repute among the
philosophers. Eusebius, in his Fraeparatio Evan-
yelica (vi. 10), has preserved a fragment of the
dialogue on Fate by this writer, and it undoubtedly
displays abilities of no ordinary stamp. This frag-
ment is published by Gmbe, in his Spicilecfium SS.
Patrum., vol. i. pp. 289-299 ; and by Orelli, in the
collection entitled Alexajidri,A»imonii^ IHotini^Bar-
dcsanis, (|'c., de Fato, quae supersunt^ T\.mc\, 1824.
Grabe there shews that the writer of the Recog-
?iitiunes, falsely ascribed to Clemens Romanus, has
committed plagiarism by wholesale upon Bardesanes.
It appears from this fragment that the charge of
fatalism, preferred against Bardesanes by Augus-
tin, is entirely groundless. It is acutely conjec-
tured by Colberg (de Orig. et Progress. Haeres. p.
140), that Augustin knew this work of Bardesanes
only by its title, and hastily concluded that it
contained a defence of fatalism. Eusebius says that
this work was inscribed to Antoninus, and Jerome
declares that this was the emperor Marcus Aure-
lius ; but it was most probably Antoninus Verus,
who, in his expedition against the Parthians, was
at Edessa in the year 165.

Eusebius mentions that Bardesanes wTote several
works concerning the persecution of the Christians.
The majority of the learned suppose that this was

BARDYLIS.
the persecution under Marcus Antoninus. "We
learn from Ephrem the Syrian that Bardesanes com-
posed, in his native tongue, no fewer than one hun-
dred and fifty Psidnis elegantly versihed. On this
subject see Hahn, Bardesanes Gnosticus Stirorum
primus Uymnoloyus^ Lips. 1819. Bardesanes had a
son, Harmonius (incorrectly called llammonius by
Lumper), whom Sozomen styles a man of learning,
and specially skilled in music. {Hist. Ecdes. iii.
16 ; comp. Theodoret, Hist. Ecdes. iv. 29.) He
was devoted to his father's opinions, and, by adapt-
ing popular melodies to the words in which they
were conveyed, he did harm to the cause of ortho-
doxy. To counteract this mischief, Ephrem set
new and evangelical words to the tunes of Harmo-
nius, which, in this improved adaptation, long
continued in vogue.

In the writings of Porphyry {de Ahstinentixu, iv.
] 7, and also in his fragment de Str/ye), a Barde-
sanes Babylonius is mentioned, whom Vossius
{lie Hist. Grace, iv. 17). Strunz {Hist. Bar-
desanis et Bardesanistaritin), Heeren {Stobaei Edug,
P. i.), and Harles (Fabric. Bill. Graec. iv, p. 247)
represent as altogether a different person from
Bardesanes of Edessa. Dodwell {Diss, ad Ire-
naeum, iv. 35) identities the Babylonian Bardesanes
with the Syrian Gnostic, and maintains that he
flourished, not under Marcus Antoninus, but Ela-
gabalus ; and in this last position Grdbe concurs.
{Spicil. i. 317.) Lardner conceives that the his-
torical and chronological difficulties may be satis-
factorily adjusted by the hypothesis that the same
individual who had acquired an early reputation
in the reign of Marcus Aurelius was still living,
in the full blaze of his celebrity, under Elagabalus.
His reasoning on the question is very sound ; yet
an attentive consideration of the ancient authorities
disposes us to agree with Vossius and Heeren. The
Bardesanes mentioned by Porphyry wrote concern-
ing the Indian Gymnosophists. {Euseh. Hist. Ecdes.
iv. 30 ; Jerome, de Viris Illustr. c. 33 ; Sozoraen,
Theodoret, and the Edessene Chronicle. The
chief modem authorities are the works of Cave,
Tillemont, and Remi Ceillier ; Beausobre, His-
toire de Afanichee, ^c, vol. ii. p. 128 ; Ittig,
Append. Diss, de Haeresiarch. sect. ii. 6. § 85 ;
Buddeus, Diss, de haeres. Valentin. § xviii. ; Lardner,
Credibility of tlie Gospel History., part ii. ch. 28,
§ 12 ; Burton's Lectures upon Ecclesiastical His-
tory, Lect. XX. vol. ii. pp. 182 — 185 ; Neander,
Gesch. der Christ. Religion, <^c. I. i. p. 112, ii. pp.
632, 647, 743; and Grabe, Mosheim, Walch, and
Hahn, //. c.) [J. M. M.]

BARDYLIS or BARDYLLIS {Bdp3v\i5,
BdfiSvWis), the Illyrian chieftain, is said to have
been originally a collier, — next, the leader of a
band of freebooters, in which capacity he was
famous for his equity in the distribution of plun-
der,— and ultimately to have raised himself to the
supreme power in lllyria. (Wesseling, ad Died.
xvi. 4, and the authorities there referred to.) He
supported Argaeus against Amyntas II. in his
struggle for the throne of Macedonia [see p. 154,
b.] ; and from Diodorus (xvi. 2) it appears that
AmynUis, after his restoration to his kingdom, was
obliged to purchase peace of Bardylis by tribute,
and to deliver up as a hostage his youngest son,
Philip, who, according to this account (which
seems far from the truth), was committed by the
Iliyrians to the custody of the Thebans. (Diod.
xvi. 2 ; comp. Wesseling, ad loc. ; Diod. xv. 67 ;

BARNABAS.

46D

Pint. Pelop. 26 ; Just. vii. 5.) The incursions of
Bardylis into Macedonia we find continued in the
reign of Pcrdiccas III., who fell in a battle against
him in u. c. 360. (Diod. xvi. 2.) When Philip,
in the ensuing year, was preparing to invade
lllyria, Bardylis, who was now 90 years old,
having proposed terms of peace which Philip re-
jected, led forth his troops to meet the enemy, and
was defeated and probably slain in the battle
which ensued. Plutarch mentions a daughter of
his, called Bircenna, who was married to Pyrrhus
of Epeirus. (Diod. xvi. 4 ; Just. vii. 6 ; Lucian,
Macrob. 10; Pint. Pyrr. 9.) [E. E.]

BA'REA SORAN US, must not be confounded
with Q. Marcius Barea, who was consul suffectus
in A. D. 26. The gentile name of Barea Soranus
seems to have been Servilius, as Servilia was the
name of his daughter. Soranus was consul suffectus
in A. D. 52 under Claudius, and afterwards pro-
consul of Asia. By his justice and zeal in the
administration of the province he incurred the
hatred of Nero, and was accordingly accused by
Ostorius Sabinus, a Roman knight, in a. d. QQ.
The charges brought against him were his intimacy
with Rubellius Plautus [Plautus], and the de-
sign of gaining over the province of Asia for the
purpose of a revolution. His daughter Servilia
was also accused for having given money to the
Magi, whom she hud consulted respecting her
father's danger : she was under twenty years of
age, and was the wife of Anniiis Pollio, who had
been banished by Nero. Both Soranus and his
daughter were condemned to death, and were
allowed to choose the mode of their execution.
The chief witness against father and daughter was
P. Egnatius Celer, a Stoic philosopher, formerly a
client and also the teacher of Soranus ; to whose
act of villany Juvenal alludes (iii. 116),

" Stoicus occidit Baream, delator amicum,
Discipulumque senex."
Egnatius received great rewards from Nero, but
was afterwards accused by Musonius Rufus under
Vespasian, and condemned to death. (Tac. Ann.
xii. 53, xvi. 21, 23, 30—33, Hist. iv. 10, 40 ;
Dion Cass. Ixii. 26 ; Schol. ad Juv. i. 33, vi.
551.)

BARES. [Bardes.]

BA'RGASUS (Ba/ryao-oy), a son of Heracles
and Barge, from whom the town of Bargasa in
Caria derived its name. He had been expelled by
Lamus, the son of Omphale. (Steph. Byz. s. v.
Bdp-yaaa.) [L. S.]

BA'RGYLUS (Ba'p7vAos), a friend of Bellero-
phon, who was killed by Pegasus, and in comme-
moration of whom Belleroplion gave to a town in
Caria the name of Bargyla. (Steph. Byz. s. r.
BdpyvXa.) [L. S.]

BA'RNABAS {BapvdSas), one of the early in-
spired teachers of Christianity^ was originally named
Joseph, and received the apellation Bivrnabas from
the apostles. To the few details in his life supplied
by the New Testament various additions have been
made ; none of which are certainly true, while
many of them are evidently false. Clemens Alex-
andrinus, Eusebius, and others, affirm, that Barna-
bas was one of the seventy disciples sent forth by
our Lord himself to preach the gospel. Baronius
and some others have maintained, that Barnabas
not only preached the gospel in Italy, but founded
the church in Milan, of which they say he was the
first bishop. That this opinion rests on no aulfi-

464

BARNABAS.

cient evidence is ably shewn by the candid Tille-
mont. {Memoires, &c. vol. i. p. 657, &c.) Some
other fabulous stories concerning Barnabas are re-
lated by Alexander, a monk of Cyprus, whose age
is doubtful ; by Theodorus Lector ; and in the Cle-
mentina, the Recognitions of Clemens, and the
spurious Passio BarnaJxie in Cijpro^ forged in the
name of Mark.

Tertullian, in his treatise "de Pudicitia," ascribes
the Epistle to the Hebrews to Barnabas ; but this
opinion, though probably shared by some of his
contemporaries, is destitute of all probability.

A gospel ascribed to Barnabas is held in great
reverence among the Turks, and has been translated
into Italian, Spanish, and English. It seems to be the
production of a Gnostic, disfigured by the interpo-
lations of some Mohammedan writer. (Fabric. Co-
dex Apocryphits Novi Testamenii, Pars Tertia, pp.
373-394 ; White's Bampton Lectures.)

Respecting the epistle attributed to Barnabas
great diversity of opinion has prevailed from the
date of its publication by Hugh Menard, in 1645,
down to the present day. The external evidence
is decidedly in favour of its genuineness ; for the
epistle is ascribed to Barnabas, the coadjutor of
Paul, no fewer than seven times by Clemens Alex-
andrinus, and twice by Origen. Eusebius and Je-
rome, however, though they held the epistle to be
a genuine production of Barnabas, yet did not ad-
mit it into the canon. When we come to examine
the contents of the epistle, we are at a loss to con-
ceive how any serious believer in divine revelation
could ever think of ascribing a work full of such
gross absurdities and blunders to a teacher endowed
with the gifts of the Spirit. It is not improbable
that the author's name was Barnabas, and that the
Alexandrian fathers, finding its contents so accord-
ant with their system of allegorical interpretation,
came very gladly to the precipitate conclusion that
it was composed by the associate of Paul.

This epistle is found in several Greek manu-
scripts appended to Polycarp's Epistle to the Phi-
lippians. An old Latin translation of the epistle of
Barnabas was found in the abbey of Corbey ; and,
on comparing it with the Greek manuscripts, it was
discovered that they all of them want the first four
chapters and part of the fifth. The Latin transla-
tion, on the other hand, is destitute of the last four
chapters contained in the Greek codices. An edi-
tion of this epistle was prepared by Usher, and
printed at Oxford ; but it perished, with the excep-
tion of a few pages, in the great fire at Oxford in
1 644. The following are the principal editions :
in 1645, 4to. at Paris; this edition was prepared
by Menard, and brought out after his death by
Luke d'Acherry ; in 1646, by Isaac Vossius, ap-
pended to his edition of the epistles of Ignatius ;
in 1655, 4to. at Helmstadt, edited by Mader; in
1672, with valuable notes by the editor, in Cotele-
rius's edition of the Apostolic Fathers : it is includ-
ed in both of Le Clerc's republications of this work;
in 1680, Isaac Vossius's edition was republished;
in 1685, r2mo. at Oxford, an edition superintended
by Bishop Fell, and containing the few surviving
fragments of Usher's notes ; in the same year, in the
Varia Sacra of Stephen Le Moyne ; the first volume
containing long prolegomena, and the second pro-
lix but very learned annotations to this epistle ;
in 1746, 8vo. in Russel's edition of the Apostolic
Fathers; in 1788, in the first volume of Gallandi's
BMotheca Patrum : in 1839, Bvo. bv Hefcle, m

BARSUMAS.
his first, and, in 184*2, in his second edition of the
Patres Apostolici. In English we have one transla-
tion of this epistle by Archbishop Wake, originally
published in 1693 and often reprinted. Amone the
German translations of it, the best are by Rossler,
in the first volume of his Bibliothek der Kirclmivater^
and by Hefele, in his Das Sendschreiben des Apos-
tels Barnabas anfs Neue untersucht^ Ytbersetzt, and
erklart, Tubingen, 1840. [J.M.M.]

BARRUS, T. BETU'CIUS, of Asculum, a
town in Picenum, is described by Cicero {Brui.
46), as the most eloquent of all orators out of
Rome. In Cicero's time several of his orations
delivered at Asculum were extant, and also one
against Caepio, which was spoken at Rome. This
Caepio was Q. Servilius Caepio, who perished in
the social war, b. c. 90. [Caepio.]

BARSANU'PHIUS {"Rapaavoixpios), a monk
of Gaza, about 548 a. d., was the author of some
works on aceticism, which are preserved in MS.
in the imperial library at Vienna and the royal
librarv at Paris. (Cave, Hist. Lit. sub. ann.) [P.S.]

BARSINE (Baptrt'j/Tj). 1. Daughter of Arta-
bazus, the satrap of Bithynia, and wife of Memnon
the Rhodian. In b.c. 334, the year of Alexander's
invasion of Asia, she and her children were sent
by Memnon to Dareius III. as hostages for his
fidelity ; and in the ensuing year, when Damascus
was betrayed to the Macedonians, she fell into the
hands of Alexander, by whom she became the mo-
ther of a son named Hercules. On Alexander's
death, B.c. 323, a claim to the throne on this boy's
behalf was unsuccessfully urged by Nearchus.
From a comparison of the accounts of Diodorus
and Justin, it appears that he was brought up at
Pergamus under his mother's care, and that she
shared his fate when (b. c. 309) Polysperchon was
induced by Cassander to murder him. (Plut. Alex.
21, Bum. 1; Died. xvii. 23, xx. 20, 28; Curt,
iii. 13. § 14, X. 6. § 10 ; Just. xi. 10, xiii. 2, xv.2;
Pans. ix. 7.) Plutarch {Eiim. I.e.) mentions a
sister* of hers, of the same name, whom Alexan-
der gave in marriage to Eumenes at the grand
nuptials at Susa in b. c. 324 ; but see Arrian, Anab.
vii. p. 148, e.

2. Known also by the name of Stateira, was the
elder daughter of Dareius III., and became the
bride of Alexander at Susa, b. c. 324. AVithin a
year after Alexander's death she Avas treacherously
murdered by Roxana, acting in concert with the
regent Perdiccas, through fear of Barsine's giving
birth to a son whose claims might interfere with
those of her own. (Plat. Alea: 70, 77; Arr. Ajiab.
vii. p. 148, d. ; Diod. xvii. 107.) Justin (xi. 10)
seems to confound this Barsine with the one men-
tioned above. [E. E.]

BARSUMAS or BARSAUMAS, bishop of
Nisibis (435-485 a. n.), was one of the most emi-
nent leaders of the Nestorians. His efforts gained
for Nestorianism in Persia numerous adherents,
and the patronage of the king, Pherozes, who, at
the instigation of Barsumas, expelled from his
kingdom the opponents of the Nestorians, and al-
lowed the latter to erect Seleuceia and Ctesiphon
into a patriarchal see. He was the author of some
polemical works, which are lost. He must not be
confounded with Barsumas, an abbot, who was
condemned for Eutychianisra by the council ct

* Perhaps a half-sister, a daughter of Artabazua
bv the sister of Memnon and Mentor.

BASTLEIDKS.

rhalcedon, mid afterwards sproad the tenets of
Kutychea through Syria and Annenia, about a. d,
460. (Asseman, liiUioth. Orient, ii. pp. 1-10, and
preliminary Dissertation, iii. pt. 1. p. 66.) [P.S.]

BARTHOLOMAEUS (Bap0oAo/xa:os), one of
the twelve apostles of our Lord. Eusebius (//. E.
V. 10) informs us, that when PanUienus visited the
Indians, he found in their possession a Hebrew
Gospel of Matth<!w, which their fathers had re-
ceived from Bartholomew. The story is confirmed
by Jerome, who relates that this Hebrew Gospel
was brought to Alexandria by Pantaenus. It is
not very easy to determine who these Indians
were ; but Mosheim and Neander, who identify
them with the inhabitants of Arabia Felix, are
probably in the right. The time, place, and man-
ner of the death of Bartholomew are altogether
uncertain. There was an apocryphal gospel falsely
attributed to him, which is condemned by Pope
Gelasius in his decree de Liiris Apocryplm. (Tille-
mont, Memoires, ^c. vol. i. pp. 387 — 389, 642 —
645. Ed. sec. ; Mosheim, de Rebus Chrisfianorum,
c^r. p. 20.*), &c. ; Neander, Allgemeine Geschiclde,
|r. i. p. 113.) [J. M. M.]

BARSAENTES (Bap<raeVT7js), or BARZAEN-
TUS (BapfctefTos), satrap of the Arachoti and
Drangae, was present at the battle of Guagamela,
n. c. 331, and after the defeat of the Persian armj'
conspired with Bessus against Dareius. He was
one of those who mortally wounded the Pers'an
king, when Alexander was in pursuit of him ;
and after this he fled to India, where, however, he
was seized by the inhabitants and delivered up to
Alexander, who put him to death. {ArnaTi, Anah.
iii. 8, 21, 25 ; Died. xvii. 74 ; Curt. vi. 6, viii.
13.)

BARYAXES ( Bopua^Tjs ), a Mede, who
assumed the sovereignty during Alexander's ab-
sence in India, but was seized by Atropates, the
satrap of Media, and put to death by Alexander,
a c. 325. (Arrian, Anab. vi. 29.)

BARZANES (Bap^duvs). 1. One of the early
kings of Armenia according to Diodorus (ii. 1),
who makes him a tributary of the Assyrian Ninus.

2. Appointed satrap of the Parthyaei by Bessus,
B. c. 330, afterwards fell into the power of Alexan-
der. (Arrian, Anab. iv. 7.)

BAS (Bos), king of Bithynia, reigned fifty
years, from B. c. 376 to 326, and died at the age
of 71. He succeeded his father Boteiras, and was
himself succeeded by his own son Zipoetes. He
defeated Calantus, the general of Alexander, and
maintained the independence of Bithynia. (Mem-
non, c. 20, ed. Orelli.)

BASILEI'DES (Ba(ri\el5vs). 1. A Greek
grammarian, who wrote a work on the Dialect of
Homer (irepi Ae^ccos 'OjJL-npiKris), of which an epi-
tome was made by Cratinus. Both works are
lost. (Etymol. Mag. s.v. Apl^r]\o5.)

2. Of Scythopolis, a Stoic philosopher mentioned
by Eusebius {Cliron. Arm. p. 384, ed. Zohrab and
Mai) and Syncellus (p. 351, b.) as flourishing un-
der Antoninus Pius, and as the teacher of Verus
Caesar.

3. An Epicurean philosopher, the successor of
Dionysius. (Diog. Laert. x. 25.)

4. Of Alexandria, was one of the earliest and most
eminent leaders of the Gnostics. The time when he
lived is not ascertained with certainty, but it was
probably about 120 a. d. He professed to have
reteivod from Glaucias, a disciple of St. Peter, the

BASILIDES.

465

esoteric doctrine of that apostle. (Clem. Alex.6Vnwn.
vii. p. 765, ed. Potter.) No other Christian writer
makes any mention of Glaucias. Basileides was
the disciple of Menander and the fellow-disciple of
Satuminus. He is said to have spent* some time
at Antioch with Satuminus, when the latter was
commencing his heretical teaching, and then to
have proceeded to Persia, where he sowed the
seeds of Gnosticism, which ripened under Manes.
Thence he returned to Egypt, and publicly taught
his heretical doctrines at Alexandria. He appears
to have lived till after the accession of Antoninus
Pius in 138 a. d. He made additions to the doc-
trines of Menander and Satuminus. A complete
account of his system of theology and cosmogony-
is given by Mosheim {Eccles. Hist. bk. i. pt. ii.
c. 5. §§11-13, and de Reb. Christ, ante Constant.
pp. 342-361), Lardner {History of Heretics., bk. ii.
c. 2), and Walch. {Hist. derKetzer. i. 281-309.)
Basileides was the author of Commentaries on the
Gospel^ in twenty-four books, fragments of which
are preserved in Grxt^e, Spidleg^ ii. p. 39. Origen,
Ambrose, and Jerome mention a " gospel of Basi-
leides," which may perhaps mean nothing more
than his Commentaries.

5. Bishop of the Libyan Pentapolis, was a con-
temporary and friend of Dionysius of Alexandria,
to whom he wrote letters "on the time of our
Lord's resurrection, and at what hour of that day
the antepaschal fast should cease." The letters of
Basileides are lost, but the answers of Dionysius
remain. Cave says, that Basileides seems to have
been an Egyptian by birth, and he places him at
the year 256 a. d. {Hist. Litt. sub. ann.) [P. S.]

BASILIA'NUS, prefect of Egypt at the assas-
sination of Caracalla and the elevation of Macrinus,
by whom he was nominated to the command of
the praetorians. Before setting out to assume his
office, he put to death certain messengers despatched
by Elagabalus to publish his claims and proclaim
his accession ; but soon after, upon hearing of the
success of the pretender and the overthrow of his
patron, he fled to Italy, where he was betrayed by
a friend, seized, and sent off to the new emperor,
at that time wintering in Nicomedeia. Upon his
arrival, he was slain by the orders of the prince,
A. D. 213. (Dion Cass. Ixxviii. 35.) [W. R.]

BASILICA. [Praxilla.]

BASI'LACAS. [NicEPHORUs Basilicas.]

BASI'LICUS (Bao-tAjKos), a rhetorician and
sophist of Nicomedeia. As we know that he was
one of the teachers of Apsines of Gadara, he must
have lived about A. d. 200. He was the author of
several rhetorical works, among which are specified
one TTtpi Tciv hia twu Xe^ecov (rxT7Ato'''«''? a second
irepi priTopiKTJs irapaxTKfvijs, a third Trepl ouTfaja-fws,
and a fourth trepl /ueTaTroirf trews. (Suidas, s. vo.
BaffiKiKos and *A\pivTis; Eudoc. p. 93.) [L. S.]

BASl'LIDES. 1. A priest, who predicted suc-
cess to Vespasian as he was sacrificing on mount
Caraiel. {Tuc. Hist. \\. 7-i.)

2. An Egyptian of high rank, who is related to
have appeared miraculously to Vespasian in the
temple of Jupiter Serapis at Alexandria. (Tac.
Hist. iv. 82; Sueton. Vesp. 7.) Suetonius calls
him a freedman ; but the reading is probably cor-
rupt.

BASl'LIDES, a jurist, contemporary with Jus-
tinian, and one of a commission of ten employed
by the emperor to compile the first code, which
was afterwards suppressed, and gave place to the

2 m

466

BASILISrUS.

Codex rrpetitae praelectionis. In the first and se-
cond prefaces to the code the names of the commis-
sioners are mentioned in the following order : —
Joannes, Leontius, Phocas, Basileides, Thomas,
Tribonianus, Constantinus, Theophilus, Dioscurus,
Praesentinus. From the same sources it appears
that before 528. Basileides had been praefectus
praetorio of the East, and invested with the dig-
nity of patricius, and that in 529 he was PP. of
lUyricum. [J. T. G ]

BASILI'NA, the mother of Julian the apostate,
being the second wife of Julius Constantius, bro-
ther of Constantine the Great. She is believed to
have been the daughter of Anicius Julianus, consul
in A. D. 322, and afterwards prefect of the city.
Her marriage took place at Constantinople, and she
died in 331, a few months after the birth of her
only son. From this princess the city of Basilino-
polis in Bithynia received its name. (Ammian.
Marcellin. xxv. 3 ; Liban. Oral. xii. p. 262; Not. eccl.
Hierocl. p. 692.) See the genealogical tjvble prefixed
to the article Constantinus Magnus. [ W. R.]

BA'SILIS (Bao-iAis), a Greek writer of uncer-
tain date, the author of a work on India ('IvStico),
of which the second book is quoted by Athenaeus.
(ix. p. 390, b.) He also seems to have written on
Aethiopia, as he gave an account of the size of the
country. (Plin. //. N. vi. 29. s. 35.) He is men-
tioned by Agatharchides among the writers on the
east {Ap. Phot p. 454, b. 34, ed. Bekker, who
calls him BasUeus.)

BASILI'SCUS {BamKlffKos), usurper of the
throne of Constantinople, was the brother of the
empress Verina, the wife of Leo I., who conferred
upon his brother-in-law the dignities of patrician
and "dux " or commander-in-chief in Thrace. In
this country Basiliscus made a successful campaign
against the Bulgarians in a. d. 463. In 468, he
was appointed commander-in-chief of the famous
expedition against Carthage, then the residence of
Genseric, king of the Vandals — one of the greatest
military undertakings which is recorded in the an-
nals of history. The plan was concerted between
Leo I. Anthemius, emperor of the West, and Mar-
cellinus, who enjoyed independence in lUyricura.
Basiliscus was ordered to sail direct to Carthage,
and his operations were preceded by those of Mar-
cellinus, who attacked and took Sardinia, while a
third army, commanded by Heraclius of Edessa,
landed on the Libyan coast east of Carthage, and
made rapid progress. It appears that the combined
forces met in Sicily, whence the three fleets started
at different periods. The number of ships and
troops under the command of Basiliscus, and the
expenses of the expedition have been differently
calculated by different historians. Both were enor-
mous ; but while we must reject the account of
Nicephorus Gregoras, who speaks of one hundred
thousand ships, as either an error of the copyists
or a gross exaggeration, everj'thing makes us
believe that Cedrenus is correct in saying that the
fleet that attacked Carthage consisted of eleven
hundred and thirteen ships, having each one hun-
dred men on board. Sardinia and Libya were
already conquered by Marcellinus and Heraclius
when Basiliscus cast anchor off the Promontoriiim
Mercurii, now cape Bon, opposite Sicily. Genseric,
terrified, or feigning to be so, spoke of submission,
and requested Basiliscus to allow him five days in
order to draw up the conditions of a peace which
promised to be one of the most glorious for the

BASILISCUS.

Roman arms. During the negotiations, Genser'c
assembled his ships, and suddenly attacked the
Roman fleet, which was unprepared for a general
engagement. Basiliscus fied in the heat of the
battle; his lieutenant, Joannes, one of the most
distinguished warriors of his time, when overpow-
ered by the Vandals, refused the pardon that was
promised him, and with his heavy armour leaped
overboard, and drowned himself in the sea. One
half of the Roman ships was burnt, sunk, or
taken, the other half followed the fugitive Basilis-
cus. The whole expedition had failed. After his
arrival at Constantinople, Basiliscus hid himself in
the church of St. Sophia, in order to escape the
wrath of the people and the revenge of the emperor,
but he obtained his pardon by the mediation of
Verina, and he was punished merely with banish-
ment to Heraclea in Thrace.

Basiliscus is generally represented as a good ge-
neral, though easily deceived by stratagems ; and it
may therefore be possible that he had suffered him-
self to be surprised by Genseric. The historians
generally speak ambiguously, saying that he was
either a dupe or a traitor ; and there is much
ground to believe that he had concerted a plan
with Aspar to ruin Leo by causing the failure of
the expedition. This opinion gains further strength
by the fact, that Basiliscus aspired to the imperial
dignity, which, however, he was unable to obtain
during the vigorous government of Leo. No
sooner had Leo died (474), than Basiliscus and
Verina, Leo's widow, conspired against his fee-
ble successor, Zeno, who was driven out and de-
posed in the following year. It seems that Ve-
rina intended to put her lover, Priscus, on the
throne ; but Basiliscus had too much authority in
the army, and succeeded in being proclaimed em-
peror. (October or November, 475.) His reign
was short. He conferred the title of Augusta upon
his wife, Zenonida ; he created his son, Marcus,
Caesar, and afterwards Augustus ; and he patro-
nised the Eutychians in spite of the decisions of
the council of Chalcedon. During his reign a dread-
ful conflagration destroyed a considerable part of
Constantinople, and amongst other buildings the
great librar}' with 120,000 volumes. His rapacity
and the want of union among his adherents caused
his ruin, which was accelerated by the activity of
Zeno, his wife, the empress Ariadne, and generally
all their adherents. Ill us, the general despatched
by Basiliscus against Zeno, who had assembled
some forces in Cilicia and Isauria, had no sooner
heard that the Greeks were dissatisfied with the
usurper, than he and his army joined the party of
Zeno ; and his successor, Armatius or Harmatus,
the nephew of Basiliscus, either followed the ex-
ample of Illus, or at least allowed Zeno to march
unmolested upon Constantinople. Basiliscus was
surprised in his palace, and Zeno sent him and his
family to Cappadocia, where the}^ were imprisoned
in a stronghold, the name of which was perhaps
Cucusus. Food having been refused them, Basi-
liscus, his wife, and children perished by hunger
and cold in the winter of 477-478, several months
after his fall, which took place in June or July,
477. (Zonaras, xiv. 1, 2 ; Procop. De Bell. Vand.
i. 6, 7 ; Theophanes, pp. 97-107, ed. Paris; Ce-
drenus, pp. 349-50, ed. Paris. Joniandes, de Regn.
Succ. pp. 58, 59, ed. Lir.denbrog, says, that Car-
thage was in an untenable position, and that
Basiliscus was bribed by Genseric.) [ W. P.]

BASILIUS.

nASriiIUS(Bao-<A€fosand Boo-jAjos), commonly
called BASIL. 1. Bishop of Ancyra (a. d. .'}.'')()-
3G0), originally a physician, was one of the chief
leaders of the Semi-Arian party, and the founder
of a sect of Arians which was named after him.
He was held in high esteem by the emperor Con-
stantius, and is praised for his piety and learning
by Socrates and Sozomen. He was engaged in
perpetual controversies both with the orthodox and
with the ultra Arians. His chief opponent was
Acacius, through whose influence Basil was de-
posed by the synod of Constantinople (a. d, 360),
and banished to Illyricum. He wrote against his
predecessor Marcellus, and a work on Virginity.
His works are lost. (Hieron. de Vir. Illust. 89 ;
Epiphan. Haeres. Ixxiii. 1 ; Socrates, //. E. ii.
30, 42 ; Sozomen, H. E. ii. 43.)

2. Bishop of Caesareia in Cappadocia, com-
monly called Basil the Great, was born a. d. 329,
of a noble Christian family which had long been
settled at Caesareia, and some members of which
had suffered in the Maximinian persecution. His
father, also named Basil, was an eminent advocate
and teacher of rhetoric at Caesareia : his mother's
name was Emmelia. He was brought up in the
principles of the Christian faith partly by his pa-
rents, but chiefly by his grandmother, Macrina,
who resided at Neocaesareia in Pontus, and had
been a hearer of Gregory Thaumaturgus, bishop of
that city. His education was continued at Caesa-
reia in Cappadocia, and then at ConsUintinople.
Here, according to some accounts, or, according to
others, at Antioch, he studied under Libanius.
The statements of ancient writers on this matter
are confused ; but we learn from a correspondence
between Libanius and Basil, that they were ac-
quainted when Basil was a young man. The
genuineness of these letters has been doubted by
Gamier, but on insufficient grounds. From Con-
stantinople he proceeded to Athens, wliere he stu-
died for four years (351-355 a. d.), chiefly under
the sophists Himerius and Proaeresius. Among his
fellow-students were the emperor Julian and Gre-
gory Nazianzen. The latter, who was also a na-
tive of Cappadocia, and had been Basil's school-
fellow, now became, and remained throughout life,
his most intimate friend. It is said, that he per-
suaded Basil to remain at Athens when the latter
was about to leave the place in disgust, and that
the attachment and piety of the two friends be-
came the talk of all the city. Basil's success in
study was so great, that even before he reached
Athens his fame had preceded him ; and in the
schools of that city he was surpassed by no one, if
we may believe his friend Gregory, in rhetoric,
philosophy, and science. At the end of 355, he
retunied to Caesareia in Cappadocia, where he be-
gan to plead causes with great success. He soon,
however, abandoned his profession, in order to de-
vote himself to a religious life, having been urged
to this course by the persuasions and example of
his sister Macrina. The more he studied the Bible
the more did he become convinced of the excellence
of a life of poverty and seclusion from the world.
About the year 357, he made a journey through
Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, in order to become
acquainted with the monastic life as practised in
those countries. On his return from this journey
(358), he retired to a mountain on the banks of
the river Iris, near Neociesareia, and there lived
as a recluse for thirteen years. On the opposite

BASILIUS.

4G7

bank of the river was a small estate belonging li,
his family, where his mother and sister, with some
chosen companions, lived in religious seclusion from
the world. Basil assembled round him a com-
pany of monks, and was soon joined by his friend
Gregory. Their time was spent in manual la-
bour, in the religious exercises of singing, prayer,
and watching, and more especially in the study
of the Scriptures, with the comments of Chris-
tian writers. Their favourite writer appears to
have been Origen, from whose works they col-
lected a body of extracts under the title of Philo-
calia (<pt\oKa\ia). Basil also composed a code of
regulations for the monastic life. He wrote many
letters of advice and consolation, and made journeys
through Pontus for the purpose of extending mo-
nasticism, which owed its establishment in central
Asia mainly to his exertions.

In the year 359, Basil was associated with his
namesake of Ancyra and Eustathius of Sebaste in
an embassy to Constantinople, in order to gain the
emperor's confirmation of the decrees of the synod
of Seleuceia, by which the Homoiousians had con-
demned the Anomoians ; but he took only a silent
part in the embassy. He had before this time, but
how long we do not know, been appointed reader
in the church at Caesareia by the bishop Dianius,
and he had also received deacon's orders from Me-
letius, bishop of Antioch. In the following year
(360) Basil withdrew from Caesareia and returned
to his monastery, because Dianius had subscribed
the Arian confession of the synod of Ariminum.
Here (361) he received a letter from the emperor
Julian, containing an invitation to court, which
Basil refused on account of the emperor's apostacy.
Other letters followed ; and it is probable that
Basil would have suffered martyrdom had it not been
for Julian's sudden death. In the following year
(362), Dianius, on his death bed, recalled Basil to
Caesareia, and his successor Eusebius ordained him
as a presbyter; but shortly afterwards (364), Eu-
sebius deposed him, for some unknown reason.
Basil retired once more to the wilderness, accom-
panied by Gregory Nazianzen. Encouraged by
this division, the Arians, who had acquired new
strength from the accession of Valens, commenced
an attack on the church at Caesareia. Basil had
been their chief opponent there, having written a
work against Eunomius ; and now his loss was so
severely felt, that Eusebius, availing himself of the
mediation of Gregory Nazianzen, recalled Basil to
Caesareia, and, being himself but little of a theo-
logian, entrusted to him almost the entire manage-
ment of ecclesiastical affairs. (365.) Basil's learn-
ing and eloquence, his zeal for the Catholic faith,
and, above all, his conduct in a famine which hap-
pened in Cappadocia (367, 368), when he devoted
his whole fortune to relieve the sufferers, gained
him such general popularity, that upon the death
of Eusebius, in the year 370, he was chosen in his
place bishop of Caesareia. In virtue of this office,
he became also metropolitan of Caesareia and ex-
arch of Pontus. He still retained hia monastic
habit and his ascetic mode of life. The chief fea-
tures of his administration were his care for the
poor, for whom he built houses at Caesareia and
the other cities in his province ; his restoration of
church discipline ; his strictness in examining can-
didates for orders ; his efforts for church union both
in the East and West ; his defence of his authonty
against Anthimus of Tyana, whose see was raised

2 u a

468

BASILIUS.

to a second metropolis of Cappadocia by Valens ; and
his defence of orthodoxj'^ against the powerful Arian
and Semi- Arian bishops in his neighbourhood, and
against Modestus, the prefect of Cappadocia, and
the emperor Valens himself. He died on the 1st
of January, 379 a. d., worn out by his ascetic
life, and was buried at Caesjireia. His epitaph by
Gregory Nazianzen is still extant. The following
are his chief works : 1. Els rrjv i^artixepov. Nine
Homilies on the Six Days' Work. '2. XVII. Ho-
milies on the Psalms. 3. XXXI. Homilies on
various subjects. 4. Two Books on Baptism.
5. On true Virginity. 6. Commentary (4p/j.r]veia
or f^t^yvo-is) on the first XVI. chapters of Isaiah.

7. 'AvTip^TfTiKOS Tov diroKoyqT iKOv tov SvaaeSovs
Evvofuov, An Answer to the Apology of the Arian
Eunomius. 8. TJepl tov dylov ■jryeu/uaros, a Trea-
tise on the Holy Spirit, addressed to Eunomius : its
genuineness is doubted by Garnier. 9. 'Ao-xrjrt/co,
ascetic writings. Under this title are included his
work on Christian Morals (i^5t/ca), his monastic
rules, and several other treatises and sermons.
10. Letters. 11. A Liturgy. His minor works
and those falsely ascribed to him are enumerated
by Fabricius and Cave. The first complete edition
of Basil's works was published at Basel in 1 551 ; the
most complete is that by Gamier, 3 vols. fol. Paris,
1721 — 1730. (Gregor. Nazian. Orat. in Laud.
Basilii M. ; Gregor. N3'9S. Vit. S. Afacrinae ;
Gamier, Vita S. Basilii; Socrates, //. E. iv. 26 ;
Sozomen, //. E. vi. 17; Rufinus, H. E. xi. 9;
Suidas, s. r. Bacriheios.)

3. Of CiLiciA (o Ki'Aj^), was the author of a
history of the Church, of which Photius gives a
short account {Cod. 42), a work against John of
Scythopolis (Phot. Cod. 107), and one against
Archelaus, bishop of Colonia in Amienia. (Suidas,

8. V.) He lived under the emperor Anastasius,
was presbyter at Antioch about 497 a. d., and
afterwards bishop of Irenopolis in Cilicia.

4. Bishop of Seleuceia in Isauria from 448
till after 458, distinguished himself by tciking al-
ternately both sides in the Eutychian controversy.
His works are published with those of Gregory
Thaumaturgus, in the Paris edition of 1622. He
must not be confounded with Basil, the friend of
Chrysostom, as is done by Photius. {Cod. 168,
p. 116, ed. Bekker.) [P.S.]

BASI'LIUS I., MA'CEDO (BaaiKeios 6 Ma-
KfScijj'), emperor of the East, one of the most ex-
traordinary characters recorded in history, ascended
the throne after a series of almost incredible adven-
tures. He was probably born in a. d. 826, and is
said to have been the descendant of a prince of the
house of the Arsacidae, who fled to Greece, and
was invested with large estates in Thrace by the
emperor Leo I. Thrax. (451 — 474.) There were
probably two Arsacidae who settled in Thrace,
Chlienes and Artabanus. The father of Basil,
however, was a small landowner, the family having
gradually lost their riches ; but his mother is said
to have been a descendant of Consttmtine the Great.
At an early age, Basil was niiide prisoner by a
party of Bulgarians, and carried into their country,
where he was educated as a slave. He was ran-
somed several years afterwards, arrived at Constan-
tinople a destitute lad, and was found asleep on the
steps of the church of St. Diomede. His naked
beauty attracted the attention of a monk, on whose
recommendation he was presented to Theophilus,
sumamed the Little, a cousin of the emperor Theo-

BASILIUS.

philus (829-842), who, a diminutive man himself,
liked to be surrounded by tall and handsome foot-
men. Such was Basil, who, having accompanied
his master to Greece, was adopted by a rich
widow at Patras. Her wealth enabled him to
purchase large estates in Macedonia, whence he
derived his surname Macedo, unless it be tnie that
it was given him on account of his pretended de-
scent, on his mother's side, eitlier from Alexander
the Great or his father, Philip of Macedonia, which
however seems to be little better than a fable. He
continued to attend the little Theophilus, and after
the accession of Michael III. in 842, attracted the
attention of this emperor by vanquishing in single
combat a giant Bulgarian, who was reputed to be
the first pugilist of his time. In 854 Michael ap-
pointed him his chief chamberlain ; and the ambi-
tion of Basil became so conspicuous, that the cour-
tiers used to say that he was the lion who would
devour them all. Basil was married to one Maria,
by whom he had a son, Constantine ; but, in order
to make his fortune, he repudiated his wife, and
married Eudoxia Ingerina, the concubine of the
emperor, who took in exchange Thecla, the sister
of Basil. The marriage was celebrated in Decem-
ber, 865 ; and in September, 866, Ingerina became
the mother of Leo, afterwards emperor. The in-
fluence of Basil increased daily, and he was daring
enough to form a conspii-acy against the emperor's
uncle, Bardus, upon whom the dignity of Caesar
had been conferred, and who was assassinated in
the presence of Michael.

A short time afterwards, Rasil was created Au-
gustus, and the administration of the empire de-
volved upon him, Michael being unable to conduct
it on account of his drunkenness and other vices.
The emperor became nevertheless jealous of his
associate, and resolved upon his ruin ; but he was
prevented from carrying his plan into execution by
the bold energy of Basil, by whose contrivance
Michael was murdered after a debauch on the 24th
of September, 867.

Basil, who succeeded him on the throne, was no
general, but a bold, active man, whose intelligence
was of a superior kind, though his character was
stained with many a vice, which he had learned
during the time of his slavery among the barbarians
and of his courtiership at Constantinople. The
famous patriarch Photius having caused those re-
ligious troubles for which his name is so conspi-
cuous in ecclesiastical and political history, Basil
instantly removed him from the see of Constanti-
nople, and put Ignatius in his place. He likewise
ordered a campaign to be undertaken against the
warlike sect of the Paulicians, whom his generals
brought to obedience. A still greater danger arose
from the Arabs, who, during the reign of the in-
competent Michael III., had made great progress in
Asia and Europe. Basil, who knew how to choose
good generals, forced the Arabs to renounce the
siege of Ragusa. In 872, he accompanied his
Asiatic army, which crossed the Euphrates and
defeated the Arabs in many engagements, especi-
ally in Cilicia in 875. In 877 the patriarch Igna-
tius died, and Photius succeeded in resuming his
former dignity, under circumstances the narrative
of which belengs to the life of Photius. The
success wliich the Greek arms had obtained against
the Arabs, encouraged Basil to form the plan of
driving them out of Italy, the southern part of
which, as well as Sicily and Syracuse, they had

BASILIUS.

gradually conquered during the ninth century.
They had also laid siege to Chalcis ; but there
tliey were defeated with great loss, and the Greeks
burnt the greater part of their fleet off Creta. Af-
ter these successes, Basil sent an army to Italy,
which was commanded by Procopius and his lieu-
tenant Leo. Procopius defeated the Arabs wher-
ever he met them ; but his glory excited the jea-
lousy of Leo, who abandoned Procopius in the heat
of a general action. Procopius was killed while
endeavouring to rouse the spirit of his soldiers,
who hesitated when they beheld the defection of
Leo. Notv»'ithstiinding these unfavourable occur-
rences, the Greeks carried the day. Basil imme-
diately recalled Leo, who was mutilated and sent
into exile. The new commander-in-chief of the
Greek army in Italy was Stephanus Maxentius,
an incompetent general, who was soon superseded
in his command by Nicephorus Phocas, the grand-
father of Nicephorus Phocas who became emperor
in 963. This happened in 885 ; and in one cam-
paign Nicephorus Phocas expelled the Arabs from
the continent of Italy, and forced them to content
themselves with Sicily.

About 879, Basil lost his eldest son, Constantine.
His second son, Leo, who succeeded Basil as Leo
VI. Philosophus, was for some time the favourite
of his father, till one Santabaren succeeded in
kindling jealousy between the emperor and his son.
Leo was in danger of being put to death for crimes
which he had never committed, when Basil disco-
vered that he had been abused by a traitor. San-
tfibaren was punished (885), and the good under-
standing between Basil and Leo was no more
troubled. In the month of February, 886, Basil
was wounded by a stag while hunting, and died
in consequence of his wounds on the 1st of March
of the same year.

Basil was one of the greatest emperors of the
East ; he was admired and respected by his sub-
jects and the nations of Europe. The weak go-
vernment of Michael III. had been universally
despised, and the empire under him was on the
brink of rein, through external enemies and inter-
nal troubles. Basil left it to his son in a flourish-
ing state, with a well organised administration,
and increased by considerable conquests. As a
legislator, Basil is known for having begun a new
collection of the laws of the Eastern empire, the
BaatXiKal Aiara^eis, "ConstitutionesBasilicae," or
simply "Basilica," which were finished by his son
Leo, and afterwards augmented by Constantine
Porphyrogeneta. The bibliographical history of this
code belongs to the history of Leo VI. Philosophus.
(See Diet, of Ant. s. v. Basilica.) The reign of
Basil is likewise distinguished by the propagation
of the Christian religion in Bulgaria, a most im-
portant event for the future history of the East.

Basil is the author of a small work, entitled
Kf(pd\aia vapaiveTiKd |(/. irpos rov eavrov vtou
Acoura {^Exhortationum Capita LXVI. ad Leonem
Jiliuiu), which he dedicated to, and destined for,
his son Leo. It contains sixty-six short chapters,
each treating of a moral, religious, social, or politi-
cal principle, especiall)- such as concern the duties
of a sovereign. Each chapter has a superscription,
such as> Uepl TrotSeuo-ecoy, which is the first ; Ilepi
ri/xiis 'lepewj/ ; Uepl SvKatoavvTjs '^ Tlfpl apxifs ;
riepl Koyov reAefou, &c., and Ilepl duayvwcreus
7,-^a*w:', which is the last. The first edition of
this work was published, with a Latin translation,

BASILIUS

469

by F. MoreHns, at Paris, 1584, 4to. ; a second edi-
tion was published by Damke, with the translation
of Morellus, Basel, 1633, 8vo. ; the edition of
Dransfeld, Gottingen, 1674, 8vo., is valued for
the editor's excellent Latin translation ; and an-
other edition, with the translation of Morellus
corrected by the editor, is contained in the first
volume (pp. 143-156) of Bandurius, " Imperium
Orientale," Paris, 1729.

(Preface to the Ejcliortaiiones^ in Bandurius
cited above; Zonar. xvi. ; Cedren. pp.556 — 592,
ed. Paris ; Leo Grammat. pp. 458-474, ed. Paris ;
Fabric. Dibl. Grace, viii. pp. 42, 43.) [W. P.]

BASI'LIUS II. (Bao-Uejos), emperor of the
East, was the elder son of Roman us II., of the
Macedonian dynasty, and was born in A. n. 958 ;
he had a younger brother, Constantine, and two
sisters, Anna and Theophano or Theophania. Ro-
manus ordered that, after his death, which took
place in 963, his infant sons should reign together,
under the guardianship of their mother, Theophano
or Theophania ; but she married Nicephorus Pho-
cas, the conqueror of Creta, and raised him to the
throne, which he oecopied till MQ, when he was
murdered by Joannes Zimisces, who succeeded to
his place. Towards the end of 975, Zimisces re-
ceived poison in Cilicia, and died in Constantinople
in the month of January, 976. After his death,
Basil and Constantine ascended the throne ; but
Constantine, with the exception of some military
expeditions, in which he distinguished himself, led
a luxurious life in his palace in Constantinople,
and the care of the government devolved upon
Basil, who, after having spent his youth in luxu-
ries and extravagances of every description, shewed
himself worthy of his ancestor, Basil 1., and was
one of the greatest emperors that ruled over the
Roman empire in the East.

The reign of Basil II. was an almost uninter-
rupted series of civil troubles and wars, in which,
however, the imperial arms obtained extraordinary
success. The emperor generally commanded his
annies in person, and became renowned as one of
the greatest generals of his time. No sooner was
he seated on the throne, than his authority was
shaken by a revolt of Sclerus, who, after bringing
the emperor to the brink of ruin, was at last de-
feated by the imperial general, Phocas, and obliged
to take refuge among the Arabs. Otho II., em-
peror of Germany, who had married Theophania^
the sister of Basil, claimed Calabria and Apulia,
which belonged to the Greeks, but kid been pro-
mised as a dower with Theophania. Basil, unable
to send sufficient forces to Italy, excited the Arabs
of Sicily against Otho, who, after obtaining great
successes, lost an engagement with the Arabs, and
on his flight was taken prisoner by a Greek galley,
but nevertheless escaped, and was making prepa-
rations for a new expedition, when he was poison-
ed. (982.) In consequence of his death, Basil was
enabled to consolidate his authority in Southern
Italy. In different wars with Al-masin, the kha-
lif of BaghdM, and the Arabs of Sicily, who were
the scourge (rfthe sea-towns of Southern Italy, the
Greeks made some valuable conquests, although
they were no adequate reward either for the ex-
penses incurred or sacrifices made in these expedi-
tions. Basil's greatest glory was the destruction
of the kingdom of Bulgaria, which, as Gibbon says,
was the most important triumph of the Roman
arras since the time of Belisarius. Basil opened

470

BASILIUS.

the war, which lasted, with a few interraptions,
till 1018, with a successful campaign in 987; and,
during the following years, he made conquest after
conquest in the south-western part of that king-
dom, to which Epeirus and a considerable part of
Macedonia belonged. In 996, however, Samuel,
the king of the Bulgarians, overran all Macedonia,
laid siege to Thessalonica, conquered Thessaly,
and penetrated into the Peloponnesus. Having
marched back into Thessaly, in order to meet with
the Greeks, who advanced in his rear, he was
routed on the banks of the Sperchius, and hardly
escaped death or captivity ; his army was destroy-
ed. In 999, the lieutenant of Basil, Nicephorus
Xiphias, took the towns of Pliscova and Parasth-
lava in Bulgaria Proper. But as early as 1002,
Samuel again invaded Thrace and took Adrianople.
He was, however, driven back ; and during the
twelve following years the war seems to have been
carried on with but little energy by either party.
It broke out again in 1014, and was signalized by
an extraordinary success of the Greeks, who were
commanded by their emperor and Nicephorus Xi-
phias. The Bulgarians were routed at Zetunium.
Being incumbered on his march by a band of
15,000 prisoners, Basil gave the cruel order to put
their eyes out, sparing one in a hundred, who was
to lead one hundred of his blind companions to
their native country. When Samuel beheld his
unhappy warriors, thus mutilated and filling his
camp with their cries, he fell senseless on the
ground, and died two days afterwards. Bulgaria
was not entirely subdued till 1017 and 1018, when
it was degraded into a Greek thema, and governed
by dukes. This conquest continued a province of
the Eastern empire tiU the reign of Isaac Angelui.
(1185—1195.)

Among the other events by which the reign of
Basil was signalised, the most remarkable were, a
new revolt of Sclerus in 987, who wiis made pri-
soner by Phocas, but persuaded his victor to make
common cause with him against the emperor, which
Phocas did, whereupon they were both attacked
by Basil, who killed Phocas in a battle, and granted
a full pardon to the cunning Sclerus ; the cession
of Southern Iberia to the Greeks by its king David
in 991; a glorious expedition against the Arabs in
Syria and Phoenicia ; a successful campaign of
Basil in 1022 against the king of Northern Iberia,
who was supported by the Arabs ; and a dangerous
mutiny of Sclerus and Phocas, the son of Nicepho-
rus Phocas mentioned above, who rebelled during
the absence of Basil in Iberia, but who were speed-
ily brought to obedience. Notwithstanding his
advanced age, Basil meditated the conquest of
Sicily from the Arabs, and had almost tenninated
his preparations, when he died in the month of
December, 1025, without leaving issue. His suc-
cessor was his brother and co-regent, Constantine
IX., who died in 1028. It is said, and it cannot
be doubted, that Basil, in order to expiate the
sins of his youth, promised to become a monk, that
he bore the frock of a monk under his imperial
dress, and that he took a vow of abstinence.
He was of course much praised by the clergy ; but
he impoverished his subjects by his continual wars,
which could not be carried on without heavy taxes ;
he was besides very rapacious in accumulating trea-
sures for himself; and it is said that he left the
enormous sum of 200,000 pounds of gold, or nearly
eight million pounds sterling. Zonaras (vol. ii. p. 225)

BASS ARE US.

multiplies the sum by changing pounds into talents;
but this is either an enonnous exaggeration, or the
error of a copyist. Basil, though great as a gene-
ral, was an unlettered, ignorant man, and during
his long reign the arts and literature yielded to the
power of the sword. (Cedren. p. 645, &c. ed. Paris;
Glycas, p. 305, &c. ed. Paris ; Zonar. vol. ii. p.
197, &c. ed. Paris; Theophan. p. 458, &c. ed.
Paris.) [W. P.]

BA'STLUS, the name of a family of the Minucia
gens. Persons of this name occur only in the first
century b. c. It is frequently written Basilius,
but the best MSS. have Basilus, which is also
shewn to be the correct form by the line of Lucan
(iv.4l6),

" Et Basilum videre ducem," &c.

1. (MiNUCius) Basilus, a tribune of the sol-
diers, served under Sulla in Greece in his campaign
against Archelaus, the general of Mithridates, B. c.
86. (Appian, Mithr. 50.)

2. M. MiNucius Basilus. (Cic. pro Cliient.
38.)

3. MiNUCius Basilus, of whom we know no-
thing, except that his tomb was on the Appian
way, and was a spot infamous for robberies. (Cic.
ad Alt. vii. 9 ; Ascon. in Milon, p. 50, ed. Orelli.)

4. L. MiNUcius Basilu.s, the uncle of M.
Satrius, the son of his sister, whom he adopted in
his will. (Cic. de Of. iii. 18.)

5. L. MiNUCius Basilus, whose original name
was M. Satrius, took the name of his uncle, by
whom he was adopted, [No. 4.] He served under
Caesar in Gaul, and is mentioned in the war against
Ambiorix, b. c. 54, and again in 52, at the end of
which campaign he was stationed among the Remi
for the winter with the command of two legions.
(Caes. B. G. vi. 29, 30, vii. 92.) He probably
continued in Gaul till the breaking out of the civil
war in 49, in which he commanded part of Caesar's
fleet. (Flor. iv. 2. § 32 ; Lucan, iv. 416.) He was
one of Caesar's assassins in b. c. 44, although, like
Brutus and others, he was a personal friend of
the dicttitor. In tlie following year he was
himself murdered by his own slaves, because
he had punished some of them in a barbarous
manner. (Appian, D. C. ii. 113, iii. 98 ; Oros. vi.
18.) There is a letter of Cicero's to Basilus, con-
gratulating him on the murder of Caesar. (Cic. ad
Fam. vi. 15.)

6. (MiNUcius) Basilus, is attacked by Cicero
in the second Philippic (c. 41) as a friend of An-
tony. He would therefore seem to be a diflferent
person from No. 5.

BA'SSAREUS (Batro-apeus), a surname of Dio-
nysus (Hor. Carin. i. 18. 11 ; Macrob. Sat. i. 18),
which, according to the explanations of the Greeks,
is derived from fiaaadpx or fiaaaapis, the long robe
which the god himself and the Maenads used to
wear in Thrace, and whence the Maenads them-
selves are often called bassarae or bassarvies. The
name of this garment again seems to be connected
with, or rather the same as, ^aaaapis, a fox (He-
sych. s. V. ^a(T(rdpai), probably because it was ori-
ginally made of fox-skins. Others derive tlie name
Bassareus from a Hebrew word, according to which
its meaning would be the same as the Greek irpo-
rpvyjis, that is, the precursor of the vintage. On
some of the vases discovered in southern Italy
Dionysus is represented in a long garment which
is commonly considered to be the Thracian ba*-
sara. [L. S.J

BASSUS.

BASSI A'NA, one of the imnics of Julia Soeniias.
[Bassianus, No. 2 ; Soemias.J

BASSIA'NUS. 1. A Roman of distinction se-
lected by Constantino the Great as the husband of
his sister Anastasia, and destined for the rank of
Caesar and the government of Italy, although pro-
bably never actually invested with these dignities.
For, while negotiations were pending with Licinius
respecting the ratification of this arrangement, it
was discovered that the last-named prince had
been secretly tampering with Bassianus, and had
persuaded him to form a treasonable plot against
his brother-in-law and benefactor. Constantino
promptly executed vengeance on the traitor, and
the discovery of the perfidy meditated by his col-
league led to a war, the result of which is recounted
elsewhere. [Constantinus.] The whole history
of this intrigue, so interesting and important on
account of the momentous consequences to which
it eventually led, is extremely obscure, and depends
almost exclusively upon the anonymous fragment
appended by Valesius to his edition of Ammianus
Marcellinus.

2. A Phoenician of humble extraction, who
nevertheless numbered among his lineal descend-
ants, in the three generations which followed
immediately after him, four emperors and four
Augustae, — Caracalla, Geta, Elagabalus, Alex-
ander Severus, Julia Domna, Julia Maesa, Julia
Soemias, and Julia Mamaea, besides having an
emperor (Sept. Severus) for his son-in-law. From
him Caracalla, Elagabalus, and Alexander Severus
all bore the name of Bassianus ; and we find his
grand-daughter Julia Soemias entitled Bassiana in
a remarkable bilinguar inscription discovered at
Velitrae and published with a disfjertation at Rome
in 1765. (Aurelius Victor, Epit. c. 21, has pre-
served his name ; and from an expression used by
Dion Cassius, Ixxviii. 24, with regard to Julia
Domna, we infer his station in life. See also the
genealogical table prefixed to the article Cara-
calla.) [W. R.]

BASSUS. We find consuls of this name under
Valerian for the years A. d. 258 and 259. One
of these is probably the Pomponius Bassus who
under Claudius came forward as a national sacrifice,
because the Sibylline books had declared that the
Goths could not be vanquished unless the chief
senator of Rome should devote his life for his
country ; but the emperor would not allow him to
execute this design, generously insisting, that the
person pointed out by the Fates must be himself.
The whole story, however, is very problematical.
(Aurel. Vict. Epit. c. 34 ; comp. Julian, Cues. p.
11, and Tillemont on Claudius II.) [W. R.]

BASSUS. 1. Is named by Ovid as having formed
one of the select circle of his poetical associates,
and as celebrated for his iambic lays, " Ponticus
heroo, Bassus quoque clarus iambo," but is not
noticed by Quintilian nor by any other Roman
writer, unless he be the Bassus familiarly addressed
by Propertius. {Eleg. i. 4.) Hence is is probable
that friendship may have exaggerated his fame
and merits. Osann argues from a passage in
Apuleius the grammarian {De Orthograph. § 4.3),
that Baitus, and not Bassus, is the tnie reading in
the above line from the Tristia, but his reasonings
have been successfully combated by Weichert.
( De L. Vario Poeta, Excurs. ii. De Bassis quibus-
dani, <^c.)

2. A dramatic poet, contemporary with Martial,

BASSUS.

4/1

and the subject of a witty epigram, in which he
is recommended to abandon such themes as Medea,
Thyestes, Niobe, and the fate of Troy, and to de-
vote his compositions to Phaethon or Deucalion,
i. e. to fire or water. (MartLal. v. 53.) The name
occurs frequently in other epigrams by the same
author, but the persons spoken oi are utterly un-
known. [W. R.]

BASSUS, occurs several times in the ancient
authors as the name of a medical writer, sometimes
without any praenomen, sometimes called Jiditis and
sometimes Tullius. It is not possible to say exactly
whether all these passages refer to more than two in-
dividuals, as it is conjectured that Julius and Tullius
are the same person : it is, however, certain that
the Julius Bassus said by Pliny (Ind. to H.N. xx.)
to have written a Greek work, must have lived
before the person to whom Galen dedicates his
work De Libris Propriis, and whom he calls Kpo-
Tiaros Bd(T(Tos. (Vol. xix. p. 8.) Bassus Tullius is
said by Caelius Aurelianus {DeMorb. Acut. iii. 16.
p. 233) to have been the friend of Niger, who may
perhaps have been the Sextius Niger mentioned by
Pliny. (Ind. to //. A', xx.) He is mentioned by
Dioscorides {De Mat. Med. i. praef.) and St. Epi-
phanius {Adv. Haer. i. 1. § 3) among the writers on
botany ; and several of his medical formulae are
preserved by Aetius^ Marcellus, Joannes Actuarius,
and others. (Fabric. Biblioth. Gr. vol. xiii. p. 101,
ed. vet, ; C. G. KUhn, Addit. ad Elench. Medic, a
Fabr. j-c. Exhib. fasc. iv. p. 1, &c.) [W. A. G.]

BASSUS, A'NNIUS, commander of a legion
under Antonius Primus, A. D. 70. (Tac. Hist.
iii. 50.)

BASSUS, AUFI'DIUS, an orator and histo-
rian, who lived under Augustus and Tiberius. He
drew up an account of the Roman wars in Ger-
many, and also wrote a work upon Roman history
of a more general character, which was continued,
in thirty-one books, by the elder Pliny. No frag-
ment of his compositions has been preserved.
{Dialog, de Orat. 23; Quintil. x. I, 102, &c. ;
Senec. Suasor. 6, Ep. xxx,, which perhaps refers
to a son of this individual ; Plin. H. N. Praef.,
Ep. iii. 5, 9. ed. Titze.) It will be clearly per-
ceived, upon comparing the two passages last re-
ferred to, that Pliny wrote a continuation of the
general history of Bassus, and not of his history of
the German wars, as Bahr and others have asserted.
His praenomen is uncertain. Orelli {ad Dialog, de
Orat. c. 23) rejects Titus, and shews from Priscian
(lib. viii. p. 371, ed. Krehl), that Fublius is more
likely to be correct. [W. R.]

BASSUS, BETILIE'NUS, occurs on a coin,
from which we learn that he was a triumvir mone-
talis in the reign of Augustus. (Eckhel, v. p. 150.)
Seneca speaks {de Ira, iii. 18) of a Betilienus
Bassus who was put to death in the reign of Cali-
gula ; and it is supposed that he may be the same
as the Betillinus Cassius, who, Dion Cassius says
(lix. 25), was executed by command of Caligula,
A. D. 40.

BASSUS, Q. CAECI'LIUS, a Roman knight,
and probably quaestor in b. c. 59 (Cic. ad Alt. ii.
9), espoused Pompey's party in the civil war, and
after the loss of the battle of Pharsalia (48) fled to
Tyre. Here he remained concealed for some time ;
but being joined by several of his party, he endea-
voured to gain over some of the soldiers of Sex. Julius
Caesar, who was at that time governor of Syria. In
this attempt he was successful ; but his designs

47^

BASSUS.

were discovered by Sextus, who, however, forgave
him on his alleging that he wanted to collect troops
in order to assist Mithridates of Pergamus. Soon
afterwards, however, Bassus spread a report that
Caesar had been defeated and killed in Africa, and
that he himself had been appointed governor of
Syria. He forthwith seized upon Tyre, and
marched against Sextus ; but being defeated by the
latter, he corrupted the soldiers of his opponent,
who was accordingly put to death by his own troops.

On the death of Sextus, his whole army went
over to Bassus, with the exception of some troops
which were wintering in Apameia and which fled
to Cilicia. Bassus followed them, but was unable
to gain them over to his side. On his return he
took the title of praetor, B. c. 46, and settled down
in the strongly fortified town of Apameia, where he
maintained himself for three years. He was first
besieged by C. Antistius Vetus, who was, however,
compelled to retire with loss, as the Arabian Al-
chaudonius and the Parthians came to the assist-
ance of Bassus. It was one of the charges
brought against Cicero's client, Deitoraus, that he
had intended to send forces to Bassus. After the
retreat of Antistius, SUitius Murcus was sent
against Bassus with three legions, but he too re-
ceived a repulse, and was obliged to call to his
assistance Marcius Crispus, the governor of Bi-
thynia, who brought three legions more. With
these six legions Murcus and Crispus kept Bassus
besieged in Apameia till the arrival of Cassius in
Syria in the year after Caesar's death, b. c. 43.
The troops of Bassus, as well as those of Murcus
and Crispus, immediately went over to Cassius,
and Bassus, who was unwilling to join Cassius,
was dismissed uninjured. (Dion Cass, xlvii. 26
—28 ; Appian, B. C. iii. 77, 78, iv. 58, 59 ; Cic.
pro De'it. 8, 9, ad Att. xiv. 9, xv. 13, ad Fain. xi.
1, Philip, xi. 13, ad Fam. xii. 11, 12 ; Liv. Epit.
114, 121; Veil. Pat. ii. Q^ ; Strab. xvi. p. 752;
Joseph. Ant. xiv. 11, B. J. i. 10. § 10.)

Appian gives {I. c.) a different account of the
origin of the revolt in Syria under Bassus. Ac-
cording to Appian's statement, Bassus was ap-
pointed by Caesar commander of the legion under
the governor Sex. Julius. But as Sextus gave
himself up to pleasure and carried the legion about
with him everywhere, Bassus represented to him
the impropriety of his conduct, but his reproofs
were received with contempt ; and shortly after-
wards Sextus ordered him to be dragged into his
presence, because he did not immediately come
when he was ordered. Hereupon the soldiers
rose against Sextus, who was killed in the tumult.
Fearing the anger of Caesar, the soldiers resolved
to rebel, and compelled Bassus to join them.

BASSUS, CAESIUS. 1. A Roman lyric poet,
who flourished about the middle of the first century.
Quintilian (x. 1. § ^h) observes, "At Lyricorum
idem Horatius fere solus legi dignus. ... Si quem-
dam adjicere velis, is erit Caesius Bassus, quem
nuper vidimus : sed eum longe praecedunt ingenia
viventiura." Two lines only of his compositions
have been preserved, one of these, a dactylic hexar
meter from the second book of his Lyrics, is to be
found in Priscian (x. p. 897, ed. Putsch); the other
is quoted by Diomedes (iii. p. 513, ed. Putsch.) as
an example of Molossian verse. The sixth satire
ef Persius is evidently addressed to this Bassus ;
and the old scholiast informs us, that he was des-
troyed along with his villa in a. d. 79 by the erup-

BASSUS.

tion of Vesuvius which overwhelmed Herculaneum
and Pompeii. He must not be confounded with

2. Caesius Bassus, a Roman Grammarian of un-
certain date, tlie author of a short tract entitled
"Ars Caesii Bassi de Metris," which is given in
the " Grammaticae Latinae Auctores Antiqui" of
Putschius (Hanov. 1605), pp. 266;V267]. [W.R.]

BASSUS, CASSIA'NUS, sumamed Scholas-
ticus, was in all probability the compiler of the
Geopo7iica (rewTrovifca), or work on Agriculture,
which is usually ascribed to the emperor Constan-
tine Porphyrogeneta, (a. d. 911 — 959.) Cas-
sianus Bassus appears to have compiled it by the
command of this emperor, who has thus obtained
the honour of the work Of Bassus we know no-
thing, save that he lived at Constantinople, and
was born at Maratonymum, probably a place in
Bithynia. {Geopon. v. 6, comp. v. 36.) The work
itself, which is still extant, consists of twenty
books, and is compiled from various authors, whose
names are always given, and of whom the follow-
ing is an alphabetical list: — Sex, Julius Afri-
can us ; Anatolicus of Berytus [p. 161, b.] ;
Appuleius ; Ahatus of Soli ; Aristoteles, the
philosopher ; Damogeron ; Democritus ; Di-
DYMUs of Alexandria ; Cassius Dionysius of
Utica ; Diophanes of Nicaea ; Florentinus ;
Fronto ; HiEROCLES, governor of Bithynia under
Diocletian ; Hippocrates, of Cos, a veterinary
surgeon, at the time of Constantine the Great ;
Leontinus or Leontius ; Nestor, a poet in the
time of Alexander Severus ; Pamphilus of Alex-
andria; Paramus; Pelagonius ; Ptolemaeus
of Alexandria ; the brothers Quintilius (Gordi-
anusand Maximus) ; Tarentinus ; Theomnes-
Tus ; Varro ; Zoroaster. Cassianus Bassus
has contributed only two short extracts of his own,
namely, cc. 5 and 36 of the fifth book.

The various subjects treated of in the Geoponica
will best appear from the contents of the different
books, which are as follow : I. Of the atmosphere
and the rising and setting of the stars. 2. Of
general matters appertaining to agriculture, and of
the different kinds of (;orn. 3. Of the various
agricultural duties suitable to each month. 4 and
5. Of the cultivation of the vine. 6 — 8. Of the
making of wine. 9. Of the cultivation of the
olive and the making of oil. 10 — 12. Of horti-
culture. 13. Of tlie animals and insects injurious
to plants. 14. Of pigeons and other birds. 15.
Of natxiral sympathies and antipathies, and of
the management of bees. 16. Of horses, asses,
and camels. 1 7. Of the breeding of cattle. 1 8. Of
the breeding of sheep. 1 9. Of dogs, hares, deer,
pigs, and of salting meat. 20. Of fishes.

The Geoponica was first published at Venice in
1538, 8 vo., in a Latin translation made by Janus
Comarius. The Greek text appeared in the fol-
lowing year, 1539, 8vo., at Basel, edited by J.
Alex. Brassicanus from a nuuniscript in the im-
perial library in Vienna, The next edition was
published at Cambridge, 1704, 8vo., edited by
Needham, and the last at Leipzig, 1781, 4 vols.
8vo., edited by Niclas.

BASSUS, CESE'LLIUS, a Roman knight,
and a Carthaginian by birth, on the faith of a
dream promised to discover for Nero immense
treasures, which had been hidden by Dido when
she fled to Africa. Nero gave full credit to this
tale, and despatched vessels to carry the trensiues
to Rome ; but Bassus, after digging about in every

1

BASSUS.

Jirection, was unaldo to find them, and in despair
put an end to his life, a. u. GG. (Tac. Jtw. xvi.
1—3; Suet. JVcr.'M.)

RASSUS, GA'VIUS or GA'BIUS, a learned
grammarian, whose Cominenturii and treatise De
Orujine Vcrburum et Vocabulorum are cited by Gel-
lius (ii. 4, iii. i), 19, v. 7, xi. 17). He is probably
the same with the writer of the work De Diis,
spoken of by Macrobius (Sut. i. 19, iii. 6, compare
iii. 1 8), and perhaps to him belong the Satirae also
from which Fnlgentius Planciades quotes a line.
{Strm. Antitj. Explic.) We hear of a Gavius Bas-
sus who wjis praefectus of the Pontic coast under
Trajan (Plin. Ep. x. 18, 32, 33), but those who
would identify him with the person mentioned
above have overlooked the circumstance that the
author of the commentaries declares, that he beheld
with his own eyes at Argos the famous equus
Seianus, which was siiid to have belonged in suc-
cession to Dolabella, Cassius, and M. Antonius;
and hence it is clear that, unless in addition to its
peculiar property of entailing inevitable destruction
upon its possessor, it had likewise received the gift
of longer life than ever steed enjoyed before, it
could hardly have been seen by a contemporary of
the younger Pliny. The praenomen Gavius or
Chihius has in many MSS. been corrupted into
Cahis or Cuius, and then abbreviated into C,
which has given rise to considerable confusion ;
but, for anything we can prove to the contrary,
each of the above-mentioned books may be from
the pen of a distinct individual. [W. R.]

BASSUS JU'LIUS. [Bassus, p. 471, b.]

BASSUS, JU'LIUS, a Roman orator, fre-
quently mentioned by the elder Seneca in his
Chiitroversiae^ seems to be the same as the Junius
Bassus who was called A sinus albus when Quin-
tilian was a boy, and who was distinguished by
his abusive wit. (Quintil. vi. 3. §§ 27, 57, 74.)

BASSUS, LOLLIUS (Ao'AAtos Biaaos), the
author of ten epigrams in the Greek Anthology, is
called, in the title of the second epigram, a native
of Smyrna. His time is fixed by the tenth epi-
gram, on the death of Germanicus, who died a. d.
19. (Tac. J««. ii. 71.) [P. S.]

BASSUS, LUCI'LIUS, a name used by Cicero
as proverbial for a vain and worthless author. In
a letter to Atticus (xii. 3), speaking of his pane-
gyric upon Cato, he says, " I am well pleased with
my work, but so is Bassus Lucilius with his."
Some MSS. here have Caecilius. [W. R.]

BASSUS, LUCI'LIUS, was promoted by
Vitellius from the command of a squadron of
cavalry to be admiral of the fleet at Ravenna and
;Mi.senum, n. c. 70 ; but disappointed at not ob-
t lining the command of the praetorian troops, he
betrayed the fleet to Vespasian. After the death
of Vitellius, Bassus was sent to put down some
disturbances in Campania. (Tac. Hist. ii. 100, iii.
12, 36, 40, iv. 3.) His name occurs in an in-
scription. (Gruter, p. 573.)

BASSUS, POMPO'NIUS, was consul a. d.
211, under Septimius Severus, and at a subsequent
period fell a victim to the licentious cruelty of
KlagaUilus, wlio having become enamoured of his
fair and high bom wife, Annia Faustina, a de-
bccndaiit {aro'yovos^ probably great-grandaughter)
of M. Aureiins, caused Bassus to be put to death
by the senate under some frivolous pretext, and
tiien m.irried the widow with indecent haste.
This event took place iu 221.

BATEIA.

473

The Bassus who was governor of ]\rysia under
Caracalla may have been the father or the son of
the above. (Dion Cass. Ixxviii. 21, Ixxix. 5 ;
Herodian, v. 6, 5.) [W. R.]

BASSUS, SALEIUS, a Roman epic poet,
contemporary with Statius. Quintilian thug
characterises his genius : " vehemens et poeticura
fuit nee ipsum senectute maturum." The last
words are somewhat obscure, but probably signify
that he died young, before his powers were ripened
by years. He is the " tenuis Saleius" of Juvenal,
one of the numerous band of literary men whose
poverty and sufferings the satirist so feelingly de-
plores ; but at a later period his wants were
relieved by the liberality of Vespasian, as we learn
from the dialogue on the decline of eloquence,
where warm praise is lavished on his abilities and
moral worth.

We have not even a fragment acknov/ledged as
the production of this Bassus. A panegyric, in-
deed, in 261 heroic hexameters, on a certain Cal-
purnius Piso, has been preserved, the object and
the author of which are equal)}'- uncertjiin ; and
hence we find it attributed to Virgil, to Ovid, to
Statius, and very frequently to Lucan, whose
name is said to be prefixed in some MSS., while
Wernsdorf, rejecting all these suppositions, labours
hard to prove that it ought to be ascribed to Saleius
Bassus, and that the Piso who is the hero of the
piece must be the well-known leader of the great
conspiracy against Nero. The strong points in the
position are the allusions (1. 180) to the game of
draughts in which this Piso is known to have
been an adept (Vet. Schol. ad Juv. v. 109), and
the references by the writer to his own humble
origin and narrow means, a description altogether
inapplicable to the well-born and wealthy bard of
Corduba. Granting, however, that Wernsdorf is
right so far as Piso and Lucan are concerned, it by
no means follows, from the simple fact that the
author in question was poor and neglected, that we
are entitled, in the absence of all other evidence
direct or circumstantial, to identify him with
Saleius Bassus, for it is certain that the same con-
ditions would hold good of Statius, Serranus, and
a long list of versifiers belonging to the Kime
period. (Quint, x. 1, 90 ; Dialog, de Oratt. cc.
5, 9 ; Juv. vii. 80 ; Wernsdorf, Poett. LaU. Minn.
vol. iv. p. i. pp. 36, 72, 75, 236 ) [W. R.J

BASSUS, SEPU'LLIUS, a Roman orator,
frequently mentioned by the elder Seneca. {Con-
irov. iii. 16, 17, 20-22.)

BASSUS, SI'LIUS, a Roman orator, mention-
ed by the elder Seneca. {Controv. i. 6, 7.)

BA'TALUS (BoToAos), according to some, the
author of lascivious drinking-songs, and according
to others, an efieminate flute-player, who must
have lived shortly before the time of Demosthenes,
for the latter is said to have been nick-named Ba-
tahis on account of his weakly and delicate consti-
tution. (Plut. Dem. 4, Vit. X. Oral. p. 847, e.)
According to Libanius ( Vit. Dem. p. 2, ed. Reiske),
Batalus, the flute-player, was a native of Ephesus,
and the first man that ever appealed on the stage
in women's shoes, for which reason he was ridi-
culed in a comedy of Antiphanes. Whether the
poet and the flute-player were the same, or two
different persons, is uncertain. (Comp. Meineke,
Hist. Crit. Com. Grace, p. 333, &c.) [L. S.J

BATEIA (Bareta), a daughter of Teucer or of
Tros (Steph. 13yz. s. v. AdpSavos), the wife of Dar-

474

BATHYLLUS.

danus, and mother of IIus and Erichthonius, The
town of Bateia in Troas was believed to have de-
rived its name from her. (Arrian, ap. Eustath. ad
Horn. p. 351.) Tzetzes (ad Lycoph. 29) calls her
a sister of Scamander, the father of Teucer by the
nymph Idaea ; and in another passage {ad Lycoph.
1298) he calls the daughter of Teucer, who mar-
ried Dardanus, by the name of Arisbe, and de-
scribes Erichthonius as her son, and Ilus as her
grandson. A Naiad of the name of Bateia occurs
in Apollodorus. (iii. 10. § 4.) [L. S.]

BATHANA'TIUS {Baeaudrios), the leader of
the Cordistae, a Gaulish tribe, who invaded Greece
with Brennus in B. c. 279. After the defeat of
Brennus, Bathanatius led his people to the banks of
the Danube, where they settled down. The way by
which they returned received from their leader the
name of Bathanatia ; and his descendants were
called Bathanati. ( Athen. vi. p. 234, b.)

BATHYCLES (BafluKATji), a celebrated artist
of Magnesia on the Maeander(Heyne,^«//^.^?</^.
i. p. 108), the head of a band of artists of the same
town, who constructed for the Lacedaemonians
the colossal throne of the Amyclaean Apollo, co-
vered with a great number of bas-reliefs, and sup-
ported and surmounted by statues. This throne,
the most considerable work of art of the period,
was destined for a statue of Apollo, which was of
a much earlier date, and consisted of a brazen pil-
lar, thirty cubits high, to which a head, arms, and
the extremities of the feet were affixed. Accord-
ingly this statue was standing on the throne, and
not sitting like that of Zeus at Olympia, however
strange the combination of a chair and a man
standing on it must have looked. Pausanias (iii.
18. § 6) gives a minute description of the throne,
or rather of tiie sculptures upon it, according to
which Quatremere de Quincy undertook to restore
it, and gave a picture of it in his "Jupiter Olym-
pien," on the accuracy of which we cannot of course
rely at all, considering the indistinctness with
which Pausanias speaks of the shape of the throne.
It is not even certain whether the throne was con-
structed of wood, and covered with golden and
ivory plates to receive the bas-reliefs, or wrought
in any other material. (K. 0. Miiller, Handb. d.
Arch'dol. § 85.) The same doubts exist as to its
height, which Quatremere fixes at thirty cubits,
Welcker at fifty. (Welcker, Zeitschnft fur Ge^ch.
d. alt. Kunst, i. p. 279, &c.) Of the age of Bathy-
cles we have no definite statements of the ancient
writers. However, all modem scholars (Winckel-
mann, Bottiger, Voss, Quatremere, Welcker, Sil-
lig) except Thiersch agree, that he must have flou-
rished about the time of Solon, or a little later.
Thiersch was evidently wrong {Epoclien, p. 34,
Anm. p. 53) when he placed Bathycles as early as
01. 29, relying mostly on a passage of Pausanias
(iii. 18. § 6), which however is far from being de-
cisive. (Voss, Myth. Briefe, ii. p. 188; Sillig,
Catal. Artiff. s. i\) [W. I.]

BATHYLLUS. 1, Of Alexandria, the freed-
man and favoorite of Maecenas, together with
Pylades of Cilicia and Hylas the pupil of the latter,
brought to perfection during the reign of Augustus
the imitative dance or ballet called Pantomimus,
which excited boundless enthusiasm among all
classes at Rome, and formed one of the most ad-
mired public amusements until the downfall of the
empire. Bathyllus excelled in comic, while
Pylades was preeminent in tragic personifications ;

BATON,
each had a numerous train of disciples, each was
the foiyider of a school which transmitted his fame
to succeeding generations, and each was considered
the head of a party among the citizens, resembling
in its character the factions of the Circus, and the
rivalry thus introduced stirred up angry passions
and violent contests, which sometimes ended in
open riot and bloodshed. The nature and peculi-
arities of these exhibitions are explained in the
Diet of Ant. s. v. Pantomimus. (Tac. Ann. i. 54;
Senec. Quaest. Natur. vii. 32, Controv. v. praef. ;
Juv. vi. 63; Suet. Odav. 45; Dion Cass. liv.
17; Plut. Symp. vii. 8; Macrob. ii. 7 ; Athen. i.
p. 70 ; Zosimus, i. 6 ; Suid. s, vv. "Opxv^^^s and
'A67]v6Swpos.)

2. Is named in the life of Virgil, ascribed to
Tib. CI. Donatus, as " poeta quidam mediocris,"
the hero of the 6'iG vos non vohis stoiy. (Vit. Virg.
xvii. § 70.) [W. R.]

BATHYLLUS {BdQvWos), a Pythagorean
philosopher, to whom, together with Brontinus and
Leon of Metapontum, Alcmaeon of Crotona [Alo
maeon] addressed his treatise on Natural Philo-
sophy. (Diog. Laert. viii. 83.) [A. G.]

BATIS (BoT^s), the sister of Epicurus, who
married Idomeneus. (Diog. Laert. x. 23.)

BATON (BoTwi/), the charioteer of Amphiaraus.
Both belonged to the house of Melampus, and both
were swallowed up by the earth after the battle of
Thebes. Baton was afterwards worshipped as a
hero, and had a sanctuary at Argos. He was re-
presented on the chest of Cypselus, and at Delphi
his statue stood by the side of that of Amphiaraus,
both having been dedicated there by the Argives.
(Apollod. iii. 6. § 8 ; Pans. ii. 23. § 2, v. 17. § 4,
X. 10. § 2.) Stephanus of Byzantium {s.v." Pipirvia)
states that, after the disappearance of Amphiaraus,
Baton emigrated to the town of Harpyia in lllyria;
but Stephanus seems to confound here the mythical
Baton with the historical person mentioned in the
following article. [L. S.]

BATON or BATO. 1. The son of Longarus,
a Dalmatian chief, who joined the Romans in their
war with Philip of Macedon, B. c. 200. (Liv.
xxxi. 28.)

2. The name of two leaders of one of the most for-
midable insurrections in the reign of Augustus. The
one belonged to the Dysidiatian tribe of the Dalma-
tians, and the other to the Breucians, a Pannonian
people. The insurrection broke out in Dalmatia, in
A. D. 6, when Tiberius was engaged in his second
German expedition, in which he was accompanied
by Valerius Messallinus, the governor of Dalmatia
and Pannonia, with a great part of the army sta-
tioned in those countries. The example of the
Dalmatians was soon followed by the Breucians,
who, under the command of their countryman Bato,
marched against Sirmium, but were defeated by
Caecina Severus, the governor of Moesia, who had
advanced against them. Meantime the Dalmatian
Bato had marched against Salonae, but was unable
to accomplish anything in person in consequence
of having received a severe wound from a stone in
battle : he despatched others, however, in command
of the troops, who laid waste all the sea-coast as
far as Apollonia, and defeated the Romans in
battle.

The news of this formidable outbreak recalled
Tiberius from Germany, and he sent Messallinus
ahead with part of the troops. The Dalmatian
Bato had not vet recovered from his wound, but he

BATON.

nevertheless advanced agiiinst MessalHnus, and
jjained a victory over him ; but being shortly after
defeated in his turn, he fled to his Breucian name-
sake. The two Bates now united their forces, and
took possession of the mountain Alma, near Sir-
miura, where they remained on the defensive, and
maintained themselves against the attacks of Cae-
cina Severus. But after the latter had been recalled
to Moesia by the ravages of the tribes bordering
upon his province, the Bates, who had now no
enemy to oppose them, since Tiberius and Messal-
lina were remaining at Siscia, left their position
and induced many of the neighbouring tribes to join
them. They undertook predatory incursions on
every side, and carefully avoided an engagement
with Tiberius. At the commencement of winter,
they marched into Macedonia, but here they were
defeated by the Thracian Rhymetalces and his bro-
ther Rascyporis, allies of the Romans.

The continuance of the war alanned Augustus,
who thought that it was purposely prolonged by
Tiberius. Gemianicus was accordingly sent into
the disturbed districts in the following year (a. d.
7) with a fresh army, but Tiberius, it appears, was
not recalled, as he did not return to Rome till two
years later. In the campaign of this year the Ro-
mans accomplished very little ; the chief advantage
which they gained was the conquest by Germa-
nicus of the Mazaei, a Pannonian people. Next
year (a. d. 8), the Pannonians and Dalmatians
were afflicted by famine and pestilence, in conse-
quence of which, and of having suttered some re-
verses, they concluded a peace with the Romans.
When the Dalmatian Bato appeared before Tiberius
to treat respecting the peace, and was asked why
he had rebelled, he replied, " You are the cause.
Instead of sending dogs and shepherds to take care
of your flocks, you send wolves."

This peace was of short duration. The Breucian
Bato had betrayed to the Romans Pinnes or Pin-
netes, one of the principal Pannonian chiefs, and
had obtained in consequence the sovereignty of the
Breucians. The Dalmatian Bato, suspecting the
designs of the Breucian, made war upon the latter,
took him prisoner, and put him to death. This
led to a fresh war with the Romans. Many of the
Pannonians joined the revolt, but Silvanus Plau-
tius subdued the Breucians and several other tribes ;
and Bato, seeing no hope of success in Pannonia,
laid waste the country and retired into Dalmatia.

At the beginning of the following year (a. d. 9),
after the winter, Tiberius returned to Rome, while
Germanicus remained in Djihnatia. But as the
war was still protracted, Augustus resolved to make
a vigorous effort to bring it to a conclusion. Tibe-
rius was sent back to the array, which was now
divided into three parts, one under the command
of Silvanus, the second under M. Lepidus, and the
third under Tiberius and Germanicus, all of whom
prosecuted the war with the utmost vigour in
different directions. Tiberius and Genuanicus
marched against Bato, who at length took refuge
in a very strong fort, called Anderion or Andete-
rion, near SaU)nae. Before this place the Romans
remained for some time, unable to obtain possession
of it. Bato, however, mistrusting the issue, en-
deavoured to persuade his men to enter into nego-
ciations with Tiberius ; but, as they refused,
he abandoned them and went into concealment.
The Romans eventually took the fort and subdued
the greater part of Dalmatia ; whereupon Bato

BATTARUS.

475

offered to surrender himself to Tiberius upon pro-
mise of pardon. This was promised, and Bato
accompanied Tiberius to Rome, where he was the
chief object of attraction in the triumph. Tiberius,
however, kept his word. He sent Bato to Ravenna
laden with presents, which were given him, ac-
cording to Suetonius, because he had on one
occasion allowed Tiberius to escape, when he was
shut up with his army in disadvantageous ground.
(Dion Cass. Iv. 29—34, Ivi. 1, 10—16 ; Veil. Pat.
ii. 110—114 ; Suet. Tib. 9, IG, 20; Ov. ex Pont.
ii. 1. 46.)

BATON (BaTw*/), of Sinope, a Greek rhetori-
cian and historian, who lived subsequently to
Aratus of Sicyon. (Plut. A<jis^ 15.) The follow-
ing works of his are mentioned by the ancient
writers: — 1. Commentaries on Persian aftairs.
(Ilepo-t/co, Strab. xii. p. 546.) 2. On the tyrants
of Ephesus. ( Athen. vii. p. 289, c; comp. Suidas,
s.v. TlvQayopas Ecpecrios.) 3. On Thessaly and
Haemonia. (Athen, xiv. p. 639, d. e.) 4. On the
tyranny of Hieronymus. (Athen. vi. p. 251, e.^
5. On the poet Ion. (Athen. x. p. 436, f.) 6. A
history of Attica. (Schol. ad Pind. Islh. iv. 104,
where Bockh reads Botwj' instead of Baros.)

BATON (BoTwi/), an Athenian comic poet of
the new comedy, flourished about 280 B. c. We
have fragments of the following comedies by him :
AtTwAos or AtTwAoi, Eyepyeraj, AvSpo(p6vos, "Sivv-
i^a-KaTuv. His plays appear to have been chiefly
designed to ridicule the philosophers of the day.
His name is incorrectly written in some passages
of the ancient authors, Barros, Bcittwi', 'Qdduju.
(Plut. de Am. ct Adul. p. 55 ; Suidas, s. v.; Eudoc.
p. 93; Phot. Cod. 167; Stobaeus, Florileg. xcviii.
18 ; Athen. xiv. p. 662, c, iv. p. 163, b., vii. p.
279, c, XV. p. 678, f.)^ [P. S.]

BA'TRACHUS (Borpaxos), a Lacedaemonian
sculptor and architect of the time of Augustus.
Pliny {H. N. xxxvi. 5. s. 14) relates, that Batra-
chus and Sauras {Frog and Lizard), who were both
very rich, built at their own expense two temples
in Rome, one to Jupiter and the other to Juno,
hoping they would be allowed to put their names
in the inscription of the temples (inscriptionem
sperantes). But being denied this, they made the
figures of a frog and a lizard in the convolutions of
the Ionic capitals {in columnarum spiris, comp.
Thiersch, Epoch. Anm. p. 96.) That this tale is
a mere fable founded on nothing but the appear-
ance of the two figures on the columns, scarcely
needs to be remarked. [W. I.]

BATTARUS, a name which repeatedly occurs
in the ancient poem "Dirae," or imprecations, as-
cribed to Virgil or the grammarian Valerius Cato,
and respecting the meaning of which the commen-
tators on this poem have entertained the most op-
posite opinions. Some have thought it to be the
name of some locality, a tree, a river, a grove, or
a hill, and the like ; while others, and apparently
with more reason, have considered it to be the
name of a person. But those who entertain this
latter opinion are again divided in regard to the
person that may be meant. Some believe Biittarus
to be the name of the person who had taken pos-
session by force of the estates, the loss of which
the author of the "Dirae" laments, and against
whom, therefore, the imprecations are directed.
Wernsdorf believes thai it is only a fictitious
name, and is meant to designate some satiric poet,
perhaps Callimachus ; others imagine that Battaiois

476

BATTUS.

is merely a dialectic form for Bassarus or Bassarcus,
a surname of Bacchus. Naeke, lastly, conceives
Battarus to be the name of a slave who was a skil-
ful Hute-player, or perhaps a shepherd, and who
had formerly lived with the author of the " Dirae"
on his estate, and remained there after the poet
had been driven from it. Each of these conflicting
opinions is supported by something or other that
occurs in the poem itself ; but it is impossible to
elicit anything that would decide the question.
(Wemsdorf, Poet. Lai. Min, iii. p. xlviii. &c.;
Naeke, in the Rhein.Mus. ii. I, p. 113, «&c.) [L.S.]

BATTUS (BoTTos), a shepherd of Neleus, who
saw Hermes driving away the cattle he had stolen
from Apollo. The god promised to reward him if
he would not betray what he had seen. Battus
promised on oath to keep the secret ; but as Hermes
mistrusted him nevertheless, he assumed a different
appearance, returned to Battus, and promised him
a handsome present, if he would tell him who had
stolen the cattle of Apollo. The shepherd was
tempted, and related all he knew, whereupon
Hermes touched him with his staff, and changed
him into a stone. (Ovid, Met. ii. 688, &c.; Anton.
Lib. 22.) [L. S.]

BA'TTUS and the BATTI'ADAE (Bcittos,
BttTTiaSai), kings of Cyrene during eight genera-
tions. (Herod, iv. 163 ; comp. Thrige, Res Cyre-
nensium^ § 42.)

I. Battus I., the leader of the colony from
Thera to Cyrene, was son of Polymnestus, a The-
racan no])le, his mother, according to one account,
being a Cretan princess. (Herod, iv. 150, 15.5.)
By his father's side he was of the blood of the
Minyae, and 1 7th in descent from Euphemus the
Argonaut. (Herod, iv. 150; Pind. Ftfth. iv. 17,
311, 45.5, &c.; Apoll. Rhod. iv. 1750 ; Thrige,
Res. Cyren. §§ 8, 11.) He is said to have been
first called " Aristoteles" (Pind. Pyth. v. 116;
Callim. Ilumn. in Apoll. 76) ; and we are left
entirely to conjecture for the origin of the name
*' Battus," which he afterwards received. Hero-
dotus (iv. 155) tells us, that it was the Libyan
word for " king," and believes that the oracle
which commanded the colonization of Libya ap-
plied it to him with reference to his future dignity.
Others again have supposed Bottos to have been
derived from Barrapi^u}, and to have been expres-
sive of the alleged impediment in his speech.
(Suid.and Hesvch. s. v. BaTrapi^eiu ; comp. Thrige,
§ 12 ; Strab. xiv. p. 662); while Thrige {I. c.) con-
siders the name to be of kindred origin with
Brjo-crot, the appellation of the oracular priests of
Dionysus among the Satrae. (Herod, vii. 111.)
No less doubt is there as to the cause which led to
the colonization of Cyrene. According to the ac-
count of the Cyrenaeans, Battus, having gone to
consult the Delphic oracle about the removal of the
physical defect above-mentioned, was enjoined to
lead a colony into Libya ; while the story of the
Theraeans was, that this injunction was laid on
their king Grinus, and that he pointed to Battus
as a younger and fitter man for the purpose. In
either case, the command was not obeyed but with
reluctance and after a long delay. (Herod, iv. 150
— 156.) According, again, to Menecles, an histo-
rian, perhaps of Barca {ap.SchuL ad Pind. Pyth. iv.
10 ; comp. Thrige, §§ 3, 15), Battus was driven
forth from Thcra by civil war, and was ordered by
Apollo not to return to his country, but to betake
himself to the continent. Lastly, the account of

BATTUS.
.Justin (xiii. 7) is a strange mixture of the two
stories in Herodotus with the fable of Apollo's love
for the nymph Cyrene. (Comp. Thrige, § 17.)
Amidst these statements, the one thing certain is,
that Battus led forth his colonists in obedience to
the Delphic oracle, and under a belief in the pro-
tection of Apollo 'Apxvy^TTjs. (Callim. Hyrnn. in
Apoll. 65, &c., 55, &c.; Spanheim, ad loc. ; comp.
MuUer, Dor. ii. 3. §§ 1, 7 ; Thrige, §§ 11, 16, 76.)
Of the several opinions as to the period at which
the colonists first sailed from Theni, the most pro-
bable is that which places it about 640 B. c.
(Miiller, OrcJmn. p. 344), and from this point ap-
parently we must begin to reckon the 40 years
assigned by Herodotus (iv. 159) to the 'reign of
Battus L It was not, however, till after a settle-
ment of two years in the island Platea, and be-
tween six and seven at Aziris on the main-land,
that Cyrene was actually founded, about 631 B. c.
(Herod, iv. 157, 158 ; Thrige, §§ 22—24), whence
Ovid (/6is, 541) calls Battus " conditor tanlae
Cyrrhae."

Little further is known of the life of Battus I.
He appears to have been vigorous and successful
in surmounting the difficulties which beset his in-
fant colony, in making the most of the great natural
advantages of the country, and in subjugating the
native tribes, with the assistance, it is said, of the
Lacedaemonian Anchionis. (Pind. Pyth. v. 72,
«&c.; Aristot. ap. Schol. ad Aristoph. Pint. 925;
Pans. iii. 14.) Diodorus tells us (Em. de Virt. ct
Vit. p. 232), that he governed with the mildness
and moderation befitting a constitutional king ;
and Pindar {Pyth. v. 120, &c.) celebrates his pious
works, and especially the road (aKupuTri 656s,
comp. Bockh, Publ. Econ. of Athens^ bk. ii. c. 10)
which he caused to be made for the sacred proces-
sion to Apollo's temple, also built by him. (Callim.
Hymn, in Apoll. 77.) Where this road joined
the Agora, the tomb of Battus was placed, apart
from that of the other kings. (Pind. Pyth. v. 125,
&c. ; CatuU. vii. 6.) His subjects worshipped him
as a hero, and we learn from Pausanias (x. 15),
that they dedicated a statue of him at Delphi, re-
presenting him in a chariot driven by the nymph
Cvrene, with Libya in the act of crowning him.
(See Thrige, §§ 26, 28.)

2. Arcesilaus I. ('ApKecrtAaos) was a son of
the above (Herod, iv. 159); but nothing is recorded
of him except that he reigned, and apparently in
quiet, for 16 years, b. c. 599 — 583.

3. Battus II., suniamed "the Happy," prin-
cipally from his victory over Apries {Birros 6
EuSai/iwr/), was the son of No. 2, and the third
king of the dynasty ; for the opinion of those who
consider that Herodotus has omitted two kings
between Arcesilaus I. and the present Battus, is
founded on an erroneous punctuation of iv. 159,
and is otherwise encumbered with considerable
chronological difficulties. (Thrige, §§ 29, 42, 43 ;
comp, Plut. Cor. 11.) In this reign, Cyrene
received a great accession of strength by the in-
flux of a large number of colonists from various
parts of Greece, principally perhaps from Pelopon-
nesus and from Crete and the other islands, whom
the state invited over under the promise of a new
division of lands (probably to enable herself to
make head against the neighbouring Libyans), and
who were further urged to the migration by the
Delphic oracle. (Herod, iv. 159, comp. c. 161.)
This influx apparently giving rise to fuither en-

B ATT us.

croAchmcnts on the Libyan tribes, the latter, under
Adicnin, tlieir king, surrendered themselves to
Apries, king of Egypt, and claimed his protection.
A battle ensued in the region of Irasa, b. c. 570,
in which the Egyptians were defeated, — this being
the first time, according to Herodotus (iv. 159),
tha^ they had ever come into* hostile collision with
Greeks/(Comp. Herod, ii. 161; Diod. i. 68.) This
battle seems to have finished the war with Egypt ;
for we read in Herodotus (ii. 181), that Amasis
formed a marriage with Ladice, a Cyrenaean wo-
man, daughter perhaps of Battus II. (Wesseling,
ad Herod. I. c), and, in other ways as well, culti-
vated friendly relations with the Cyrenaeans. By
the sjmie victory too the sovereignty of Cyrene
over the Libyans was confirmed. (Comp. Herod,
iv. 160, where their revolt from Arcesilaus II. is
spoken of.) It was in this reign also, according to
a probable conjecture of Thrige's (§ 30), that Cy-
rene began to occupy the neighbouring region with
her colonies, which seem to have been numerous,
(Find. Pyth. iv. 20, 34, v. 20.) The period of tlie
death of Battus II. it is impossible to settle with
exactness. We know only that his reign lasted
beyond the year 570 b. c. ; and it is pure conjec-
ture which would assign the end of it, with Thrige,
to 560, or, with Bouhier and Larcher, to 554,
(Thrige, § 29; Larcher, ad Herod, iv. 163.)

4. Akcesilaus II., son of Battus II., was sur-
named "the oppressive" [xaKiiros), from his at-
tempting probably to substitute a tyranny for the
Cyrenaean constitution, which had hitherto been
similar to that of Sparta. It was perhaps from
this cause that the dissensions arose between him-
self and his brothers, in consequence of which the
latter withdrew from Cyrene, and founded Barca,
at the same time exciting the Libyan tribes to re-
volt from Arcesilaus, who, in his attempt to quell
this rebellion, suffered a signal defeat at Leucon or
Leucoe, a place in the region of Marmarica. He
met his end at last by treachery, being strangled by
his brother or friend, Learchus. His wife, Eryxo,
however, soon after avenged his death by the mur-
der of his assassin. His reign lasted, according to
some, from 560 to 550 b. c. ; according to others,
from 554 to 544. (Herod, iv. 160 ; Diod. Eac. de

Virt. et Vit. p. 232 ; Plut. de Virt. Mul. pp. 260,
261; Thrige, §§35, 37.)

5. Battus III., or "the lame" (x^Ao's), son of
Arcesilaus II., reigned from b. c. 550 to 530, or,
as some state it, from 544 to 529. In his time,
the Cyrenaeans, weakened by internal seditions,
apprehensive of assaults from Libya and Egypt,
and distressed too perhaps by the consciousness of
the king's inefficiency, invited Demonax, a Manti-
nean, by the advice of the Delphic oracle, to settle
the constitution of the city. The conflicting claims
of the original colonists with those of the later set-
tlers, and the due distribution of power between
the sovereign and the commonalty, were the main
difficulties with which he had to deal. With re-
spect to the former point, he substituted for the old
division of tribes an entirely new one, in which
however some privileges, in regard to their relation
to the rifpioi/foi, were reserved to those of Theraean
descent ; while the royal power he reduced within
very narrow limits, leaving to the king only cer-
tain selected lands, and the enjoyment of some
priestly functions (re/xevea koX Ipuiavvas), with the
privilege probably (see Herod, iv. 165) of pre-
sidency in the council. We hear nothing more

BATTUS.

477

recorded of Battus III. The diminution of the
kingly power in his reign is not to be wondered at,
when we remember that the two main causes as-
signed by Aristotle {Polit. v. 10, ad fin. ed. Bekk.)
for the overthrow of monarchy had been, as we
have seen, in full operation at Cyrene, — viz. quar-
rels in the royal family, and the attempt to esta-
blish a tyrannical government. (Herod, iv. 161 ;
Diod. I.e.; Plut. I. c; Thrige, § 38 ; Miiller, Dor.
iii. 4. § 5, iii. 9. § 13.)

6. Arcesilaus III., son of Battus III. by
Pheretime, reigned, according to Thrige (§ 39),
from 530 to about 514 b. c. In the early part of
his reign he was driven from Cyrene in an attempt
to recover the ancient royal privileges, and, taking
refuge in Samos, returned with a number of auxi-
liaries, whom he had attached to his cause by the
promise of a new division of lands. With their
aid he regained the throne ; on which, beside»
taking the most cruel vengeance on his enemies,
he endeavoured further to strengthen himself by
making submission to Cambyses, and stipulating
to pay him tribute, B. c. 525. (Herod, iv. 162-
165, comp. iii. 13, 91, ii. 181.) Terrified, how-
ever, according to Herodotus (iv. 1 64), at the dis-
covery that he had subjected himself to the woe
denounced against him, under certain conditions,
by an obscure oracle (comp. iv. 163), or, more pro-
bably, being driven out by his subjects, who were
exasperated at his submission to the Persians (see
iv. 165, ad fin.), he fled to Alazir, king of Barca,
whose daughter he had married, and was there
slain, together with his father-in-law, by the Bar-
caeans and some Cyrenaean exiles. (Herod, iv
164, 167; see Thrige, §§ 39-41.)

7. Battus IV. is called i' the Handsome" (J
KoKos) by Heracleidcs Ponticus. (See Thrige, $ 38,
n. 3. § 42.) It has been doubted by some whether
there were any kings of the family after Arcesilaus
III., but this point seems to be settled by Hero-
dotus (iv. 163) and by Pindar. {Pyth. iv. 115.)
The opinion of those, who suppose the names of
two kings to have been omitted by Herodotus be-
tween Arcesilaus I. and Battus " the lame," has
been noticed above. Of Battus IV. we know no-
thing. It is not improbable, however, that he
was the son of Arcesilaus III., and was in posses-
sion of the throne at the period of the capture of
Barca by the Persians, about 512 B. c. (Herod,
iv. 203.) At least the peaceable admission of the
latter into Cyrene (Herod. I. c.)may seem to point
to the prevalence there of a Medizifig policy, such
as we might expect from a son or near relative of
Arcesilaus III. The chronology of this reign is
involved in as much obscurity as the events of it,
and it is impossible therefore to assign any exact
date either to its beginning or its end. (See Thrige,
§§ 42-44.)

8. Arcesilaus IV., son probably of Battus IV.,
is the prince whose victory in the chariot-race at
the Pythian games, b. c. 466, is celebrated by
Pindar in his 4th and 5th Pythian odes ; and
these, in fact, together with the Scholia upon them,
are our sole authority for the life and reign of this
last of the Battiadae. From them, even in the
midst of all the praises of him which they contain,
it appears, that he endeavoured to make himself
despotic, and had recourse, among other means, to
the expedient (a favourite one with tyrants, see
Aristot. Polit. iii. 13, v. 10, 11, ed. Bekk.) of
ridding himself of the nobles of the stiite. Indeed

478 BAUCIS.

one main object of Pindar in the 4th Pythian
ode seems to have been to induce Arcesilaus to
adopt a more prudent and moderate course, and in
particular to recall Demophilus, a banished Cyre-
naean nobleman then living at Thebes. (See espe-
cially Pyth. iv. 468, &c., ft yap ris 6^ovs^ k. t, A. ;
Bbcich and Dissen, adloc.) It is further probable
(Thrige, §45), that the city ''Hesperides" in
the Cyrenaic Pentapolis (afterwards called *■' Bere-
nice" from the wife of Ptolemy Euergetes) was
founded by Arcesilaus IV., with the view of
securing a retreat for himself in the event of the
successful rebellion of his subjects. It is not
known whether he died by violence or not ; but
after his death royalty was abolished, and his son
Battus, who had fled to Hesperides, was there
murdered, and his head was thrown into the sea.
Various dates have been assigned for the conclusion
of the dynasty of the Battiadae ; but nothing is
certain, except that it could not have ended before
a c. 460, in which year Arcesilaus IV. won the
chariot-race at Olympia, — nor after 401, when we
hear of violent seditions between the Cyrenaean
nobles and populace. (Diod. xiv. 34 ; Aristot.
Polit. vi. 4, ed. Bekk.) Thrige is disposed to place
the commencement of popular government about
450. {lies Cyrenensium, ^ 24, 45, 46, 48; comp.
Miiller, Dor. iii. 9. § 1 3.) The father of Callima-
chus was a Cyrenaean of the name of Battus
{Suidas, s. r. Ka\AtVaxos); and the poet, who is
often called " Battiades," seems to have claimed
descent from the royal blood. (Callim. Hpnn in
Jpoll. 65, &c., Ep. 37 ; Ovid. Trist. ii. 367 ;
Catull Ge.) [E. E.]

BAUBO {Bav€oi or Bag«), a mythical woman
of Eleusis, whom He^xhius calls the nurse of De-
meter; but the common story runs thus : — on lier
wanderings in search of her daughter, Demeter
came to Baubo, who received her hospitably, and
offered her something to drink ; but when the god-
dess, being too much under the influence of grief,
refused to drink, Baubo made such a strange ges-
ture, that the goddess smiled and accepted the
draught. (Clem. Alex. Cohort, p. 17.) In the frag-
ment of the Orphic hymn, which Clemens Alex,
adds to this account, it is further related, that a
boy of the name of lacchus made an indecent ges-
ture at the grief of Demeter. Amobius {Adv.
Gent. v. p. 175) repeats the story of Baubo from
Clemens, but without mentioning the boy lacchus,
who is otherwise unknown, and, if meant for Dio-
nysus, is out of place here. The different stories
concerning the reception of Demeter at Eleusis
seem all to be inventions of later times, coined for
the purpose of giving a mj'thical origin to the jokes
in which the women used to indulge at the festival
of this goddess. [Ascalabus and Ascalaphus,
No. 2.] [L. S.]

BAUCIS, a Phrygian woman, in whose humble
dwelling Jupiter and Mercury were hospitably re-
ceived, after having been refused admission by
every one else in the countr}-. Baucis and her
husband Philemon were therefore saved by the
gods when they visited the country with an inun-
dation ; and Jupiter made Baucis and Philemon
priests in his temple; and when the two mortals
expressed a wish to die together, Jupiter granted
their request by changing them simultaneously
into trees. {0\\ Met. viii. 620-724.) [L. S.]

BAUCIS (Bau/cts), a Greek poetess, who is
called a disciple of Sappho. She was a native of

BEBRYCE.

Tenos, and a friend of Erinna. She died at a youth-
ful age, just before her marriage, and Erinna is
said to have written the epitaph upon her which
is still extant, and which, together with another
fragment of Erinna, contains all we know about
Baucis. {Anthol. Gr. vii. 710, 712 ; Bergk, PoeU
Lyr. Gr. p. 633.) " [L. S.]

BA'VIUS and MAE'VIUS, whose names have
become a bj'^-word of scorn for all jealous and ma-
levolent poetasters, owe their unenviable immor-
tality solely to the enmity which they displayed
towards the rising genius of the most distinguished
of their contemporaries, and would probably never
have been heard of but for the well-known line of
Virgil {Ed,, iii. 90) : " Qui Bavium non odit amet
tua carmina, Maevi," the Epode of Horace where
evil fortune is heartily anticipated to the ship
which bore "rank Maenus" as its freight, and a
caustic epigram \)\ Domitius Marsus, in which one
and probably both are wittily assailed. Upon the
first of these passages we have the remark of Ser-
vius, " Maevius et Bavins pessimi fuenmt poetae,
inimici tam Horatio quam Virgilio, unde Horatius
Epod. X. etc." and again, upon the " serite hordea
cam pis," in Georgic. i. 210, the same commentator
observes, " sane reprehensus Virgilius dicitur a
Bavio et Maevio hoc versu

Hordea qui dixit, superest ut tritica dicat,"
from which it would appear, that their attJick was
in the form of a poetical satire, and was moreover
a joint undertaking. Philargyrius, in his exposi-
tion of the third Eclogue, after giving the same
account of these personages as Servius, adds, that
M. Bavins was a " curator," a designation so inde-
finite, that it determines nothing except the fact
that he enjoyed some public appointment. Finally,
St. Jerome, in the Eusebian chronicle, records that
M. Bavins, the poet, stigmatised by Virgil in his
Bucolics, died in Cappadocia, in the third year of the
hundred and eighty-sixth Olympiad, that is, u.c.35.
Porphyrion {ad Hot. Sat. ii. 3. 239) tells us, that
Maevius was the author of a work upon the son of
Aesopus the tragedian, and his luxury ; the old
Scholiast published by Longinus {Epod. x.) ob-
serves, " Maevius poeta fuit inimicus Horatii, ob-
trectator certe omnium virorum doctorum, ipse
sectator vocum antiquarum," and an early anno-
tator upon the Ibis (1. 525) asserts, that Maevius
is the person there spoken of who lampooned the
Athenians, was thrown into prison in consequence,
and starved to death ; but tliis story has not found
credit among scholars, although many disputes have
arisen as to the individual actually referred to.

To one or other of these worthies has been at-
tributed the practical joke played off upon Virgil,
who, when rehearsing the first book of his Geor-
gics, having chanced to make a pause after the
words

Nudus ara, sere nudus —
some one of the audience completed the verse by
exclaiming

— habebis frigore febrem.
And to them also have been ascribed tlie Anti-
bucolica, two pastorals written expressly as a parody
upon the Eclogues soon after their publication.
(Donat. Vit. Virg. vii. §28, xvi. § 61 ; Weichert,
Poet. Lat. Reliqit., &c., p. 308, &c.) [W. R.]

BEBIUS MASSA. [Massa.]

BEBRYCE (Begpi/KTj), one of the Danaids,
whom Apollodorus (ii. 1. § 5) calls Bryce, and

BELISARIUS.
from whom the Bebr^'ces in Bithynia were be-
lieved to liave derived their name. (Eustath. ad
Dinnys. Perieg. 805.) Others however derived the
Hobrvces from a hero, Bebryx. (Staph. Byz. s. v.
BfipvKwv.) [L. S.]

BEDAS, a sculptor, the son and pupil of Ly-
pippus, sculptured a praying youth (Plin. H. N.
xxxiv. 8. 8. 1 9), probably the original of which the
iine bronze statue in Berlin is'a copy. [W. I.]

BEGOE, an Etruscan nymph, who was believed
to have written the Ars fulijuriiarum^ probably the
art of purifying places which had been struck by
lightning. This religious book was kept at Rome
in the temple of Apollo together with the Sibylline
books and the Carmina of the Marcii. (Serv. ad
Aen. vi. 72.) [L. S.]

BELENUS. [Abellio.]

BE'LESIS or BE'LESYS (BeAew, Be'Afo-i/j),
the noblest of the Chaldaean priests at Babylon,
who, according to the account of Ctesias, is said,
in conjunction with Arbaces, the Mede, to have
overthrown the old Assyrian empire. [Arbaces.]
Belesis afterwards received the satrapy of Babylon
from Arbaces. (Diod. ii. 24, &c. 28.)

BE'LGIUS or BO'LGIUS (Bo'Ay.os), the leader
of that division of the Gaulish army which invaded
Macedonia and Illyria in b. c. 280. He defeated
the Macedonians in a great battle, in which Pto-
lemy Ceraunus, who had then the supreme power
in Macedonia, was killed ; but the Gauls did not
follow up their victory, and the rest of Greece was
spared for a time. (Pans. x. 19. § 4; Justin,
xxiv. 5.)

BELISA'RIUS (the name is Beli-tzar, Sclavonic
for "White Prince"), remarkable as being the
greatest, if not tlie only great general, wliom the
Byzantine empire ever produced. He was bom
about A. D. 505 (comp. Procop. Goth. i. 5, Pers. i.
12) at Germania, a town of Illyria. (Procop. Fawrf.
i. 11, deAedif. iv. 1.) His public life is so much
mixed up with the history of the times, that it
need not here be given except in outline, and his
private life is known to us only through the narra-
tive of the licentiousness and intrigues of his un-
worthy wife Antonina in the Secret History of
Pi-ocopius. He first appears as a young man in
the service of Justinian under the emperor Justin I,
A. D. 520-527 (Procop. Pers. i. 12), and on the
accession of the fonner, was made general of the
Eastern armies, to check the inroads of the Per-
sians, A. D. 529-532 (Procop. Pers. i. 13 — 21);
shortly after which he married Antonina, a woman
of wealth and rank, but of low birth and morals,
and following the profession of an actress. (Procop.
Hist. Arcan. 4, 5.)

The two great scenes of his history were the wars
agsiinst the Vandals in Africa, and against the Os-
trogoths in Italy.

1. The African expedition (a. d. 533, 534) was
speedily ended by the taking of Carthage, the cap-
ture of the Vandal king, Gelimer, and the final
overthrow of the Vandal kingdom established in
Africa. (Procop. Vand. i. 11, ii. 8.) His triumph
in 534 was remarkable as being the first ever seen
at Constantinople, and the first ever enjoyed by a
subject since the reign of Tiberius. Amongst his
captives was the noble Gelimer, and the spoils
of the Vandal kingdom contained the vessels of
the temple of Jerusalem, that had been carried
from Rome to Carthage by Genseric. He also
(alone of Roman citizens besides Bonifacius) had

BELISARIUS. 473

medals struck in his honour, with his head on the
reverse (Cedrenus, i. 370), and on Jan. 1, a. D.535,
was inaugurated with great splendour as consul,
and with a second triumph, conducted however not
according to the new imperial, but the old republi-
can forms. (Procop. Vand. ii. 9.)

2. The Gothic war consists of two acts, the first
(a. d. 535—540), the second (a. d. 544 — 548).
The first began in the claims laid by Justinian to
Sicily, and in his demand for the abdication of the
feeble Gothic king, Theodatus. It Was marked by
Belisarius's conquest of Sicily (535) and Naples
(537), by his successful defence of Rome against
the newly elected and energetic king of the Goths,
Vitiges (March, 537 — March, 538), and by the
capture of Ravenna with Vitiges himself, Dec. 539.
(Procop. Gotk. i. 5, ii. 30.) He was then recalled
by the jealousy of Justinian and the intrigues of
rival generals, without even the honours of a
triumph. (Procop. Goth. iii. 1.)

The interval between the two Gothic wars was
occupied by his defence of the eastern frontier
against the inroads of the Persians under Nushirvan
or Chosroes (541 — 543) (Procop. Pers. i. 25), from
which he was again recalled by the intrigues of the
empress Theodora, and of his wife Antonina, and
escaped the sentence of death only by a heavy
fine, and by his complete submission to his wife.
(Procop. Hist. Arcan. 3, 4.)

The second act of the Gothic war, which Belisa-
rius undertook in the office of count of the stables*
arose from the revolt of the Goths and reconquest
of Italy under their new king, Totila, A. d. 541 — ■
544. (Procop. Goth. iii. 2 — 9.) Belisarius, on ar-
riving in Italy, made a vigorous but vain endeavour
to raise the siege of Rome (May, 546 — Feb. 547),
and then kept in check the hostility of the con-
querors, and when they left the city, recovered and
successfully defended it against them. (Procop.
Goth. iii. 13 — 24.) His career was again cut short
by the intrigues of the Byzantine court, and after
a brief campaign in Lucania, he returned from Italy,
Sept. A. D. 548 (Procop. Goth. iii. 29—32), and
left his victories to be completed by his rival Narses
in the complete overthrow of the Ostrogothic king-
dom, and the establishment of the exarchate of
Ravenna. (Procop. Goth. iv. 21 — 35.) (a. d. 549
—554.)

The last victory of Belisarius was gained in re-
pelling an inroad of the Bulgarians, A. D. 559.
(Agath. Hist. v. 15-20; Theophanes, pp. 198, 199.)
In A. D. 563 he was accused of a conspiracy against
the life of Justinian, and his fortune was seques-
tered. All that is certiiin after this is, that he died
on the 13th of March, a. d. 565. (Theophanes
pp. 160, 162.)

It is remarkable that whilst his life is preserved
to us with more than usual accuracy — by the fact
of the historian Procopius having been his secre-
tary (Procop. Pers. i. 12), and having published
both a public and private history of the times —
the circumstances of his disgrace and death are in-
volved in great uncertainty, and historical truth
has in popular fame been almost eclipsed by ro-
mance. This arises from the termination of the
contemporary histories of Procopius and Agathiaa
before the event in question ; and in the void thus
left, Gibbon (after Alemann) follows the story of
John Malala (p. 242), and of Theophanes (pp.
159 — 162), that he was merely imprisoned for
a year in his own pahvce (a. d. 563, 564) 'and

48')

BELISARIUS.

restored to his honours eight months before his
death ; whilst Lord Mahon in his recent life of
Belisarius, on the authority of an anonymous writer
of the eleventh centurj', and of Tzetzes in the
twelfth century, has endeavoured to revive the
story which he conceives to have been handed
down by tradition in Constantinople, — which was
then transferred in the fifteenth century to Italy,
—and which has become so famous through the
French romance of Marmontel, that his eyes were
p»it out, and tftat he passed the remainder of his
life sitting in the streets of Constantinople and
begging in the words preserved in the metrical
narrative of Tzetzes.

The statue in the Villa Borghese, in a sitting
posture with an open hand, formerly supposed to
be Belisarius, has since the time of Winkelmann
been generally conjectured to represent Augustus
in the act of propitiating Nemesis.

In person, Belisarius was tall and handsome.
(Procop. Goth. iii. 1.) As a general, he was distin-
guished as well by his personal prowess and his
unconquerable presence of mind, as by the rapidity
and comprehensiveness of his movements, and also as
never having sustained defeat without good reason,
and as having effected the greatest conquests with
the smallest resources. His campaigns form an era
vn military history, as being the first conducted by
a really great soldier under the influence of Chris-
tianity (for that he conformed to Christianity, even
if he was not himself a Christian, is evident from
his mention in connexion with the baptism of
Theodosius, Procop. Hint. Arcan. 1.) ; and it is re-
markable to trace the union of his rigorous discip-
line over his army (Procop. Goth. i. 28, Vand. i. 12,
IG) with his considerate humanity towards the
conquered, and (especially in contrast with the
earlier spirit of Roman generals) his forbearance
towards his enemies. (Procop. Vand, i. 16, 17,
Goth. i. 10.)

In a vvivate capacity, he was temperate, chaste,
and brave ; but his characteristic virtue, which ap-
peared to Gibbon " either below or above the cha-
racter of a man," was the patience with which he
endured his rivals' insults, and the loj'alty to Jus-
tinian— in itself remarkable as one of the earliest
instances in European history of loyalty to the
person of the sovereign — which caused him at the
height of his success and power to return, at the
emperor's order, from Africa, Persia, and Italy.
Sir W. Temple {Works., vol. ii. p. 286) places him
among the seven generals in the history of the
world who have deserved a crown without wearing
it.

In his two vices — the avarice of his later life
(Procop. Hist. Arcan. 5), and his uxoriousness — he
has been well compared to Marlborough, except so
far as the great Sarah was superior to the infamous
Antonina, To her influence over him are to be
ascribed the only great blots of his life — the exe-
cution of his ofiicer, Constantine (Procop. ibid. 1),
A. D. 535, the persecution of his step-son, Photius
{Ibid. 1-3), A. D. 540, and the deposition of the
pope Sylverius and the corrupt election of Vigilius,
A. D, 537. {Goth. i. 25.) He had by Antonina an
only daughter, Joannina. (Procop. Hist. Arcan. i.
5, Goth. iii. 30.)

The effects of his career are — 1. The preserva-
tion of the Byzantine empire, and, with it, of the
mass of ancient literature afterwards bequeathed
by il to the West ; both of which, but for his ap-

BELLEROPHON.

pearance, must, humanly speaking, have perished
in the inroad of the barbarians. 2. The timely
support given to the cause of the orthodox faith in
the Western empire at the crisis of its greatest
oppression by the Arian kingdoms of the Goths
and Vandals in all the western provinces. 3. The
temporary infusion of Byzantine art and of the
Greek language into Italy by the estal)lishment of
the exarchate of Rav'enna on the ruins of the Ostro-
gothic kingdom. 4. The substitution of the By-
zantine for the Vandal dominion in Africa and
Sicily, and the consequent preparation for their
future submission to the Mohammedan conquerors,
and their permanent desolation, from the fact of
his haviiig made them the provinces of a distant
and declining empire, instead of leaving them to
become the homes of a warlike and vigorous na-
tion.

The authorities for the life of Belisarius are the
works of Procopius ; for the Bulgarian war, Aga-
thias (v. 1 5, 20) and Theophanes (pp. 1 98. 1 99); and
for his death, those mentioned above. In modern
times, the chief authority is Gibbon (cc. 41 and 43);
Lord Mahon's Life of Belisarius, in which several
inaccuracies in Gibbon's account are pointed out ;
and a review of this last-mentioned work in the
Wiener Jahrbuclier, by Von Hammer. [A. P. S.]

BELLE'ROPHON or BELLEROPHONTES
{BeWfpocjxJiu or Be\\epo({>6vTris), properl}' called
Hipponous, was a son of the Corinthian king Glau-
cus and Eurymede, and a grandson of Sis^'phus.
(ApoUod. i. 9. § 3 ; Hom. //. vi. 155.) According
to Hyginus {Fab. 157; comp. Pind. 01. xiii. 6G),
he was a son of Poseidon and Eurymede. He is
said to have received the name Bellerophon or
Bellerophontes from having slain the noble Corin-
thian, Bellerus. {Tzetz. ad Li/coph. \7 ; Eustath.
Hom. p. 632.) Others related, that he had slain
his own brother, Deliades, Peiren, or Alcimenes.
(Apollod. ii. 3. § 1, &c.) In order to be purified
from the murder, whichever it maj' have been,
he fled to Proetus, whose wife Anteia fell in
love with the young hero ; but her offers being
rejected by him, she accused him to her hus-
band of having made improper proposals to her,
and insisted upon his being put to death. Proe-
tus, unwilling to kill him Avith his own hands,
sent him to his father-in-law, lobates, king in
Lycia, with a sealed letter in which the latter was
requested to put the young man to death. lobates
accordingly sent hira to kill the monster Chimaera,
thinking that he was sure to perish in the contest.
Bellerophon mounted the winged horse, Pegasus,
and rising up with him into the air, killed the
Chimaera from on high with his arrows. lobates,
being thus disappointed, sent Bellerophon out
again, first against the Solymi and next against
the Amazons. In these contests too he was vic-
torious ; and when, on his return to Lj'cia, he was
attacked bj' the bravest Lycians, whom lobates
had placed in ambush for the purpose, Bellerophon
slew them all. lobates, now seeing that it was
hopeless to attempt to kill the hero, shewed him
the letter he had received from Proetus, gave him
his daughter (Philonoe, Anticleia, or Cassandra)
for his wife, and made him his successor on the
throne. Bellerophon became the father of Isander,
Hippolochus, and Laodameia. Here Apollodorus
breaks off the story ; and Homer, whose account
(vi. 155 — 202) differs in some points from that of
Apollodorus, describes the later period of Bellero-

I

BELLIENUS.
phon's life only by 6«\ving, that he drew upon him-
8Plf the hatred of the gods, and, consumed by grief,
wandered lonely through the Aleian field, avoiding
the piiths of men. We must here remark with
Eustathius, that Homer knows nothing of Bellero-
phon killing the Chimaera with the help of Pegasus,
which must therefore be regarded in all probability
as a later embellishment of the stor^'. The man-
ner in which he destroyed the Chimaera is thus de-
scribed by Tzetzes (/. c.) : he fixed lead to the point
of his lance, and thrust it into the fire-breathing
mouth of the Cliimacra, who was accordingly killed
by the molten lead. According to others, Bellero-
phon was assisted by Athena Chalinitis or Ilippia.
(Pans. ii. 1. § 4; Pind. I.e.; Strab. viii. p. 379.)
Some traditions stated, that he attempted to rise
with Pegasus into heaven, but that Zeus sent a
gad-fly, which stung Pegasus so, that he threw off
the rider upon the earth, who became lame or blind
in consequence. (Pind. Isth. vii. 44 ; Schol. cui
Pind. 01. xiii. 130 ; Herat. Carm. iv. 11. '26.) A
peculiar story about Bellerophon is related by Plu-
tarch. {De Virt. Mul. p. 247, &c.) Bellerophon
was worshipped as a hero at Corinth, and had a
sanctuary near the town in the cypress grove,
Craneion. (Paus. ii. 2. § 4.) Scenes of the story
of Bellerophon were frequently represented in an-
cient works of art. His contest with the Chimaera
was seen on the throne of Amyclae (ii. 18.
§ 7), and in the vestibule of the Delphic temple.
(Eurip. Io7i, 203.) On coins, gems, and vases he
is often seen fighting against the Chimaera, taking
leave of Proetus, taming Pegasus or giving him to
drink, or falling from him. But, until the recent
discoveries in Lycia by Mr. Fellows, no represent-
ation of Bellerophon in any important work of art
was known ; in Lycian sculptures, however, he is
seen riding on Pegasus and conquering the Chimae-
ra. [Comp. Chimaera and Pegasus.] [L. S.]

BELLERUS. [Bellerophon.]

BELLIE'NUS, the name of a family of the An-
nia gens. The word is sometimes written Bilienus.

1. L. (Annius) Bellienus, praetor in b. c.
107, served under Marius in the war against Ju-
gurtha and Bocchus. (Sail. Jtig. 104.)

2. C. Annius Bellienus, one of the legates of
M. Fonteius in Gallia Narbonensis, b. c. 72. (Cic.
pro Font. 4.)

3. L. (Annius) Bellienus, the uncle of Cati-
line, killed, by command of Sulla, Lucretius Ofella,
who attempted to obtain the consulship contrary to
Sulla's wish. Bellienus was condemned in B. c. 64.
(Ascon. in Tog. Catid. p. 92, ed. Orelli ; comp.
Appuin, ^. C. i. 101.)

4. L. (Annius) Bellienus, perhaps a son of
the preceding, whose house was burnt down after
the murder of Caesar in B. c. 44. (Cic. PhU. ii. 36.)

5. Bellienus, originally a slave, bom in the
family of one Demetrius, was stationed at Inteme-
lium with a garrison in B. c. 49, where he put to
death, in consequence of a sura of money which he
had received from the opposite party, Domitius, a ■
man of noble rank in the town, and a friend of
Caesar's. Thereupon the Intemelians took up arms,
and Caelius had to march to the town with some
cohorts, to put down the insurrection. (Cic. ad
Fam. viii. 15 ; comp. xvi. 22.)

C. BELLIE'NUS, a distinguished Roman orator
and jurist, who was prevented by the disorders
which occurred in the time of Marius from attain-
ing the conaulship, (Cic, Brut. 47.) He is stip-

BELUS.

481

posed by Trietanus {Comtn. P. i. p. 90) to be the
same person with C. Annius Bellienus mentioned
above [No. 2], but Emesti {Clav. Cic.) repudiates
this conjecture, as not easily reconcileable with
dates. [J. T. G.]

BELLI'NUS, a Roman praetor, who was taken
prisoner by the pirates, about B.C. 68 (Plut. Pomp.
24 ; comp. Appian, Mithr. 93^, may perhaps be a
false reading for Bellienus.

BELLO'NA, the goddess of war among the
Romajis. It is very probable that originaliy Bel-
lona was a Sabine divinity whose worsliip was
carried to Rome by the Sabine settlers, jjhe is
frequently mentioned by the Roman poets as tlie
companion of Mars, or even as his sister or his
wife. Virgil describes her as armed with a
bloody scourge. (V'irg. Aen. viii. 703; Lucan,
Phars. vii. 569; Horat. Sut. ii. 3. 223.) The
main object for which Bellena was worshipped
and invoked, was to grant a warlike spirit and
enthusiasm which no enemy could resist ; and
it was for this reason, for she had been wor-
shipped at Rome from early times (Liv. viii. 9),
that in b. c. 296, during the war against the
Samnites, Appius Claudius the Blind vowed the
first temple of Bellona, which was accordingly
erected in the Campus Martins close by the Circus
Flaminius. (Liv. x. 19; Ov. Fast. vi. 201, &c.)
This temple subsequently became of great political
importance, for in it the senate assembled to give
audience to foreign ambassadors, whom it was not
thought proper to admit into the city, to generals
who returned from a campaign for which they
claimed the honour of a triumph, and on other oc-
casions. (Liv. xxviii. 9, xxx. 21 ; Diet, of Ant. s.v.
Legatus.) In front of the entrance to the temple
there stood a pillar, which served for making the
symbolical declarations of war; for the area of the
temple was regarded as a symbolical representation
of the enemies' country, and the pillar as that of
the fi-ontier, and the declaration of war was made
by launching a spear over the pillar. This cere-
mony, so long as the Roman dominion was of small
extent, had been performed on the actual frontier
of the enemy's country. (Ov. Fast. vi. 205, &c.;
Serv. ad Aen. ix. 53 ; Liv. i. 32 ; Diet, of Ant. s. v,
Fetiales.) The priests of Bellona were called Bel-
lonarii, and when they offered sacrifices to her,
they had to wound their own arms or legs, and
either to offer up the blood or drink it themselves,
in order to become inspired with a warlike enthu-
siasm. This sacrifice, which was afterwards soft-
ened down into a mere symbolic act, took place on
the 24th of March, which day was called dies
sanguinis for this reason. (Lucan, i. 565 ; Martial,
xii, 57; TertuU. ^;>o/o(5r. 9 ; Lactant. i. 21; comp.
Heindorf, ad Hor. Sat. L c. ; Hartung, Die Relig.
der Romer, ii. p. 270, &c.; C. Tiesler, De Bellonae
CuHu et Sacrisy Berlin, 1842, 8vo.) [L. S.]

BELLOVE'SUS. [Ambigatus.]

BELUS (BrjKos). 1. A son of Poseidon by
Libya or Eurynome. He was a twin-brother of
Agenor, and father of Aegyptus and Danaus. He
was believed to be the ancestral hero and national
divinity of several eastern nations, fi:om whence
the legends about him were transplanted to Greece
and became mixed up with Greek mvths. (Apol-
lod. ii. 1. § 4 ; Died. i. 28; Serv. ad'Acn. i. 733.)

2. The father of Dido, who conquered Cyprus
and then gave it to Teucer. (Virg. Aen. I. 621 ;
Serv. ad Aen. i. 625, 646.) [L.S.]

2 I

432

BERENICE.

liELLUTUS, C. SICl'NIUS, was the leader
of the plebs in their secession to the Sacred Moun-
tain, B. c. 494, and was afterwards one of the first
tribunes of the plebs elected in that year. (Liv. ii.
32, 33; Dionys. vi. 45, 70, 72, 82, 89.) He was
plebeian aedile in 492 (Dionys. vii. 14), and tri-
bune again in 491, when he distinguished himself
by his attacks upon Coriolanus, who was brought
to trial in that year. (Dionys. vii. 33-39, 61.)
Asconius calls him (in Cornel, p. 76, ed. Orelli)
L. Sicinius L. f. Bellutus.

It is most probable that his descendants, one of
whom we are expressly told was tribune in b. c.
449 (Liv. iiu 54), also bore the cognomen Bellutus;
but as they are not mentioned by this name in an-
cient writers, they are given under Sicinius.

BEMA'RCIIIUS (Bt;mc^x'os), a Greek sophist
and rhetorician of Ciiesareia in Cappadocia, who
lived in or shortly after the time of the emperor
Constantine, whose history he wrote in a work
consisting of ten books. He also wrote declama-
tions and various orations ; but none of his works
have come down to us. (Suidas, s. t*. BTj/xapxios ;
Liban. Orat. p. 24, &c. ed. Reiske.) [L. S.]

BENDIS (BeVSts), a Thracian divinity in whom
the moon was worshipped. Hesychius (s. r. 5/A07-
Xov) says, that the poet Cratinus called this goddess
5tAo7xos, either because she had to discharge two
duties, one towards heaven and the other towards
the earth, or because she bore two lances, or lastly,
because she had two lights, the one her own and
the other derived from the sun. In Greece she
was sometimes identified with Persephone, but
more commonly with Artemis. (Proclus, Tlieolog.
p. 353.) From an expression of Aristophanes,
who in his comedy "The Lemnian Women" called
her the tuyaKi) Seiis (Phot Le-x. and Hesych. s. «.),
it may be inferred, that she was worshipped in
Lemnos ; and it was either from this island or from
Thrace that her worship was introduced into At-
tica ; for we know, that as early as the time of
Plato the Bendideia were celebrated in Peiraeeus
every ye;ir on the twentieth of Thargelion. (He-
sych. s. r. BeVSts ; Plat. Rep. i. 1 ; Proclus, ad Tim.
p. 9; Xen. Hell. ii. 4. § 11; Strab. x. p. 471;
Liv. xxxviii. 41.) [L. S.]

BERECY'NTHIA {BepcKvvBia), a surname of
Cybele, which she derived either from mount Bere-
cynthus, or from a fortified place of that name in
Phrygia, where she was particularly worshipped.
Mount Berecynthus again derived its name from
Berecynthus, a priest of Cybele. (Callim. Hymn.
in Dian. 246 ; Serv. ad Aen. ix. 82, vi. 785 ;
Strab. X. p. 472; Plut. deFlum. 10.) [L.S.]

BERENI'CE (BepcvUr]), a Macedonia form of
Pherenice (^fpei/i/cTj).

I. £J(/j/ptian Berenices.

I. A daughter of Lagus by Antigone, niece
of Antipater, was married first to Philip, an
obscure Macedonian, and afterwards to Ptolemy
Soter (the reputed son of Lagus by Arsinoe),
who fell in love with her when she came to
Egypt in attendance on his bride Eurydice, An-
tipater's daughter. (Schol, ad Tlieoc. Idyll, xvii.
61 ; Pans. i. 6, 7.) She had such influence
over her husband that she procured the succession
to the throne for her son Ptolemy Philadelphus, to
the exclusion of Eurydice's children, — and this,
too, in spite of the remonstrances of Demetrius of
PLalerus with the king. (Just. xvi. 2 ; Diog,
Laert. v. 78; comp. AeL V. H. iii. 17.) Plutarch

BERENICE.

speaks of her as the first in virtue and wisdom of
the wives of Ptolemy, and relates that Pyrrhua
of Epeirus, when he was placed with Ptolemy as
a hostage for Demetrius, courted her favour espe-
cially, and received in marriage Antigone, her
daughter by her first husband Philip. Pyrrhus is
also said to have given the name of " Berenicis," in
honour of her, to a city which he built in Epeirus.
(Plut. Pyrrh. 4, 6.) After her death her son
Philadelphus instituted divine honours to her, and
Theocritus {Idyll, xvii. 34, &c., 123) celebrates
her beauty, virtue, and deification. See also
Athen. v. pp. 202, d., 203, a. ; Theoc. Idyll, xv.
106 ; and the pretty Epigram (55) of Calli-
machus. It seems doubtful whether the Berenice,

whose humane interference with her husband on
behalf of criminals is referred to by Aelian ( V. //,
xiv. 43), is the subject of the present article, or
the wife of Ptolemy III. (Euergetes.) See Peri-
zonius, ad A el. I. c.

2. Daughter of Ptolemy Philadelphus, becama
the wife of Antiochus Theos, king of Syria, ac-
cording to the terms of the treaty between him and
Ptolemy, B. c. 249, which required him to divorce
Laodice and marry the Egyptian princess, estab-
lishing also the issue of the latter as his successors.
On the death, however, of Ptolemy, b. c. 247,
Antiochus put Berenice away and recalled Laodice,
who notwithstanding, having no faith in his con-
stancy, caused him to be poisoned. Berenice fled
in alarm to Daphne with her son, where being be-
sieged they fell into the hands of Laodice 's parti-
zans, and were murdered with all their Egyptian
attendants, the forces of the Asiatic cities and of
Ptolemy Euergetes (brother of Berenice) arriving
only in time to avenge them. These events are
prophetically referred to by Daniel in the clearest
manner. (Polyb. Fragm. Hist. 54, v. 58, Oil Jin.;
Athen. ii. p. 45, c. ; Just, xxvii. 1 ; Polyaen. viii.
50 ; Appian, Syr. 65, p. 130 ; Dan. xi. 6, and Hie-
ron. ail loc.)

3. Grand-daughter of Berenice, No. 1, and
daughter of Magas, who was first governor and
then king of Cyrene. Athenaeus (xv. p. 689, a.)
calls her, if we follow the conmion reading, " Bere-
nice the Great," but perhaps 77 Maya should be
substituted for 77 /jLeydArj. (Schweigh. ad Atheii.

I. c.) She was betrothed by her father to Ptolemy
Euergetes, as one of the terras of the peace
between himself and his half-brother Ptolemy

II. (Philadelphus), the father of Euergetes.

BERENICE.

Mnc:ns died, however, before the treaty was exe-
cuted, and his wife Arsinoe" (Just. xxvi. 3), to
prevent the marriage of Berenice with Ptolemy,
olTered her, together with the kingdom, to De-
metrius, brother of Antigonus Gonatas. On his
arrival, however, at Cyrene, Arsinoe fell in love
with him herself, and Berenice accordingly, whom
he had slighted, caused him to be murdered in the
very arms of her mother ; she then went to Egypt,
and became the wife of Ptolemy. When her son,
Ptolemy IV. (Philopator), came to the throne, B.c.
2*21, he put her and his brother Magas to death, at
the instigation of his prime minister Sosibius, and
against the remonstrances of Cleomenes III. of
Spartiu The famous hair of Berenice, which she
dedicated for her husband's safe return from his
Syrian expedition [see No. 2] in the temple of
Arsinoe at Zephyrium (*A</)po5iT7j Zfcpvplris), and
which was said by the courtly Conon of Samos to
have become a constellation, was celebrated by
Callimachus in a poem, which, with the exception
of a few lines, is lost. There is, however, a trans-
lation of it by Catullus, which has been re-trans-
lated into indifferent Greek verse by Salvini the
Florentine. (Polyb. v. 36, xv. 25 ; Just. xxvi. 3,
XXX. 1 ; Plut. Demelr. ad fin., Cleom. 33 ; Catull.
Ixvii.; Muret. ad loe.; Hygin. Poct, Astron. ii.
24 ; Thrige, Res Ciiren. §§ 59 — 61.) Hyginus
(/. c.) speaks of Berenice as the daughter of Ptolemy
II. and Arsinoe [No. 2, p. 366, b.] ; but the ac-
count above given rests on far better authority.
And though Catullus, translating Callimachus, calls
her the sister of her husband Euergetes, yet this
may merely mean that she was his coxvdn, or may
also be explained from the custom of tlie queens of
the Ptolemies being called their sisters as a title of
honour ; and thus in either way may we reconcile
Callimachus with Polybius and Justin. (See Thrige,
Res Cijren. §61; Droysen, Gesch. der Nachfolyer
Alexaiulers, Tabb. xiv. xv.)

4. Otherwise called Cleopatra, daughter of
Ptolemy IX. (Lathyrus), succeeded her father on
the throne, b. c. 81, and married her first cousin,
Alexander II., son of Alexander I., and grandson
of Ptolemy VIII. (Physcon), whom SuUa, then
dictator, had sent to Egypt to take possession of
the kingdom. Nineteen days after her marriage
she was murdered by her husband, and Appian
tells us, that he was himself put to death by his
subjects about the same time ; but this is doubtful.
(Paus. i. 9 ; Appian, Dell. Civ. i. p. 414; but see
Cic. de Leg. Ayr. ii. 16 ; Appian, iMithr. p. 251.)

5. Daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, and eldest
sister of the famous Cleopatra (Stnib. xii. p. 558),
was placed on the throne by the Alexandrines
when they drove out her father, B. c. 58. (Dion
Cass, xxxix. 12, &c. ; Liv. Epit. 104; Plut. Cut.
Min. 35 ; Strab. xvii. p. 796.) ,She married first
Seleucus Cybiosactes, brother of Antiochus XIII.
(Asiaticus) of Syria, who had some claim to the
throne of Egypt through his mother Selene, the
sister of Lathyrus. Berenice, however, was soon
disgusted with the sordid character of Seleucus,
and caused him to be put to death. (Strab. /. c. ;
Dion Cass, xxxix. 57 ; comp. Sueton. Vespas. 19.)
She next married Archelaus, whom Porapey had

Pausanias (i. 7) mentions Apama as the name
of the wife of Magas ; but she may have had both
names, or Arsinoe may have been his second wife.
See p. 367, a.; and Thrige, Res Ctfrenemium^ § 60.

BERENICE.

483

made priest and king of Coiuana in Poiituf, or,
according to another account, in Cappadotia ; but,
six months after this, Auletes was restored to his
kingdom by the Romans under Gabinius, and
Archelaus and Berenice were slain, B. c. oo. (Liv.
Epit. 105 ; Dion Cass, xxxix, 55 — 58 ; Strab. xvii.
p. 796, xii. p. 558 ; Ilirt, de Dell. Alex, (id ; Plut.
Ant. d', comp. Cic. ad Fam. i. 1 — 7, ad Q. Fr.
ii. 2.)

II. Jeu'ish Derenices.

1. Daughter of Costobarus and Salome, sister of
Herod the Great, was married to Aristobulus, lier
first cousin. [Aristobulus, No. 4.] This prince,
proud of his descent through Mariamne from thu
blood of the Maccabees, is said by Joseph as to
have taunted Berenice with her inferiority of birth;
and her consequent complaints to Salome served to
increase that hostility of the latter to Aiistobulus
which mainly caused his death, (Joseph, A7ii. xviii,
5, 94, xvi. 1. § 2, 4. § 1, 7. § 3 ; Dell. Jud, i. 23.
§ 1, 24. § 3.) After his execution, b. c. 6, Bere-
nice became the wife of Theudion, maternal uncle
to Antipater the eldest son of Herod the Great, —
Antipater having brought about the marriage with
the view of conciliating Salome and disarming her
suspicions of himself. (Joseph. A7it. xvii. 1. § 1 ;
Dell. Jud. i. 28, § 1.) Josephus does not mention
the death of Theudion, but it is probable that he
suffered for his share in Antipater's plot against
the life of Herod. [See p. 203, a.] (Joseph. Ant.
xvii. 4. § 2 ; Dell. Jud. i. 30. § 5.)

Berenice certainly appears to have been again
a widow when she accompanied her mother to Home
with Archelaus, who went thither at the com-
mencement of his reign to obtain from Augustus
the ratification of his father's will. (Joseph. Ant.
xvii. 9. § 3 ; Dell. Jud. ii. 2. § 1.) At Rome she
seems to have continued for the rest of her life,
enjoying the favour of Augustus and the friendship
of Antonia, wife of the elder Drusus, [Antonia,
No. 6.] Antonia's affection, indeed, for Berenice
exhibited itself even after the death of the latter,
and during the reign of Tiberius, in offices of sul>-
stantial kindness to her son Agrippa I., whom she
furnished with the means of discharging his debt
to the treasury of the emperor. (Strab. xvi. p.
765 ; Joseph. Ant. xviii. 6. §§ 1 — 6.)

2. The eldest daughter of Agrippa I,, by his
wife Cypres, was espoused at a very early age to
Marcus, son of Alexander the Alabarch ; but he
died before the consmnmation of the marriage, and
she then became the wife of her uncle, Herod,
king of Chalcis, by whom she had two sons.
(Joseph. Ant. xviii. 5. § 4, xix. 5. § 1, 9. § 1, xx.
5. § 2, 7. § 3 ; Dell. Jud. ii. 2. § 6.) After the
death of Herod, a. d. 48, Berenice, then 20 years
old, lived for a considerable time with her brother,
and not without suspicion of an incestuous com-
merce with him, to avoid the scandal of which she
induced Polemon, king of CilicLa, to marry her ;
but she soon deserted him and returned to Agrippii,
with whom she was living in A. d. 62, when St.
Paul defended himself before him at Caesareia.
(Joseph. A?it. XX. 7. § 3 ; Juv. vi. 156 ; Ads,
XXV. xxvi.) About a. d. 65, we hear of her
being at Jerasalem (whither she had gone for the
performance of a vow), and interceding for the
Jews with Gessius Floras, at the risk of her life,
daring his cruel massacre of them. (Joseph. Dili.
Jud. ii. 15. § 1.) Together with her brother, she
endeavoured to divert her countrymen from tUeir

2i'i

484

BEROSUS.

pui-pose of rebellion {Bell. Jud. ii. IG. § 5) ; and
having joined the Romans with him on the out-
break of the war, she gained the favour of Vespasian
by her munificent presents, and the love of Titus
by her beauty. Her connexion with the latter
continued at Rome, whither she went after the
capture of Jerusalem, and it is said that he wished
to make her his wife ; but the fear of offending the
Romans by such a step compelled him to dismiss
her, and, though she afterwards returned to Rome,
he still avoided a renewal of their intimacy. (Tac.
Hist. ii. 2, 81 ; Suet. Tit. 7 ; Dion Cass. Ixvi.
15, 18.) Quintilian (/«s^ Orat. iv. 1) speaks of
having pleaded her cause on some occasion, not
further alluded to, on which she herself sat as
judge. [E. E.]

BERI'SADES (Bepjo-aSrjy), a ruler in Thrace,
who inherited, in conjunction with Amadocus and
Cersobleptes, the dominions of Cotys on the death
of the latter in a c. 358. Berisades was probably
a son of Cotys and a brother of the other two
princes. His reign was short, as he was already
dead in B. c. 352 ; and on his death Cersobleptes
declared war against his children. (Dem. in Aris-
tocr. pp. 623, 624.) The Birisades (Bjpio-aSTjs)
mentioned by Deinarchus (c. Dem. p. 95) is pro-
bably the same as Parisades, the king of Bosporus,
who must not be confounded with the Berisades
mentioned above. The Berisades, king of Pontus,
whom Stratonicus, the player on the lyre, visited
(Athen. viii. p. 349, d.), must also be regarded as
the same as Parisades. [Parisades.]

BEROE (BepoTj), a Trojan woman, married to
Doryclus, one of the companions of Aeneas. Iris
assumed the appearance of Beroe when she per-
suaded the women to set fire to the ships of Aeneas
on the coast of Sicily. (Virg. Aen. v. 620, &c.)
There are three other mythical personages of this
name, concerning whom nothing of interest is re-
lated. (Hygin. Fab. 167; Virg. Georg. iv. 341 ;
Nonnus, Dimys. xli. 155.) [L. S.]

BEROE, the Avife of Glaucias, an Illyrian king,
took charge of Pyrrhus when his father, Aeacides,
was expelled from Epeirus in B. c. 316. (Justin,
xvii. 3.)

BERONICIA'NUS {Ji^poviKiavos), of Sardis,
a philosopher of considerable reputtxtion, mentioned
only by Eunapius. ( Vit. Soph, sub fin.)

BERO'SUS (BTjpwo-o's or B-npwaaos), a priest of
Belus at Babylon, and an historian. His name is
usually considered to be the same as Bar or Ber
Oseas, that is, son of Oseas. (Scalig. Animadv. ad
Euseb. p. 248.) He was born in the reign of Alex-
ander the Great, and lived till that of Antiochus II.
Bumamed @i6s (b. c. 261-246), in whose reign he
is said to have written his history of Babylonia.
(Tatian, adv. Gent. 58 ; Euseb. Praep. Evang. x.
p. 289.) Respecting the personal history of Berosus
scarcely anything is known ; but he must have
been a man of education and extensive learning,
and was well acquainted with the Greek language,
which the conquests of Alexander had diffused
over a great part of Asia. Some writers have
thought that they can discover in the extant frag-
ments of his work traces of the author's ignorance
of the Chaldee language, and thus have come to
the conclusion, that the history of Babylonia was
the work of a Greek, who assumed the name of a
celebrated Babylonian. But this opinion is with-
out any foundation at all. The fact that a Bab}'-
lonian wrote the history of his own country in

BEROSUS.
Greek cannot be surprising ; for, after the Greek
language had commenced to be spoken in the East,
a desire appears to have sprung up in some learned
persons to make the history of their respective
countries known to the Greeks : hence Menander of
Tyre wrote the history of Phoenicia, and Manetho
that of Egypt. The historical work of Berosus
consisted of three books, and is sometimes called
Ba§uAwi/i/{a, and sometimes XaASai/cci or laTopiai
XaXSa'iKai. (Athen. xiv. p. 639 ; Clem. Alex. Strom.
i. p. 142, Protrept. 19.) The work itself is lout,
but we possess several fragments of it, which are
preserved in Josephus, Eusebius, Syncellus, and
the Christian fathers, who made great use of the
work, for Berosus seems to have been acquainted
with the sacred books of the Jews, whence his
statements often agree with those of the Old Tes-
tament. We know that Berosus also treated of
the history of the neighbouring countries, such as
Chaldaea and Media. (Agathias, ii. 24.) He him-
self states, that he derived the materials for his
work from the archives in the temple of Belus,
where chronicles were kept by the priests ; but he
appears to have used and interpreted the early or
mythical history, according to the views current in
his time. From the fragments extant we see that
the work embraced the earliest traditions about
the human race, a description of Babylonia and its
population, and a chronological list of its kings
down to the time of the great Cyrus. The history
of Assyria, Media, and even Annenia, seems to
have been constantly kept in view also. There is
a marked difference, in many instances, between
the statements of Ctesias and those of Berosus ;
but it is erroneous to infer from this, as some have
done, that Berosus forged some of his statements.
The difference appears sufficiently accounted for
by the circumstance, that Ctesias had recourse to
Assyrian and Persian sources, while Berosus fol-
lowed the Babylonian, Chaldaean, and the Jewish,
which necessarily placed the same events in a dif-
ferent light, and may frequently have differed in
their substance altogether. The fragments of
the Babylonica are collected at the end of Scaliger's
work de Emendatione Teinpofuin, and more com-
plete in Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. xiv. p. 1 75, &c., of
the old edition. The best collection is that by
J. D. G. Richter. {Berosi Chald. Historiae quae
supersunt; cum Comment, de Berosi Vita, ^'C. Lips.
1825, 8vo.)

Berosus is also mentioned as one of the earliest
writers on astronomy, astrology, and similar sub-
jects ; but what Pliny, Vitruvius, and Seneca have
preserved of him on these subjects does not give us
a high idea of his astronomical or mathematical
knowledge. Pliny (vii. 37) relates, that the Athe-
nians erected a statue to him in a gymnasium, with
a gilt tongue to honour his extraordinary predic-
tions ; Vitruvius (ix. 4, x. 7, 9) attributes to him
the invention of a semicircular sun-dial (Jiemicy-
clium), and states that, in his later years, he set-
tled in the island of Cos, where he founded a school
of astrology. By the statement of Justin Martyr
{CbJiort. ad Graec. c. 39 ; comp. Pans. x. 12. § 5 ;
and Suidas, s. v. l,i€v\\a\ that the Babylonian
Sibyl who gave oracles at Cuma in the time of the
Tarquins was a daughter of the historian Berosus,
some writers have been led to place the real Bero-
sus at a much earlier date, and to consider the his-
tory which bore his name as the forgery of a Greek.
But there is little or no reason for such an hypo-

BESSUS.

thesis, for Justin may have confounded the well-
known historian with some earlier Babylonian of
the name of Berosus ; or, what is more probable,
the Sibyl whom he mentions is a recent one, and
may really have been the daughter of the historian.
(i^aus./.c.) [SiBVLLAE.] Other writcrs again have
been inclined to assume, that Berosus the historian
was a different person from the astrologer ; but this
opinion too is not supported by satisfectory evi-
dence.

The work entitled Berosi Antiquilatum libri
qninque cum Commentariis Joannis Annii^ which
appeared at Rome in 1498, fol., and was afterwards
often reprinted and even translated into Italian, is
one of the many fabrications of Giovanni Nanni, a
Dominican monk of Viterbo, better known under
the name of Annius of Viterbo, who died in 1502.
(Fabric, Bill. Graec. iv. p. 163, &c. ; Vossius, De
Hist. Graec. p. 120, &c., ed. Westermann ; and
Richter's Introduction to his edition of the Frag-
ments.) [L. S.]

BERYLLUS (BepuAAcis), bishop of Bostra in
Arabia, a. d. 230, maintained that the Son of God
had no distinct personal existence before the birth
of Christ, and that Christ was only divine as hav-
ing the divinity of the Father residing in him,
communicated to him at his birth as a ray or
emanation from the Father. At a council held at
Bostra (a. d. 244) he was convinced by Origen of
the error of his doctrine, and returned to the
Catholic faith. He wrote Hymns, Poems, and
Letters, several of the latter to Origen, thanking
him for having reclaimed him. A work was ex-
tant in the time of Eusebius and of Jerome, in
which was an account of the questions discussed
between Beryllus and Origen. None of his works
are extant. (Euseb. H. E. vi. 20, 33 ; Hieron. de
Vir. Illustr. c. 60 ; Socrates, H. E. iii. 7.) [P. S.]

BERY'TIUS, a surname given to several writers
from their being natives of Berytus. See Anato-

LIUS, HERiMIPPUS, LUPERCUS, TaURUS.

BESANTl'NUS {Brjtravrlvos). The Vatican
MS. of the Greek Anthology attributes to an author
of this name two epigrams, of which one is also
ascribed to Pallas {Aval. ii. p. 435, No. 134 ; Ja-
cobs, iii. p. 1 42), and the other (Jacobs, Parol, ex
Cod. Vat. 42, xiii. p. 651) is included among the
epigrams of Theognis. ( Vv. 527, 528, Bekk.) This
latter epigram is quoted by Stobaeus as of "Theog-
nis or Besantinus." (Tit. cxvi. 11.) The " Egg"
of Simraias {Arial. i. p. 207, Jacobs, i. p. 140) bears
the following title in the Vatican MS. : B-na-avTivov
'P6hiov (iou 77 AuaidSa t) ^i/jifiiov, d/xcpoTepoi ydp
'P(JStot. Hence we may infer that Besautinus was
a Rhodian.

An author of this name is repeatedly quoted in
the Etymologicum Magnum (pp. 608, 1. 57, 685,
1. 56, Sylb.), whom Fabricius {Bibl. Graec.x. 772)
rightly identifies with the Helladius Besantinus
of Photius. [Helladius.] The name is also spelt
Bisantinus. [Bicrainluos, Etym. Mag. p. 212. 49;
Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iv. p. 467.) [P. S.]

BESSUS (Btjco-os), was satrap of Bactria in
the time of Dareius III. (Codomannus), who saw
reason to suspect him of treachery soon after the
battle of Issus, and summoned him accordingly
from his satrapy to Babylon, where he was col-
lecting forces for the continuance of the war.
(Curt iv. 6. § 1.) At the battle of Arbela, b. c.
331, Bessus commanded the left wing of the Per-
sian array, and was thus directly opposed to Alex-

BESTIA.

40.5

ander himself. (Curt. iv. 12. § 6 ; Arr. Anab.
iii. p. 59, e.) After this battle, when the fortunes
of Dareius seemed hopelessly ruined, Bessus
formed a plot with Nabarzanes and others to seize
the king, and either to put him to death and make
themselves masters of the empire, or to deliver
him up to Alexander, according to circumstances.
Soon after the flight of Dareius from Ecbatana
(where, after the battle of Arbela, he had taken
refuge), the conspirators, who had the Bactrian
troops at their command, succeeded in possessing
themselves of the king's person, and placed him in
chains. But, being closely pressed in pursuit by
Alexander, and having in vain urged Dareius to
mount a horse and continue his flight with them,
they filled up by his murder the measure of their
treason, b. c. 330. (Curt. v. 9 — 13; Arr. Anab.
iii. pp. 68, 69 ; Diod. xvii. 73 ; Plut. Alex. 42.)
After this deed Bessus fled into Bactria, where he
collected a considerable force, and assumed the
name and insignia of royalty, with the title of
Artaxerxes. (Curt. vi. 6. § 13 ; Arr. Anab. iii.
p. 71, d.) On the approach of Alexander, he fled
from him beyond the Oxus, but was at length be-
trayed by two of his followers, and fell into the
hands of Ptolemy, whom Alexander had sent foi>
ward to receive him. (Curt. vii. 5 ; Arr. A?iab. iii.
p. 75 ; comp. Strab. xi. p. 513.) He was brought
naked before the conqueror, and, having been
scourged, was sent to Zariaspa, the capital of
Bactria (Strab. xi. p. 514) : here, a council being
afterwards held upon him, he was sentenced to
suffer mutilation of his nose and eeirs, and was de-
livered for execution to Oxathres, the brother of
Dareius, who put him to a cruel death. The mode
of it is variously related, and Plutarch even makes
Alexander himself the author of the shocking
barbarity which he describes. (Curt. vii. 5, 10;
Arr. Anab. iv. p. 82, d. ; Ptolem. and Aristobul.
ap. Arr. Anab. iii. ad Jin. ; Diod. xvii. 83 ; Plut.
Alex. 43 ; Just. xii. 5.) [E. :§.]

BESTES (BffTTTjs), perhaps Vestes, sumamed
Conostaulus, a Greek interpreter of the Novells,
filled the oflUce of judex veli, and probably lived
soon after the age of Justinian. He is cited by
Harmenopulus (Promptuarium, p. 426, ed. 1587),
and mentioned by Nic. Comnenus Papadopoli.
{Praenotat. Mystagog. p. 372.) [J. T. G.J

BE'STIA, the name of a family of the plebeian
Calpumia gens.

1. L. Calpurnius Bestia, tribune of the
plebs, B. c. 121, obtained in his tribuneship the
recall of P. Popillius Laenas, who had been
banished through the efforts of C. Gracchus in 123.
(Cic. Brut. 34 ; comp. Veil. Pat. ii. 7 ; Plut. C.
Gracch. 4.) This made him popular with the
aristocratical party, who then had the chief power
in the state ; and it was through their influence
doubtless that he obtained the consulship in 111.
The war against Jugurtha was assigned to him.
He prosecuted it at first with the greatest vigour ;
but when Jugurtha offered him and his legate, M.
Scaurus, large sums of money, he concluded a
peace with the Numidian without consulting the
senate, and returned to Rome to hold the comitia.
His conduct excited the greatest indignation at
Rome, and the aristocracy was obliged to yield to
the wishes of the people, and allow an investigation
into the whole matter. A bill was introduced for
the purpose by C. Mamilius Limetanus, and three
commissioners or judges {quaesitores) appointed, ono

436

BIANOR.

of whom Scaurus contrived to be chosen. Many men
of high rank were condemned, and Bestia among
the rest, b. c. 110. The nature of Bestia's punish-
ment is not mentioned ; but he was living at Rome
in B. c. 90, in which j-ear lie went voluntarily into
exile, after the passing of the Varia lex, by which
all were to be brought to trial who had been en-
gaged in exciting the Italians to revolt.

Bestia possessed many good qualities ; he was
prudent, active, and capable of enduring fatigue, not
ignorant of warfare, and undismayed by danger ;
but his greediness of gain spoilt all. (Cic. /. c. ;
Sail. Juj. 27—29, 40, 65 ; Appian, B. C. i. 37 ;
Val. Max. viii. 6. § 4.)

2. Ij. Calpurmus Bestia, probably a grand-
son of the preceding, was one of the Catilinarian
conspirators, and is mentioned by Sallust as tri-
bune of the plebs in the year in which the con-
spiracy was detected, b. c. 63. It appears, how-
ever, that he was then only tribune designatus ;
and that he held the office in the following year,
B. c> 62, though he entered upon it, as usual, on
the lOth of December, 63. It was agreed among
the conspirators, that Bestia should make an attack
upon Cicero in the popular assembly, and that this
should be the signal for their rising in the follow-
ing night. The vigilance of Cicero, however, as is
well known, prevented this. (Sail. Ckit. 17, 43;
Appian, B. C. ii. 3 ; Plut. Cic. 23 ; Schol. Bob.
pro Sest. p. 294, pro Sail. p. 366, ed OrelU.)

Bestia was aedile in b. c. 59, and was an un-
successful candidate for the praetorship in 57, not-
withstanding his bribery, for which he was brought
to trial in the following year and condemned. He
was defended by his former enemy, Cicero, who
had now become reconciled to him, and speaks of
him as his intimate friend in his oration for Caelius.
(c. 1 1 .) After Caesar's death, Bestia attached
himself to Antony, whom he accompanied to Mu-
tina in b. c. 43, in hopes of obtiiining the consulship
in the place of M. Brutus, although he had not
been praetor. {Cic. Phil. xiii. 12, ad Qu. Fr. ii.
3, Phil. xi. 5, xii. 8, xiii. 2.)

BETILIE'NUS or BETILLI'NUS. [Bassus,
Bktilienus.]

BETU'CIUS BARRUS. [Barrus.]

BIA (Bi'a), the personification of mighty force,
is described as the daughter of the Titan Pallas
and Styx, and as a sister of Zelos, Cratos, and Nice.
(Hesiod. T/ieoff. 385 ; Aeschyl. Prom. 12.) [L.S.]

BIA'DICE (BiaSUv), or, as some MSS. call
her, Demodice, the wife of Creteus, who on account
of her love for Phrixus meeting with no return,
accused him before Athamas. Athamas therefore
wanted to kill his son, but he was saved by Ne-
phele. (Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 20; Schol. ad Find.
Pyth. iv. 288 ; comp. Athamas.) [L. S.]

BIA'NOR, an ancient hero of the town of Man-
tua, was a son of Tiberis and Manto, and was also
called Ocnus or Aucnus. He is said to have built
the town of Mantua, and to have called it after
his mother. According to others, Ocnus was a
son or brother of Auletes, the founder of Perusia,
and emigrated to Gaul, where he built Oesena.
(Serv. ad Viry. Ed. ix. 60, Aen. x. 198.) [L. S.]

BIA'NOR (Bioi'co/)), a Bithj-nian, the author of
twenty-one epigrams in the Greek Anthology,
lived under the emperors Augustus and Tiberius.
His epigrams were included by Philip of Thessalo-
nica in his collection. (Jacobs, xiii. p. 868 ; Fabric.
Uibl. Grace, iv. p. 467.) [P. S.]

BIBACULUS.

BIAS (Bias), son of Amythaon, and brother of
the seer Molampus. He married Pero, daughter
of Neleus, whom her father had refused to give
to any one unless he brought him the oxen of
Iphiclns. These Melampus obtained by his courage
and skill, and so won the princess for his brother.
(Schol. ad T/ieocrit. Idyll, iii. 43 ; Schol. ad Apoll.
Rliod. i. 118; Paus. iv. 36; comp. Horn. Odyss.
xi. 286, &c., XV. 231.) Through his brother also
Bias is said to have gained a third of the kingdom
of Argos, Melampus having insisted upon it in his
behalf, as part of the condition on which alone he
would cure the daughters of Proetus and the other
Argive women of their madness. According to
Pausanias, the Biantidae continued to rule in
Argos for four generations. Apollonius Rhodius
mentions three sons of Bias among the Argonauts,
— Talaus, Areius, and Leodocus. (Herod, ix. 34;
Pind. Nem. ix. 30 ; Schol. ad. loc. ; Diod. iv. 68 ;
Paus. ii. 6, 18; Apoll. Rhod. i. 118.) Ac-
cording to the received reading in Diod. iv. 68,
" Bias " was also the name of a son of ^Melam-
pus by Iphianeira, daughter of Megapenthes ;
but it has been proposed to read " Abas," in ac-
cordance with Paus. i. 43; Apoll. Rhod. i. 142 ;
Apollod. i. 9. [E. E.]

BIAS (Bias), of Priene in Ionia, is always
reckoned among the Seven Sages, and is mention-
ed by Dicaearchus («/>. Diog. La'c'rL i. 41) as one
of the Four to whom alone that title was universally
given — the remaining three being Thales, Pittacus,
and Solon. We do not know the exact period at
which Bias lived, but it appears from the reference
made to him by the poet Hipponax, who flourish-
ed about the. middle of the sixth century b. c,
that he had by that time become distinguished for
his skill as an advocate, and for his use of it in
defence of the right. (Diog. Laert. i. 84, 88 ;
Strab. xiv. p. 636.) Diogenes Laertius informs
us, that he died at a very advanced age, immedi-
ately after pleading successfully the cause of a
friend : by the time the votes of the judges had
been taken, he was found to have expired. Like
the rest of the Seven Sages, with the exception of
Thales, the fame of Bias was derived, not from
philosophy, as the word is usually understood, but
from a certain practical wisdom, mond and politi-
cal, the fruit of experience. Many of his sayings
and doings are recorded by Diogenes Laertius, in
his rambling uncritical way, and by others. In
particular, he suffers in character as the reputed
author of the selfish maxim cpiKeiu cLs fiKT-^cTovras ;
and there is a certain ungallant dilemma on the
subject of marriage, which we find fathered upon
him in Aulus Gellius. (Herod, i 27, 170 ;
Aristot. PM. ii. 13. § 4 ; Cic. de Amic. 16,
Parad. i. ; Diod. Exc. p. 552, ed. Wess ; Gell.
V. 11; Diog. Laert. i. 82 — 88 ; comp. Herod,
i. 20-22 ; Plut. Sol. 4.) [E. E.]

BIBA'CULUS, the name of a family of the
Furia gens.

1. L. FuRius Bibaculus, quaestor, fell in the
battle of Cannae, B.C. 216. (Liv. xxii. 49.)

2. L. FuRius Bibaculus, a pious and religious
man, who, when he was praetor, carried, at the
command of his father, the magister of the college
of the Salii, the ancilia v/ith his six lictors preced-
ing him, although he was exempted from this duty
by virtua of his praetorship. (Val. Max. i. 1. § 9;
Lactant. i. 21.)

3. M. Fl'kils Bibaculus. See below.

BIBACULUS.

BIBA'CULUS, M. FU'RIIJS, who is classed
l»y Qiiintilian (x. 1. § OG) alonjCf with Catullus and
Jlorace as one of the most distinguished of the
Ilonuin satiric iambographera, and who is in like
manner ranked l)y Diomedes, in his chapter on
iambic verse (p, 482, ed. Putsch.) with Archilochus
and Ilipponax, among the Greeks, and with Luci-
lius, Catullus, and Horace, among the Latins,
was bom, according to St. Jerome in the Eusebian
chronicle, at Cremona in the year B. c. 103. From
the scanty and unimportant specimens of his works
transmitted to modem times, we are scarcely in a
condition to fomi any estimate of his powers. A
single senarian is quoted by Suetonius (de Jllustr.
Gr. c. 9), containing an allusion to the loss of me-
mory sustained in old .age by the famous Orbilius
Pupillus ; and the same author (c. 11) has pre-
served two short epigrams in hendecasyllabic' mea-
sure, not remarkable for good taste or good feeling,
in which Bibaculus sneers at the poverty to which
his friend, Valerius Cato [Valerius Cato], had
been reduced at the close of life, as contrasted with
the splendour of the villa which that unfortunate
poet and grammarian had at one period possessed
at Tusculum, but which had been seized by his
importunate creditors. In addition to these frag-
ments, a dactylic hexameter is to be found in the
Scholiast on Juvenal (viii. 16), and a scrap consist-
ing of three words in Charisius (p. 102, ed. Putsch.).
We have good reason, however, to believe that
Bibaculus did not confine his efforts to pieces of a
light or sarcastic tone, but attempted themes of
more lofty pretensions. It seems certain that he
published a poem on the Gaulish wars, entitled
Pragmatia Belli Gallici, and it is probable that he
was the author of another upon some of the legends
connected with the Aethiopian allies of king Priam.
The former is known to us only from an unlucky
metaphor cleverly parodied by Horace, who takes
occasion at the same time to ridicule the obese ro-
tundity of person which distinguished the com-
poser. (Hor. Serm. ii. 5. 41, and the notes of the
Scholiast ; comp. Quintil. viii. 6. § 17.) The ex-
istence of the latter depends upon our acknowledg-
ing that the "turgidus Alpinus" represented in the
epistle to Julius Florus (1. 103) as "murdering"
Memnon, and polluting by his turbid descriptions
the fair fountains of the Rhine, is no other than
Bibaculus. The evidence for this rests entirely
upon an emendation introduced by Bentley into
the text of the old commentators on the above
passage, but the correction is so simple, and tallies
so well with the rest of the annotation, jmd with
the circumstances of the case, that it may be pro-
nounced almost certain. The whole question is
fully and satisfactorily discussed in the disserta-
tion of Weichert in h'\s Poet. Latin. Reliqu. p. 331,
&c. Should we think it worth our while to
inquire into the cause of the enmity thus mani-
fested by Horace towards a brother poet whose
age might have commanded forbearance if not re-
spect, it may perhaps be plausibly ascribed to some
indisposition which had been testified on the part
of the elder bard to recognise the merits of his
youthful competitor, and possibly to some expres-
sion of indignation at the presumptuous freedom
with which Lucilius, the idol and model of the old
school, had been censured in the earlier productions
of the Venusian. An additional motive may be
found in the fact, which we learn from the well-
kiK)wn oration of Cremutius Cordus as reported by

BIBULUS.

48;

Tacitus {Ann. iv. 34), that the writings of Biba-
culus were stuffed Avith insults against the first
two Caesars — a considemtion which will serve to
explain also the hostility displayed by the favourite
of the Augustan court towards Catullus, whose ta-
lents and taste were as fully and deservedly appre-
ciated by his countrjTnen and contemporaries as
they have been by modem critics, but whose praises
were little likely to sound pleasing in the ears of
the adopted son and heir of the dictator Julius.

Lastly, by comparing some expressions of the
elder Pliny (Praef. H. N.) with hints dropped by
Suetonius {delllustr. Gr. c. 4) and Macrobius {Sa-
turn, ii. 1), there is room for a conjecture, that
Bibaculus made a collection of celebrated jests and
witticisms, and gave the compilation to the world
under the title of Lucubrutioncs.

We must carefully avoid confounding Furius
Bibaculus with the Furius who was imitated in
several passages of the Aeneid, and from whose
Annals, extending to eleven books at least, we
find some extracts in the Saturnalia. (Macrob. Sor
turn. vi. 1 ; Compare Mernla, ad Enn. Ann. p. xli.)
The latter was named in full Aulus Furius Antias.
and to him L. Lutatius Catulus, colleague of M.
Marius in the consulship of B. c. 102, addressed
an account of the campaign against the Cimbri.
(Cic. Brut. c. 35.) To this Furius Antias are at-
attributed certain lines found in Aulus Gellius
(xviii. 1 1 ), and brought under review on account
of the affected neoterisms with which they abound.
Had Ave any fair pretext for calling in question
the authority of the summaries prefixed to the
chapters of the Noctes Atticae, we should feel
strongly disposed to follow G. J. Voss, Lambinus,
and Heindorf, in assigning these follies to the am-
bitious Bibaculus rather than to the chaste and
simple Antias, whom even Virgil did not disdain
to copy. (Weichert, Poet. Latin. Reliqu.) [W.R.]

BI'BULUS, a cognomen of the plebeian Cal-
pumia gens.

1. L. Calpurnius Bibulus, obtained each of
the public magistracies in the same year as C.
Julius Caesar. He was curule aedile in b. c. 65,
praetor in 62, and consul in 59. Caesar was
anxious to obtain L. Lucceius for his colleague in
the consulship ; but as Lucceius was a thorough
partizan of Caesar's, while Bibulus was opposed to
him, the aristocratical party used every effort to
secure the election of the latter, and contributed
large suras of money for this purpose. (Suet. Goes.
19.) Bibulus, accordingly, gained his election, but
was able to do but very little for his party. After
an ineffectual attempt to oppose Caesar "'s agrarian
law, he withdrew from the popular assemblies al-
together, and shut himself up in his owti house for
the remainder of the year ; whence it was said in
joke, that it was the consulship of Julius and Cae-
sar. He confined his opposition to publishing
edicts against Caesar's measures : these were
widely circulated among his party, and greatly ex-
tolled as pieces of composition. (Suet. Caes. 9. 49 ;
Cic. ad Att. ii. 19, 20; Plut. Pomp. 48 ; comp.
Cic. Brid. 77.) To vitiate Caesar's measures, he
also pretended, that he was observing the skies,
while his colleague was engaged in the comitia
(Cic. pro Dom. 15); but such kind of opposition
was not likely to have any effect upon Cjiesar.

On the expiration of his consulship, Bibulus re-
mained at Rome, as no province liad been assigned
him. Here he continued to oppose the measures

488

BIBULUS.

of Caesar and Pompey, and prevented the latter
in 56 from restoring in person Ptolemy Auletes to
Egypt. When, however, a coolness began to arise
between Caesar and Pompey, Bibulus supported
tlie latter, and it was upon his proposal, that
Pompey was elected sole consul in 52, when the
republic was almost in a stiite of anarchy through
the tumults following the death of Clodius. In the
following year, 51, Bibulus obtained a province in
consequence of a law of Pompey 's, which provided
that no future consul or praetor should have a pro-
vince till five years after the expiration of his
magistracy. As the magistrates for the time being
were thus excluded, it was provided that all men
of consular or praetorian rank who had not held
provinces, should now draw lots for the vacant ones.
In consequence of this measure Bibulus went to
Syria as proconsul about the same time as Cicero
went to Cilicia. The eastern provinces of the Ro-
man empire were then in the greatest alarm, as the
Parthians had crossed the Euphrates, but they
were driven back shortly before the arrival of
Bibulus by C Cassius, the proquaestor. Cicero
was very jealous of this victory which had been
gained in a neighbouring province, and took good
care to let his friends know that Bibulus had no
share in it. When Bibulus obtJiined a thanks-
giving of twenty days in consequence of the vic-
tory, Cicero complained bitterly, to his friends,
that Bibulus had made false representations to the
senate. Although great fears were entertained,
that the invasion would be repeated, the Parthians
did not appear for the next year. Bibulus left the
province with the reputation of having administered
its internal affairs with integrity and zeal.

On his return to the west in 49, Bibulus was
appointed by Pompey commander of his fleet in
the Ionian sea to prevent Caesar from crossing
over into Greece. Caesar, however, contrived to
elude his vigilance ; and Bibulus fell in with only
thirty ships returning to Italy after landing
some troops. Enraged at his disappointment, he
burnt these ships with their crews. This was in
the winti>r ; and his own men suffered much from
cold and want of fuel and water, as Caesar was
now in possession of the eastern coast and pre-
vented his crews from landing. Sickness broke
out among his men ; Bibulus himself fell ill, and
died in the beginning of the year 48, near Corcyra,
before the battle of Dvrrhachium. (Caes. B. C. iii.
5—18 ; Dion Cass. xli. 48 ; Plut. Brut. 13 ; Oros.
vi.l5; Ck.Bi-ut.77.)

Bibulus was not a man of much ability, and is
chiefly indebted for his celebrity to the fact of his
being one of Caesar's principal, though not most
formidable, opponents. He married Porcia, the
daughter of M. Porcius Cato Uticensis, by whom
he had three sons mentioned below. (Orelli, Ono-
mast. TuU. p. 119, &c. ; Drumann's Gesch. Roms^
ii. p. 97, &c.)

2. 3. Calpurnii Bibuli, two sons of the pre-
ceding, whose praenomens are unknown, were
murdered in Egypt, b. c. 50, by the soldiers of
Gabinius. Their father bore his loss with fortitude
though he deeply felt it ; and when the murderers
of his children were subsequently delivered up to
him by Cleopatra, he sent them back, saying that
their punishment was not his duty but that of the
senate. Bibulus had probably sent his sons into
Egypt to solicit aid against the Parthians ; and they
may have been murdered by the soldiers of Gabi-

BION.

nius, because it was known that their father had
been opposed to the expedition of Gabinius, which
had been undertaken at the instigation of Pompey.
(Caes. B. a iii. 110 ; Val. Max.iv. 1. § 15 ; comp.
Cic. adAtt. vi. 5, ad Fam. ii. 17.)

4. L. Calpurnius Bibuhjs, the youngest son
of No. 1, was quite a youth at his father's death
(Plut. Brut. 13), after which he lived at Rome
with M. Brutus, who married his mother Porcia.
He went to Athens in B. c. 45 to prosecute his
studies (Cic. ad Att. xii. 32), and appears to have
joined his step-father Brutus after the death of Cae-
sar in 44, in consequence of which he was proscribed
by the triumvirs. He was present at the battle of
Philippi in 42, and shortly after surrendered him-
self to Antony, who pardoned him and promoted
him to the command of his fleet, whence we find on
some of the coins of Antony the inscription L.
Bibulus Praef. Clas. (Eckhel, v. p. 161, vi.
p. 57.) He was frequently employed by Antony
in the negotiations between himself and Augustus,
and was finally promoted by the former to the go-
vernment of Syria, where he died shortly before the
battle of Actium. (Appian, B. C. iv. 38, 104, 136,
v. 132.) Bibulus wrote the Memorabilia of his
step-father, a small work which Plutarch made use
of in writing the life of Brutus. (Pkit. Brut. 1 3,
23.)

C. BrBULUS, an aedile mentioned by Tacitus
{Ann. iii. 52) in the reign of Tiberius, a. d. 22,
appears to be the same as the L. Publiciiis Bibulus,
a plebeian aedile, to whom the senate granted a
burial-place both for himself and his posterity.
(Orelli, Inscr. n.4G98.)

BILIENIS. [Bellienus.]

BION {Ritav). 1. Of Proconnesus, a contem-
porary of Pherecydes of Syros, who consequently
lived about b. c. 560. He is mentioned by Dio-
genes Laertius (iv. 58) as the author of two works
which he does not specify ; but we must infer from
Clemens of Alexandria {Strom, vi. p. 267), that one
of these was an abridgement of the work of the
ancient historian, Cadmus of Miletus.

2. A mathematician of Abdei-a, and a pupil of
Democritus. He wrote both in the Ionic and Attic
dialects, and was the first who said that there were
some parts of the earth in which it was night for
six months, while the remaining six months were
one uninterrupted day. (Diog. Laert. iv. 58.) He
is probably the same as the one whom Strabo (i.
p. 29) calls an astrologer.

3. Of Soli, is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius
(iv. 58) as the author of a work on Aethiopia
{AidioTTiKa), of which a few fragments are preserved
in Pliny (vi. 35), Athenaeus (xiii. p. 566), and in
Cramer's Anecdota (iii. p. 415). Whether he is
the same as the one from whom Plutarch {Tlies.
26) quotes a tradition respecting the Amazons,
and from whom Agathias (ii. 25 ; comp. Syncellus,
p. 676, ed. Dindorf) quotes a sUitement respecting
the history of Assyria, is uncertain. Varro {De
Re Rust. i. 1 ) mentions Bion of Soli among the
writers on agriculture ; and Pliny refers to the
same or similar works, in the Elenchi to several
books. (Lib. 8, 10, 14, 15, 17, 18.) Some think
that Bion of Soli is the same as Caecilius Bion.
[Bion, Caecilius.]

4. Of Smyrna, or rather of the small place of
Phlossa on the river Meles, near Smyrna. (Suid.
s. V. QeoK^iTos.) AH that we know about him is
the little that can be inferred from the third Idyl

BION.

of Moschus, who laments his untimely death. The
time at which he lived can be pretty accurately
determined by the fact, that he was older than
Moschus, who calls himself the pupil of Bion.
(Mosch. ii:. 96, &c.) His flourishing period must
therefore have very nearly coincided with that of
Theocritus, and must be fixed at about B. c. 280.
Moschus states, that Bion left his native country
and spent the last years of his life in Sicily, culti-
vating bucolic poetry, the natural growth of that
island. Whether he also visited Macedonia and
Thrace, as Moschus (iii. 17, &c.) intimates, is un-
certain, since it may be that Moschus mentions
those countries only because he calls Bion the Do-
ric Orpheus. He died of poison, which had been
administered to him by several persons, who after-
wards received their well-deserved punishment for
the crime. With respect to the relation of master
and pupil between Bion and Moschus, we cannot
say anything with certainty, except that the resem-
blance between the productions of the two poets
obliges us to suppose, at least, that Moschus imi-
tated Bion ; and this may, in fact, be all that is
meant when Moschus cails himself a disciple of
the latter. The subjects of Bion's poetry, viz.
shepherds' and love-songs, are beautifully described
by Moschus (iii. 82, &c.); but we can now form
only a partial judgment on the spirit and style of
his poetry, on account of the fragmentary condition
in which his works have come down to us. Some
of his idyls, as his poems are usually called, are
extant entire, but of others we have only frag-
ments. Their style is very refined, the sentiments
soft and sentimental, and his versification (he uses
the hexameter exclusively) is very fluent and ele-
gant. In the invention and management of his
subjects he is superior to Moschus, but in strength
and depth of feeling, and in the trathfulness of his
sentiments, he is much inferior to Theocritus. This
is particularly visible in the greatest of his extant
poems, 'EiriTd(pios ^AScavidos. He is usually reck-
oned among the bucolic poets ; but it must be re-
membered that this name is not confined to the
subjects it really indicates ; for in the time of Bion
bucolic poetry also embraced that class of poems
in which the legends about gods and heroes were
treated from an erotic point of view. The language
of such poems ^is usually the Doric dialect mixed
with Attic and Ionic fonns. Rare Doric forms,
however, occur much less frequently in the poems
of Bion than in those of Theocritus. In the first
editions of Theocritus the poems of Bion are mixed
with those of the fonner ; and the first who sepa-
rated them was Adolphus Mekerch, in his edition
of Bion and Moschus. (Bruges, 1565, 4to.) In
most of the subsequent editions of Theocritus the
remains of Bion and Moschus are printed at the
end, as in those of Winterton, Valckenaer, Brunck,
Gaisford, and Schaefer. The text of the editions
previous to those of Brunck and Valckenaer is that
of Henry Stephens, and important corrections were
first made by the former two scholars. The best
among the subsequent editions are those of Fr.
Jacobs (Gotha, 1795, 8vo.), Gilb. Wakefield (Lon-
don, 1795), and J. F. Manso (Gotha, 1784, second
edition, Leipzig, 1807, 8vo.), which contains an
elaborate dissertation on the life and poetry of
Bion, a commentary, and a German translation.

5. A tragic poet, whom Diogenes Laertius (iv.
58) describes as iroir^Tr^s rpayq^dias tuv TapaiKwu
Xtyofifywy. Casaubon (Z)e Sat. Poes. i. 5) remarks,

BION.

489

that Diogenes by these words meant to describe a
poet whose works bore the character of extempore
poetry, of which the inhabitants of Tarsus were
particularly fond (Strab. xiv. p, 674), and that
Bion lived shortly before or at the time of Strabo.
Suidas (s.v. AtVxwAos) mentions a son of Aeschylus
of the name of Bion who was likewise a tragic
poet ; but nothing further is known about him.

6. A melic poet, about whom no particulars are
known. (Diog. Laert. iv. 58 ; Eudoc. p. 94.)

7. A Greek sophist, who is said to have censured
Homer for not giving a true account of the events
he describes. (Acron, ad Horat.Epist. ii. 2.) He
is perhaps the same as one of the two rhetoricians
of this name.

8. The name of two Greek rhetoricians ; the one,
a native of Syracuse, was the author of theoretical
works on rhetoric (rexi'as pr]TopiKa.s yeypacpcus) ;
the other, whose native country is unknown, was
said to have written a work in nine books,
which bore the names of the nine Muses. (Diog.
Laert. iv. 58.) [L. S.]

BION (Biwv), a Scythian philosopher, surnamed
BoRYSTHENiTES, from the town of Oczacovia, 01-
bia, or Borysthenes, near the mouth of the Dnieper,
lived about B. c. 250, but the exact dates of his
birth and death are uncertain. Strabo (i. p. 15)
mentions him as a contemporary of Eratosthenes,
who was bom B. c. 275. Laertius (iv, 46, &c.)
has preserved an account which Bion himself gave
of his parentage to Antigonus Gonatas, king of
Macedonia, His father was a freedman, and his
mother, Olyrapia, a Lacedaemonian harlot, and the
whole family were sold as slaves, on account of
some oflfence committed by the father. In conse-
quence of this, Bion fell into the hands of a rheto-
rician, who made him his heir. Having burnt his
patron's library, he went to Athens, and applied
himself to philosophy, in the course of which study
he embraced the tenets of almost every sect in
succession. First he was an Academic and a dis-
ciple of Crates, then a Cynic, afterwards attached
to Theodorus [Theodorus], the philosopher who
carried out the Cyrenaic doctrines into the atheistic
results which were their natural fruit [Aristippus],
and finally he became a pupil of Theophrastus, the
Peripatetic. He seems to have been a man of con-
siderable intellectual acuteness, but utterly profli-
gate, and a notorious unbeliever in the existence
of God. His habits of life were indeed avowedly
infamous, so much so, that he spoke with contempt
of Socrates for abstaining from crime. Many of
Bion's dogmas and sharp sayings are preserved by
Laertius : they are generally trite pieces of mora-
lity put in a somewhat pointed shape, though
hardly brilliant enough to justify Horace in hold-
ing him up as the type of keen satire, as he does
when he speaks of persons delighting Dioneis ser~
monibtis et sale nigra. {Epist. ii. 2. 60.) Examples
of this wit are his sayings, that "the miser did not
possess wealth, but was possessed by it," that
"impiety was the companion of credulity," "'avarice
the ixr)Tp6Tro\is of vice," that "good slaves are
really free, and bad freemen really slaves," with
many others of the same kind. One is preserved
by Cicero (Tusc. iii. 26), viz. that "it is useless to
tear our hair when we are in grief, since sorrow is
not cured by baldness." He died at Chalcis in
Euboea. We learn his mother's name and country
from Athenaeus (xiii. p. 591,f. 592, a.) [G. E. L. C]

BION, CAECI'LIUS, a writer whose country

490

BITIS.

is unknown, but who is mentioned by Pliny (Ind.
to H. N. xxviii.) among the " Auctores Extemi."
Of his date it can only be said, that he must have
lived some time in or before the first century after
Christ, He wrote a work riepl AuvctAtewj/, "On
the Properties of Plants and other Medicines,"
which is not now extant, but which was used by
Pliny. (//. A^. xxviii. 57.) [ W. A. G.]

BIPPUS (BiTTTTos), an Argive, who was sent by
the Achaean league as ambassador to Rome in b. c.
181. (Polvb. XXV. 2, 3.)

BIRCENNA, the daughter of the Illyrian
Bardyllis, was one of the wives of Pyrrhus. (Plut,
Pi]rrh. 9.)
'BISANTPNUS. [Besantinits.]

BPTALE (BtTo\7j), was the daughter of Darao,
and grand-daughter of Pythagoras, (Iambi. Vit.
Py^A. c. 28, p. 135.) [A. G.]

BI'STHANES (^icrUvi^i)^ the son of Arta-
xerxes Ochus, met Alexander near Ecbatana, in
B. c. 33Q, and informed him of the flight of Dareius
from that city. (Arrian, Anab. iii. 19.)

BI'THYAS (Btfluas), the commander of a con-
siderable body of Numidian cavaln,-, deserted Gu-
lussa, the son of Masinissa and the ally of the
Romans in the third Punic war, b. c. 1 48, and
went over to the Carthaginians, to whom he did
good service in the war. At the capture of Car-
thage in 146, Bithyas fell into the hands of Scipio,
by whom he was taken to Rome. He doubtless
adorned the triumph of the conqueror, but instead
of being put to death afterwards, according to the
usual custom, he was allowed to reside under guard
in one of the cities of Italy. (Appian, /'««. Ill,
114, 120; Zonar. ix. 30; Suidas, s. t\ Biflias.)

BITHY'NICUS, a cognomen of the Pompeii.
We do not know which of the Pompeii first bore
this cognomen ; but, whatever was its origin, it
■was handed down in the family.

1. Q. PoMTEius BiTHVNicus, the sonof Aulus,
was about two years older than Cicero, with whom
he was very intimate. He prosecuted his studies
together with Cicero, who describes him as a man
of great learning and industry, and no mean orator,
but his speeches were not well delivered. (Cic.
Brut. 68, 90, comp. ad Fam. vL 17.) On the
breaking out of the civil war in 49, Bithynious
espoused the party of his great namesake, and,
after the battle of Pharsalia, accompanied him in
his flight to Egypt, where he was killed together
with the other attendants of Pompeius Magnus.
(Oros. vi. 15.)

2. A. Pompeius Bithynicus, son of the pre-
ceding, was praetor of Sicily at the time of Caesar's
death, b. c. 44, and seems apparently to have been
in fear of the reigning party at Rome, as he wrote
a letter to Cicero soliciting his protection, which
Cicero promised in his reply. (Cic. ad Fam. vi.
16, 17, comp. xvi. 23.) Bithj-nicus repulsed Sex.
Pompeius in his attempt to gain possession of Mes-
Bana, but he afterwards allowed Sextus to obtain
it, on the condition that he and Sextus should
have the government of the island between them.
Bithynicus, however, was, after a little vi^hile, put
to death by Sextus. (Dion Cass, xlviii. 17, 19;
Liv. Epif. 123 ; Appian, B. G. iv. 84, v. 70.)

Bithynicus also occurs as the cognomen of a Clo-
dius, who was put to death by Octavianus, on the
taking of Perusia, b. c. 40. (Appian, li. C. v. 49.)

BITIS or BITHYS (BCdus), the son of Cotys,
king of Thrace, who was sent by his father as a

BITUITUS.
hostage to Perseus, king of Macedonia. On the
conquest of the latter by Aemilius Paullus in b. c.
168, Bitis fell into the hands of the Romans, and
was taken to Rome, where he adorned the triumph
of Paullus in 167. After the triumph, he was
sent to Carseoli, but was shortly afterwards restor-
ed to his father, who sent an embassy to Rome to
solicit his liberation. (Zonar, ix. 24 ; Liv. xlv. 42 ;
Polyb. XXX. 12.)

BITON (B/twi/), the author of a work called
KaraaKfual TroXefMiKuv opyduup Kcd KaTairehri-
Kcav. His history and place of birth are unknown.
He is mentioned by Hesychius (s. r. Sa/xguKTj), by
Heron Junior {de Mach. Bell, prooem), and per-
haps by Aelian {Tact. c. 1), under the name of
B'ia>v. The treatise consists of descriptions — 1. Of
a TTiTpoSoKov^ or machine for throwing stones,
made at Rhodes hy Charon the Magnesian. 2. Of
another at Thessalonica, by Isidorus the Abidene.
3. Of a 4K4no\is (an apparatus used in besieging
cities, see Vitruv. x. 22, and Did. of Ant. s. ?•.),
made by Poseidonius of Macedon for Alexander
the Great. 4. Of a Sambuca {Did. of Ant. s. r.),
made by Damius of Colophon. 5. Of a yaa-rpa-
(ptTrjs (an engine somewhat resembling a cross-
bow, and so named from the way in which it was
held in order to stretch the string, see Hero Alex-
andrinus, Belop. ap. Vet. Math. p. 125), made by
Zopyrus of Tarentum at ^liletus, and another by
the same at Cumae in Italy, Biton addresses this
work to king Attalus, if at least the reading c5
"AttoAc is to be adopted instead of u irdKai or
irdWa (near the beginning), and the emendation
is said to be supported by a manuscript (Gale, de
Script. Mi/thol. p. 45) ; but whether Attalus, the
Ist of Pergamus, who reigned u. c. 241 — 197, or
one of the two later kings of the same name be
meant, is uncertain.

The Greek text, with a Latin version, is printed
in the collection of ancient mathematicians, Vd.
Afathem. Op. Grace, d Latin., Paris, 1693, foL,
p. 105, &c. Biton mentions (p. 109) a work of
his own on Optics, which is lost. (Fabric, Bibl.
Graec. n. -p. 59\.) [W. F. D.]

BITON {B'lTwv) and CLEOBIS (K\e'o§*$) were
the sons of Cydippe, a priestess of Hera at Argos,
Herodotus, who has recorded their beautiful story,
makes Solon relate it to Croesus, a| a proof that it
is better for mortals to die than to live. On one
occasion, says Herodotus (i. 31), during the festival
of Hera, when the priestess had to ride to the
temple of the goddess in a chariot, and when the
oxen which were to draw it did not arrive from
the country in time, Cleobis and Biton dragged the
chariot with their mother, a distance of 45 stadia,
to the temple. The priestess, moved by the
filial love of her sons, prayed to the goddess to
grant them what Avas best for mortals. After the
solemnities of the festival were over, the two
brothers went to sleep in the temple and never
fose again. The goddess thus shewed, says Hero-
dotus, that she could bestow upon them no greater
boon than death. The Argives made statues of
the two brothers and sent them to Delphi. Pausa-
nias (ii. 20. § 2) saw a relief in stone at Argos,
representing Cleobis and Biton drawing the chariot
witli their mother. (Comp. Cic. Tiiscul. i. 47 ;
Val. Max. v. 4, extern. 4 ; Stobaeus, Sermoncs^
169 ; Servius and Philargyr. ad Virg. Georg. iii.
532.) ^ [L.S.]

BlTUl'TUS, or as the name is found in in-

BLAESU&
scriptitma, BETii.rrs, a king of the Arvomi
in (.laiil. When the proconsul Cn. Domitiiis
Ahcnol)arbu3 undertook the war in B. c. 121
ngaiflst tlie Allobroges, who were joined by the
Arverni under nituitus, these Gallic tribes were
defeated near the town of Vindalium. After tliis
first disaster the Allobroges and Arverni made im-
mense prepai-ations to renew the contest with the
Romans, and IJituitus again took the field with a
verj- numerous army. At the point where the
Isara empties itself into the Rhodanus, the consul
Q. P\ibiu3 ]\Iaximus, the grandson of Paullus, met
the Gauls in the autumn of B. c. 121. Although
the Romans were far inferior in numbers, j'et they
g-ained such a complete victorj', that, according to
the lowest estimate, 120,000 men of the army of
Bituitus fell in the battle. After this irreparable
loss, Bituitus, who had been taken prisoner in an
insidious manner by Cn. Domitius, was sent to
Rome. The senate, though disapproving of the
conduct of Domitius, exiled Bituitus to Alba. His
eon, Congentiatus, was likewise made prisoner and
sent to Rome. Florus adds, that the triumph of
Q. Fabius was adorned by Bituitus riding in a
silver war-chariot and with his magnificent armour,
just as he had appeared on the field of battle.
(Liv. EpU. 61 ; Florus, iii. 2; Veil. Pat. ii. 10;
Suet. Nero^ 2 ; Appian, Gallic. 12, where Bituitus
is erroneously called king of the Allobroges ; Eu-
trop. iv. 22, where the year and the consuls are
given incorrectly ; Oros. v. 14; Val. Max. ix. 6.
§ ?t\ comp. Strab. iv. p. 191 ; Plin. H. N. vii.
61.) [L. S.]

BITYS (BiTws), an Egyptian seer, who is said
by lamblichus ((/e Myst. viii. 5) to have interpreted
to Ammon, king of Egypt, tlie books of Hermes
written in hieroglyphics.

BLAESUS (BAcutroy), an ancient Italian poet,
bora at Capreae, who wrote serio-comic plays
{(TKov^oyiKoioi) in Greek. (Steph. Byz. s. v.
Kairpii].) Two of these plays, the MeaorpiSas
and ^Tovpuos, are quoted by Athenaeus (iii. p.
lll,c., xi. p. 487, c), and Hesychius refers to
Blaesus (s. vv. Mokkuvwctis^ MoXy^, ^vKutSs), but
without mentioning the names of his plays, Ca-
saubon supposed that Blaesus lived under the Ro-
man empire ; but he must have lived as earl}- as the
3rd century b. c, as Valckenar (ad TJieocr. p. 290,
a.) has shewn, that Athenaeus took his quotations
of Blaesus from the YKuxraai of Pamphilus of Alex-
andria, who was a disciple of Aristarchus; and
also that Pamphilus borrowed a part of his work
explaining the words in Blaesus and similar poets
from the TKuxraai ^IraKiKai of Diodorus, who was
a pupil of Aristophanes of Alexandria. (Comp.
Sch weigh, ad Aiken, iii. p. Ill, c.)

BLAESUS, "a stammerer," was the name of
a plebeian family of the Sempronia gens under
the republic. It also occurs as a cognomen of the
Junii and of one Pedius under the empire.

1. C. Skmpronius Ti. F. Ti. n. Blaesus, con-
sul in b. c 253 in the first Punic war, sailed with
his colleague, Cn. Servilius Caepio, with a fleet of
2G0 ships to the coast of Africa, which they laid
waste in frequent descents, and from which they
obtained great boot}-. They did not, however,
accomplish anything of note; and in the lesser
Syrtis, through the ignorance of the pilots, their
ships ran aground, and only got oflf, upon the re-
turn of the tide, by throwing everything over-
board. This disaster induced them to return to

BLAESUS.

491

Sicily, and in their voyage from thence to Italy
they were overtaken olV cjipe Palinurus by a tre-
mendous storm, in which 150 ships perished.
Notwithstanding tliese misfortunes, each of them
obtained a triumph for their successes in Africa, as
we learn from the Fasti. (Polyb. i. 39 ; Eutrop.
ii. 23; Oros. iv. 9; Zonar. ^-iii. 14.) Blaesus was
consul a second time, in 244 (Fasti Capit.), in
which year a colony was founded at Brundusiura.
(Veil. Pat. i. 14.)

2. Sempronius Blaesus, quaestor in b. c. 217
to the consul Cn. Servilius Geminus, was killed,
together with a thousand men, in a descent upon
the coast of Africa in this year. (Liv. xxii. 31.)

3. C. Sempronius Blaesus, tribune of the
plebs in B. c. 211, brought Cn. Fulvius to trial on
account of his losing his army in Apulia. (Liv.
xxvi. 2 ; comp. Val. Max. ii. 8. § 3.)

4. Cn. Sempronius Blaesus, legate in b. c.
210 to the dictator Q. Fulvius Flaccus, by whom
he was sent into Etruria to command the army
which had been under the praetor C. Calpuraius.
(Liv. xxvii. 5.) It is not improbable that this
Cn. Blaesus may be the same as No. 3, as Qi. is
very likely a false reading for C, since we find
none of the Sempronii at this period with the for-
mer praenomen, while the latter is the most com-
mon one.

5. P. Sempronius Blaesus, tribune of the plebs
in B. c. 191, opposed the triumph of P. Cornelius
Scipio Nasica, but withdrew his opposition through
the remonstrances of the consuL (Liv. xxxvi. 39,
40.)

6. C. Sempronius Blaesus, plebeian aedile in
B.C. 187, and praetor in Sicily in 184. In 170,
he was sent with Sex. Julms Caesar as ambassador
to Abdera, (Liv. xxxix. 7, 32, 38, xliii. 6.)

BLAESUS, a Roman jurist, not earlier than
Trebatius Testa, the friend of Cicero : for Blaesus
is cited by Labeo in the Digest (33. tit. 2. s. 31)
as reporting the opinion of Trebatius. Various
conjectures have been made without much plausi-
bility for the purpose of identifying the jurist with
other persons of the same name. Junius Blaesus,
proconsul of Africa in A. D. 22, was probably some-
what later than the jurist. (Majansius, vol. ii. p.
162 ; G. Grotii, Fita Idoricm, c. 9. § 18.) [J.T.G.]

BLAESUS, JU'NIUTS. 1. The governor of
Pannonia at the death of Augustus, a. d. 14, when
the formidable ir,surrection of the legions broke
out in that province, which was with difliculty
quelled by Drusus himself. The conduct of Blae-
sus in allowing the soldiers relaxation from their
ordinarj' duties was the immediate cause of the in-
surrection, but the real causes lay deeper. Through
the influence of Sejanus, who was his uncle, Blae-
sus obtained the government of Africa in 21, where
he gained a victory over Tacfarinas in 22, in con-
sequence of which Tiberius granted him the insig-
nia of a triumph, and allowed him the title of
Imperator — the last instance of this honour being
conferred upon a private person. We learn from
Velleius Paterculus, who sjiys that it was difficult
to decide whether Blaesus was more useful in the
camp or distinguished in the forum, that he also
commanded in Spain. (Dion Cass. 1 vii. 4 ; Tac.
Ann. i. 16, &c., iii. 35, 58, 72-74; Veil Pat. ii.
125.) It appears from the Fasti, from which we
learn that his praenomen was Quintus, that Blae-
sus was consul suffectus in 28 ; but he shared i»
the fall of Sejanus in 31, and was deprived, as was

492

BLASIO.

also his son, of the priestly offices which he held.
Hia life, however, was spared for the time; but
when Tiberius, in 36, conferred these offices upon
other persons, Blaesus and his son perceived that
their fate was sealed, and accordingly put an end
to their own lives. (Tac. Ann. v. 7, vi. 40.)

2. The son of the preceding, was with his father
in Pannonia when the legions mutinied in a. d. 1 4,
and was compelled by the soldiers to go to Tiberius
with a statement of their grievances. He was sent
a second time to Tiberius after the arrival of Dru-
8US in the camp. He also served under his father
in 22 in the war against Tacfarinas in Africa;
and he put an end to his own life, as mentioned
above, in 36. (Tac. Ann. i. 19, 29, iii. 74, vi. 40.)

3. Probably the son of No. 2, was the governor
of Gallia Lugdunensis in a. d. 70, and espoused
the party of the emperor Vitellius, whom he sup-
plied when in Gaul with everything necessary to
support his rank and state. This liberality on the
part of Blaesus excited the jealousy of the emperor,
who shortly after had him poisoned on the most
trumpery accusation, brought against him by L.
Vitellius. Blaesus was a man of large property
and high integrity, and had steadily refused the so-
licitations of Caecina and others to desert the cause
of Vitellius. (Tac. Hist. i. 59, ii. 59, iii. 38, 39.)

BLAESUS, PE'DIUS, was expelled the senate
in A. D. 60, on the complaint of the Cyrenians, for
robbing the temple of Aesculapius, and for corrup-
tion in the military levies ; but he was re-admitted
in 70. (Tac. A7in. xiv. 18, //«/. i. 77.)

BLANDUS, a Roman knight, who taught elo-
quence at Rome in the time of Augustus, and was
the instructor of the philosopher and rhetorician,
Fabianus. (Senec. Controv. ii. prooem. p. 136, ed.
Bip.) He is frequently introduced as a speaker
in the Suasoriae- (2, 5) and Controversiae (i. 1, 2,
4, &c.) of the elder Seneca. He was probably the
father or grandfather of the Rubellius Blandus
mentioned below.

BLANDUS, RUBE'LLIUS, whose grand-
father was only a Roman knight of Tibur, married
in A. D. 33 Julia, the daughter of Drusus, the son
of the emperor Tiberius, whence Blandus is called
the progener of Tiberius. (Tac. An7i. vi. 27, 45.)
Rubellius Plautus, who was put to death by Nero,
was the offspring of this marriage. [Plautus]

There was in the senate in A. d. 21 a Rubellius
Blandus, a man of consular rank (Tac. -4««. iii.
23, 51), who is probably the same as the husband
of Julia, though Lipsius supposes him to be the
father of the latter. We do not, however, find in
the Fasti any consul of this name.

There is a coin, struck under Augustus, bearing
the inscription c. rvbellivs blandvs iiivir

A. A. A. F. F., that is, Auro Argenio Aeri Flando
Feriando, which is probably to be referred to the
father of the above-mentioned Blandus. (Eckhel,
V. p. 295.)

BLA'SIO, a surname of the Cornelia and Hel-
via gentes.

I. Cornelii Blasiones.

1. Cn. Cornelius L. f. Cn. n. Blasio, who is
mentioned nowhere but in the Fasti, was consul in

B. c. 270, censor in 265, and consul a second time
in 257. He gained a triumph in 270, but we do
not know over what people.

2. Cn. Cornelius Blasio, was praetor in Sicily
in B. c. 194. (Liv. xxxiv. 42,43.)

3. P. Cornelius Blasio, was sent as an ara-

BLASTARES.
bassador with two others to the Carni, Istri, and
lapydes, in B. c. 170. In 168 he was one of the
five commissioners appointed to settle the disputes
between the Pisani and Lunenses respecting the
boundaries of their lands. (Liv. xliii. 7, xlv. 13.)
There are several coins belonging to this family.
The obverse of the one annexed has the inscription
Blasio Cn. F., with what appears to be the head
of Mars : the reverse represents Dionysus, with
Pallas on his left hand in the act of crowning him
and another female figure on his right. (Eckhel,
V. p. 180.)

II. Helvii Blasiones.

1. M. Helvius Blasio, plebeian aedile in B. c.
198 and praetor in 197- He obtained the pro-
vince of further Spain, which he found in a very
disturbed state upon his arrival. After handing
over the province to his successor, he was detained
in the country a year longer by a severe and
tedious illness. On his return home through
nearer Spain with a guard of 6000 soldiers, which
the praetor Ap. Claudius had given liim, he was
attacked by an army of 20,000 Celtiberi, near the
town of Illiturgi. These he entirely defeated,
slew 12,000 of the enemy, and took Illiturgi. This
at least was the statement of Valerius Antias. For
this victory he obtained an ovation (b. c. 195), but
not a triumph, because he had fought under the
auspices and in the province of another. In the
following year (194) he was one of the three com-
missioners for founding a Roman colony at Sipon-
tum in Apulia. (Liv. xxxii. 27, 28, xxxiii. 21,
xxxiv. 10, 45.)

2. Helvius Blasio, put an end to his own life
to encourage his friend D. Brutus to meet his death
firmly, when the latter fell into the hands of his
enemies, in B. c. 43. (Dion Cass. xlvi. 53.)

BLA'SIUS, BLA'TIUS, or BLA'TTIUS, one
of the chief men at Salapia in Apulia, betrayed the
town to the Romans in B. c. 210, together with a
strong Carthaginian garrison that was stationed
there. The way in which he outwitted his rival
Dasius, who supported the Carthaginians, is related
somewhat differently by the ancient writers. (Ap-
pian, Annib. 45 — 47 ; Liv. xxvi. 38; Val. Max.
iii. 8, extern. 1.)

BLA'STARES, MATTHAEUS, a hieromo-
nachus, or monk in holy orders, eminent as a Greek
canonist, who composed, about the year 1335 (as
Bishop Beveridge satisfactorily makes out from the
author's own enigmatical statement) an alphabetical
compendium of the contents of the genuine canons.
It was intended to supply a more convenient
repertory for ordinary use than was furnished by
the collections of Photius and his connnentators.
The letters refer to the leading word in the rubrics
of the titles, and under each letter the chapters
begin anew in numerical order. In each chapter
there is commonly an abstract, first of the ecclesi-
astical, then of the secular laws which relate to
the subject; but the sources whence the secular
laws ai'e cited are not ordinarily referred to, and

BLOSIUS.

cannot always be determined. The ecclesiastical
constitutions are derived from the common canoni-
cal collections. This compilation, as the numerous
extiiit manuscripts prove, became very popular
amonj; ecclesiastics. The preface to the Syntagma
Alphabcticum of Blastarcs contains some historical
particulars, mingled with many errors, concerning
the canon and imperial law. As an example of
the errors, it may be stated that the formation of
Justinian's Digest and Code is attributed to
Hadrian. In most MSS. a small collection of
minor works, probably due to Blastares, is ap-
pended to the Syntagma. As to unpublished
works of Blastares in MS., see Fabric. DM. Graec.
xii. p. 205. A portion of the Syntagma (part of
B and T), which was probably found copied in a
detached fonn, is printed in Leunclav. Jur. Graeco-
Rom. vol. i. lib. viii. ; but the only complete edition
of the work is that which is given by Beveridge
in his Synodicon, vol. ii. part. 2. The "matrimonial
questions" of Blastares, printed in Leunclav. Jur.
Graeco-Rom., are often enumerated as a distinct
work from the Sjnitagma, but in reality they come
under the head Tafxos. At the end of the Pere
Goar's edition of Codinus is a treatise, written in
popular verses ( ttoXitikoI (ttlxoi ), concerning
tlie offices of the Palace of Constantinople, by
Matthaeus, monk, Suttjs, and physician. The
author may possibly be no other than Blastares.
(Biener, Gesch. der Now. pp.218 — 222 ; Walter,
Kirchenrecht. § 79.) [J. T. G.]

BLEMMIDAS- [Nicephorus Blemmiuas.]

BLEPAEUS (BA67ra?os), a rich banker at
Athens in the time of Demosthenes, who was also
mentioned in one of the comedies of Alexis. (Dera.
c. Meid. p. 583. 17, c.Doeot. de Dot. p. 1023. 19 ;
Athen. vi. p.241,b.)

BLESA'MIUS, a Galatian, a friend and
minister of Deiotarus, by whom he was sent as
ambassador to Rome, where he was when Cicero
defended his master, B.C. 45. (Cic. pro Deiot. 12,
14, 15.) Blesamius was also in Rome in the fol-
lowing year, 44. (Cic. ad Att. xvi. 3.)

BLITOR (BAiTajp), satrap of Mesopotamia, was
deprived of his satrapy by Antigonus in u. c. 316,
because he had allowed Seleucus to escape from
Babylon to Egvpt in that year. (Appian, Syr.
53.)

BLO'SIUS or BLO'SSIUS, the name of a
noble family in Campania.

1. F. Marius Blosius, was Campanian praetor
when Capua revolted from the' Romans and joined
Hannibal in B. c. 216. (Liv. xxiii. 7.)

2. Blosil, two brothers in Capua, were the
ringleaders in an attempted revolt of Capua from
the Romans in b. c. 210 ; but the design was dis-
covered, and the Blosii and their associates put to
death. (Liv. xxvii. 3.)

3. C. Blosius, of Cumae, a hospes of Scaevola's
family, was an intimate friend of Ti. Gracchus,
whom he is said to have urged on to bring forward
his agrarian law. After the death of Ti. Gracchus
he was accused before the consuls in B. c. 1 32, on
account of his participation in the schemes of
Gracchus, and fearing the issue he fled to Aristo-
nicus, king of Pergamus, who was then at war
with the Romans. When Aristonicus was con-
quered shortly afterwards, Blosius put an end to
his own life for fear of falling into the hands of the
Romans. Blosius had paid considerable attention
to the study of philosophy, and was a disciple of

BOADICEA.

493

Antipater of Tarsus. (Cic. de Amic. 11, rfe Ijcg.
Ayr. ii. 34 ; Val. Max. iv. 7. § 1 ; Plut. Ti
Gracch. 8, 17, 20.)

BOADICE'A (some MSS. of Tacitus have Bou-
dicea, Boodicia or Voadka, and Dion Cassius calls
her Bovi'SoutKo), was the wife of Prasutagus, king
of the Iceni, a tribe inhabiting the eastern coast
of Britain. Her husband, who died about a. d.
60 or 61, made his two daughters and the emperor
Nero the heirs of his private property, hoping
thereby to protect his kingdom and his family
from the oppression and the rapacity of the Ro-
mans stationed in Britain. But these expectations
were not realized; for Boadicea, who succeeded
him, saw her kingdom and her house robbed and
plundered by the Roman soldiers, as if they had
been in a country conquered by force of arms.
The queen herself was maltreated even with blows,
and Romans ravished her two daughters. The
most distinguished among the Iceni were deprived
of their property, and the relatives of the late king
treated as slaves. These outrages were com-
mitted by Roman soldiers and veterans under the
connivance of their officers, who not only took no
measures to stop their proceedings, but Catus De-
cianus was the most notorious of all by his extor-
tion and avarice. At last, in a. d 62, Boadicea, a
woman of manly spirit and undaunted courage,
was roused to revenge. She induced the Iceni to
take up arms against their oppressors, and also
prevailed upon the Trinobantes and other neigh-
bouring tribes to join them. While the legate
Paulinus Suetonius was absent on an expedition
to the island of Mona, Camalodunum, a recently
established colony of veterans, Avas attacked by
the Britons. The colony solicited the aid of Catus
Decianus, who however was unable to send them
more than 200 men, and these had not even regular
arms. Camalodunum was taken and destroyed by
fire, and the soldiers, who took refuge in a temple
which formed the arx of the place, were besieged
for two days, and then made prisoners. Petilius
Cerealis, the legate of the ninth legion, who was
advancing to relieve Camalodunum, was met by
the Britons, and, after the loss of his infantry,
escaped with the cavalry to his fortified camp.
Catus Decianus, who in reality bore all the guilt,
made his escape to Gaul ; but Suetonius Paulinus,
who had been informed of what was going on, had
returned by this time, and forced his way through
the midst of the enemies as far as the colony of
Londinium. As soon as he had left it, it was
taken by the Britons, and the municipium of Ve-
rulamium soon after experienced the same fate : in
these places nearly 70,000 Romans and Roman
allies were slain with cruel tortures. Suetonius
saw that a battle could no longer be deferred. His
forces consisted of only about 10,000 men, while
those of the Britons under Boadicea aie said to
have amounted to 230,000. On the day of the
battle, the queen rode in a chariot with her two
daughters before her, and commanded her army in
person. She harangued her soldiers, reminded
them of the wrongs inflicted upon Britain by the
Romans, and roused their courage against the com-
mon enemy. But the Britons were conquered by
the greater military skill and the favourable posi-
tion of the Romans. About 80,000 Britons are
said to have fallen on that day, and the Romans
to have lost no more than 400. Boadicea would
not survive this irreparable loss, and put an end tc

iifi

BOCCHUS.

her life by poison. Her body was interred with
great solemnity by the Britons, who then dispersed.
This victory, which Tacitus declares equal to the
great victories of ancient times, finally established
the Roman dominion in Britain. (Tac. Ann. xiv.
31-37, Agric. 15, 16; Dion Cass. Ixii. 1-12.) [L.S.]

BOCCHAR. 1. A king of the Mauri in the
time of Masinissa, b. c. 204. (Liv. xxix. 30.)

2. A general of Syphax, who sent him against
Masiniss:^ B.C. 204/ (Liv. xxix. 32.) [P. S.]

BO'CCHORIS (BdKxopis), an Egyptian king
and legislator, who was distinguished for his wis-
dom, avarice, and bodily weakness. His laws
rekted chielly to the prerogatives of the king and
to pecuniary obligations. (Diod. i. 94.) From his
not being mentioned by Herodotus, it has been
conjectured that he was identical with Asychis.
(Herod, ii. 136.) Eusebius places him alone in the
twenty-fourth dynasty, calls him a Saite, and says
that, after reigning forty-four years, he was taken
prisoner and burnt by Sabacon. {Cliron. Arm. pp.
104, 318, Mai and Zohrab ; compare Syncellus,
pp. 74, b., 184, c.) According to Wilkinson, he
began to reign b. c. 812 ; he was the son and suc-
cessor of Turphachthus ; and his name on the mo-
numents is Pehor, Bakhor, or Amun-se-Pehor.
{Ancient Egyptians, i. pp. 130, 138.) In the Ar-
menian copy of Eusebius his name is spelt Boccha-
ris, in Syncellus B^xX'^P'^- (See also Aelian, Hist.
An. xii. 3; Tac. Hist. v. 3 ; Athen. x. p. 418, f.,
where his father is called Neochabis.) [P. S.]

BOCCHUS {B6kxos). 1. A king of Maure-
tauia, who acted a prominent part in the war of
the Romans against Jugurtha, He was a barba-
rian without any principles, assuming alternately
the appearance of a friend of Jugurtha and of the
Romans, as his momentary inclination or avarice
dictated ; but he ended his prevarication by be-
traying Jugurtha to the Romans. In B. c. 108,
Jugurtlia, who was then hard pressed by the pro-
consul Q. Metellus, applied for assistance to Boc-
chus, whose daughter was his wife. Bocchus com-
plied the more readily with this request, since at
the beginning of the war he had made offers of
alliance and friendship to the Romans, which had
been rejected. But when Q. Metellus also sent an
embassy to him at the same time, Bocchus entered
into negotiations with him likewise, and in conse-
quence of this the war against Jugurtha was al-
most suspended so long as Q, Metellus had the
command. When in b. c. 1 07, C. Marius came to
Africa as the successor of Metellus, Bocchus sent
several embassies to him, expressing his desire to
enter into friendly relations with Rome ; but when
at the same time Jugurtha promised Bocchus the
third part of Numidia, and C. Marius ravaged the
portion of Bocchus's dominion which he had for-
merly taken from Jugurtha, Bocchus accepted the
proposal of Jugurtha, and joined him with a large
force. The two kings thus united made an attack
upon the Romans, but were defeated in two suc-
cessive engagements. Hereupon, Bocchus again
sent an embassy to Marius, requesting him to des-
patch two of his most trustworthy officers to him,
that he might negotiate with them. Marius ac-
cordingly sent his quaestor, Sulla, and A. Manlius,
who succeded in effecting a decided change in the
king's mind. Soon after, Bocchus despatched ambas-
sadors to Rome, but they fell into the hands of the
Gaetuli, and having made their escape into the
camp of Sulla, who received them very hospitably,

BOEDROMIUS.

they proceeded to Rome, where hopes of an alli-
ance and the friendship of the Roman people wf^re
held out to them. When Bocchus was informed
of this, he requested an interview with Sulla.
This being granted, Sulla tried to persuade Boc-
chus to deliver up Jugurtha into the hands of
the Romans. At the same time, however, Ju-
gurtha also endeavoured to induce him to betray
Sulla, and these clashing proposals made Bocchus
hesitate for a while ; but he at last detennined to
comply Avith the wish of Sulla. Jugurtha was ac-
cordingly invited to negotiate for peace, and when
he arrived, was treacherously taken prisoner, and
delivered up to Sulla, B. c. 106. According to
some accounts, Jugurtha had come as a fujiitive to
Bocchus, and was then handed over to the Romans.
Bocchus was rewarded for his treachery by an alli-
ance with Rome, and he was even allowed to dedi-
cate in the Capitol statues of Victory and golden
images of Jugurtha representing him in the act of
being delivered up to Sulki. (Sail, Jug. 19, 80-
120 ; Appian, Numid. 3, 4 ; Liv. Epit. Q<d ; Dion
Cass. Fragm. lieimar. n. 168, 169; Eutrop. iv.
27 ; Florus, iii. 1 ; Oros. v. 15 ; VeU. Pat. u. 12 ;
Plut. Mar. 10, 32, Sutl. 3.)

2. Probably a son of the preceding, and a bro-
ther of Bogud, who is expressly called a son of
Bocchus I. (Oros. v. 21.) These two brothers for
a time possessed the kingdom of Mauretania in
common, and, being hostile to the Pompeian party,
J. Caesar confirmed them, in B. c. 49, as kings of
Mauretania, which some writers describe as if
Caesar had then raised them to this dignity. In
Caesar's African war, Bocchus was of great service,
by taking Cirta, the capital of Juba, king of Nu-
midia, and thus compelling him to abandon the
cause of Scipio. Caesar rewarded him with a por-
tion of the dominions of Masinissa, the ally of
Juba, which however was taken from him, after
the death of Caesar, by Arabion, the son of Masi-
nissa. There is a statement in Dion Cassias (xliii.
36), that, in b. c. 45, Bocchus sent his sons to
Spain to join Cn. Pompey. If this is true, it can
only be accounted for by the supposition, that
Bocchus was induced by jealousy of his brother
Bogud to desert the cause of Caesar and join the
enemy ; for all we know of the two brothers
shews that the good understanding between them
had ceased. Dui'ing the civil war between Antony
and Octavianus, Bocchus sided with the latter,
while Bogud was in alliance with Antony. When
Bogud was in Spain, b. c. 38, Bocchus usurped the
sole government of Mauretania, in which he was
afterwards confirmed by Octavianus. He died
about B. c. 33, whereupon his kingdom became a
Roman province. (Dion Cass. xli. 42, xliii. 3, 36,
xlviii. 45, xlix. 43 ; Appian, B. c. ii. 96, iv. 54,
v. 26; Hirt. B. A/r.25 ; Strab.xvii. p. 828.) [L.S.]

BODON (BwSwj/), an ancient hero, from whom
the Thessalian town of Bodone derived its name.
(Steph. Byz. s. v. BuSciurj.) [L. S.]

BODUOGNA'TUS, a leader of the Nervii
in their war against Caesar, b. c. 57. (Caes. B. G,
ii. 23.)

BOEBUS (Bongos), a son of Glaphyrus, from
whom the Thessalian town of Boebe derived its
name. (Steph. Byz. s. v. BolStj.') [L. S.]

BOEDRO'MIUS (BoTjSpJ^zos), the helper in
distress, a surname of Apollo at Athens, the origin
of which is explained in different ways. Accord-
ing to some, the god was thus called because he

BOETHIUS.

had assisted the Athenians in the war with the
Amnzons, who were defeated on the seventii of
Boedroniion, the day on which the Boedromia were
afterwards celebrated. (Plut. 77ies. 27.) According
to others, the name arose from the circumstance,
that in the war of P'rechtheus and Ion against
Eumolpus, Apollo had advised the Athenians to
nisli upon the enemy with a war-shout (jSotJ), if
they would conquer. (Harpocrat, Suid,, Etym. M.
s.v.BoriSpo/xios; CMim.IIi/mn.inJpoll. 69.) [L.S.]

BOPX) (Bow), an ancient poetess of Delphi,
composed a hymn of which Pausanias (x. 5. § 4)
has preserved four lines. Athenaeus (ix. p. 393,
e.) cites a work, apparently a poem, entitled
'Opvidoyop'ia, which seems to have contained an
account of the myths of men who had been tunied
into birds, but ho was doubtful whether it was
written by a poetess Boeo or a poet Boeus (Botos):
Antoninus Liberalis, however, quotes it (cc. 3,
7, and 11, &c.) as the work of Boeus. The
name of Boeo occurs in a list of seers given by
Clemens Alexandrinus. {Strom, i. p. 333, d., ed.
Paris, 16-29.)

BOEO'TUS (BoicotJs), a son of Poseidon or
Itonus and Ame (Antiope or Melanippe), and
brother of Aeolus. [Aeolus, No. 3.] He was
the ancestral hero of the Boeotians, who derived
their name from him. (Pans. ix. 1. § 1.) [L. S.]

BOE'THIUS, whose full name was Anicius
Manlius Severinus Boethius (to which a few
MSS. of his works add the name of Torqtiatus^ and
commentators prefix by conjecture the praenomen
Flavius from his father's consulship in a. d. 487),
a Roman stiitesman and author, and remarkable as
standing at the close of the classical and the com-
mencement of scholastic philosophy. He was
bom between A. D. 470 and 475 (as is inferred
from Consol. Phil. i. 1). The Aniciau family had
for the two preceding centuries been the most il-
lustrious in Rome (see Gibbon, c. 31), and several
of its members have been reckoned amongst the
direct ancestors of Boethius. But the only con-
jecture worth notice is that which makes his grand-
father to have been the Flavius Boethius murdered
by Valentinian III. a. d, 455. His father was
probably the consul of A. D. 487, and died in the
childhood of his son, who was then brought up by
some of the chief men at Rome, amongst whom
were probably Festus and Symmachus. {Consol.
Phil. ii. 3.)

He was famous for his general learning (Enno-
dius, Ep. viii. 1) and his laborious translations of
Greek philosophy (Cassiodor. Ep. i. 45) as well as
for his extensive charities to the poor at Rome,
both natives and strangers. (Procop. Goth. i. I.)
In his domestic life, he was singularly happy, as
the husband of Rusticiana, daughter of Symmachus
{Consol. Phil. ii. 3, 4 ; Procop. Goth. in. 20), and
the father of two sons, Aurelius Anicius Symma-
chus, and Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius,
who were consuls, a.d. 522. {Corisol. Phil. ii. 3, 4.)
He naturally rose into public notice, became patri-
cian before the usual age (Consol. Phil. ii. 3), consul
in A. D. 510, as appears from the diptychon of his
consulship still preserved in Brescia (See Fabric.
JiiU. Lat. iii. 15), and princeps senatus. (Procop.
Goth. i. 1.) He also attracted the attention of
Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths, was appointed
(Anonym. Vales, p. 36) magister officiorum in his
court, and was applied to by him for a mathemati-
cal regulation of the coinage to prevent forgery

BOETHIUS.

495

(Cassiod. Ep. i. 10), for a sun-dial and water-
clock for Gundebald, king of the Burgundians {il>.
i. 45), and for the recommendation of a good mu-
sician to Clovis, king of the Franks. {10. ii. 40.)
And he reached the height of his prosperity when,
on the inauguration of his two sons in the consu-
late, A. D. 522, after pronouncing a panegyric on
Theodoric, he distributed a largess to the Roman
populace in the games of the circus. {Consol. Phil.
ii. 3.)

This happiness was saddenly overcast. He had
resolved, on his entrance into public life, to carry
out the saying of Plato, "that the world would
only be happy when kings became philosophers, or
philosophers became kings." He protected and
relieved the provincials from the public and private
rapine to which they were exposed, defended the
Campanians against the praefect of the praetorium,
saved Paulinus from '*the dogs of the palace," and
restrained the oppressions of the barbarian officers,
Triguilla and Conigastus. {Consol. Phil. i. 4.) This
unfiinching integrity naturally provoked enmity in
the court of Theodoric ; and the boldness with
which he pleaded the cause of Albinus, when ac-
cused of treason by the informer Cyprianus, seems
to have been the plea on which Gaudentius, Opilio,
and Basilius charged him and Symmachus with
the intention of delivering Rome from the barba-
rian yoke, — to which was added the charge of
sacrilege or magic. A sentence of confiscation and
death Avas passed against him imheard (Consol.
Phil. i. 4), and he was imprisoned at Ticinum in
the baptistry of the church, which was to be seen at
Pavia till 1584 (Tiraboschi, vol. iii. lib. i. c. 4), dur-
ing which time he wrote his book "De Consolatione
Philosophiae." He was executed at Calvenzano (in
agro Calventiano) (Anonym. Vales, p. 36), or ac-
cording to the general belief, at Ticinum, by behead-
ing (Anast. Vit. Pontif. in Joanne, J. ; Aimoin. Hid.
Francii. 1 ), or (according to Anonym. Vales, p. 36)
by the torture of a cord drawn round his head till
the eyes were forced from their sockets, and then by
beating with clubs till he expired. Symmachus
was also beheaded, and Rusticiana reduced to po-
verty, till Amalasontha, widow of Theodoric and
regent during her son's minority, replaced his sta-
tues and restored to her his confiscated propert}'.
(Procop. Goth. i. 2, A nee. 10; Jonmnd. lieb. Get. 89.)
Rusticiana was, however, on the sack of Rome, in
A. D. 541, chiefly by her liberality to the besieged,
again reduced to beggary, and was oidy saved by
the kindness of Totila from the fury which this
liberality, as well as her destruction of Theodoric's
statues in revenge for her husband and father, had
excited in the Gothic army. (Procop. Goth. iii. 20.)
In A. D, 722, a tomb was erected to Boethius's
memory by Luitprand, king of the Lombards, in
the church of S. Pietro Cielo d'Oro, and in a. d.
990, a more magnificent one by Otho III., with an
epitaph by pope Sylvester II. (Tiraboschi, vol. iii.
lib. i. c. 4.)

With the facts stated above have been mixed
up various stories, more or less disputed, which
seem to have grown with the growth of his post-
humous reputation.

1. The story of his eighteen years' stay at
Athens, and attendance on the lectures of Proclus,
rests only on the authority of the spurious treatise
" De Disciplina Scholarium,'* proved by Thoniasius
to have been written by Thomas Brabantinus, or
Cantiprutmus. The sentence of Cassiodorus (L 45)

496

BOETHIUS.

inaccurately quoted by Gibbon ("Atheniensium
scholas [not Athenas] longe posit?** [uot posiUfj?]
introisti") as a proof of his visit to Athens, is
really a statement of the reverse, being a rhetorical
assertion of the fact, that though living at Rome,
he was well acquainted with the philosophy of
Greece. Compare the similar expressions in the
same letter : " Plato . . . Aristoteles . . . Quirinali
voce disceptanV

'2. The three consulships sometimes ascribed to
him are made up from that of his father in 487,
and that of his sons in 522.

3. Besides his wife, Rusticiana, later and espe-
cially Sicilian writers have supposed, that he was
previously the husband of a Sicilian lady, Elpis,
authoress of two hymns used in the Breviary
(" Decora lux," and " Beate Pastor," or according
to others, " A urea luce," and "Felix per oranes"),
and by her to have had two sons, Patricius and
Hypatius, Greek consuls in a. d. 500. But this
has no ground in history : the expression " socer-
orum," in Consol. Phil. ii. 3, refers not to two
fathers-in-law, but to the parents of Rusticiana ;
and the epitaph of Elpis, which is the only authen-
tic record of her life, contradicts the story altoge-
ther, by implying that she followed her husband
(who is not named) into exile, which would of
course leave no time for his second marriage and
children. (See Tiraboschi, vol. iii. lib. i. c. 4.)

4. Paulus Diaconus (book vii.), Anastasius ( Vit.
Pontif. in Joanne I.), and later writers, have
connected his death with the embassy of pope
John I. to Constantinople for the protection of the
Catholics, in which he is alleged to have been im-
plicated. But this story, not being alluded to in
the earlier accounts, appears to have arisen, like
the last-mentioned one, from the desire to connect
his name more distinctly with Christianity, which
leads to the last and most signal variation in his
history.

5. He was long considered as a Catholic saint
and martyr, and in later times stories were current
of his having been a friend of St. Benedict, and
having supped at Monte Cassino (Trithemius, ap.
Fabric. Bibl. Lai. iii. 15), and again of miracles at
his death, as carrjnng his head in his hand (Life
of him by Martianus, ap. Baron. Annal. A. D. 526,
No. 17, 18), which last indeed probably arose
from the fact of this being the symbolical represen-
tation of martyrdom by decapitation ; as the parti-
cular day of his death (Oct. 23) was probably
fixed by its being the day of two other saints of
the same name of Severinus.

Whatever may be thought of these details, the
question of his Christianity itself is beset with
difficulties in whichever way it may be determined.
On the one hand, if the works on dogmatical theo-
logy ascribed to him be really his, the question is
settled in the affinnative. But, in that case, the
total omission of all mention of Christianity in the
" Consolatio Philosophiae," in passages and under
circumstances where its mention seemed to be im-
peratively demanded, becomes so great a pei-plexity
that various expedients have been adopted to solve it.
Bertius conjectured, that there was to have been
a sixth book, which was interrupted by his death.
Glareanus, though partly on other grounds, with the
independent judgment for which he is commended
by Niebuhr, rejected the work itself as spurious.
Finally, Professor Hand, in Ersch and Gruber's
Encyclopadie, has with much ingenuity maintained

BOETHIUS.

the opposite hypothesis, viz. that Boethiiis was not
a Christian at all, and that the theological works
ascribed to him were written by another Boethius,
who was afterwards confounded with him ; and
hence the origin or confirmation of the mistake.
In favour of this theory may be mentioned, over
and above the general argument arising from the
Consolatio Philosophiae, (1.) The number of per-
sons of the name of Boethius in or about that
time. See Fabric. Bibl. Lat. iii. 15. (2.) The
tendency of that age to confound persons of in-
ferior note with their more famous namesakes, as
well as to publish anonymous works under cele-
brated names ; as, for example, the ascription
to St. Athanasius of the hymn " Quicunque vult,"
or to St. Dionysius the Areopagite, of the works
which go under his name. (3.) The evidently
fabulous character of all the events in his life
alleged to prove his Christianity. (4.) The ten-
dency which appears increasingly onwards through
the middle ages to Christianize eminent heathens ;
as, for example, the embodiment of such traditions
with regard to Trajan, Virgil, and Statius, in the
Divina Comedia of Dante. Still sufficient difficul-
ties remain to prevent an implicit acquiescence in
this hj-pothesis. Though no author quotes the
theological works of Boethius before Hincmar (a. d.
850), yet there is no trace of any doubt as to their
genuineness ; and also, though the general tone of
the Consolatio is heathen, a few phrases seem to
savour of a belief in Christianity, e. g. angelica
virtute(\v. 5), pairiam ioT "heaven" (v. 1, iv. 1),
ve/i praevia luminis (iv. 1).

After all, however the critical question be
settled, the character of Boethius is not much
affected by it. For as it must be determined al-
most entirely from the " Consolatio," in which he
speaks with his whole heart, and not from thn
abstract statements of doctrine in the theological
treatises, which, even if genuine, are chiefly com-
piled with hardly an expression of personal feel-
ing, from the works of St. Augustin, on the one
hand the general silence on the subject of Chris-
tianity in such a book at such a period of his life,
proves that, if he was a Christian, its doctrines
could hardly have been a part of his living belief ;
on the other hand, the incidental phrases above
quoted, the strong religious theism which pervades
the whole work, the real belief which it indicates
in praj-er and Providence, and the unusually high
tone of his public life, prove that, if a heathen, his
general character must have been deeply tinged
by the contemporaneous influence of Christianity.

He Avould thus seem to have been one of a pro-
bably large class of men, such as will always be
found in epochs between the fall of one system of
belief and the rise of another, and who by hovering
on the confines of each can hardly be assigned ex-
clusively to either, — one who, like Epictetus and
the Antonines, and, nearer his own time, the poet
Claudian and the historian Zosimus, was by his
deep attachment to the institutions and literature
of Greece and Rome led to look for practical sup-
port to a heathen or half-heathen philosophy ;
whilst like them, but in a greater degree, his
religious and moral views received an elevation
from their contact with the now established faith
of Christianity.

The middle position which he thus occupied by
his personal character and belief, he also occupies
in the general history and literature of the world.

BOETHIUS.

Being the last Roman of any note who understood
tlie language and studied the literature of Greece,
and living on the boundary of the ancient and
modem world, he is one of the most important links
l)etween them. As it had been the great object of
his public life to protect the declining fortunes of
Home against the oppression of the barbarian in-
vaders, so it was the great object of his literary
life to keep alive the expiring light of Greek
literature amidst the growing ignorance of the age.
The complete ruin of the ancient world, which fol-
lowed almost immediately on his death, imparted
to this object an importance and to himself a
celebrity far beyond what he could ever have
anticipated. In the total ignorance of Greek
writers which prevailed from the 6th to the 14th
century, he was looked upon as the head and type
of all philosophers, as Augustin was of all theology
and Virgil of all literature, and hence the tendency
throughout the middle ages to invest him with a
distinctly Christian and almost miraculous charac-
ter. In Dante, e.</. he is thus described {Farad, x.
124) :—

Per veder ogni ben dentro vi gode
L' anima santa, che 'I mondo fallace
Fa manifesto a chi di lei ben ode ;
Lo corpo, ond 'ella fu cacciata, giace
Giuso in Cieldauro, ed essa da raartiro
E da esiglio venne a questa pace.
After the introduction of the works of Aristotle into
Europe in the 1 3th century, Boethius's fame gradu-
ally died away, and he affords a remarkable instance
of an author, who having served a great purpose for
nearly IQOO years, now that that purpose has been
accomplished, will sink into obscurity as general as
was once his celebrity. The first author who
quotes his works is Hincmar (i. 211, 460, 474,
521), A. D. 850, and in the subsequent literature
of the middle ages the Consolatio gave birth to
imitations, translations, and commentaries, in-
numerable. (Warton's Eng. Poet. ii. 342, 343.)
Of four classics in the Paris library in A. d. 1300
this was one. (lb. i. p. cxii.) Of translations the
most famous were one into Greek, of the poetical
portions of the work, by Maximus Planudes (first
published by Weber, Darmstadt, 1833), into
Hebrew by Ben Banschet (Wolf. BiU. Heh. i.
229, 1092, 243, 354, 369 ; Fabric. Bibl. Lat. iii.
15), into old High German at the beginning of the
1 1 th century, by St Gallen ; into French by J.
Meun, in 1 300, at the order of Philip the Fair ;
but above all, that into Anglo-Saxon by Alfred
the Great, which is doubly interesting, (1.) as one
of the earliest specimens of Anglo-Saxon literature ;
(2.) as the chief literary relic of Alfred himself,
whose own mind appears not only in the freedom
of the translation, but also in large original inser-
tions relative to the kingly office, or to Christian
history, which last fact strikingly illustrates the
total absence of any such in Boethius's own work.
(Of this the best edition is by J. S. Cardale, with
notes and translation, 1828.)

Of imitations may be mentioned (1), Chaucer's
Testament of Love. (Warton's Eny.Poet. ii. 295.)
2. Consolatio Monachoruni, by Echard, 1 1 30. 3.
Consolatio Theoloffiae, by Gerson. 4. The King's
Complaint, by James I. 5. An Imitation, by
Charles, Duke of Orleans, in the 15th century.

Boethius's own works are as follow: — 1. De
Cotisolatione Philosophiae. Of its moral and
religious character no more need be said. In a

BOETHUS.

497

literary point of view, it is a dialogue between
himself and Philosophy, much in the style of the
Pastor of Hermas, — a work which it resembles in
the liveliness of personification, though inferior to
it in variety and superior in diction. The alter-
nation of prose and verse is thought to have been
suggested by the nearly contemporary work of
Marcianus Capella on the nuptials of Mercury and
Philology. The verses are almost entirely bor-
rowed from Seneca.

2. De Unitate et Una, and De Arithmetica libri
ii. ; 3. De Mtistca libri v. ; 4. De Geometria libri
ii. ; 5. In Porphyrii Pkoenicis Isagogen de Praedi-
cabilibus a Victorino translatam Diologi iL ; 6. In
eandem a se Laiine versam Eacpositio secunda libri*
toiidem ; 7. In Categorias Aristotelis libri ii. ; 8.
In lucrum Aristotelis de Interpretalione Minorum
Commentariorum libri ii., and a second ed. called
Comment. Majora, in 6 books ; 9. Analyticorum
Aristotelis priorum et posteriorum lU/ri'\w.; 10. Itt-
trodudio ad Categoricos Syllogismos ; 1 1 . De Syllo-
gis7no Categorico libri ii., and De Hypotketico libri
ii. ; 12. De Divisiotie, and De Dejinitione ; 13. 7b-
picorum Aristotelis libri viii. ; 14. Etenchorum So-
phisticorum libri ii. ; 15. In Topica Ciceronis libri
vi. ; 16. De Differentiis Topicis libri iv. The first
collected edition of his works was published at
Venet., foL, 1491 (or 1492); the best and most
complete at Basel, 1570, fol.

The chief ancient authorities for his life are the
Epistles of Ennodius and Cassiodorus, and the
History of Procopius. The chief modem autho-
rities are Fabric. Bibl. Lat. iii. 15 ; Tiraboschi,
vol. iii. lib. 1. cap. 4 ; Hand, in Ersch and Gruber's
Encydop'ddie ; Barberini, Crit. storica Eocposizione
deUa Vita di Sev. Boezio, Pavia, 1783 ; Heyne,
Censura ingenii., ^c. Boelhii, Gottin.1806. [A. P. S.J

BOE'THUS (BoTjeds). 1. A Stoic philosopher
who perhaps lived even before the time of Chrysippus,
and was the author of several works. One of them
was entitled tnfX (pvaews, from which Diogenes
Laertius (vii. 148) quotes his opinion about the
essence of God ; another was called vepl €lfiapfi4tn]Sy
of which the same writer (vii. 149) mentions the
eleventh book. This latter work is, in all proba-
bility the one to which Cicero refers in his treatise
on Divination (i. 8, ii. 21). Philo {de Mund.
incorrupt, ii. p. 497, ed. Mangey) mentions him
together with Posidonius, and it is not improbable
that this Boethus is the one mentioned by Plu-
tarch. {De Placit. Pkilos. iii. 2.)

2. An Epicurean philosopher and geometrician,
who is mentioned by Plutarch {de Pyth. Orac. p.
396, d.), and is introduced by the same writer in
the Symposiaca (v. 1, p. 673, c); but nothing fur-
tlier is known about him.

3. A Platonic philosopher and grammarian, who
wrote a Lexicon to Plato's works {(Tvvayuryfi
Ae^ewf TlKaTwviK&v^^ dedicated to Alelanthus,
which Photius {Cod. 154) preferred to the similar
work of Timaeus still extant. Another work on
the ambiguous words of Plato (wepl ruv irapd IlAa-
Tuvi dvopovixevoiv Xi^euv) was dedicated to Athe-
nagoras. (Phot. Chd. 155.) Whether he is the
same as the Boethus who wrote an exegesis to the
Phaenomena of Aratus (Geminus, Introd. ad Pluien,
14) is uncertain, and also whether he is the one
against whom Porphyrins wrote his work itipl
■^vxns. (Euseb. Praep. Evang. xiv. 10, xv. 11, 16 j
comp. Hesych. s. v. Sid iravrwy Kpni\s ; Aeneaa,
On/.. 7Vo/)//r. p. 16.) [L. S.]

2k

498

BOGUD.

BOE'THUS (BJ7J0OS), surnamed Sidonius, was
born at Sidon in Phoenicia. As he is called a dis-
ciple of the Peripatetic Andronicus of Rhodes
(Amnion. Herra. Comment, in Aristot. Caieg. p. 8,
ed. Aid. 1546), he must have travelled at an early
age to Rome and Athens, in which cities Andro-
nicus is known to have taught. Strabo (xvi. p.
757), who mentions him and his brother Diodotus
among the celebrated persons of Sidon, speaks of
him at the same time as his own teacher in the
Peripatetic philosophy. Among his works, all of
which are now lost, there was one on the nature
of the soul, and also a commentary on Aristotle's
Categories, which is mentioned by Ammonius in
his commentary on the same work of Aristotle.
Ammonius quotes also an opinion of Boethus con-
cerning the study of the works of Aristotle, viz.
that the student should begin with the Physics
{airb rrji (pvmK-rjs), whereas Andronicus had main-
tained, that the beginning should be made and
rrjs \oyiKrjs, Tfrts irfpi TTjf aTr6^ft^ii' yiverai.
(Fabric. Bibl. Graec iii. p. 480 ; Schneider, Epi-
metrum I If. ad Aristot. Hist. Anim. p. xcv.;
Buhle, Aristot. Opera, i. p. 297; Stahr, Aristotelia,
ii. p. 129, &c.) [A.S.]

BOE'THUS (Boi70(is), the author of an epigram
in the Greek Anthology in praise of Pylades, a
pantomime in the time of Augustus, was a native
of Tarsus. Strabo (xiv. p. 674) describes him as
a bad citizen and a bad poet, who gained the
favour of Antony by some verses on the battle of
Philippi, and was set by him over the gymnjisiura
and public games in Tarsus. In this office he was
guilty of peculation, but escaped punishment by
flattering Antony. He was afterwards expelled
from Tarsus by Athenodorus, with the approbation
of Augustus. [P. S.]

BOK'THUS {Boy)Q6s\ a sculptor and embosser
or chaser of Carthage (Pans. v. 17. § 1) of uncer-
tain age. Pliny {If. N. xxxiii. 12. s. 55) praises
his excellence in embossing and (xxxiv. 8. s. 19)
in sculpture. M\\\\gt {Handb. d. Arch. % \59. \)
suspects, and not without good reason, that the read-
ing Kapx^Sovjo? is corrupted out of KaKxv^ovios.
The artist would then not be an inhabitant or even
a native of the barbarian Carthage, but of the
Greek town of Chalcedon in Asia Minor. [Acra-
G.\s.] [W. I.]

BOEUS (Bojrfs), a son of Heracles, and founder
of the Laconian town of Boeae, to which he led
colonists from Etis, Aphrodisias, and Side. (Pans.
iii. 22. § 9.) [L. S J

BOEUS. [BoEO.]

BOGES (BtJyrjj), the Persian governor of Eion
in Thrace, when Xerxes invaded Greece in B. c,
480. Boges continued to hold the place till B. c.
476, when it was besieged by the Athenians under
Cimon. Boges, finding that he was unable to de-
fend the town, and refusing to surrender it, killed
his wife, children, and family, and set fire to the
place, in which he himself perished. ( Herod, vii. 1 1 3,
107 ; Plut. Cim. 7, who calls him Bouttjs ; Pans,
viii. 8. § 5, who calls him Borfs ; Polyaen. vii. 24,
who calls him BSpyns ; comp, Diod. xi. 60.)

BOGUD (Boyouas) was king of Mauretania
Tingitana, in which title he was confirmed by
Julius Caesar, b. c. 49, as a reward for his ad-
herence to him in opposition to the party of Pom-
pey. (Dion Cass. xli. 42; comp. Cic. ad Fam. x.
32; Sueton. Jul. 52.) Accordingly, while Caesar
was engaged with his rival in Greece, b. c. i8, we

BOLUS.

find Bogud zealously lending his aid to Cassias
Longinus, Caesar's pro-praetor in further Spain, to
quell the sedition in that province. (Hirt. Bell.
Alex. 62.) Again, during Caesar's campaign in
Africa, B. c. 46, Mauretania was invaded unsuccess-
fully by the young Cn. Pompey ; and when Juba,
the Numidian, was hastening to join his forces to
those of Q. Metellus Scipio, Bogud attacked his
dominions at the instigation of the Roman exile
P. Sitius, and obliged him to return for their de-
fence. (Hirt. Bell. Afric. 23, 25, comp. c. do ;
Dion Cass, xliii. 3.) In Caesar's war in Spain
against Pompey's sons, b. c. 45, Bogud joined the
former in person ; and it was indeed by his attack
on the camp of Cn. Pompey at the battle of Munda
that Labienus was drawn from his post in the field
to cover it, and the scale was thus turned in Cae-
sar's favour. (Dion Cass, xliii. 38.) After the
murder of Caesar, Bogud espoused the side of
Antony, and it was perhaps for the furtherance of
these interests that he crossed over to Spain in
B. c. 38, and so lost his kingdom through a revolt of
his subjects, foraentcjd in his absence by Bocchus.
This prince's usurpation was confirmed by Octa-
vius, and seems to have been accompanied with the
gift of a freer constitution to the Tingitanians.
(Dion Cass, xlviii. 45.) Upon this, Bogud betook
himself into Greece to Antonj', for whom we after-
wards find him holding the town of Methone, at
the capture of which by Agrippa he lost his life
about the end of B. c. 32 or the beginning of 31.
(Dion Cass. 1. 11.) [E. E.]

BOIOCALUS, the leader of the Ansibarii, a
German people, was a man of great renown, and
had long been faithful to the Romans, but made
war against thera in a. d. 59. (Tac. Ann. xiii.

55, 5Q.)

BOIORIX, a chieftain of the the Boii, who in
B. c. 194, together with his two brothers, excited
his countrymen to revolt from the Romans, and
fought an indecisive battle with Tib. Sempronius,
the consul, who had advanced into his territory.
The Boii continued to give the Romans trouble for
several successive years, till their reduction by
Scipio in B. c. 191 ; but of Boiorix himself we find
no further mention in Livy. (Liv. xxxiv. 46, 47,

56, XXXV. 4, 5, 40, xxxvi. 38, 39.) [E. E.]
BOLA'NUS, a friend of Cicero's, recommended

by him to P. Sulpicius in B. c. 54. (Cic. ad Fam.
xiii. 77.)

Bolanus also occurs in Horace {Sat. i. 9. 1 1 ) as
the name of a well-known furious fellow, who
would not submit to any insult or impertinence.

BOLA'NUS, VE'TTIUS, commanded a legion
under Corbulo in the war against Tigranes in Ar-
menia, A. D. 63, and was appointed governor of
Britain in Q9, in the place of Trebellius Maximus.
In the civil war between Vespasian and Vitellius,
Bolanus did not declare in favour of either ; and,
during his government of the province, he attempt-
ed nothing against the Britons, and allowed his
troops great licence. But, as his administration
was marked by integrity, he was popular in the
province. The praises which Statius bestows upon
Bolanus in the poem {Silv. v. 2. 34, &c.), addressed
to his son Crispinus, must be set down to flatter}'.
(Tac. Ann. xv. 3, Hist. ii. 65, 97, Agric. 3, 16.)

BO'LGIUS. [Belgius.]

BOLIS. [AcHAEUs, p. 8, a.]

BOLUS (BwAos). Under this name Suidas, and
Eudocia after him, mention a Pythagorean phiic-

BOMILCAR.

sopher of Mende, to whom they ascribe several
works, which are otherwise entirely unknown.
From this Pythagorean, Suidas distinguishes a
Bolus who was a philosopher of the school of De-
mocritus, who wrote on medicine and also an his-
toricil work. But, from a passage of Columella
(vii, 5 ; conip. Stob.ieus, Si-nn. 51), it appears that
Bolus of Mende and the follower of Democritus
were one and the same person ; and he seems to
have lived subsequently to the time of Theophrastus,
whose work on plants he appears to have known.
(Steph. Byz. s. v. "A^vudos ; Schol. ad Nkand.
Tfieriac. 764.) [L. S.]

BOMILCAR (BoMtAKoy, Boa/tfA/fos). 1. A
commander of the Carthaginians against Aga-
thocles, when the latter invaded Africa, B. c. 310.
In the first battle with the invaders, Borailcar, his
colleague Hanno having fallen, betrayed the fortune
of the day to the enemy, with the view, according
to Diodorus, of humbling the spirit of his country-
men, and so making himself tyrant of Carthage.
(Diod. XX. 10,12; comp. Arist. Polit. v. 11, ed.
Bekk.) Two years after this, B. c. 308, after
many delays and misgivings, he attempted to seize
the government with the aid of 500 citizens and a
number of mercenaries ; but his followers were in-
duced to desert him by promises of pardon, and he
himself was taken and crucified. (Diod. xx. 43, 44 ;
Justin, xxii. 7.)

2. Father of the Hanno who commanded a portion
of Hannibal's army at the passage of the Rhone,
B. c. 21 M. This Bomilcar seems to have been one
of the Carthaginian SutFetes (rea-, not praetor ; see
Gottling, Eacurs. iii. cul Arist. Polit. p. 484), and
to have presided in that assembly of the senate
in which the second Punic war was resolved on.
(Polyb. iii. 33, 42; Liv. xxi. 18, 27, 28.)

3. Commander of the Carthaginian supplies
which were voted to Hannibal after the battle of
Cannae, B. c. 216, and with which he arrived in
Italy in the ensuing year. (Liv. xxiii. 13, 41.)
In B.C. 214, he was sent with fifty-five ships to
the aid of Syracuse, then besieged by the Romans;
but, finding himself unable to cope with the supe-
rior fleet of the enemj', he withdrew to Africa.
(Liv. xxiv. 36.) Two years after, we again find
him at Syracuse ; for we hear of his making his
escape out of the harbour, carrying to Carthage
intelligence of the perilous state of the city (all of
■which, except Achradina, was in the possession of
Marcellus), and returning within a few daj J with
loo ships. (Liv. XXV. 25.) In the same year, on
the destruction by pestilence of the Carthaginian
land-forces under Hippocrates and Hirailco, Bo-
milcar again sailed to Carthage with the news,
and returned with 130 ships, but was prevented
by Marcellus from reaching Syracuse. He then
proceeded to Tarentum, apparently with the view
ol cutting oflf the supplies of the Roman garrison
in that town ; but, as the presence of his force
only increased the scarcity under which the Taren-
tines themselves suffered, they were obliged to
dismiss him. (Liv. xxv. 27, xxvi. 20 ; comp. Po-
lyb. Spicil. Rel. ix. 1 ; Schweig. ad loc.)

4. A Numidian, deep in the confidence of Ju-
gurtha, by whom he was employed on many secret
services. In particular, when Jugurtha was at
Rome, in b. c. 108, Bomilcar undertook and ef-
fected for him the assassination of Massiva, who
happened to be at Rome at the same time, and
who, as well as Jugurtha himself, was a grandson

BONA DEA. 499

of Masinissa, and a rival claimant to the throne of
Numidia. The murder was discovered and traced
to Bomilcar, who was obliged to enter into large
recognizances to appear and stand his trial ; but,
before the trial came on, his master privately sent
him back to Africa. (Sail. Jug. 35 ; comp. Liv.
Epit. 64.) In the ensuing year, we find him com-
manding a portion of Jugurtha's army, with which
he was defeated in a skirmish at the river Mu-
thul by Rutilius, lieutenant of Metellus. (Sail.
Ju^. 49,52,53.) In the winter of the same year
Metellus, after his unsuccessful attempt on Zama,
engaged Bomilcar by promises of Roman favour to
deliver Jugurtha to him alive or dead ; and it was
accordingly at his instigation that the king sent
ambassadors to make offers of unconditional sub-
mission to Metellus. (Sail. Ju<j. 61, 62.) In con-
sequence of this advice Bomilcar seems to have
become an object of suspicion to his master, which
urged him the more towards the execution of his
treachery. Accordingly he formed a plot with
Nabdalsa, a Numidian nobleman, for the seizure or
assassination of the king ; but the design was dis-
covered to Jugurtha by Nabdalsa's agent or
secretary, and Bomilcar was put to death. (&ill.
Jug. 70, 7 1.) [E.E.]

BONA DEA, a Roman divinity, who is de-
scribed as the sister, wife, or daughter of Faunus,
and was herself called Fauna, Fatua, or Oma.
(Serv. arf Jen. viii. 314; Macrob. Sut. i. 12.)
She was worshipped at Rome from the earliest
times as a chaste and prophetic divinity ; and her
worship was so exclusively confined to women,
that men were not even allowed to know her
name. Faunus himself had not been able to over-
come her aversion to men, except by changing her
into a serpent. (Cic. de Harusp. resp. 17 ; Varr.
ap. Lactant. i. 22 ; Serv. /. c.) She revealed her
oracles only to females, as Faunus did only to
males. Her sanctuary was a grotto in the Aven-
tine, which had been consecrated to her by Claudia,
a pure maiden. (Macrob. /. c. ; ,0v. Fast. v. 148,
&c.) In the time of Cicero, however, she had also
a sanctuary between Aricia and Bovillae. (Cic.
pro Mil. 31 ; Ascon. ad Milon. p. 32.) Her festi-
val, which was celebrated every year on the 1st of
May, was held in the house of the consul or prae-
tor, as the sacrifices on that occasion were olfered
on behalf of the whole Roman people. The solem-
nities were conducted by the Vestals, and only
women, usually of the higher orders, were allowed
to take part in them. (Cic. ad Att. i. 13, de Ha-
rusp. resp. I. c. ; Dion Cass, xxxvii. 45.) During
the solemnity, no male person was allowed to be
in the house, and portraits of men were tolerated
only when they were covered over. It is a well-
known fact, that P. Clodius profaned the sacred
ceremonies on such an occasion by entering the
house of Caesar in the disguise of a woman. (Juv.
vi. 429 ; Senec. Epist. 97 ; Plut. Caes. 9, Quae^t.
Rom.'20; Ck.Paradoo'. 4, adAtt.n.4.) The women
who celebrated the festival of Fauna had to pre-
pare themselves for it by abstaining from various
things, especially from intercourse with men. The
house of the consul or praetor was decorated by
the Vestals as a temple, with ilowers and foliage
of every kind except myrtle, on account of its sym-
bolic meaning. The head of the goddess's statue
was adorned with a garland of vine-leaves, and a
serpent surrounded its feet. The women were de-
corated in a similar manner. Although no one wa»

2 k -2

500

BONIFACIUS.

nllowed to bring wine with her, a vessel filled with
wine, stood in the room, and from it the women
made their libations and drank. This wine, how-
ever, was called milk, and the vessel containing it
mellarium, so that the name of wine was avoided
altogether. The solemnity commenced with a sa-
crifice called damium (the priestess who performed
bore the name damiatrix, and the goddess damia ;
Fest s. V. Damium, who however gives an absurd
account of these names). One might suppose that
the sacrifice consisted of a chamois (dama) or some
kind of substitute for a chamois ; but Pliny {H.N.
X. 77) seems to suggest, that the sacrifice consisted
of hens of various colours, except black ones. After
this sacrifice, the women began to perform Bacchic
dances, and to drink of the wine prepared for them.
(Juv. vi. 314.) The goddess herself was believed
to have set the example for this ; for, while yet on
earth, she was said to have intoxicated herself by
emptying a lai'ge vessel of wine, whereupon Faunus
killed her with a myrtle staff, but afterwards raised
her to the rank of a goddess. (Varr. ap. Lactant.
I. c. ; Amob. adv. Gent. v. 18 ; Plut. Quaesi. Rom.
20.) This whole ceremony took place at night,
whence it is usually called sacrum opertum, or sacra
opertanea. (Cic. de Legg. ii. 9, ad Att. i. 13.)
Fauna was also regarded as a goddess possessed of
healing powers, as might be inferred from the ser-
pents being part of her worship ; but we know
that various kinds of medicinal herbs were sold in
her temple, and bought largely by the poorer
classes. (Macrob., Plut., Arnob. //. cc.) Greek
writers, in their usual way, identify the Bona Dea
with some Greek divinity, such as Semele, Medeia,
Hecate, or Persephone. The Angitia of the Mar-
fiians seems to have been the same goddess with
them as the Bona Dea with the Romans. (Angi-
tia ; comp. Hartung, Die Relig. der Rom. ii, p.
195, &c.) [L. S.]

BONIFA'CIUS, a Roman general, tribunus,
and comes in the province of Africa under Valen-
tinian III. In the early part of his career he was
distinguished for his prompt administration of jus-
tice, and also for his activity against the barbarians,
as at Massilia in a. d. 413 against the Gothic king
Ataulphus (Ol^-mp. ap.Phot. p. 50, Bekk.), and in
422 against the Vandals in Spain. (Prosper.) His
high character procured for him the friendship
of Augustin, whom he consulted with regard to
enforcing the imperial laws against the Donatists,
and to scniples which he entertained against con-
tinuing military pursuits, and (on the death of
his wife) even against remaining in the world at
all. These scruples Augustin wisely allayed, only
recommending to him resolutions, which he adopted,
of confining himself to defensive warfare against the
barbarians, and of leading a single life. (Augustin.
Ep. 185, 189.) (a. d. 417, 418.)

The abandonment of this last resolution, in his
second marriage with a rich Arian lady of the
name of Pelagia, seems to have exercised a perni-
cious influence over his general character. Al-
though he so far maintained his own religious
convictions as to insist on the previous conversion of
his wife, yet he so far gave them upas to allow his
child to receive Arian baptism; and as the first breach
ol even slight scruples may prepare a conscience
naturally tender for the commission of actual crimes,
he is afterwards reported to have lived with concu-
bines. (Augustin. Ep. 220.) (a. d. 424.) Whilst in
tite unsettled state consequent on this change of life,

BONOSUS.

he was, in 427, entrapped by his rival Aetius
[Aetius] into the belief that the empress Placidia
was bent on his destruction; and under this im-
pression he yielded to the temptation of inviting
Genseric, king of the Vandals, to settle in Africa.
(Procop. Bell. Vand. i. 4.) Bitterly reproached for
his crime by Augustin {Ep. 220), and discovering
the firaud when it was too late, he took arms against
Genseric, but was driven by him into Hippo (a. d.
430), and thence, after a year's siege, during which
he witnessed the death of his friend, Augustin, he
escaped with a great part of the inhabitants to
Italy, where he was restored to the favour of Pla-
cidia, and even enjoyed the almost unexampled
honour of having coins struck in honour of his
imaginary victories, with his own head on the re-
verse. Aetius, however, challenged him to single
combat, shortly after which, either by a wound
from the longer spear of his adversary (Marcellinus
in anno) or from illness (Prosper), he expired, ex-
pressing his forgiveness to Aetius, and advising
his widow to marry him. (a. d. 432.)

His career is singularly and exactly the reverse
of that of his rival, Aetius. Uniting true Roman
courage and love of justice with true Christian
piety, he yet by one fatal step brought on his
church and country the most severe calamities
which it had been in the power of any of the
barbarian invaders to inflict on either of them.

The authorities for his life are Procopius, Bell.
Vand. i. 3, 4 ; Olymp. up. Phot. pp. 59, 62 ;
Augustin. Ep. 185 (or 50), 189 (or 95), 220 (or
70) ; and, of modern writers. Gibbon, c. 33 ; at
greater length, Tillemont, Mem. Eccl. xiii. pp. 712
— 886, in which last (note 77) is a discussion on
a correspondence of sixteen smaller letters, falsely
ascribed to him and Augustin. [A. P. S.J

BONO'SUS, was bom in Spain ; his ancestors
were from Britain and Gaul. The son of a humble
schoolmaster, he displayed a maiked inaptitude for
literary pursuits ; but, having entered the army,
gradujilly rose to high military rank, and was in-
debted for much of his success in life to the singular
faculty which he possessed of being able to drink to
excess {bibii quantum hominum nemo) without be-
coming intoxicated or losing his self-command.
Aurelian, resolving to take advantage of this na-
tural gift, kept him near his person, in order that
when ambassadors arrived from barbarian tribes,
they might be tempted to deep potJitions by Bo-
nosus, and so led to betray the secrets of their
mission. In pursuance of this plan, the emperor
caused him to wed Hunila, a damsel of the noblest
blood among the Goths, in hopes of gaining early
information of the schemes in agitation among her
kinsmen, which they were apt to divulge when
under the influence of wine. How the husband-
spy discharged his task we are not told ; but we
find him at a subsequent period in the command oi
troops upon the Rhaetian frontier, and afterwards
stationed on the Rhine. The Germans having
succeeded in destroying certain Roman vessels in
consequence of some carelessness or breach of duty
on his part, in order to avoid immediate punisli-
ment, he prevailed upon his soldiers to proclaim
him emperor. After a long and severe struggle, he
was vanquished by Probus, and hanged himself.
The conqueror magnanimously spared his two sons
and pensioned his widow. No medals are extant
except those published by Goltzius, which are
spurious. (Vopiscus, Vit. Bonos.) [W. R.]

BOSTAR.

nOO'PIS (BowTTis), an epithet commonly given
to Hera in the Homoric poems. It has been said,
that the goddess was^thus designated in allusion to
her having metamorphosed lo into a cow ; but this
opinion is contradicted by the fact, that other divi-
nities too, such as Euryphai'ssa (Horn. Hymn, in
Sol. 2) and Pluto (Hesiod. Tlwotj. 355), are men-
tioned with the same epithet ; and from this cir-
cumstance it must be inferred, that the poets meant
to express by it nothing but the sublime and ma-
jestic character of those divinities. [L. S.]

BO'REAS (Bope'ay or Bopos), the North wind,
was, according to Hesiod {Theog. 379), a son of
Astraeus and Eos, and brother of Hesperus, Ze-
phyrus, and Notus. He dwelt in a cave of mount
Haemus in Thrace. (Callim. Hymn, in Del. 63.)
He is mixed up with the early legends of Attica
in the story of his having carried off Oreithyia,
the daughter of Erechtheus, by whom he begot
Zetes, Calais, and Cleopatra, the wife of Phineus,
who are therefore called Boreades. (Ov. Met. vi.
683, fi.c.% Apollon. Rhod. i. 211; Apollod. iii. 15.
§ 2 ; Paus. i. 19. § 6.) In the Persian war, Boreas
shewed his friendly disposition towards the Athe-
nians by destroying the ships of the barbarians.
(Herod, vii. 189.) He also assisted the Megalo-
politans against the Spartans, for which he was
honoured at Megalopolis with annual festivals.
(Paus. viii. 36. § 3.) According to an Homeric
tradition (//. xx. 223), Boreas begot twelve horses
by the mares of Erich thonius, which is commonly
explained as a mere figurative mode of expressing
the extraordinary swiftness of those horses. On
the chest of Cj^pselus he was represented in the
act of carrying off Oreithyia, and here the place of
his legs was occupied by tails of serpents. (Paus.
V. 19. § 1.) Respecting the festivals of Boreas,
celebrated at Athens and other places, see Diet, of
Ant. s. V. BopeafffjLoi. [L. S.]

BORMUS {Bupfios or Boopifios), a son of Upius,
a Mariandynian, was a youth distinguished for his
extraordinary beauty. Once during the time of
harvest, when he went to a well to fetch water for
the reapers, he was drawn into the well by the
nymphs, and never appeared again. For this rea-
son, the country people in Bithj'nia celebrated his
memory every year at the time of harvest with
plaintive songs (jSoIp/xoi) with the accompaniment
of their flutes. ( Athen. xiv. p. 620 ; Aeschyl. Pers.
941; Schol. ad Dionys. Perieg. 791; Pollux, iv.
54.) ^ [L. S.]

BORUS (BiSpos), two mythical personages, of
whom no particulars are related. (Apollod. iii. 1 3.
§1; Paus. ii. 18. §7.) [L. S.]

BOSTAR (BftJffTwp, Polyb. iii. 98 ; Bwjrropos,
Polyb. i. 30; BoS<5(rT«p, Diod. Exc. xxiv,). 1. A
Carthaginian general, who, in conjunction with
Hamilcar and HasdrubaL, the son of Hanno, com-
manded the Carthaginian forces sent against M. Ati-
lius Regulus when he invaded Africa in B. c. 256.
Bostar and his colleag\ies were, however, quite in-
competent for their office. Instead of keeping to
the plains, where their cavalry and elephants would
have been formidable to the Romans, they retired to
the mountains, where these forces were of no use ;
and they were defeated, in consequence, near the
town of Adis, with great slaughter. The generals,
we are told, were taken prisoners ; and we leani
from Diodorus, that Bostar and Hamilcar were,
after the death of Regulus, delivered up to his fa-
mily, who behaved to them with such barbarity,

BRACHYLLES.

501

that Bostar died of the treatment he leceivcd.
The cruelty of the family, however, excited so
much odium at Rome, that the sons of Regulus
thought it advisable to burn the body of Bostar,
and send his ashes to Carthage. This account of
Diodorus, which, Niebuhr remarks, is probably
taken from Philinus, must be regarded as of doubt-
ful authority. (Polyb. i. 30; Oros. iv. 8; Eutrop.
ii. 21 ; Flor. ii. 2; Diod. Ejcc. xxxiv.; Niebuhr,
Hist, of Rome., iii. p. 600.)

2. The Carthaginian commander of the merce-
nary troops in Sardinia, was, together with all the
Carthaginians with him, killed by these soldiers
when they revolted in B. c. 240. (Polyb. i. 79.)

3. A Carthaginian general, who was sent by
Hasdrubal, the commander-in-chief of the Cartha-
ginian forces in Spain, to prevent the Romans un-
der Scipio from crossing the Iberus in B. c. 217.
But not daring to do this, Bostar fell back upon
Saguntum, where all the hostages were kept which
had been given to the Carthaginians by the diffe-
rent states in Spain. Here he was persuaded by
Abelox, who had secretly gone over to the Ro-
mans, to set these hostages at liberty, because such
an act would secure the affections of the Spanish
people. But the hostages had no sooner left the
city, than they were betrayed by Abelox into the
hands of the Romans, For his simplicity on this
occasion, Bostar was involved in great danger.
(Polyb. iii. 98, 99 ; Li v. xxii. 22.)

4. One of the ambassadors sent by Hannibal
to Philip of Macedonia in B. c. 215. The ship in
which they sailed was taken by the Romans, and
the ambassadors themselves sent as prisoners to
Rome. (Liv. xxiii. 34.) We are not told whether
they obtained their freedom ; and consequently it
is uncertain whether the Bostar who was governor
of Capua with Hanno, in 211, is the same as the
preceding. (Liv. xxvi. 5, 12 ; Appian, Annih. 43.)

BO'TACHUS (Bccraxos), a son of locritus and
grandson of Lycurgus, from whom the demos Bo-
tachidae or Potachides at Tegea was believed t«
have derived its name. (Paus. viii, 45. § 1 ; Steph,
Byz. s. V. BwTax^Saj.) [L. S.J

BOTANIDES. [Nicephorus III.]

BO'TRYAS (BoTpuas), of Myndus, is one of
the writers whom Ptolemy, the son of Hephaestion
made use of in compiling his " New History,"
(Phot. p. 147, a., 21, ed. Bekker.)

BOTRYS (B(5Tpus), a native of Messana in
Sicily, was the inventor of the lascivious poems
called nat7j/ta. (Athen. vii. p. 322, a.; Polyb. xii.
13; Suidas, s. v. Ajiuoxapv^.)

BOTRYS {b6tpvs), a Greek physician, who
must have lived in or before the first century
after Christ. His writings are not now extant,
but they were used by Pliny for his Natural His-
tory. (Ind. to H. N. xiii. xiv.) One of his pre-
scriptions is preserved by Galen. {De Compos. Me-
dicam. sec. Locos. iiL I, vol. xii. p. 640.) [W.A.G.]

BOTTHAEUS (Bot0o«{s), is mentioned along
with Scylax of Caryanda by Marcianus of Hera-
cleia (p. 63) as one of those who wrote a Periplus.

BRACHYLLES or BRACHYLLAS (Bpa-
XuAAtjs, Bpaxi'AAas), was the son of Neon, a
Boeotian, who studiously courted the favour of the
Macedonian king Antigonus Doson ; and accord-
ingly, when the latter took Sparta, B. c. 222, he
entrusted to Brachyllas the government of the city.
(Polyb. XX. 5 ; comp. ii. 70, v. 9, ix. 36.) After
the death of Antigonus, b. c. 220, Brachyllas con-

502

BRASIDAS.

tinued to attach himself to the interests of Mace-
donia under Philip V., whom he attended in his
conference with Flamininus at Nicaea in Locris,
B. c. 198. (Polyb. xvii. 1 ; Liv. xxxii. 32.) At
the battle of Cynoscephalae, B. a 197, he com-
marided the Boeotian troops in Philip's army ; but,
together with the rest of his countrymen who had
on that occasion fallen into the Roman power, he
was sent home in safety by Flamininus, who
wished to conciliate Boeotia. On his return he
was elected Boeotarch, through the influence of the
Macedonian party at Thebes ; in consequence of
which Zeuxippus, Peisistratus, and the other
leaders of the Roman party, caused him to be
assassinated as he was returning home one night
from an entertainment, B. c. 196. Polybius tells
us, what Livy omits to state, that Flamininus him-
self was privy to the crime. (Polyb. xviii. 26 ; Liv.
xxxiii. 27, 28 ; comp. xxxv. 47, xxxvi. 6.) [E. E.]
BRANCH US {Bpdyxos), a son of Apollo or
Smicrus of Delphi. His mother, a Milesian wo-
man, dreamt at the time she gave birth to him,
that the sun was passing through her body, and
the seers interpreted this as a favourable sign.
Apollo loved the boy Branchas for his great beauty,
and endowed him with prophetic power, which he
exercised at Didyma, near Miletus. Here he
founded an oracle, of which his descendants, the
Branchidae, were the priests, and which was held
in great esteem, especially by the lonians and
Aeolians. (Herod, i, 157 ; Strab. xiv. p. 634, xvii.
p. 814; Lutat. ad Stat. Theb. viii. 198; Conon,
Nor rat. 33 ; Luc. DiaL Deor. 2 ; comp. Did. of
AnL s. V. Oraculum.)

BRAN'CUS, king of the Allobroges, had been
deprived of his kingdom by his younger brother,
but was restored to it by Hannibal in b. c 218.
(Liv. xxi. 31.)

BRANGAS {Bpar)as\ a son of the Thracian
king StrjTnon, and brother of Rhessus and Olyn-
thus. When the last of these three brothers had
been killed during the chase by a lion, Brangas
buried him on the spot where he had fallen, aiKi
called ihe town which he subsequently built there
Olyntlms. (Conon, Narrat. 4 ; Steph. Byz. «. v.
"OAuiflos ; Athen. viii. p. 334, who <^s Olynthus
a son of Heracles.) [L. S.]

BRA'SIDAS (Bpao-iSoy), son of Tellis, the most
distinguished Spartan in the first part of the Pclo-
ponnesian war, signalized himself in its first year
(b.c. 4 iil) by throwing a hundred men into Methoiie,
while besieged by the Athenians in their first
ravage of the Peloponnesian coast. For this ex-
ploit, which saved the place, he received, the first
an the wai", public commendation at Sparta ; and
perhaps in consequence of this it is we find him in
September appointed Ephor Eponymus. (Xen.
Hell. ii. 3. § 10.) His next employment (b. c.
429) is as one of the three counsellors sent to
assist Cnemus, after his first defeat by Phormion ;
and his name is also mentioned after the second
defeat in the attempt to surprise the Peiraeeus, and
we may not improbably ascribe to him the attempt,
and its failure to his colleagues. In 427 he was
united in the same, but a subordinate, capacitj-,
with Alcidas, the new admiral, on his return
from his Ionian voyage ; and accompanjTBg him
to Corcyra he was reported, Thucydides tells us, to
have vainly urged him to attack the city immedi-
ately after their victory in the first engagement.
Next, as trierarch in the attempt to dislodge De-

BRASIDAS.

mosthenes from Pylos (425), he is described as
running his galley ashore, and, in a gallant
endeavour to land, to ha>ft fainted from his
wounds, and falling back into the ship to have lost
in the water his shield, which was afterwards found
by the Athenians and used in their trophy. Early
in the following year we find him at the Isthmus
preparing for his expedition to Chalcidice(424), but
suddenly called off from this by the danger of
Megara, which but for his timely and skilful suc-
cour would no doubt have been lost to the enemy.
Shortly after, he set forth with an army of 700
helots and 1000 mercenaries, arrived at Heracleia,
and, by a rapid and dexterous march through the
hostile country of Thessaly, effected a junction
with Perdiccas of Macedon. The events of his
career in this field of action were (after a brief ex-
pedition against Arrhibaeus, a revolted vassal of
the king's) the acquisition, 1st. of Acanthus,
effected by a most politic exposition of his views
(of which Thucydides gives us a representation),
made before the popular assembly ; 2nd. of Sta-
geirus, its neighbour ; 3rd. of Amphipolis, the
most important of all the Athenian tributaries in
that part of the country, accomplished by a sudden
attack after the commencement of winter, and fol-
lowed by an unsuccessful attempt on Ei'on, and
by the accession of Myrcinus, Galepsus, Aesyme,
and most of the towns in the peninsula of Athos ;
4th. the reduction of Torone, and expulsion of its
Athenian garrison from the post of Lecythus. In
the following spring (423) we have the revolt of
Scione, falling a da}-^ or two after the ratification
of the truce agreed upon by the government at
home — a mischance which Brasidas scrupled not to
remedy by denying the fact, and not only retained
Scione, but even availed himself of the consequent
revolt of Mende, on pretext of certain infringe-
ments on the other side. Next, a second expedi-
tion with Perdiccas, against Arrhibaeus, resulting
in a perik)us but most ably-conducted retreat : the
loss, in the meantime, of Mende, recaptured by
the new Athenian armament ; and in the winter
an ineffectual attempt on Potidaea. In 422,
Brasidas with no reinforcements had to oppose a
large body of the flower of the Athenian troops
under Cleon. Torone and Galepsus were lost, but
Amphipolis was saved by a skilful sally, — the closing
event of the war, — in which the Athenians were
completely defeated and Cleon slain, and Brasidas
himself in the first moment of victory received his
mortal wound.

He was interred at Amphipolis, within the
walls — an extraordinary honour in a Greek town
— with a magnificent funeral, attended under arms
by all the allied forces. The tomb was railed off,
and his memory honoured by the Amphipolitans,
by yearh'^ sacrifices offered to him there, as to a
hero, and by games. (Pans. iii. 14. § 1 ; Aristot.
EUi. Nk. v. 7 ; Diet of Ant. s. v. EfMaiSeia.)
Regarding him as their preserver, they trans-
ferred to him all the honours of a Founder
hitherto paid to Hagnon. Pausanias mentions a
cenotaph to him in Sparta, and we hear also
(Pint. Li/sander, 1) of a treasury at Delphi,
bearing the inscription, " Brasidas and the Acan-
thians from the Athenians." Two or three of his
sayings are recorded in Plutarch's ApopktJieginata
Laconuxu, but none very characteristic. Thucy-
dides gives three speeches in his name, the first
and longest at Acanthus j one to his forces in the

BRENNUS.
retreat, perhaps the greatest of his exploits, from
Lyncestis ; and a third before the battle of Am-
phipolis. His own ©pinion of him seems to have
been very high, and indeed we cannot well over-
estimate the services he rendered his country.
Without his activity, even the utmost temerity in
theiropponents would hardly have brought Spartaout
of the contest without the utmost disgrace. He is
in fact the one redeeming point of the first ten
years ; and had his life and career been prolonged,
the war would perhaps have come to an earlier
conclusion, and one more happy for all parties.
As a commander, even our short view of him leads
us to ascribe to hira such qualities as would have
placed his above all other names in the war, though
it is true that we see him rather as the captiiin
than the general. To his reputation for " justice,
liberality, and wisdom," Thucydides ascribes not
only much of his own success, but also the eager-
ness shewn for the Spartan alliance after the
Athenian disasters at Syracuse. This character
was no doubt mainly assumed from motives of
policy, nor can we believe him to have had any
thought except for the cause of Sparta and his own
glory. Of unscrupulous Spartan duplicity he had
a full share, adding to it a most unusual dexterity
and tact in negotiation ; his powers, too, of elo-
quence were, in the judgment of Thucydides, very
considerable for a Spartan. Strangely united with
these qualities we find the highest personal
bravery ; apparently too (in Plato's Symposium
he is compared to Achilles) heroic strength and
beauty. He, too, like Archidamus, was a suc-
cessful adaptation to circumstances of the un-
wieldy Spartan character : to make himself fit to
cope with them he sacrificed, far less, indeed, than
was afterwards sacrificed in the age of Lysander,
yet too much perhaps to have permitted a return
to perfect acquiescence in the ancient discipline.
Such rapidity and versatility, such enterprise and
daring, were probably felt at Sparta (comp. Thuc.
i. 70) as something new and incongruous. His
successes, it is known, were regarded there with
80 much jealousy as even to hinder his obtaining
reinforcements. (Thuc. iv. 108.) [A. H. C]

BRAURON (Bpaupwi'), an ancient hero, from
•whom the Attic demos of Brauron derived its
name. (Steph. Byz. s. v.) [L. S.]

BRAURO'NIA (Bpaupwi/fo), a surname of
Artemis, derived from the demos of Brauron in
Attica. Under this name the goddess had a sanc-
tuary on the Acropolis of Athens, which contained
a statue of her made by Praxiteles. Her image at
Brauron, however, was believed to be the most
ancient, and the one which Orestes and Iphigeneia
had brought with them from Tauris. (Paus. i.
23. § 8 ; Did. of Ant. s. v. Bpavpwvia.) [L. S.]

BRENNUS. 1. The leader of the Gauls, who
in B. c. 390 crossed the Apennines, took Rome,
and overran the centre and the south of Italy. His
real name was probably either Brenhin, which sig-
nifies in Kymrian " a king," or Bran, a proper
name which occurs in Welsh history. (Arnold's
Rome^ vol. i. p. 524.) This makes it probable that
he himself, as well as many of the warriors whom
he led, belonged to the Kymri of Gaul, though the
mass of the invaders are said by Livy (v. 35) and
by Diodorus (xiv. 13) to have been Senones, from
the neighbourhood of Sens, and must therefore, ac-
cording to Caesar's division {B. G. i. 1) of the
Gallic tribes, have been Kelts.

BRENNUS.

503

Little is known of hira and hit Gauls till they
came into immediate contact with the Romans, and
even then traditionary legends have very much ob-
scured the facts of history.

It is clear, however, that, after crossing the
Apennines (Diod. xiv. 113; Liv. v. 36), Brennus
attacked Clusium, and unsuccessfully. The valley
of the Clanis was then open before him, leading
down to the Tiber, where the river was fordable ;
and after crossing it he passed through the country
of the Sabines, and advanced along the Salarian
road towards Rome. His army now amounted to
70,000 men. (Diod. xiv. 114.) At the AUia,
which ran through a deep ravine into the Tiber,
about 12 miles from the city, he found the Roman
army, consisting of about 40,000 men, strongly
posted. Their right wing, composed of the prole-
tarians and irregular troops, was drawn up on high
ground, covered by the ravine in front and some
woody country on the flank ; the left and centre,
composed of the regular legions, filled the ground
between the hills and the Tiber (Diod. xiv. 1 1 4),
while the left wing rested on the river itself.
Brennus attacked and carried this position, much
in the same way as Frederick of Prussia defeated
the Austnans at Leuthen. He fell with the whole
strength of his army on the right wing of the Ro-
mans, and quickly cleared the ground. He then
charged the exposed flank of the legions on the
left, and routed the whole army with great slaugh-
ter. Had he marched at once upon the city, it
would have fallen, together with the Capitol, into
his hands, and the name and nation of Rome
might have been swept from the earth. But he
spent the night on the field. His warriors were
busy in cutting oflF the heads of the slain (Diod.
/. c), and then abandoned themselves to plunder,
drunkenness, and sleep. He delayed the whole of
the next day, and thus gave the Romans time to
secure the Capitol. On the third morning he burst
open the gates of the city. Then followed the
massacre of the eighty priests and old patricians
(Zonar, ii. 23), as they sat, each in the portico of
his house, in their robes and chairs of state ; the
plunder and burning of all the city, except the
houses on the Palatine, where Brennus established
his quarters (Diod. xiv. 115) ; the famous night
attack on the Capitol, and the gallant exploit of
Manlius in saving it.

For six months Brennus besieged the Capitol,
and at last reduced the garrison to offer 1000
pounds of gold for their ransom. The Gaul brought
unfair weights to the scales, and the Roman tri-
bune remonstrated. But Brennus then flung his
broadsword into the scale, and told the tribune,
who asked what it meant, that it meant " vae victia
esse," that the weakest goes to the wall.

Polybius says (ii. 18), that Brennus and his
Gauls then gave up the city, and returned home
safe with their booty. But the vanity of the Ro-
mans and their popular legends would not let him
BO escape. According to some, a large detachment
was cut off in an ambush near Caere (Diod. xiv.
117) ; according to others, these were none others
than Brennus and those who had besieged the
Capitol. (Strab. v. p. 220.) Last of all, Camillus
and a Roman army are made to appear suddenly
just at the moment that the gold is being weighed
for the Capitol, Brennus is defeated in two battles,
he himself is killed, and his whole army slain to a
man. (Liv. v. 49.)

a04

BRENNUS.

2. The leader of a body of Gauls, who had
settled in Pannoiiia, and who moved southwards
and broke into Greece B. c. 279, one hundred and
eleven years after the taking of Rome.

Pyrrhus of Epeirus was then absent in Italy.
The infamous Ptolemy Ceraunus had just estab-
lished himself on the throne of Macedon. Athens
was again free under Olympiodorus (Pans. i. 26),
and the old Achaean league had been renewed,
with the promise of brighter days in the Pelopon-
nesus, when the inroad of the barbarians threatened
all Greece with desolation.

Brennus entered Paeonia at the same time that
two other divisions of the Gauls invaded Thrace
and Macedonia. On returning home, the easy
victory which his countrjTuen had gained over
Ptolemy in Macedon, the richness of the country,
and the treasures of the temples, furnished him
with arguments for another enterprise, and he again
advanced southward with the enormous force of
150,000 foot and 61,000 horse. (Paus. x. 19.)

After ravaging Macedonia (Justin, xxiv. 6) he
marched through Thessaly towards Thermopylae.
Here an army of above 20,000 Greeks was assem-
bled to dispute the pass, while a fleet of Athenian
triremes lay close in shore, commanding the narrow
road between the foot of the cliffs and the beach.

On arriving at the Spercheius, Brennus found
the bridges broken, and a strong advanced post of
the Greeks on the opposite bank. He waited
therefore till night, and then sent a body of men
down the river, to cross it where it spreads itself
over some marshy ground and becomes fordable.
On the Gauls gaining the right bank, the advanced
post of the Greeks fell back upon Thermopylae.
Brennus repaired the bridges and crossed the river,
and advanced hastily by Heradeia towards the
pass. At daybreak the fight began. But the ill-
armed and undisciplined Gauls rushed in vain upon
the Grecian phalanx, and after repeated attacks of
incredible fury they were forced to retire with
great loss. Brennus then despatched 40,000 of
his men across the mountains of Thesssaly into
Aetolia, which they ravaged with horrible barbarity.
This had the intended effect of detaching the
Aetflians from the allied army at Thermopylae ;
and about the same time some Heracleots betrayed
the pass over the mountains by which, two hundred
years before, the Persians had descended on the
rear of the devoted Spartans. The Gaxil followed
the same path. But the Greeks this time, though
again surrounded, escaped ; for the Athenian fleet
carried them safely away before the Gauls attacked
them. (Paus. x. 22.)

Brennus, without waiting for those whom he
had left on the other side of the pass, pushed on
for the plunder of Delphi. Justin says the bar-
barians laughed at the notion of dedication to the
gods (xxiv. 6) : "The gods were so rich them-
selves that they could afford to be givers instead of
receivers ;'' and as he approached the sacred hill,
he pointed out the statues, and chariots, and other
offerings, which were conspicuous around the tem-
ple, and which he promised as the golden prizes of
the victory. (Justin, xxiv. 8.)

The Delphians had collected about 4000 men on
the rock, — a small number to oppose the host of
Brennus. But they were strongly posted, and the
advantage of the ground, and their own steady
conduct, manifestly saved the temple without the
supernatural help of Apollo, which is given to them

BRISEUS.

by the Greek and Roman historians. As the Gauls
rushed on from below, the Greeks plied their darts,
and rolled down broken rocks from the cliff upon
them. A violent storm and intense cold (for it
was winter) increased the confusion of the assail-
ants. They nevertheless pressed on, till Brennus
fainted from his wounds, and was cawied out of
the fight. They then fled. The Greeks, exas-
perated by their barbarities, hung on their retreat,
through a difficult and mountainous country, and
but few of them escaped to their comrades, whom
they had left behind at Thennopylae. (Paus. x. 23.)

Brennus was still alive, and might have re-
covered from his wounds, but according to Pausa-
nias he would not survive his defeat, and put au
end to his life with large draughts of strong
wine — a more probable account than that of Justin
(xxiv. 8), who says that being unable to bear the
pain of his wounds, he stabbed himself. [A. G.]

BRENTUS (BpevToj), a son of Heracles, who
was regarded as the founder of the town of Bren-
tesium or Brundusium, on the Adriatic. (Steph.
Byz. s. V. Bpfvnja-iot'.) [L. S.]

BRIAREUS. [Akgaeon.]

BRETT US (BpcTTos), a son of Heracles, from
whom the Tyrrhenian town of Brettus and the
country of Brettia derived their names. (Steph.
Byz. s. V.) [L. S.]

BRIE'NNIUS, JOANNES, a Greek scholiast
on the Basilica, of uncertain date and history.
{Biud/ica, vol. iii. p. 186, Fabrot.) [J. T. G.]

BRIETES, a painter, the father of Pausias of
Sicyon. (Plin. ^. A^.xxxv, 11. s. 40.) [W. I.]

BRIGA'NTICUS, JU'LIUS, was bom among
the Batavi, and was the son of the sister of Civilis,
who hated and was in turn hated by his nephew.
Briganticus commanded a squadron of cavalry,
with which he first revolted to Caecina, the gene-
i-al of Vitellius, and afterwards to Vespasian, in
A. D. 70. He served under Cerialis in Germany
against his uncle Civilis, and fell in battle in this
war, A. D. 71. (Tac. Hist. ii. 22, iv. 70, v. 21.)

BRIMO (BpifjLci), the angry or the terrifying,
occurs as a surname of several divinities, such as
Hecate or Persephone (Apollon. Rhod. iii. 861,
1211; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 1171), Demeter (Arnob.
V. p. 170), and Cybele. (Theodoret. Ther. i. 699.)
The Scholiast on Apollonius {I. c.) gives a second
derivation of Brimo from Bpojuos, so that it would
refer to the crackling of the fire, as Hecate was
conceived bearing a torch. [L. S.J

BRINNO, a German of noble birth, was chosen
leader of his people, the Canninefates, in their at-
tack upon the Romans in a. d. 70. (Tac. Hist. iv.
15.)

BRISAEUS (Bpio-otos), a surname of Dio-
nysus, derived from mount Brisa in Lesbos
(Steph. Byz. s. v. Bpiaa), or from a nymph Brisa,
who was said to have brought up the god. (Schol.
ad Pers. Sat. i. 76.) [L. S.]

BRISE'IS ( BpuTTjis ), a patronymic from
Briseus, and the name of Hippodameia, the daugh-
ter of Briseus of Lymessus, who fell into the
hands of Achilles, and about whom the quarrel
arose between Achilles and Agamemnon. (Hom.
11. i. 184, &c.; Achilles.) [L. S.J

BRISEUS (Bpto-eus), the father of Briseis, was
a son of Ardys and king of the Leleges at Pedasus,
or a priest at Lymessus. (Hom. //. i. 392, ii. 689.)
Bi'iseus is said to have hanged himself when he
lost his daughter. (Diet. Cret. ii. 17.) [L. S.j

BRITANNICUS.

BRISO, M. A'NTIUS, tribune of the plcbs,
n.c. 137, opposed the tabellaria lex of his colleague
L. Cassius Longinus, but was induced by Scipio
Africanus the Younger to withdraw his opposition.
(Cic. Brut. 25.)

BRITA'NNICUS, son of Claudius and Messa-
liua, appears to have been born in the early part of
the year A. d. 42, during the second consulship of
his father, and was originally named Claudius Tif>e-
ritis Germatiicus. In consequence of victories, or
pretended victories, in Britain, the senate bestowed
on the emperor the title of Britannicus, which was
shared by the infant prince and retained by him
during the remainder of his life as his proper and
distinguishing appellation. He was cherished as
the heir apparent to the throne until the disgraceful
termination of his mother's scandalous career (a. D.
48) ; but Claudius, soon after his marriage with
the ambitious and unscrupulous Agrippina, was
prevailed upon by her wiles and the intrigues of
the freedman Pallas, her paramour, to adopt L. Do-
mitius, her son by a former husband, to grant him
Octavia, sister of Britannicus, in marriage, and to
give him precedence over his own offspring. This
preference was publicly manifested the year fol-
lowing (51), for young Nero was prematurely in-
vested with the manly gown, and received various
marks of favour, while Britannicus still wore the
simple dress of a boy. Indications of jealousy
were upon this occasion openly displayed by Brit-
annicus towards his adopted brother, and Agrip-
pina seized upon his conduct as a pretext for re-
moving by banishment or death the most worthy
of his preceptors, and substituting creatures of her
own in their place. Claudius is said before his
death to have given tokens of remorse for his con-
duct, and to have hastened his own fate by incau-
tiously dropping some expressions which seemed to
denote a change of purpose. After the accession of
Nero, Britannicus might perhaps have been per-
mitted to live on in harmless insignificance, had
he not been employed as an instrument by Agrip-
pina for working upon the fears of her rebellious
son. For, when she found her wishes and com-
mands alike disregarded, she threatened to bring
the claims of the lawful heir before the soldiery
and publicly to assert his rights. Nero, alarmed
by these menaces, resolved at once to remove a
rival who might prove so dangerous : poison was
procured from Locusta — the same apparently whose
infamy has been immortalized by Juvenal — and
administered, but without success. A second dose
of more potent efficacy was mixed with a draught
of wine, and presented at a banquet, where, in ac-
cordance with the usage of those times, the chil-
dren of the imperial family, together with other
noble youths, were seated at a more frugal board
apart from the other guests. Scarcely had the cup
touched the lips of the ill-fated prince, when he
fell back speechless and breathless. While some
fled, and others remained gazing in dismay at the
horrid spectacle, Nero calmly ordered him to be
removed, remarking that he had from infancy been
subject to fits, and would soon revive. The obse-
quies were hurried over the same night ; historians
concur in reporting, that a terrible storm burst
forth as the funeral procession defiled through the
fonim towards the Campus Martins, and Dion
adds, that the rain, descending in torrents, washed
away from the face of the murdered boy the white
paint with which it had been smeared, and re-

BRITOMARTIS.

505

vealed to the gaze of the populace the features
swollen and blackened by the force of the deadly-
potion.

There is some doubt and confusion with regard
to the date of the birth of Britannicus. The sUite-
ment of Suetonius {Claud. 27), that he was born in
the second consulship of Claudius and on the twen-
tieth day of his reign, is inconsistent with itself ;
for Claudius became emperor on the 24th of Janu-
ary, A. D. 41, and did not enter upon his second
consulship until the 1st of January, a. d. 42. Ta-
citus also has committed a blunder upon the point,
for he tells us, in one place {Ann. xii. 25), that
Britannicus was two years younger than Nero ;
and we learn from another {Ann. xiii. 15), that he
was murdered at the beginning of a. d. 55, a few
days before he had completed his fourteenth year.
But we can prove, from Tacitus himself {Ami. xii.
58, xiii. 6), that Nero was born a. d. 37, and from
Suetonius that the event took place upon the 15th
of December ; therefore, according to this last as-
sertion, Britannicus must have been born in the
year 39 or at the beginning of 40 at latest ; but
this would bring him to the completion of his
fifteenth year in 55. If Britannicus was bom on
the twentieth day after his father's accession, then
he would be on the eve of completing his fourteenth
year in January, 55 ; if he was born in the second
consulship of Claudius, and this seems to be the
opinion of Dion Cassius (Ix. 12), he was only about
to enter upon his fourteenth year. Under the first
supposition, he was somewhat more than three
years younger than Nero ; under the second, some-
what more than four. (Tacit. Ann. xi. 4, 26, 32,
xii. 2, 25, 41, xiii. 15, 16 ; Suet. Claud. 27, 43,
Nero, 6, 7, 33 ; Dion Cass. Ix. 12, 22, 34, Ixi. 7.)

[W. R.]

COIN OP BRITANNICUS.

BRITOMA'RIS, a leader of the Senonian
Gauls, who induced his countrymen to murder the
Roman ambassadors who had been sent to com-
plain of the assistance which the Senones had
rendered to the Etruscans, then at war with Rome.
The corpses of the Roman ambassadors were man-
gled with every possible indignity ; and as soon as
the Roman consul, P. Cornelius Dolabella, heard
of this outrage, he marched straight into the coun-
try of the Senones, which he reduced to a desert,
and murdered all the males, with the exception of
Britomaris, whose death he reserved for his tri-
umph. (Appian, Samn. v. 1, 2, p. 55, ed. Schw.,
Gall. xi. p. 83; comp. Polyb. ii. 19; Li v. Epit.
12.)

BRITOMARTIS (BpjT<J/xapT<s), appears to
have originally been a Cretan divinity of hunters
and fishermen. Her name is usually derived from
PpiTvs, sweet or blessing, and ndpris, i. e. yuapvd,
a maiden, so that the name would mean, the sweet
or blessing maiden. (Paus. iii. 14. § 2 ; Solin. 11.)
After the introduction of the worship of Artemis
into Crete, Britoraartis, between whom and Artemis
there were several points of resemblance, was

606

BRIZO.

placed in some relation to her : Artemis, who loved
her, assumed her name and was worshipped under
it, and in the end the two divinities became com-
pletel}' identified, as we see from the story which
makes Britomartis a daughter of Leto. (Callim,
Hymn, in Dian. 189, with the Schol. ; Paus, ii. 30.
§ 3; Schol. ad Aristoph. Ran. 1402; Eurip.
Jphig. Taur. 126; Aristoph. Ban. 1358 ; Virg.
Cir. 305.) The mythus of Britomartis is given
by some of the authorities just referred to.
She was a daughter of Zeus and Carme, the
daughter of Eubulus She \vas a nymph, took
great delight in wandering about hunting, and was
beloved by Artemis. Minos, who likewise loved
her, pursued her for nine months, but she fled
from him and at last threw herself into the nets
which had been set by fishermen, or leaped from
mount Dictynnaeum into the sea, where she be-
came entangled in the nets, but was saved by
Artemis, who now made her a goddess. She was
worshipped not only in Crete, but appeared to the
inhabitants of Aegina, and was there called
Aphaea, whereas in Crete she received the sur-
name Dictymna or Dictynna (from Siktvou., a net ;
comp. Diod. v. 76). According to another tradi-
tion, Britomartis was fond of solitude, and had
vowed to live in perpetual maidenhood. From
Phoenicia (for this tradition calls her mother Carme,
a daughter of Phoenix) she went to Argos, to the
daughters of Erasinus, and thence to Cephallenia,
where she received divine honours from the in-
habitants under the name of Laphria. From
Cephallenia she came to Crete, where she was
pursufcd by Minos ; but she fled to the sea-coast,
where fishermen concealed her under their nets,
whence she derived the surname Dictynna, A
sailor, Andromedes, carried her from Crete to
Aegina, and when, on landing there, he made an
attempt upon her chastity, she fled from his vessel
into a grove, and disappeared in the sanctuary of
Artemis. The AeoHnctans now built a sanctury
to her, and worshipped her as a goddess. (Anton.
Lib. 40.) These wanderings of Britomartis un-
questionably indicate the gradual diffusion of her
worship in the various maritime places of Greece
mentioned in the legend. Her connexion and
ultimate identification with Artemis had naturally
a modifying influence upon the notions entertained
of each of them. As Britomartis had to do with
fishermen and sailors, and was the protectress of
harbours and navigation generally, this feature was
transferred to Artemis also, as we see especially in
the Arcadian Artemis ; and the temples of the two
diviniti&s, therefore, stood usually on the banks of
rivers or on the sea-coast. As, on the other hand,
Artemia was considered as the goddess of the
moon, Britomartis likewise appears in this light :
her disappearance in the sea, and her identification
with the Aeginetan Aphaea, who was undoubtedly
a goddess of the moon, seem to contain sufficient
proof of this, which is confirmed by the fact, that
on some coins of the Roman empire Dictynna
appears with the crescent. Lastly, Britomartis was
like Artemis drawn into the mystic worship of
Hecate, and even identified with her. (Eurip.
Hippol. 141, with the Schol. ; comp. Muller, Ae-
yinet. p. 163, &c. ; Hock, Kreta, ii. p. 158, &c.;
Did. of Ant. s. v. AiKrvvvia.) [L. S.]

BRIZO (Bptfw), a prophetic goddess of the
island of Delos, who sent dreams and revealed
their meaning to man. Her name is connected

BROTEAS.
with Ppi^etv, to fall asleep. The women of Dfelos
offered sacrifices to her in vessels of the shape of
boats, and the sacrifices consisted of various things ;
but fishes were never offered to her. Prayers were
addressed to her that she might grant everything
that was good, but especially, that she might pro-
tect ships. (Athen. viii. p. 335 ; Eustath. ad Horn.
p. 1720; Hesych. s. v. Bpi^o/xauTis.) [L. S.]

BROCCHUS, a Roman cognomen, was origi-
nally applied to a person who had teeth standing
out. It was the name of a family of the Furia
gens, and occurs on coins. In the one annexed, the
obverse is III vm Brocchi with the head of Ceres,
and the reverse L. Fvui Cn. F. with a sella curulis

and fasces on each side of it. This Brocchus is
not mentioned by ancient writers : he may have
been a triumvir of the mint or for the purchase of
corn. Pighius assigns the surname of Brocchus to
several persons of the Furia gens : but the only
Brocchi of this gens mentioned by ancient writers,
as far as we are aware, are :

1. T. (Furius) Brocchus, the uncle of Q. Liga-
rius. (Cic. pro Lig. 4.)

2. Cn. Furius Brocchus, detected in adultery,
and grievously punished. (Val. Max. vi. 1. § 13.)

BROCCHUS, C. ANNAEUS, or ANNEIUS,
a Roman senator, who was plundered by Symma-
chus, one of the Venerii, a new class of publican!
instituted by Verres. (Cic. Verr. iii. 40.)

BROCCHUS, ARME'NIUS, a proconsul in
the time of Domitian. (Plin. Ep. x. 71.)

BROGITA'RUS, a Gallo-Grecian, a son-in-law
of king Deiotarus. He was an unworthy and
nefarious person, who has become known only
through the fact, that P. Clodius, in his tribune-
ship, B. c. 58, sold to him, by a lex tribunicia, for
a large sum of money, the office of high priest of
the Magna Mater at Pessinus, and the title of
king, (Cic, pro Sest, 26, de Ilarusp. Hesp. 13,
comp. ad Q. Fratr. ii. 9.) [L. S.)

BROME or BRO'MIE, one of the nymphs who
brought up Dionysus on mount Nysa. (Hygin.
Fab. 182 ; Serv. ad Virg. Edog. vi. 15.) [L. S.J

BRO'MIUS (Bpo/itoj), a surname of Dionysus,
which some explain by saying, that he was born
during a storm of thunder and lightning (Diod. iv.
5 ; Dion Chrys. Or. 27) ; others derive it from
the nymph Brome, or from the noise of the Bac-
chantic processions, whence the verb fipo/xed^ecrdai,
to rage like a Bacchant (Ov. Net. iv. 11; Orph.
Lith. xviii. 77.) There is also a mythical personage
of this name. (Apollod. ii. 1. § 5.) [L. S.J

BRONTES. [Cyclopes. J

BRONTI'NUS {Bpoin7uos), of Metapontum, a
Pythagorean philosopher, to whom, as well as to
Leon and Bathyllus, Alcmaeon dedicated his works.
According to some accounts, Brontinus married
Theano, the daughter of Pythagoras. (Diog. Laert.
viii. 83 ; Suidas, s. v. Oeavw ; Iambi, nt. Fyth.
§ 267.) lamblichus (Villoison, Anec. Gr. voL ii.
p. 198) quotes a work of Brontinus.

BRO'TEAS {BporUs). 1. A son of Vulcan.

BRUTUS.

»nd Minerva, who burnt himself that he might not
be taunted with his ugliness. (Ov. /few, 517.)

2. One of the fighters at the marriage of Phi-
ncus. (Ov. Met. v. 106.)

3. A Lapith, who was slain at the marriage of
Pii-ithous. (Ov. Met. xii. 260.)

4. The father of Tantalus, who had been mar-
ried to Clytaemnestra before Agamemnon. The
common account, however, is, that Thyestes was
the father of this Tantalus. (Paus. ii. 22. § 4.)

5. A son of Tantalus, who, according to a tradi-
tion of the Magnetes, had made the most ancient
•tatue of the mother of the gods on the rock of
Coddinos. (Paus. iii. 22. § 4.) [L. S.]

BRUNI'CHIUS (Bpoui/tx^os), a chronographer
of uncertain date, referred to by Joannes Malala
(vol. i. p. 239), the title of whose work was eKdecris
Bpovvixlov 'Puixaiov xpofoypdcpov.

BRUSUS (Bpovaos), a son of Emathius, from
whom Brusis, a portion of Macedonia, was believed
to have derived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. v.
BpoOais.) [L. S.]

BRUTI'DIUS NIGER. [Niger.]

BRU'TIUS (BpouTios), an historian and chro-
nographer, is called by the writer of the Alexan-
drian chronicle (p. 90), who quotes some things
from him respecting Danae and Perseus, 6 <TO(pai-
TUTos iiXTopiKos Kcu xpovorypoLtpos. He is also
mentioned by Joannes Malala (vol. i. pp. 39, 326,
340) and by Ilieronymus in the Chronicle of Eu-
sebius ; and Scaliger, in his notes upon this pas-
sage (p. 205), has conjectured, that he may be the
same as the Brutius Praesens whose daughter,
Brutia Crispina, married L. Aurelius Commodus,
the son of M. Aurelius : but this is quite uncer-
tain. (Vossius, de Hint. Graec. p. 409, ed. Wester-
niann.)

BRUTTIA'NUS LUSTRICUS. [Lustricus.]

BRU'TTIUS. 1. A Roman knight, for whom
Cicero wrote a letter of introduction to M\ Acilius
Glabrio, proconsul in Sicily in b. c. 46. (Cic. ad
Farn. xiii. 38.)

2. A philologer, with whom M. Cicero, the son
of the orator, studied at Athens, in B. c. 44. (Cic.
ad Fam. xvi. 21.)

BRU'TTIUS SURA. [Sura.]

BRU'TULUS PA'PIUS, a man of noble rank
and great power among the Samnites, who per-
suaded his countrymen to undertake a second war
against the Romans ; but the Samnites, after their
disiisters in B. c. 322, became anxious for a peace,
and resolved to deliver up Brutulus to the Romans.
His corpse, however, was all that they could give
their enemies; for Brutulus put an end to his
own life, to avoid perishing by the hands of the
Romans. (Liv. viii. 39.)

BRUTUS, the name of a plebeian family of the
Junia Gens, which traced its descent from the first
consul, L. Junius Brutus. (Comp. Cic. J^hil. i. 6,
Brut. 4.) It was denied by many of the ancients that
this family could be descended from the first consul,
first, because the latter was a patrician, and secondly,
because his race became extinct at his death, as he
had only two sons, who were executed by his own
orders. (Dionys. v. 18, comp. vL 70; Dion. Cass,
xliv. 12; Plut. ^rw^, 1.) Posidonius, indeed, as-
serted that there was a third son, who was a child
when his brothers were put to death, and that the
plebeian family was descended from him ; and he
even pretended to discover a likeness in many of
the Bruti to the sUitue of the first consul (Plut.

BRUTUS.

507

/. c.) But this tale about a third son is such an
evident invention, to answer an objection that had
been started by those who espoused the other side
of the question, that it deserves no credence ; and
nothing was more natural than that the family
should claim descent from such an illustrious an-
cestor, especially after the murder of Caesar, when
M. Brutus was represented as the liberator of his
country from tyranny, like his name-sake of old.
It is, however, by no means impossible, that the
fiimily may have been descended from the first con-
sul, even if we take for granted that he was a pa-
trician, as we know that patricians sometimes
passed over to the plebeians : while this descent
becomes still more probable, if we accept Niebuhr's
conjecture {Rom. Hist. i. p. 522, &c.), that the first
consul was a plebeian, and that the consulship was,
at its first institution, shared between the two or-
ders.

The surname of Brutus is said to have been
given to L. Junius, because he pretended idiocy in
order to save himself from the last Tarquin, and
the word is accordingly supposed to signify an
"idiot." (Liv. i. 56; Dionys. iv. 67, who trans-
lates it -^Kidios ; Nonius, p. 77.) Festus, how-
ever, in a passage (s. v. Brutum) which is pointed
out by Arnold {Rom. Hist. i. p. 104), tells us, that
Brutus, in old Latin, was synonymous with Gra-
vis ; which, as Arnold remarks, would show a
connexion with fidpus. The word may, there-
fore, as a surname, have been originally much the
same as Severus. This conjecture we think more
probable than that of Niebuhr's, who supposes it
to mean a " runaway slave," and connects it with
the Brettii, "revolted slaves," whence the Brutii
are supposed to have derived their name (Strab.
vi. p. 225 ; Diod. xvi. 15 ; Gell. x. 3) : he further
observes, that this name might easily have been
applied by the Tarquins to Brutus as a term of
reproach. {Rom. Hist. i. pp. 63, 98, 515.)

I. L. Junius Brutus, was elected consul in
B. c. 509, according to the chronology of the Fasti,
upon the expulsion of the Tarquins from Rome.
His story, the greater part of which belongs to
poetry, ran as follows : The sister of king Tarquin
the Proud, married M. Brutus, a man of great
wealth, who died leaving two sons under age. Of
these the elder was killed by Tarquin, who covet-
ed their possessions ; the younger escaped his bro-
ther's fate only by feigning idiocy, whence he re-
ceived the surname of Brutus. After a while,
Tarquin became alarmed by the prodigy of a serpent
crawling from the altar in the royal palace, and
accordingly sent his two sons, Titus and Aruns, to
consult the oracle at Delphi. They took with
them their cousin Brutus, who propitiated the
priestess with the gift of a golden stick enclosed in
a hollow staff. After executing the king's com-
mission, the youths asked the priestess who was to
reign at Rome after Tarquin, and the reply was,
" He who first kisses his mother." Thereupon the
sons of Tarquin agreed to draw lots, which of
them should first kiss their mother upon arriving
at Rome ; but Brutus, who better understood the
meaning of the oracle, stumbled upon the ground
as they quitted the temple, and kissed the earth,
mother of them all. Soon after followed the rape
of Lucretia ; and Brutus accompanied the unfor-
tunate father to Rome, when his daughter sent
for him to the camp at Ardea. Brutus was pre-
sent at her death, and the moment had now come

508

BRUTUS.

for avenging his own and his country's wrongs.
In the capacity of Tribunus Celeruni, which office
he then held, and which bore the same relation to
the royal power as that of the Magister Equitum
did to the dictatorship, he summoned the people,
obtained the banishment of the Tarquins, and was
elected consul with L. Tarquinius Collatinus in the
comitia centuriata. Resolved to maintain the free-
dom of the infant republic, he loved his country
better than his children, and accordingly put to
death his two sons, when they were detected in a
conspiracy with several other of the young Roman
nobles, for the purpose of restoring the Tarquins.
He moreover compelled his colleague, L. Tarquinius
Collatinus, to resign his consulship and leave the
city, that none of the hated family might remain in
Rome. And when the people of Veii and Tar-
quinii attempted to bring Tarquin back by force
of arms, Brutus marched against them, and, fight-
ing with Aruns, the son of Tarquin, he and Aruns
both fell, pierced by each other''8 spears. The ma-
trons mourned for Brutus a year, and a bronze
statue was erected to him on the capitol, with a
drawn sword in his hand. (Liv. i. 56 — 60, ii. I —
7 ; Dionys. iv. 67 — 85, v. 1 — 18; Macrob. ii.
16 ; Dion. Cass. xlii. 45 ; Plut. Brut. 1.)

The contradictions and chronological impossibi-
lities in this account have been pointed out by
Niebuhr. (i. p. 511.) Thus, for instJince, the last
Tarquin is said to have reigned onl}' twenty-five
years, and yet Brutus is represented as a child at
the beginning of his reign, and the father of young
men at the close of it. Again, the tale of his
idiocy is irreconcileable with his holding the re-
sponsible office of Tribunus Celenim. That he did
hold this office seems to bean historical fact (Pom-
pon, de Orig. Juris^ Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 2. § 15) ;
and the story of his idiocy probably arose from
his surname, which may, however, as we have
seen, have had a very different meaning originally.

2. T. Junius Brutus, and

3. Ti. Junius Brutus, the sons of the first
consul and of Vitellia (Liv. ii. 4), were executed
by their father's orders, as related above. (Dionys.
V. 6— 8 ; Liv.ii, 4, 5.)

4. L. Junius Brutus, one of the leaders of the
plebeians in their secession to the Sacred Mount,
B. c. 494, is represented by Dionysius as a ple-
beian, who took the surname of Bnitus, that his
name might be exactly the same as the first con-
sul's. He was, according to the same authority,
chosen one of the first tribunes of the plebs in this
year, and also plebeian aedile in the year that
Coriolanus was brought to trial. (Dionys. vi. 70,
&c., 87—89, vii. 14, 26.) This Brutus is not
mentioned by any ancient writer except Dionysius,
and Plutarch {Coriol. 7) who copies from him.
The old reading in Asconius {in Cornel, p. 76, ed.
Orelli) made L. Junius C. F. Paterculus one of the
first tribunes ; but Junius was an alteration made
by Manutius, and Paterculus nowhere occurs as a
cognomen of the Junia gens : the true reading is
Albinius. [Albinius.] Niebuhr supposes (i.p. 617)
that this L. Junius Brutus of Dionysius is an en-
tirely fictitious person.

5. D. Junius Brutus Scaeva, magister
equitum to the dictator Q. Publilius Philo, b. c.
339, and plebeian consul in 325 with the patrician
L. Furius Camillus. He carried on war in his
consulship against the Vestini, whom he conquered
in battle, after a hard contest, and took two of

BRUTUS.

their towns, Cutina and Cingilia. (Liv. viii. 12,
29; Diod. xviii. 2.)

6. D. Junius D. f. Brutus Scaeva, legate
B. c. 293 in the army of the consul Sp. Carvilius
Maximus, and consul in 292. (Liv. x. 43, 47.)
In his consulship he conquered the Faliscans : Sp.
Carvilius, the consul of the preceding year, served
under him as legate by command of the senate.
(Zonar. viii. 1.)

7. D. Junius Brutus, probably a son of the
preceding, exhibited, in conjunction with his
brother Marcus, the first gladiatorial combat at
Rome in the P'orum Boarium, at his father's
funeral in B. c. 264. (Liv. EpU. 16 ; Val. Max.
ii. 4. § 7.)

8. M. Junius Brutus, brother of the preced-
ing. (Val. Max. I. c.)

9. M. Junius Brutus, tribune of the plebs,
B. c. 195, endeavoured with his colleague P.Junius
Brutus to prevent the repeal of the Oppia lex,
which restrained the expenses of women. He was
praetor in 191, and had the jurisdiction in the
city, while his colleagues obtained the provinces.
During his praetorship he dediaited the temple of
the Great Idaean Mother, on which occasion the
Megalesian games were performed for the first
time. {Diet, of Ant. s. v. Alegalesia.) He was one
of the ambassadors sent into Asia in 189, to settle
the terms of peace with Antiochus the Great.
(Liv. xxxiv. 1 ; Val. Max. ix. 1. § 3 ; Liv. xxxv.
24, xxxvi. 2, 36, xxxvii. 55.) This M, Junius
Brutus may be the same as No. 12, who was con-
sul in 178.

10. P. Junius Brutus, probably the brother of
the ])receding, was his colleague in the tribunate,
B. c. 1 95. He was curule aedile in 1 92, and prae-
tor in 1 90 ; in the latter office he had the province
of Etniria, where he remained as propraetor in the
following year, 1 89. From thence he was sent by
the senate into Further Spain, which was decreed
to him as a province. (Liv. xxxiv. 1 ; Val. Max.
ix. 1. § 3 ; Liv. xxxv. 41, xxxvi. 45, xxxvii. 2,
50, 57.)

11. D. Junius Brutus, one of the triumvirs
for founding a colony in the territory of Sipontum,
B. c. 194. (Liv. xxxiv. 35.)

The annexed sterama exhibits the probable fa-
mily connexion of the following persons, Nos. 12
to 17 inclusive.

12. M. Junius Brutus, cos. B, c. 178.

I

1 3. M. Junius Brutus,

the jurist.

.1

14. M. Junius Brutus,

the accuser.

15. D. Junius Brutus Gal-
laecus, COS. B. c. 138.

16. D.Junius Brutus,
COS. B. c. 77.

I
17. D.Junius Brutus Albinus,
one of Caesar's assassins.

12. M. Junius M. f. L. n. Brutus, the son of
No. 9, unless he is the same person, was consul B. c.
178, and had the conduct of the war against the
Istri, whom he subdued in the following year, and
compelled them to submit to the Romans. (Liv.
xl. 69., xli. 9, 14, 15 ; Obsequ. 62.) He was one
of the ambassadors sent into Asia in 171, to exhort
the allies to assist the Romans in their war against
Perseus. He was an unsuccessful candidate for
the censorship in 169. (Liv. xlii. 45, xliii. 16.)

BRUTUS.

13.* M. Junius Brutus, an eminent Roman
jurist, who, judging from his praenomen and the
time in which he is said to have lived, was pro-
bably a son of No. 1 2. He is mentioned by Pom-
ponius (Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 39), along with P. Mucins
and Manilius, as one of the three founders of civil
law ; and it may be inferred from Pomponius, that
though he was praetor, he never attained the rank
of consul. The passage of Pomponius, according to
tlie reading which has been suggested, is as follows :
— Post Iios fuerunt P. Mucius et Manilius et Brutus
[vulg. et Brutus et Manilius], qui fundaveruntjus
civile. Ex his P. Mucius etiam decern libellos
relupiitj septem Afanilius, Brutus tres [vulg. Brutus
septem, Manilius tres]. lUi duo consulares /ueru7ti,
Brutus praetoriusy P. autem Mucius etiam pontifex
maaeimus. The transposition of the names Brutus
and Manilius makes the clause Ilii duo consu-
lares fuerunty Brutus praetorius, consistent with
the former part of the sentence. It also makes
the testimony of Pomponius consistent with that
of Cicero, who reports, on the authority of Scaevola,
that Brutus left no more than three genuine books
de jure civile. {De Orat. ii. 55.) That more, how-
ever, was attributed to Brutus than he really
wrote may be inferred from the particularity of
Cicero's statement. Brutus is frequently referred
to as a high authority on points of law in ancient
classical and legal authors (e. g. compare Cic. de
Fin. i. 4, and Dig. 7. tit. 1. s. 68, pr.; again, com-
pare Cic. ad Fain. vii. 22, and Gell. xvii. 7). In
the books of Brutus are contained some of the
responsa which he gave to clients, and he and
Cato are censured by Cicero for publishing the
actual names of the persons, male and female, who
consulted them, as if, in law, there were anything
in a name. {De Orat. ii. 32.) From the frag-
ments we possess {de Orat. ii. 55), Brutus certainly
appears to enter into unlawyer-like details, giving
us the very names of the villas where he happened
to be. Whether Ser\-ius Sulpicius commented upon
Brutus is a much disputed question. Ulpian (Dig.
14. tit. 3. 8. 5. § 1) cites Servius libro primo ad
Bruium, and Pomponius (Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 2. § 44)
asserts that Sereins duos lil/ros ad Brutum perquam
brevissimos ad Edictum subscriptos reliquit. It is
commonly supposed that Servius, instead of com-
menting on the work of the jurisconsult, dedicated
his short notes on the Edict to M. Junius Bnitus,
the assassin of Julius Caesar, or else to the father
of the so-called tyrannicide. (Zimmem, B. M. G.
§ 75 ; Majansius, vol. i. pp. 127 — 140.)

14. M. Junius Brutus, a son of the pre-
ceding, studied law like his father, but, instead of
seeking magistracies of distinction, became so noto-
rious for the vehemence and harshness of his
prosecutions, that he was named Aceusator. (Cic.
de Off. ii. 14.) He did not spare the highest rank,
for among the objects of his attack was M. Aemilius
Scaurus. (Cic. pro Font. 13.) He was a warm
and impassioned orator, though his oratory was
not in good taste. It should be rem.irked that all
we know of the son is derived from the unfavour-
able representations of Cicero, who belonged to the
opposite political party. Brutus, the father, was a
man of considerable wealth, possessing baths and
three country seats, which were all sold to support
the extravagance of the son. Brutus, the son, in

* Nos. 13, 14, 19, 20, being reckoned jurists,
are written by J. T. G.

BRUTUS.

509

the accusation of On. Plancus, made some charges
of inconsistency against L. Licinius Crassus, the
orator ; and Cicero twice {de Orat. ii. 55, pro
Cluent. 51) relates the bons mots {bene dicia) of
Crassus, recriminating upon the extravagance of
the accuser.

15. D. Junius M. f. M. n. Brutus Gallae-
cus (Callaecus) or Callaicus, son of No. 12 and
brother of No, 1 3, was a contemporary of the Grac-
chi, and one of the most celebrated generals of his age.
He belonged to the aristocratical party, and in his
consulship with P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, in B. c.
138, distinguished himself by his opposition to the
tribunes. He refused to bring before the senate a
proposition for the purchase of com for the people ;
and when the tribunes wished to have the power
of exempting ten persons apiece from the military
levies, he and his colleague refused to allow them
this privilege. In consequence of this they were
committed to prison by the tribune C. Curiatius.
(Val. Max. iii. 7. § 3 ; Li v. Epit. 55 ; Cic. de Leg.
iii. 9.) The province of Further Spain was assign-
ed to Brutus, whither he proceeded in the same
year. In order to pacify the province, he assigned
lands to those who had served under Viriathus,
and founded the town of Valentia. But as Lusi-
tania continued to be overmn with parties of
marauders, he laid waste the country in every
direction, took numerous towns, and advanced aa
far as the river Lethe or Oblivio, as the Romans
translated the name of the river, which was also
called Limaea, Limia or Belion, now Lima. (Strab.
iii. p. 153 ; Mela, iii. 1 ; Plin. H. N. iv. 22, s. 35.)
Here the soldiers at first refused to march further;
but when Brutus seized the standard from the
standard-bearer, and began to cross the river alone,
they immediately followed him. From thence they
advanced to the Minius (Minho), which he crossed
and continued his march till he arrived at the
ocean, where the Romans saw with astonishment
the sun set in its waters. In this country he sub-
dued various tribes, among whom the Bracari are
mentioned as the most warlike. He also conquered
the Gallaeci, who had come to the assistance of
their neighbours with an army of 60,000 men, and
it was from his victory over them that he obtained
the surname of Gallaecus. The work of subjuga-
tion, however, proceeded but slowly, as many towns
after submission again revolted, among which Ta-
labriga is particularly mentioned. In the midst of
his successes, he was recalled into Nearer Spain
by his relation, Aemilius Lepidus (Appian, HisjK
80), and from thence he proceeded to Rome, where
he celebrated a splendid triumph, b. c. 1 36, for his
victories over the Lusitanians and Gallaeci. Dru-
mann {Gesch. Boms, vol. iv, p. 8), misled apparently
by a passage in Eutropius (iv. 19), places his tri-
umph in the same year as that of Scipio's over
Numantia, namely, in b, c, 132, (Liv. Epit. 55,
56; Appian, //isp. 71—73; Flor. U. 17. § 12;
Oros. V. 5 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 5 ; Cic. pro Bath. 17 ;
Plut. Quae^st. Bom. 34, TV, Gracch. 21 ; Val, Max, vi.
4, extern, 1,)

With the booty obtained in Spain, Brutus
erected temples and other public buildings, for
which the poet L. Accius wrote inscriptions in
verse. (Cic. pro Arch. 1 1 ; Plin. xxxvi, 4. s, 5, § 7;
Val. Max. viii, 14, § 2.) The last time we hear
of Brutus is in b. c. 129, when he served under
C, Sempronius Tuditjvnus against the Japydes, and
by ills niiliuiry skill giiined a victory for the consul.

510

BRUTUS.

and thereby repaired the losses which the latter
had sustained at the commencement of the cam-
paign. (Liv. Epit. 59.)

Brutus was a patron of the poet L. Accius, and
for the times was well versed in Greek and Roman
literature ; he was also not deficient in oratorical
talent. (Cic. Brut. 28.) We learn from Cicero
{deAm. 2\ that he was augur. The Clodia men-
tioned by Cicero in a letter to Atticus (xii. 22),
whom Orelli supposes to be the mother of this
Brutus, was in all probability his wife, and the
mother of the consul of B. c. 77. [No. 16.] (Dru-
mann, /. c. )

16. D. Junius D. f. M. n. Brutus, son of the
preceding, distinguished himself by his opposition
to Satuminus in b. c. 100. (Cic. pro Ralir. perd.
7.) He belonged to the aristocratical party, and
is alluded to as one of the aristocrats in the oration
which Sallust puts into the mouth of Lepidus
against Sulla. (Sail. Hist. i. p. 937, ed. Cortius.)
He was consul in b. c. 77, with Maraercus Le-
pidus (Cic. Brut. 47), and in 74 became security
for P. Junius before Verres, the praetor urbanus.
(Cic. Verr. i. 55, 57.) He was well acquainted
with Greek and Roman literature, (Cic, Brut. L c.)
His wife Sempronia was a well-educated, but li-
centious woman, who carried on an intrigue with
Catiline ; she received the ambassadors of the
Allobroges in her husband's house in 63, when he
was absent from Rome. (Sail. Cat. 40.) We
have no doubt that the preceding D. Brutus is the
person meant in this passage of Sallust, and not
D, Brutus Albinus, one of Caesar's assassins [No.
17], as some modem writers suppose, since the
ktter is called an adolescens by Caesar {B. G. iii.
11) in 56, and therefore not likely to have had
Sempronia sis his wife in 63 ; and because we
know that Paulla Valeria was to marry Brutus
Albinus in 50, (Caelius, aci Fam. viiL 7.)
^0(1^1 • D, Junius Brutus Albinus, one of Cae-
sar's assassins, who must not be confounded with
the more celebrated M. Junius Brutus, was in all
probability the son of No. 16 and of Sempronia,
as we know that they had children (Sail. Cat. 25),
and the praenoiaen is the same. This D. Brutus
was adopted by A. Postumius Albinus, who was
consul b. c. 99 [Albinus, No. 22], whence he is
called Brutus Albinus ; and this adoption is com-
memorated on a coin of D. Brutus figured on p. 93.
(Plut. Caes. 64, &c.. Ant. 1 1 ; Dion Cass. xliv. 14.)
We first read of him as serving under Caesar in
Gaul when he was still a young man. Caesar
gave him the command of the fleet which was sent
to attack the Veneti in b, c, 56. (Caes, B. G. iii.
11; Dion Cass, xxxix. 40-42.) He seems to have
continued in Gaul till almost the close of the war, but
his name does not occur frequentl)-, as he did not
hold the rank of legatus. He served against
Vercingetorix in 52 (Caes. B. G. vii, 9), and ap:
pears to have returned to Rome in 50, when he
married Paulla Valeria. (Cael. ad Fam. viii, 7.)
On the breaking out of the civil war in the follow-
ing year (49), he was recalled to active service,
and was placed by Caesar over the fleet which
was to besiege Massilia, D. Brutus, though in-
ferior in the number of his ships, gained a vic-
tory over the enemy, and at length obtained pos-
session of Massilia, (Caes, B. C. i, 36, 56, &c.,
ii. 3-22 ; Dion Cass, xli. 19-22.) After this, he
had the command of Further Gaul entrusted to
bira where he gained a victory over the Bellovaci ;

BRUTUS.

and so highly was he esteemed by Caesar, that on
his return from Spain through Italy, in 45, Caesar
conferred upon him the honour of riding in hia
carriage along with Antony and his nephew, the
young Octavius. (Plut. Ajit. 11,) Caesar gave
him still more substantial marks of his favour, by
promising him the government of Cisalpine Gaul,
with the praetorship for 44 and the consulship for
42. In Caesar's will, read after his death, it was
found that D. Brutus had been made one of his
heirs in the second degree ; and so entirely did
he possess the confidence of Caesar, that the other
murderers sent him to conduct their victim to the
senate-house on the day of the assassination. The
motives which induced D, Brutus to take part in
the conspiracy against his friend and benefactor
are not stated ; but he could have no excuse for
his crime ; and among the instances of base ingra-
titude shewn on the ides of March, none was so
foul and black as that of D, Brutus, (Liv, Epit.
114, 116; Dion Cass, xliv, 14, 18, 35; Appian,
B. C. ii. 48, 111, 113, 143, iiu 98; Suet. Caes. 81,
83 ; Veil. Pat. ii, 56.)

After Caesar's death (44), D. Brutus went into
his province of Cisalpine Gaul, and when Antony
obtained from the people a grant of this province,
Brutus refused to surrender it to him. His con-
duct was warmly praised by Cicero and the sena-
torial party ; but so little was he prepared to re-
sist Antony, that when the latter crossed the
Rubicon towards the close of the year, D. Brutus
dared not meet him in the field, but threw him-
self into Mutina, which was forthwith besieged
by Antony. In this town he continued till
April in the following year (43), when the siege
was raised by the consuls Hirtius and Pansa, who
were accompanied by Octavianus. Antony was
defeated, and fled across the Alps; and as Hirtiua
and Pansa had fallen in the battle, the command
devolved upon D, Brutus, since the senate was un-
willing to entrust Octavianus with any further
power. He was not, however, in a condition to
follow up his victory against Antony, who mean-
time had collected a large army north of the Alps,
and was preparing to march again into Italy.
Octavianus also had obtained the consulship, not-
withstanding the ill-will of the senate, and had
procured the enactment of the lex Pedia, by which
the murderers of Caesar were outlawed, and the
execution of the sentence entrusted to himself.
D. Brutus was now in a dangerous position. An-
tony was marching against him from the north,
Octavianus from the south ; his own troops could
not be depended upon, and L, Plancus had already
deserted him and gone over to Antony with three
legions. He therefore determined to cross over to
M, Brutus in Macedonia ; but his soldiers deserted
him on the march, and he was betraj'ed by Camil-
lus, a Gaulish chief, upon whom he had formerly
conferred some favours, and put to death, by order
of Antony, by one Capenus, a Sequanan, b. c, 43.
(Cicero's Letters and Philippics; Liv, Epit. 117-
120; Dion Cass, xlv, 9, 14, xlvi, 35, &c,, 53 ;
Appian, B. C. iii. 74, 81, 97, 98 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 64.)

18. M. Junius Brutus, praetor in b. c. 88,
was sent with his colleague Servilius by the se-
nate, at the request of Marius, to command Sulla,
who was then at Nola, not to advance nearer
Rome. (Plut. Sull. 9.) On Sulla's arrival at Rome,
Brutus was proscribed Avith ten other senators.
(Appian, B. C. i. 60.) He subsequently served

BRUTUS.

under On Papirius Carbo, the consul, b. c. 8*2, and
was sent by him in a fishing-boat to Lilybaeuni ;
but finding himself surrounded by Pompey's fleet,
he put nn end to his own life, that he might not
full into the hands of his enemies. (Liv. Epit. 89.)
Cicero, in a letter to Atticus (ix. 14), mentions a
report, that Caesar intended to revenge the death
of M. Brutus and Carbo, and of all those who had
been put to death by Sulla with the assistance
of Pompey. This M. Junius Brutus is not to be
confounded, as he often is, with L. Junius Brutus
Damasippus, praetor in 82 [No. 19], whose sur-
name we know from Livy (Epit. 86 ) to have been
Lucius ; nor with M. Junius Brutus [No. 20], the
father of the so-called tyrannicide.

19. L. JuNit's Brutus Damasippus, an active
and unprincipled partizan of Marius. The j'ounger
Marius, reduced to despair by the blockade of
Praeneste (b. c. 82), came to the resolution that
his greatest enemies should not survive him. Ac-
cordingly he managed to despatch a letter to L.
Brutus, who was then praetor urbanus at Rome,
desiring him to summon the senate upon some
false pretext, and to procure the assassination of
P. Antistius, of C. Papirius Carbo, L. Domitius,
and Scaevola, the pontifex maximus. The cruel
and treacherous order was too well obeyed, and
the dead bodies of the murdered senators were
thro^vn unburied into the Tiber. (Appian, B. C.
i. 88 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 26.)

In the same year L. Brutus made an ineffectual
attempt to relieve Praeneste : the consul of Cn. Pa-
pirius Carbo, despairing of success, fled to Africa ;
but L. Brutus, with others of his party, advanced
towards Rome, and were defeated by Sulla. L.
Bnitus was taken prisoner in the battle, and was
put to death by Sulla. (Appian, B. C. i. 92, 93 ;
Sail. Cat. 51 ; Dion Cass. Frag. 135, p. 54, ed.
Reimar.)

Some confusion has arisen from the circumstance
that the subject of this article is sometimes spoken
of with the cognomen Damasippus, and sometimes
with that of Brutus. (Duker, ad Flor. iii. 21.
p. 685.) He appears now as L. Damas^ippus, and
now as Junius Brutus. Perhaps he was adopted by
one of the Licinii, for the cognomen Damasippus
belonged to the Licinian gens (Cic. ad Fam. vii.
23); and an adoptive name, in reference to the
original name, was often alternative, not cumula-
tive. The same person may have been L. Junius
Brutus and L. Licinius Damasippus.

20. M. Junius Brutus, the father of the so-
called tyrannicide [No. 21] is described by Cicero
as well skilled in public and private law ; but he
will not allow him to be numbered in the rank of
orators. (Cic Brut. 36.) He was tribune a. c. 83
( Cic. pro Quint. 20 ) ; and the M. Brutus who is
spoken of with some asperity by Cicero for hav-
ing made an impious attempt to colonize Capua
{de Leg. Agr. ii. 33, 34, 36), in opposition to omens
and auspices, and who is said, like all who shared
in that enterprise, to have perished miserably, is
supposed by Emesti {C/av. Cic.) after Mazochius
{Ampldthmt. Camp. p. 9; Poleni, Thes. Supp. v.
217) to have been the pater interfed'oiHs. He no
doubt made this attempt in his tribunate.

M. Brutus married Servilia, who was the daugh-
ter of Q. Servilius and of Livia, the sister of Dru-
sus, and thus was half-sister of Cato of Utica by
tlie mother's side. Another Servilia, her sister,
was the wife of Lucullus. The Q. Servilius Caepio,

BRUTUS.

5M

who afterwards adopted her son, was her brother.
She traced her descent from Servilius Ahala, the
assassin of Sp. Maelius. (Plut. Brut. 1.) This
asserted descent explains the pronoun vester in the
masculine gender in a passage of Cicero's Orator
(c. 45), which was addressed to the younger Brutus :
" Quomodo enim vester axilla ala factus est, nisi
fuga literae vastioris." It is in reference to this
descent that we find the head of Servilius Ahala
on the coins of the so-called tyrannicide : one is
figured on p. 83. Servilia was a woman of great
ability, and had much influence with Cato, who
became the father-in-law of her son.

Brutus, besides his well-known son, had two
daughters by Servilia, one of whom was married
to M. Lepidus, the triumvir (Veil. Pat. ii. 88 ;
compare Cic. ad Fam. xii. 2), and the other to C.
Cassius. The name, other than Junia, of the for-
mer, is not known. Asconius, in his commentary
on the speech pro Mtione, mentions Cornelia, cujus
castitas pro eaemplo habita est, as the wife of Lepi-
dus ; but perhaps Lepidus was married twice, as a
daughter of Brutus could not have borne the
family-name Cornelia. The wife of Cassius was
named Tertia, or, by way of endearment, Tertulla.
Some have supposed, without reason, that Bnitus
had but one daughter, Tertia Junia, who was mar-
ried successively to Lepidus and Cassius ; and
Lipsius (cited Orelli, Onomast. Cic. s. r. Tertia)
erroneously (see ad Ait. xiv. 20) makes Tertia the
daughter of Servilia by her second husband.

There is much reason to suspect that Servilia
intrigued with Caesar (Plut. Brut. 5), who is said
to have believed his assassin to have been his
own son ; but this cannot have been, for Caesar was
only fifteen years older than the younger Brutus.
Scandal went so far as to assert, that Tertia, like
her mother, was one of Caesar's mistresses ; and
Suetonius (Cues. 30) has preserved a double entendre
of Cicero in allusion to Servilia's supposed conni-
vance at her daughter's shame. This anecdote re-
fers to a time subsequent to the death of the elder
Brutus. The death of Tertia, a. d. 22, when she
must have been very old, is recorded by Tacitus
(Ann. iii. 76), who states that the images of twenty
of the noblest families graced her funeral ; " sed
praefiilgebant Cassius atque Brutus, eo ipso, quod
effigies eorum non visebantur."

The knowledge of these family connexions gives
additional interest to the history of the times.
Though the reputed dishonour of his wife did not
prevent the father from actively espousing the poli-
tical party to which Caesar belonged, yet it is pos-
sible, but not very probable, that the rumour of
Caesar's amours with a mother and a sister may
afterwards have deepened the hostility of the son.

When Lepidus, B.C. 77, endeavoured to succeed
to the leadership which had become vacant by the
death of Sulla, Brutus was placed in command of
the forces in Cisalpine Gaul ; and, at Mutina, he
for some time withstood the attack of Pompey's
hitherto victorious army ; but, at length, either
finding himself in danger of being betrayed, or
voluntarily determining to change sides, he put
himself and his troops in the power of Pompey, on
the understanding that their lives should be spared,
and, sending a few horsemen before him, retired to
the small town of Rhegium near the Padus. There,
on the next day, he was slain by one Geminius,
who was sent by Pompey for that purpose. Pom-
pey (who had forwarded despatches on successive

512 BRUTUa

days to the senate to announce first the surrender

and then the death of Brutus) was much and justly

blamed for this cruel and perfidious act. (Plut.

Pomp. 16; Appian, B. C. ii. Ill ; Liv. Epit.

90.)

21. M. Junius Brutus, the son of No. 20, by
Servilia, was bom in the autumn of b. c. 85. He
was subsequently adopted by his uncle Q. Servilius
Caepio, which must have happened before B. c.
59, and hence he is sometimes called Caepio or Q.
Caepio Brutus, especially in public documents, on
coins, and inscriptions. (On the coin annexed the

inscription on the reverse is Caepio Brutus Pro-
cos.) He lost his fether at the early age of eight
years, but his mother, Servilia, assisted by her two
brothers, continued to conduct his education with
the utmost care, and he acquired an extraordinary
love for learning, which he never lost in after-life.
M. Porcius Cato became his great political model,
though in his moral conduct he did not follow his
example. In 59, when J. Caesar was consul and
had to silence some young and vehement republi-
cans, L. Vettius on the instigation of the tribune,
P. Vatinius, denounced Brutus as^n accomplice in
a conspiracy against Pompey's life ; but as it
was well known that Brutus was perfectly in-
nocent, Caesar put a stop to the prosecution. When
it was thought necessary in 58 to remove from
Rome some of the leading republicans, Cato was
sent to Cyprus, and Brutus accompanied him.
After his return to Rome, Brutus seems for some
years to have taken no part in public proceedings,
and not to have attached himself to any party. In
53 he followed Appius Claudius, whose daughter
Claudia he had married, to Cilicia, where he did
not indeed, like his father-in-law, plunder the pro-
vincials, but could not resist the temptation to
lend out money at an exorbitant rate of interest.
He probably did not return to Rome till 51.
During his absence Cicero had defended Milo, and
Brutus also now wrote a speech, in which he en-
deavoured to show that Milo not only deserved no
punishment, but ought to be rewarded for having
murdered Clodius. This circumstance, together
with Cicero's becoming the successor of Appius
Claudius in Cilicia, brought about a sort of con-
nexion between Cicero and Brutus, though each
disliked the sentiments of the other. Cicero,
when in Cilicia, took care that the money which
Brutus had lent was repaid him, but at the same
time endeavoured to prevent his transgressing the
laws of usury, at which Brutus, who did not re-
ceive as high a percentage as he had expected,
appears to have been greatly offended. In 50
Brutus defended Appius Claudius, against whom
two serious charges were brought, and succeeded
in getting him acquitted.

When the civil war broke out in 49 between Cae-
sar and Pompey, it was believed that Brutus would
join the party of Caesar ; but Brutus, who saw in
Pompey the champion of the aristocrac}-, suppressed
his personal feelings towards the murderer of his fa-

BRUTUS.

ther, and followed the example of Cato, who de-
clared for Pompey. Brutus, however, did not
accompany Cato, but went with P. Sextius to
Cilicia, probably to arrange matters with his
debtors in Asia, and to make preparations for the
war. In 48, he distinguished himself in the en-
gagements in the neighbourhood of Dyrrhachium,
and Pompey treated him Avith great distinction.
In the battle of Pharsalia, Caesar gave orders not
to kill Brutus, probably for the sake of Servilia,
who implored Caesar to spare him. (Plut. Brut. 5.)
After the battle, Brutus escaped to Larissa, but did
not follow Pompey any further. Here he wrote
a letter to Caesar soliciting his pardon, which was
generously granted by the conqueror, who even
invited Brutus to come to him. Brutus obeyed,
and, if we may believe Plutarch {Brut. 6), he in-
formed Caesar of Pompey's flight to Egj-pt. As
Caesar did not require Brutus to fight against his
former friends, he withdrew from the war, and
spent his time either in Greece or at Rome in his
favourite literary pursuits. He did not join Cae-
sar again till the autumn of 47 at Nicaea in Bithy-
nia, on which occasion he endeavoured to interfere
with the conqueroron behalf of a friend of kingDeio-
tarus, but Caesar refused to comply with the request.
In the year following Brutus was made governor
of Cisalpine Gaul, though he had been neither
praetor nor consul ; and he continued to serve the
dictator Caesar, although the latter was making war
against Brutus's own relatives in Africa. The
provincials in Cisalpine Gaul were delighted with
the mild treatment and justice of Brutus, whom
they honoured with public monuments : Caesar
too afterwards testified his satisfaction with his
administration. As his province was far from the
scene of war, Brutus as usual devoted his time to
study. At this time, Cicero made him one of the
speakers in the treatise which bears the name
of Brutus, and in 46 he dedicated to him his
Orator. In 45, Brutus was succeeded in his pro-
vince by C. Vibius Pansa, but did not go to Rome
immediately. Before his return, he published his
eulogy on Cato, in which Cicero found sentiments
that hurt his vanity, as his suppression of the con-
spiracy of Catiline was not spoken of in the terms
he would have liked. Accordingly, upon the ar-
rival of Brutus at one of his country-seats near
Rome, a certain degree of coldness and want of
confidence existed between the two, although they
wrote letters to each other, and Cicero, on the ad-,
vice of Atticus, even dedicated to him his work
De Fitiibus. About this time, Brutus divorced
Claudia, apparently for no other reason than that
he wished to marry Portia, the daughter of Cato.
After tiie close of Caesar's war in Spain, Brutus
went from Rome to meet him, and, in the begin-
ning of August, returned to the city with him.

In 44 Brutus was praetor urbanus,and C. Cassius,
who had been disappointed in his hope of obtain-
ing the praetorship, was as much enraged against
Brutus as against the dictator. Caesar promised
Brutus the province of Macedonia, and also held
out to him hopes of the consulship. Up to this
time Brutus had borne Caesar's dictatorship with-
out expressing the least displeasure ; he had served
the dictator and paid homage to him, nor had he
thought it contrary to his republican principles to
accept favours and offices from him. His change
of mind which took place at this time was not the
result of his reflections or principles, but of the

BRUTUS,
influence which Cassias exercised over him. He
was persuaded by Cassiua to join the conspirators
who murdered Caesar on the loth of March, 44.
After the deed was perpetrated he went to the
forum to address the people, but found no favour.
The senate, indeed, pardoned the murderers, but
this was only a farce played by M. Antony to ob-
tain their sanction of the Julian laws. The mur-
derers then assembled the people on the capitol,
and Brutus in his speech promised that they should
receive all that Caesar had destined for them. All
parties were apparently reconciled. But the
arrangements which Antony made for the funeral
of Caesar, and in consequence of which the people
made an assault upon the houses of the conspira-
tors, shewed them clearly the intentions of Antony.
Bnitus withdrew into the country, and during his
stay there he gave, in the month of July, most
splendid Ludi ApoUinares, hoping thereby to turn
the disposition of the people in his favour. But
in this he was disappointed, and as Antony as-
sumed a threatening position, he sailed in Sep-
tember to Athens with the intention of taking
possession of the province of Macedonia, which
Caesar had assigned him, and of repelling force by
force. After staying at Athens a short time in
the company of philosophers and several young
Romans who attached themselves to his cause, and
after receiving a very large simi of money from the
quaestor M. Appuleius, who brought it from
Asia, Brutus intended to proceed to Macedonia.
But the senate had now assigned this px'ovince to
Antony, who, however, towards the end of the
year, transferred it to his brother, the praetor C.
Antonius. Before, however, the latter arrived,
Brutus, who had been joined by the scattered
troops of Pompejr, marched into Macedonia, where
he was received by Q. Hortensius, the son of the
orator, as his legitimate successor. Brutus found
an abundance of arms, and the troops stationed in
Illyricum, as well as sevend other legions, joined
him. C. Antonius, who also arrived in the mean-
lime, was unable to advance beyond the coast of
Illyricum, and at the beginning of 43 was besieged
in Apollonia and compelled to surrender. Brutus
disregarded all the decrees of the senate, and re-
solved to act for himself. While Octavianus in
the month of August 4.S obtained the condemnation
of Caesar's murderers, Brutus was engaged in a
war against some Thracian tribes to procure money
for himself and booty for his soldiers. About this
time he assumed the title imperator, which, to-
gether with his portrait, appear on many of his
coins. The things wliicli were going on mean-
time in Italy seemed to affect neither Brutus nor
Cassius, but after the triumvirate was establish-
ed, Brutus began to prepare for war. Instead,
however, of endeavouring to prevent the enemy
from landing on the coast of the Ionian sea, Brutus
and Cassius separated their forces and ravaged
Rhodes and Lycia. Loaded with booty, Brutus
and Cassius met again at Sardis in the beginning
of 42, but it was only the fear of the triumvirs
that prevented them from falling out with each
other. Their carelessness was indeed so great,
that only a small fleet was sent to the Ionian sea
under the command of Statius Murcus. Before
leaving Asia, Brutus had a dream which foreboded
his ruin at Philippi, and in the autumn of 42 the
battle of Philippi was fought. In the first engage-
meat Brutus conquered the army of Octavianus,

BRYAXIS. 513

while Cassius was defeated by Antony. But in a
second battle, about twenty days later, Brutus
was defeated and fell upon his own sword.

From his first visit to Asia, Brutus appears as
a man of considerable wealth, and he afterwards
increased it by lending money upon interest. He
possessed an extraordinary memory and a still more
extraordinary imagination, which led him into
superstitions differing only from those of the multi-
tude by a strange admixture of philosophy. He was
deficient in knowledge of mankind and the world,
whence he was never able to foresee the course of
things, and was ever surprised at the results. Hence
also his want of independent judgment. The quan-
tity of his varied knowledge, which he had acquired
by extensive reading and his intercourse with philo-
sophers, was beyond his control, and was rather an
encumberance to him than anything else. Nothing
had such charms for him as study, which he prose-
cuted by day and night, at home and abroad. He
made abridgements of the historical works of C. P'an-
niusandCaelius Antipater,and on the eve of the bat-
tle of Pharsalus he is said to have been engaged in
making an abridgement of Polybius. He also wrote
several philosophical treatises, among which we have
mention of those On Duties, On Patience, and On
Virtue. The best of his literary productions, how-
ever, appear to have been his orations, though
they are censured as having been too dry and
serious, and deficient in animation. Nothing would
enable us so much to form a clear notion of his
character as his letters, but we unfortunately pos-
sess only a few (among those of Cicero), the
authenticity of which is acknowledged, and a few
passages of others quoted by Plutarch. {Brut. 2,
22, Cic. 45.) Even in the time of Plutarch {Brut.
53) there seem to have existed forged letters of
Brutus; and the two books of " Epistolae ad Bra-
tum," usually printed among the works of Cicero,
are unquestionably the fabrications of a later time.
The name of Brutus, his fatal deed, his fortunes
and personal character, offered great temptations
for the forgery of such documents ; but these let-
ters contain gross blunders in history and chrono-
logy, to which attention was first drawn by Erasmus
of Rotterdam. {Epht. i. 1.) Brutus is also said to
have attempted to write poetry, which does not
seem to have possessed much merit. (Cicero, in
tlie passages collected in Orelli's Onomast. Tull. ii.
pp. 319— 324 ; Pint. Life o/Bndus; Appian, B. C.
ii. 11 — iv. 132 ; Dion Cass. lib. xli. — xlviii. Re-
specting his oratory and the extant fragments of
it, see Meyer, Orai. Rom. Fragm. p. 443, &c., 2nd
edit. ; comp. Weichert, Poet. Lat. Reliq. p. 125 ;
Drumann, Gesch. Roms, iv. pp. 18 — 44.)

BRYAXIS {Bpva^is), an Athenian statuary in
stone and metal, cast a bronze statue of Seleucus,
king of Syria (Plin. //. iV. xxxiv. 8. s. 19), and,
together with Scopas, Timotheus, and Leochares,
adorned the Mausoleum with bas-reliefs. (Plin.
H. N. xxxvi. 5. s. 4.) He must have lived accord-
ingly B. c. 372—312. (Sillig. Catal. Art. s. v.)
Besides the two works above mentioned, Bryaxis
executed five colossal statues at Rhodes (Plin.
H. N. xxxiv. 7. s. 1 8), an Asclepios (//. iV. xxxiv.
8. 8. 19), a Liber, father of Cnidus {H. JV. xxxvi.
5), and a statue of Pasiphae. (Tatian. ad Grace..
54.) If we believe Clemens Alexandrinus {Proir.
p. 30, c), Bryaxis attained so high a degree of per-
fection, that two statues of his were ascribed by
some to Phidia?. C^^'I-J

21.

514

BRYENNIUS.

BRYE'NNIUS, JOSE'PHUS ('Icoo-^^ BpyfV-
vtos), a Greek priest and eloquent preacher, died
between a. d. 1431 and 1438. He is the author
of a great number of treatises on religious subjects,

. as well as of several letters to distinguished persons
of his time respecting theological and ecclesiastical
matters. His works were first published under the
title "*Iw(T7)(/) fjLOvaxov tov Bpvevvlov rci ei5pe0ei'TO
Sl iiriixeKeias Evyevlov, AiaKdvov rrjs BovXyapeias,
ijSr] TO irpuTov riiwois eKS6devTa^'*'' three volumes,
8vo. Leipzig, 1768 — 1784. This edition contains
only the Greek text. Eugenius, diaconus in Bul-
garia, was in possession of a fine manuscript of the
works of Bryennius, and he is the author of a life
of Bryennius contained in the preface to the Leip-
zig edition. The works of Bryennius were known
and published in extracts long before the complete
edition of them appeared. Leo Allatius refers to,
and gives extracts firom, several of his treatises,
Buch as " Orationes II de Futuro Judicio et Sem-
pitema Beatitudine," in which the author main-
tained peculiar views respecting purgatory ; "Ora-
tio de Sancta Trinitate ;" " Oratio de Transfigura-
tione Domini;'" "Oratio de Domini Cnicifixione ;"
&c. The style of Bryennius is remarkably pure
for his time. (Leo AUat. De Libris ei Rebus Ecdes.
Graec. parsi. pp. 136, 141, 14.3, 237, &c., 31 1,339-
343, De Consensu Utriusque Ecclesiae, pp. 529, 837,
863, &c.; Cave, Hist. Liter. Appendix, p. 121 ; Fa-
bric. Bibl. Graec xi. p. 659, &c.) [W. P.]

BRYE'NNIUS, MA'NUEL (Mapovr^\ BpveV
vios), a Greek writer on music, is probably identi-
cal with one Manuel Bryennius, the contemporary
of the emperor Andronicus 1., who reigned from
1282 till 1328. Bryennius wrote 'ApfioviKo., or a
eommentary on the theory of music, which is di-
vided into three books, in the first of which he
frequently dwells upon the theory of Euclid, while
in the second and third books he has chiefly in
view that of Ptolemy the musician. The learned
Meibomius intended to publish this work, and to
add it to his '• Antiquae Musicae Autores Septem,"
Amsterdam, 1 652 ; but he was prevented from ac-
complishing his purpose. The " Hannonica" hav-
ing attracted the attention of John Wallis, who
perused the Oxford MSS., he published it in 1680
together with the "Harmonica" of Ptolemy and
Borne other ancient musicians ; he also added a Latin
translation. The "Harmonica" of both Bryen-
nius and Ptolemy are contained in the third volume
of Wallis's works, Oxford, 1699. (Fabric. Bibl.
Graec. iii. pp. 648, 649 ; Labbe, Biblioth. Nov.
MSS. p. 118.) [W. P.]

BRYE'NNIUS, NICE'PHORUS (NtKTjc^o'pos
"Rpvivvios), the accomplished husband of Anna
Comnena, was born at Orestias in Macedonia in
the middle of the eleventh century of the Christian
aera. He was the son, or more probably the ne-
phew, of another Nicephorus Bryennius, who is re-
nowned in Byzantine history as one of the first
generals of his time, and who, having revolted
against the emperor Michael VII. Ducas Parapi-
naces, assumed the imperial title at Dyrrhachium
in 1071. Popular opinion was in favour of the
usurper, but he had to contend with a third rival,
Nicephorus Botaniates, who was supported by the

• aristocracy and clergy, and who succeeded in de-
posing Michael and in becoming recognized as em-
peror under the name of Nicephorus III. The
contest then lay between Nicephorus Botaniates
and Nicephorus Bryennius, against whom the for-

BRYENNIUS.

mer sent an army commanded by Alexis Comnentis.
who afterwards became emperor. Bryennius w;i8
defeated and made prisoner by Alexis near Cala-
brya in Thrace : he was treated by the victor with
kindness ; but Basil, the emperor's minister, order-
ed his eyes to be put out. His son, or nephew,
the subject of this article, escaped the fate of his
relative ; and no sooner had Alexis Comnenus as-
cended the throne (1081), than the name of Bry-
ennius became conspicuous as the emperor's most
faithful friend.

Bryennius was not only distinguished by bodily
beauty and military talents, but also by his learn-
ing, the affability of his manners, and the wisdom
he shewed in the privy council of the emperor.
During the first differences with the crusaders, he
was one of the chief supports of the throne ; and,
in order to reward him for his eminent services,
Alexis created for him the dignity of panhyperse-
bastos — a title until then unknown in the code of
Byzantine ceremonies, and which gave the bearer
the rank of Caesar. But Bryennius is also called
Caesar, and we must therefore suppose that this
title was formally conferred upon him. The greatest
mark of confidence, however, which Alexis bestow-
ed upon him was the hand of his daughter, Anna
Comnena, with whom Bryennius lived in happiness
during forty years. Bryennius distinguished him-
self in the war between Alexis and Bohemond,
prince of Antioch, and negotiated the peace of 1108
to the entire satisfaction of his sovereign.

Anna Comnena and the empress Irene tried to
persuade the emperor to name Bryennius his
successor; but Alexis wovdd not deprive his son
John of his natural rights. After the death of
Alexis in 111 8, and the accession of John, Anna
and Bryennius conspired against the young em-
peror, but the conspiracy failed. [AnnaComnbna.]
The cause of its failure was the refusal of Bryen-
nius to act in the decisive moment, for which ho
was severely blamed by his haughty wife. They
were punished with confiscation of their estates
and banishment to Oenoe, now Unieh, on the Black
Sea, where they led a retired life during several
years. Br^'ennius afterwards recovered the favour
of the emperor. In 1137 he went to Cilicia and
Syria with the intention of relieving the siege of
Antioch by the crusaders ; but ill health compelled
him to return to Constantinople, where he died
soon afterwards.

Bryennius is the author of a work entitled "TAtj
laropias, which is a history of the reign of the em-
perors Isaac I. Comnenus, Constantine XI. Ducas,
Roman us III, Diogenes, and Michael VII. Ducas
Parapinaces ; his intention was to write also the
history of the following emperors, but death pre-
vented him from carrying his design into execution.
This work, which is divided into four books, is one
of the most valuable of the Byzantine histories, and
is distinguished by the clearness of the narrative.
Its principal value arises from its author being not
only a witness but also one of the chief Laders in
the events which he relates, and from his being
accustomed to, and having the power of forming a
judgment upon, important affairs. The editio prin-
ceps forms part of the Paris collection of the Byzan-
tines, and was published by Pierre Poussines at the
end of Procopius, Paris, 1661, fol,, with notes and
a Latin translation. The editor, who dedicated the
work to Christina, queen of Sweden, perused two
MSS., one of Cujas, and the other of Favre de St.

nUBASTIS.

Joirc. Du Cange has written excellent notes upon it,
wliicii form an app«Midix to his edition of Cinnanius,
Paris, 1()70, fol. Cousin (le president) translated
it into French in his usuiil extravagant and inac-
curate way, which induced Gibbon to say, "did he
ever think ?" A new and careful edition has been
published by Meineke, together with Cinnamus
("Nicephori Bryennii Coramentarii," Bonn, 1836,
8vo.), which forms part of the Bonn collection of the
Byzantines. It contains the notes of Pierre Pous-
sines and Du Cange, and the Latin translation of
the former revised by the editor. (Anna Comnena,
Alexias; Cinnamus, i. 1-10; Fabric. jBi6/. Graec.
vii. p. 674; Hankius, de Dyzant. Rer. Script. Graec,
pp. 492—507.) [W. P.]

BRYSON {Bpv<r(av\ mentioned by lamblichus
( Vit. Pyili, c. 23) as one of those youths whom
Pythagoras instructed in his old age. He was
perhaps the same writer that is mentioned in the
extract from Theopompus found in Athenaeus (xi.
p. 508), where Plato is charged with having bor-
rowed from Brj'son, the Heracleot, and others, a
great deal that he introduced into his dialogues as
his own. A saying of Bryson's is refuted by Aris-
totle in his EM. ili. 2, 13. [A. G.]

BU'BARES (Bou§c{prjs), the son of Megabazus,
a Persian, was sent into Macedonia to make in-
quiries after the missing Persian envoys, whom
Alexander, the son of Amyntas I., had caused to
be murdered at his father's court, about B. c. 507.
Alexander induced Bubares to pass the matter
over in silence, by giving him great presents and
also his sister Gygaea in marriage. By this Gy-
gaea Bubares had a son, who was called Amyntas
after his grandfather. (Herod, v. 21, viii. 136.)

In conjunction with Artachaees, Bubares super-
intended the construction of the canal which Xerxes
made across the isthmus of Athos. (Herod, vii. 22.)

BUB AST IS (Bougao-Tts), an Egyptian divinity
whom the Greeks used to identify with their own
Artemis, and whose genealogy they explain ac-
cordingly. (Herod, ii. 137, 156 ; Steph. Byz, s.v.
BougcwTos.) She was a daughter of Osiris and
Isis, and sister of Horus (Apollo). Her mother,
Isis, entrusted Bubastis and Horus to Buto, to
protect them from Typhon. In the town of Buto
there was a temple of Bubastis and Horns, but the
principal seat of the worship of Bubastis was in
the town of Bubastus or Bubastis. Here her
sanctuary was surrounded by two canals of the
Nile, and it was distinguished for its beautiful
situation as well as for the style of the building.
(Herod, ii. 137, 138.) An annual festival was
celebrated to the goddess here, which was attend-
ed by immense crowds of people (Herodotus, ii.
60^, estimates their number at 700,000), and was
spent in great merriment. But the particulars, as
well as the object of the solemnity, are not known,
though the worship of Bubastis continued to a very
late time. (Ov. Met. ix. 687 ; Gratius, De Venat.
42.) The animal sacred to Bubastis was the cat ;
and according to Stephanus of Byzantium, the
name Bubastis itself signified a cat. When cats
died they were carefully embalmed and conveyed
to Bubastis. (Herod, ii. 67.) The goddess herself
was represented in the form of a cat, or of a female
Avith the head of a cat, and some specimens of such
representations, though not many, are still extant.
This is explained in the legend of Bubastis by the
Btory, that when the gods fled from Typhon, Bu-
bastis (Artemis, Diana) concealed herself by

BUBULCTJS.

516

assuming the appearance of a cat. (Ov. Met. v.
329 ; Anton. Lib. 28.) But it seems more
natural to suppose here, as in other instances of
Egyptian religion, that the worship of Bubastis
was originally the worship of the cat itself, which
was subsequently refined into a mere symbol of
the goddess. The fact that the ancients identify
Bubastis with Artemis or Diana is to us a point of
great difficulty, since the information which we
possess respecting the Egj-ptian goddess presents
little or no resemblance between the two divinities.
The only point that might seem to account for the
identification, is, that Bubastis, like Artemis, was
regarded as the goddess of the moon. The cat
also was believed by the ancients to stand in some
relation to the moon, for Plutarch (De Is. el Os.
63) says, that the cat was the symbol of the moon
on account of her different colours, her busy
ways at night, and her giving birth to 28 young
ones during the course of her life, which is exactly
the number of the phases of the moon. (Comp.
Phot. Bibl. p. 343, a., ed. Bekker ; Demeter. PhaL
Uepl'EpiJLrjv. § 159, ed. Oxford.) It might, there-
fore, seem that Bubastis, being the daughter of
Osiris (the sun) and Isis (the moon), was con-
sidered as the symbol of the new moon. But the
interpretation given by Plutarch cannot be regard-
ed as decisive, for in another passage {De Is. et
Os. 74) he gives a different account of the sym-
bolical meaning of the cat. Another point in
which some think that Bubastis and Artemis
coincide, is the identity of the two with Eileithyia.
But although Artemis and Eileithyia may have
been the same, it does not follow that Bubastis
and Eileithyia were likewise identical, and origi-
nally thev must have been different, as the mode
ot worship ot the latter was incompatible with the
religion of the Egyptians. (Manetho, ap. Plut. De
Is. et Os. 73 ; Herod, ii. 45 ; Macrob. i. 7.) We
must, therefore, be contented with knowing the
simple fact, that the Greeks identified the Egyp-
tian Bubastis with their own Artemis, and that in
later times, when the attributes of different divini-
ties were exchanged in various ways, the features
peculiar to Eileitliyia were transferred to Bubastis
(Anihol. Graec. xi. 81) and Isis. (Ov. Amor. ii.
13.) Josephus (J?^^. c/wrf. xiii. 3. §2) mentions
Bubastis with the surname dypia, or the rustic, who
had a temple near Leontopolis in the nomos of
Heliopolis, which had fallen into decay as early as
the reign of Ptolemy Philometor. (Comp. Jablon-
sky Panth. Aeg. Jii. 3 ; Pignorius, ErposU. Tab.
Isiacae, p. 66, ed. Amstelod.) [L. S.]

BUBO'NA. The Romans had tvro divinities
whom they believed to be the protectors of stables,
viz. Bubona and Epona, the former being the pro-
tectress of oxen and cows, and the latter of horses.
Small figures of these divinities were placed in
niches made in the wall {aediculae), or in the pillar
supporting tlie roof; sometimes, also, they were
only painted over the manger. (Augustin. De Civ.
Dei, iv. 34 ; Tertull. Apolorj. 16 ; Minuc. Fel. Oct.
28 ; Apul. Met. p. 60 ; Juven. viii. 157.) [L. S.]

BUBULCUS, the name of a family of the Junia
gens. (Plin. H. N. xviii. 37 ; comp. Plut. Poplic.
11.) There are only two persons of this family
mentioned, both of whom bear the name of Brutus
also ; of these, one is called in the Fasti Capitolini
Bubulcus Brutus, and the other Brutus Bubulcus :
thoy may therefore have belonged to the BruU,
and not to a distinct family of the Junia gens.

2 I, 2

516

BUBULCUS.

1. C. Junius C. f. C. n. Bubulcus Brutus,
was consul b. c. 317 and again in 313, in the lat-
ter of which years Saticula was founded. (Liv. ix.
20, 21, 28 ; Diod. xix. 17, 77; Festus, s.v. Sati-
cula.) He was magister equitum in 312 to the
dictiitor C. Sulpicius Longus (Fast. Capit.) and not
dictator, as he is erroneously called by Livy (ix.
29). He was consul a third time in 311, and
carried on the war against the Samnites with great
success. He retook Cluvia, which the Samnites
had wrested from the Romans, and thence march-
ed to Bovianum, which also fell into his hands.
In his return from Bovianum, he was surprised in
a narrow pass by the Samnites ; but, after a hard-
fought battle, he gained a great victory over them,
and slew 20,000 of the enemy. It must have
been on this occasion that he vowed a temple to
Safety, which he afterwards dedicated in his dic-
tatorship. In consequence of this victory, he ob-
tained the honour of a triumph. (Liv. ix. 30, 31 ;
Diod. XX. 3 ; Fast. Capitol.) In 309 he was again
magister equitum to the dictator L. Papirius Cur-
sor (Liv. ix. 38), and in 307 obtained the censor-
ship with L. Valerius Maximus. During his cen-
sorship he contracted for the building of the temple
of Safety which he had vowed in his consulship,
and he and his colleague had roads made at the
public expense. They also expelled L, Antonius
from tlie senate, (Liv. ix. 43; Val. Max. ii. 9.
§ 2.) Finally, in 302, he was appointed dictator
when the Aequians renewed the war, as a general
rising of the surrounding nations was feared. Bu-
bulcus defeated the Aequians at the first encounter,
and returned to Rome at the end of seven days ;
but he did not kiy down his dictatorship till he
had dedicated the temple of Safety which he had
vowed in his consulship. The walls of this temple
were adorned with paintings by C. Fabius Pictor,
which probably represented the battle he had gained
over the Samnites. (Liv. x. 1 ; Val. Max. viii. 14.
§ 6 ; Plin. xxxv. 4. s. 7.) The festival to com-
memorate the dedication of this temple was cele-
brated, in Cicero's time, on the Nones of Sextilis.
(Cic. ad Ait. iv. 1.)

2. C. Junius C. f. C. n. Brutus Bubulcur,
consul B. c. 291 (Liv. xvii. 6), and again in 277.
In the latter yeiir, he and his colleague P. Corne-
lius Rufinus were sent into Samnium, and sus-
tained a repulse in an attack upon the Samnites
in the mountains. Their loss upon this occasion
led to a quarrel between the consuls, who sepa-
rated in consequence. Zonaras says, that Bubul-
cus remained in Samnium, while Rufinus marched
into Lucania and Bruttium : but, according to the
Capitoline Fasti, which ascribe a triumph over the
Lucanians and Bruttians to Bubulcus, the contrary
must have been the case. (Zonar. viii. 6.)

BUCA, the name of a family of the Aemilia
gens, known to us chiefly from coins.

1. L. Aemilius Buca, the father (Ascon. in
Scaur, p. 29, ed. Orelli), is supposed to have been
quaestor under Sulla, and to have struck the an-
nexed coin to commemorate the dream which Sulla

BULARCHUS.

had on his approach to Rome from Nola, in B. c.
83. (Plut. Sail. 9.) On the obverse is the he.id
of Venus, with L. bvca ; on the reverse a mmi
sleeping, to whom Diana appears with Victory.
(Eckhel, v. p. 121.)

2. L. Aemilius Buca, the son, supplicated the
judges on behalf of M. Scaurus at his trial in B. c.
54. (Ascon. /. c.) The following coin is supposed
to refer to him, on the obverse of which is the
head of Caesar, with perpetvo caesar, and on
the reverse Venus seated holding a small statue of
Victory, with the inscription L. buca. There are
several other coins belonging to this Buca, on some
of which we find the inscription, l. aemilius
buca iiivir, from which it would appear that he
was a triumvir of the mint. (Eckhel, vi. pp. 8, 9.)

M. BUCCULEIUS, a Roman, not unversed in
legal studies, although, in the treatise De Orulore
(i. 39), Cicero puts into the mouth of L. Crassus a
rather sarcastic sketch of his cluxracter. Bucculeius
is there described by Crassus as familiaris 7/OAfcr,
n^que meo judicio stulius, et suo valde, sapiens. An
anecdote is then given of his want of legal caution.
Upon the conveyance of a house to L, Fufius, he
covenanted that the lights should remain in the
state in which they then were. Accordingly Fufius,
whenever any building however distant was raised
which could be seen from the house, commenced
an action against Bucculeius for a breach of agree-
ment [J. T. G.]

BUCILIA'NUS, one of Caesar's assassins, B.c.
44 (Cic. arf .^//. XV. 17, xvi. 4), is called Bnco-
lianus by Appian {B.C. ii. 113, 117), from whom
we learn that he had been one of Caesar's friends.

BUCO'LION (Bou/coAiW), a son of Laomedon
and the nymph Calybe, who had several sons by
Abarbarea. (Hom. //. vi. 21, &c. ; Apollod. iii.
12. § 3 ; Abarbarea.) There are two other
mythical personages of this name. (Apollod. iii.
8. § 1 ; Paus. viii. 5. § 5.) [L. S.]

BU'COLUS (BouK<^\os), two mythical per-
sonages, one a son of Heracles, and the other of
Hippocoon. (Apollod. ii. 7. § 8, iii. 10. § 5.) [L.S.]

BUDEIA (Bou5«a). 1. [Athena.]

2. A Boeotian woman, the wife of Clymenus
and mother of Erginus, from whom the town of
Budeion derived its name. (Eustath. ad Horn. p.
1076.) From the Scholiast on Apollonius Rho-
dius (i. 185), it appears that she was the same as
Buzyge. Others derived the name of the town of
Budeion from an Argive hero, Budeios. (Eustath.
I. c. ; Steph. Bvz. s. v. BovSeia.) [L. S.]

BULARCHUS, a very old painter of Asia
Minor, whose picture representing the defeat of the
Magnesians {Magnetum proelium, Plin. II. iV,
xxxv. 34 ; Magnetum eavidiwn, lb. vii. 39) is said
to have been paid by Candaules, king of Lydia.
with so much gold as was required to cover the
whole of its large surface. This is either a mistake
of Pliny, since Candaules died in B.C. 716, and
the only destruction of Magnesia that is known of
took place after B.C. 676 (see Heyne, Art. Tern-
por. Opitsc. V. p. 349) ; or, what is more probable.

BUPALUS.

the whole story is fictitious, .is Welcker has shewn.
Ijrchiv fur PhUuL 1830, Nos. 9 and 10.) [W- I-l

JiULBUS, a Roman senator and an unprincipled
man, was one of the judices at the trial of Oppia-
nicus. Staienus, another of the judices at the trial,
had received a sum of money to secure the acquit-
tiil of Oppianicus ; but, although Bulbus had ob-
tiined a share of it, he and Staienus condemned
Oppianicus. Bulbus was afterwards condemned
on a charge of treason {majestas) for attempting to
corrupt a legion in Illyricum. (Cic. pro Clucnt, 2G,
35, c. Verr. ii. 32.)

BULBUS, C. ATI'LIUS, was consul in b. c.
245, a second time in 235, and censor in 234. In
his second consulship, in which he had T. Manlius
Torquatus for a colleague, the temple of Janus was
closed for the first time after the reign of Numa.
(Fast Capit. ; Eutrop. ii. 3; Oros. iv. 12; Plut.
Num. 20 ; comp. Liv. L 19.)

BULBUS, C. NORBA'NUS. [Norbanus.]

BULIS(Boi;Ais)and SPE'RTHIAS (27rep0i7}s),
two 6partaii3 of noble rank, voluntjirily offered to
go to Xerxes and offer themselves to punishment,
when the hero Talythibius was enraged against
the Spartans on account of their having murdered
the heralds whom Dareius had sent to Sparta ;
but, upon their arrival at Susa, they were dismissed
uninjured by the king. Their names are written
somewhat differently by different authors. (Herod,
vii. 134, &c. ; Plut. ApopJdh. Lac. 60, p. 235, f.,
Praec. Reipubl. Ger. 19, p. 815, e. ; Lucian, Dem.
Enc. 32; Suidas, s.v.; Stobaeus, Serm. vii. p. 93.)
There was a mournful song upon this Sperthias or
Sperchis, as he is called by Theocritus, which seems
to have been composed when he and his companion
left Sparta. (Theocr. Id. xv. 98.)

BULON (BouAwv), the founder of the town of
Bulls in Phocis. (Paus. x. 37. § 2 ; Steph. Byz.
s. V. BovXts.) [L. S.]

BUNAEA (Bowota), a surname of Hera, de-
rived from Bunus, the son of Hermes and Alcida-
meia, who is said to have built a sanctuary to Hera
on the road which led up to Acrocorinthus. (Paus.
ii. 4. § 7, 3. § 8.) [L.S.]

BU'PALUS,an architect and sculptor of the island
of Chios, where his family is said to have exercised
the art of statuary from the beginning of the
OljTnpiads. (Plin. /f, iV. xxxvi. 5 ; comp. Thiersch,
Epoch. Anm. p. 58.) Bupalus and his brother
Athenis are said by Pliny (/. c.) and Suidas {s. v.
'l-mruiva^) to have made caricatures of the famous
iarabographical poet Hipponax, which the poet re-
quited by the bitterest satires. (Welcker, Hij^.
fragm. p. 12.) This stor}', which we have no
grounds for doubting, gives at once a pretty certain
date for the age of the two artists, for Hipponax
was a contemporary of Dareius (b. c. 524 — 485) ;
and it also accounts for their abilities, which for
their time must have been uncommon. This is
proved moreover by the fact, that Augustus adorned
most of his temples at Rome with their works. It
is to be noticed that marble was their material.
In the earlier period of Greek art Avood and bronze
was the common material, until by the exertions
of Dipoenus and Scyllis, and the two Chian bro-
thers, Bupalus and Athenis, marble became more
general. Welcker {Rhein. jVhiseum, iv, p. 254) has
pointed out the great importance which Bupalus
and his brother acquired by forming entire groups
of statues, which before that time had been wrought
as isolated figures. The father of Bupalus and

BURRUS.

517

Athenis, likewise a celebrated artist, is generally
called Anthermus, which being very differently
spelt in the different MSS. has been rejected by
Sillig (Cat. Art. s. «), who proposes to read
Archcncus. The reading Anthermus for the son'g
name instead of Athenis has long been generally
given up. [W. I.]

BU'PHAGUS (Bovcpayos). 1. A son of lapetus
and Thomaxe, an Arcadian hero and husband of
Promne. He received the wounded Iphicles, the
brother of Heracles, into his house, and took care
of him until he died. Buphagus was afterwards
killed by Artemis for having pursued her. (Paus.
viii. 14. §6, 27. § 11.)

2. A surname of Heracles, Lepreus, and others,
who were believed to have eaten a wliole bull at
once. (Apollod. ii. 7. § 7, 5. § 1 1 ; Aelian, V. H.
L 24 ; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1 523.) [L. S.]

BURA (BoCpa), a daughter of Ion, the ances-
tral hero of the lonians, and Helice, from whom
the Achaean town of Bura derived its name.
(Paus. vii. 25. § 5 ; Steph. Byz. s. v.) [L. S.]

BURA'ICUS (BovpaiKos), a surname of He-
racles, derived from the Achaean town of Bura,
near which he had a statue on the river Buraicus,
and an oracle in a cave. Persons who consulted
this oracle first said prayers before the statue, and
then took four dice from a heap which was always
kept ready, and threw them upon a table. These
dice were marked with certain characters, the
meaning of which was explained with the help of
a painting which hung in the cave. (Paus. vii. 25.
§ 6.) [L. S.]

BURDO, JU'LIUS, commander of the fleet in
Germany, a. d. 70, was obnoxious to the soldiers,
because it was thought that he had had a hand in
the death of Fonteius Capito ; but he was protect-
ed by Vitellius from the vengeance of the soldiers.
(Tac. Hist. i. 58.)

BU'RICHLTS (Boupjxos), one of the command-
ers of Demetrius Poliorcetes in the sea-fight off
Cyprus, b. c. 306, was one of the flatterers of the
king, to whom the Athenians erected an altar and
a heroum. (Died. xx. 52 ; Athen. vi. p. 253, a.)

C.BURRIE'NUS, praetor urbanus about b. c.
82. (Cicjoro Quint. 6,21.)

BURRUS or BURRHUS, AFRANIUS, a
distinguished Roman general under Claudius and
Nero, who was appointed by Claudius sole prae-
fectus praetorio, a. d. 52, upon the recommendation
of Agrippina, the wife of the emperor, as she
hoped to obtain more influence over the praetorian
cohorts by one man being their praefect instead of
two, especially as Burrus was made to feel that he
owed his elevation to her. Burrus and Seneca
conducted the education of Nero, and although
they were men of very different pursuits, yet they
agreed in their endeavours to bring up the young
prince in virtuous habits. When Claudius died in
A. D. 55, Burrus accompanied Nero from the palace
to the praetorians, who, at the command of their
praefect, received Nero with loud acclamations.
It appears, indeed, that Nero owed his elevation
to the throne chiefly to the influence of Burrus.
The executions which Agrippina ordered in the
beginning of Nero's reign were strenuously opposed
by Burrus and Seneca. When Nero had given
orders in a. d. 60 to put his mother Agrippina to
death, and was informed that she had escaped with
a slight wound, he consulted Biurrus and Seneca,
hoping that they would assist him in carrying his

518

liUSIRIS.

plan into effect ; but Bnrrus refused to take any
part in it, and declared that the praetorians were
bound to afford their protection to the whole house
of the Caesars. In the same manner Burrus op-
posed Nero's design of murdering his wife Octavia.
At length, however, Nero, who had already threat-
ened to deprive Burrus of his post, resolved to get
rid of his stern and virtuous officer, and accordingly
had him killed by poison, a. d. 63. Tacitus, in-
deed, states, that it was uncertain whether he died
of illness or in consequence of poison, but the
authority of other writers leaves no doubt that
he was poisoned by the emperor. The death of
Burrus was lamented by all who had felt the bene-
ficial influence he had exercised, and the power
which Seneca had hitherto possessed lost in Burrus
its last supporter. (Tacit. Atm. xii. 42, 69, xiii.
2, 20, &c., xiv. 7, 51, 52; Dion Cass. lii. 13;
Suet. Ner. 35.) [L. S.]

BURSA, a surname of T. Munatius Phincus.
[Plancus.]

BU'RSIO, a cognomen of the Julia gens, which
is known only from coins. There is a large num-
ber, of which the following is a specimen, bearing
on the reverse the inscription L. IVLI. bvrsio, with
Victory in a four-horse chariot. The head on the
obverse has occasioned great dispute among writers
on coins : on account of its wings and the trident,
it may perhaps be intended to represent Ocean.
(Eckhel, v.p. 227,&c.)

RUSA, an Apulian woman of noble birth .and
great wealth, who supplied with food, clothing,
and provisions for their journey, the Roman sol-
diers who fled to Canusium after the battle of
Cannae, B. c. 216. For this act of libenility thanks
were afterwards retunied her by the senate. (Liv.
xxii. 52, 54 ; Val. Max. iv. 8. § 2.)

BUSI'RIS (Bouatpts), according to Apollodorus
(ii. 1. $ 5), a son of Aegyptus, who was killed by
the Danaid Automate ; but according to Diodorus
(i. 17), he was the governor whom Osiris, on
setting out on his expedition through the world,
appointed over the north eastern portion of Egypt,
which bordered on the sea and Phoenicia, In
another place (i. 45) he speaks of Busiris as an
Egyptian king, who followed after the 52 succes-
sors of Menas, and states that Busiris was succeeded
by eight kings, who descended from him, and the
last of whom likewise bore the name of Busiris.
This last Busiris is described as the founder of the
city of Zeus, which the Greeks called Thebes.
ApoUodonis, too (ii. 5. ^ 11), mentions an Egyp-
tian king Busiris, and calls him a son of Poseidon
and Lysianassa, the daughter of Epaphus. Con-
cerning this Busiris the following remarkable story
is told : — Egypt had been visited for nine years
by iminterrupted scarcity, and at last there came a
soothsayer from Cyprus of the name of Phrasius,
who declared, that the scarcity would cease if the
Egyptians would sacrifice a foreigner to Zeus every
year. Busiris made the beginning with the pro-
phet himself, and afterwards sacrificed all the

BUTEO.

foreigners that entered Egypt. Heracles on his
arrival in Egypt was likewise seized and led to the
altar, but he broke his chains and slew Busiris,
together with his son Amphidamas or Iphidamas,
and his herald Chalbes. (ApoUod. I.e.; Schol. ad
Apollon. iv. 1396 ; comp. Herod, ii. 45 ; Cell. ii.
6 ; Macrob. Sat. vi. 7 ; Hygin. Fab. 31.) This
story gave rise to various disputes in later times,
when a friendly intercourse between Greece and
Egj'pt was established, both nations being anxious
to do away with the stigma it attached to the
EgN'ptians. Herodotus (/. c.) expressly denies that
the Egyptians ever offered human sacrifices, and
I Socrates (Z?z«. 15) endeavours to upset the story
by shewing, that Heracles must have lived at a
much later time than Busiris. Others again said,
that it was a tale invented to shew up the inhos-
pitable character of the inhabitants of the town of
Busiris, and that there never was a king of that
name. (Strab. xvii. p. 802.) Diodorus (i. 88)
relates on the authority of the Egyptians themselves
that Busiris was not the name of a king, but
signified tlie tomb of Osiris, and that in ancient
times the kings used to sjicrifice at this grave men
of red colour (the colour of Typhon), who were
for the most part foreigners. Another story gives
a Greek origin to the name Busiris, by saying that
when Isis had collected the limbs of Osiris, who had
been killed by Typhon, she put them together in a
wooden cow (jSous), whence the name of the town
of Busiris was derived (Diod. i. 85), which con-
tained the principal sanctuary of Isis. (Herod, ii.
59.) If we may judge from the analogy of other
cases, the name of the town of Busiris was not de-
rived from a king of that name ; and indeed the
dynasties of Manethon do not mention a king Bu-
siris, so that the whole story may be a mere in-
vention of the Greeks, from which we can scarcely
infer anything else than that, in ancient times, the
Egyptians were hostile towards all foreigners, and
in some cases sacrificed them. Modern scholars,
such as Creuzer and G. Hermann, find a deeper
meaning in the mythus of Busiris than it can pos-
sibly suggest. [L. S.]

BUTAS (BouTos), a Greek poet of uncertain
age, wrote in elegiac verse an account of early
Roman history, from which Plutarch quotes the
fabulous origin of the Lupercalia. it seems to have
been called Airia, like a work of Callimachus, be-
cause it gave the causes or origin of various fables,
rites, and customs. (Plut. Rom. 21; Arnob. v. 18.)

BU'TEO, the name of a family of the patrician
Fabia gens. This name, which signifies a kind of
hawk, was originally given to a member of this
gens, because the bird had on one occasion settled
upon his ship with a favourable omen. (Plin.^.A''.
x. 8. s. 10.) We are not told which of the Fabii
first obtained this surname, but it was probably
one of the Fabii Ambusti. [Ambustus.]

1. N. Fabius M. f. M. n. Buteo, consul b. c.
247, in the first Punic war, was employed in
the siege of Drepanum. In 224 he was magister
equitum to the dictator L. Caecilius Metellus.
(Zonar. viii. 16 ; Fast. Capit.)

2. M. Fabius M. f. M. n. Buteo, brother ap-
parently of the preceding, was consul B. c. 245.
Florus says (ii.2. §§ 30, 31), that he gained a
naval victor}' over the Carthaginians and after-
wards sufl"ered shipwreck ; but this is a mistake, as
we know from Polybius, that the Romans had no
fleet at that time. In 216 he was elected dictator

BUTES.
without a master of the knights, in order to fill np
the vaciuicics in the senate occasioned by the battle
of Cannae : he added 177 new members to the
senate, and then hiid down his office. (Liv. xxiii.
2-2, 23 ; Plut. Fab. Mim. 9.) We learn from
Livy, who calls him the oldest of the ex-censors,
that he had filled the latter office ; and it is ac-
cordingly conjectured that he was the colleague of
C. Aurelius Cotta in the censorship, B. c. 241. In
the Fasti Capitolini the name of Cotta's colleague
has disappeared.

3. Fabius Butko, son of the preceding, was
accused of theft, and killed in consequence by his
own father. (Ores. iv. 13.) This event, fi-om the
order in which it is mentioned by Orosius, must
have happened shortly before the second Punic
war.

4. M. Fabius Buteo, curule aedile b. c. 203,
and praetor 201, when he obtained Sardinia as his
province. (Liv. xxx. 26, 40.)

5. Q. Fabius Buteo, praetor b. c. 196, ob-
tained the province of Further Spain. (Liv. xxxiii.
24, 26.)

6. Q. Fabius Butko, praetor b. c. 181, ob-
tained the province of Cisalpine Gaul, and had his
command prolonged the following year. In 179
he was appointed one of the triumvirs for founding
a Latin colony in the territory of the Pisani, and
in 168 one of the quinqueviri to settle the disputes
between the Pisani and Lunenses respecting the
boundaries of their lands. (Liv. xl. 18, 36, 43,
xlv. 13.)

7. N. Fabius Buteo, praetor b. c. 173, ob-
tained the province of Nearer Spain, but died at
Massilia on his way to the province. (Liv. xli.
33, xlii. 1,4.)

8. (Q.) Fabius Buteo, son of the brother of P.
Cornelius Scipio Africanus, the younger, must have
been the son of Q. Fabius, who was adopted by Q.
Fabius Maximus, the conqueror of Hannibal. Bu-
teo was elected quaestor in B. c. 134, and was
entrusted by his uncle, Scipio, with the command
of the 4000 volunteers who enlisted at Rome to
serve under Scipio in the war against Numantia.
(VaL Max. viii. 15. § 4; Appian, Hisp. 84.)

BU'TKO, a rhetorician in the first century of
the Christian era, is frequently mentioned by the
elder Seneca, who tells us, that he was a pupil of
Porcius Latro, and a dry declaimer, but that he
divided all his subjects well. {Controv. 1, 6, 7,
13, &c.)

BUTES (BouTTjs). 1. A son of Boreas, a Thra-
cian, was hostile towards his step-brother Lycurgus,
and therefore compelled by his fiither to emigrate.
He accordingly went with a band of colonists to
the island of Strongyle, afterwards called Naxos.
But as he and his companions had no women, they
made predatory excursions, and also came to Thes-
saly, where they carried otf the women who were
just celebrating a festival of Dionysus. Butes
himself took Coronis ; but she invoked Dionysus,
who struck Butes Tvith madness, so that he threw
himself into a well. (Diod. v. 50.)

2. A son of Teleon and Zeuxippe. Others call
his father Pandion or Amycus. He is renowned
as an Athenian shepherd, ploughman, warrior, and
an Argonaut. (A polled, i, d. §§ 16,2.5, iii. 14.
§ 8, 15. § 1.) After the death of Pandion, he
obtained the office of priest of Athena and the
Erechtheian Poseidon. The Attic family of the
Butad:ic or Eteobutiidae derived their origin from

BUTORIDES.

519

him, and in the Erechtheum on the Acropolis there
was an altar dedicated to Butes, and the walls
were decorated with paintings representing scenes
from the history of the family of the Butadae.
(Paus. i. 26. §6 ; Harpocrat., Etym. M., Hesych.
S.V.; Orph. Arg. 138 ; Val. Flacc. i. 394; Hygin.
Fab. 14.) The Argonaut Butes is also called a
son of Poseidon (Eustath. ad Horn. xiii. 43); and
it is said, that when the Argonauts passed by the
Sirens, Orpheus commenced a song to counteract
the influence of the Sirens, but that Butes alone
leaped into the sea. Aphrodite, however, saved
him, and carried him to Lilybaeum, where she be-
came by him the mother of Eryx. (Apollod. i. 9.
§ 25 ; Serv. ad Aen. i. 574, v. 24.) Diodorus (iv.
83), on the other hand, regards this Butes as one
of the native kings of Sicily.

There are at least four more mythical persons of
this name, respecting whom nothing of interest can
be said. (Ov. Met. vii. 500; Diod. v. 59 ; Virg.
Aen. xi. 690, &c., ix. 646. &c.) [L. S.]

BUTO (BouTftj), an Egyptian divinity, whom
the Greeks identified with their Leto, and who
was worshipped principally in the town of Buto,
which derived its name from her. Festivals were
celebrated there in her honour, and there she had
also an oracle which was in high esteem among the
Egyptians. (Herod, ii. 59, 83, 111, 133, 152, 155;
Aelian, V. H. ii. 41 ; Strab. xvii. p. 802.) Ac-
cording to Herodotus, she belonged to the eight
great divinities ; and in the mythus of Osiris and
I sis she acts the part of a nurse to their children,
Horus and Bubastis. Isis entrusted the two chil-
dren to her, and she saved them from the persecu-
tions of Typhon by concealing them in the floating
island of Chemnis, in a lake near the sanctuary at
Buto, where afterwards Bubastis and Horus were
worshipped, together with Buto. (Herod, ii. 156 ;
Plut. de Is. et Os. 18, 38.) Stephanas of Byzan-
tium appears (s. v. Atjtous iroMs) to speak of an
earlier worship of Buto (Leto) at Letopolis near
Memphis ; but Letopolis was in later times knowTi
only by its name, and was destroyed long before
the time of Cambyses. (Joseph. -4«<. Ji^/. ii. 15.
§ 1 .) As regards the nature and character of Buto,
the ancients, in identifying her with Leto, trans-
ferred their notions of the latter to the former,
and Buto was accordingly considered by Greeks as
the goddess of night. (Phumut. deNat. Deor. 2;
Plut. ap. Euseb. Fraep. Ev. iii. 1.) This opinion
seemed to be confirmed by the peculiar animal
which was sacred to Buto, \az. the shrew-mouse
{^ixryaX-^) and the hawk. Herodotus (ii. 67) states,
that both these animals were, after their death,,
carried to Buto ; and, according to Antoninus Li-
beralis (28), Leto (Buto) changed herself into a
shrew-mouse in order to escape the persecution of
Typhon. About this mouse Plutarch {Sympos. iv.
5) relates, that it was believed to have received
divine honours in Egypt because it was blind, and
because darkness preceded light. This opinion of
the ancients respecting the nature of Buto has been
worked out with some modifications by modern
writers on Egyptian mythology. (Jablonsky, Pan/A.
Aeg. iii. 4. § 7; Champollion, Fanth, Egyptien, text
to plate 23.) [L. S.]

BUTO'RIDES, one of the authors who wrote
upon the pyramids of Egypt, From the order in
which he is mentioned by Piiny (//. iV. xxxvi. 12.
s. 17), it would appear that he must have lived
after Alexander Polyhistor and before Apion, that

520

CABASILAS.

is, either in the first centurj' before or the first
century after Christ. [Auistagoras.]

BUZYGE. [BuDEiA.J

BYBLIS {Bv§Ais), a daughter of Miletus and
Eidothea (others call her mother Tragasia or Areia),
and sister of Caunus. The story about her is re-
lated in different ways. One tradition is, tliat
Caunus loved his sister with more than brotherly
affection, and as he could not get over this feeling,
he quitted his father's home and Miletus, and
settled in Lycia. Byblis, deeply grieved at the
flight of her brother, went out to seek him, and
having wandered about for a long time, hung her-
self by means of her girdle. Out of her tears arose
the well Byblis. {Parthen. Eroi. 11; Conon, iVt/r-
rat. 2.) According to another tradition, Byblis
herself was seized with a hopeless passion for her
brother, and as in her despair she was on the point
of leaping from a rock into the sea, she was kept
back by nymphs, who sent her into a profound
sleep. In this sleep she was made an immortal
Hamadryas ; and the little stream which came
down that rock was called by the neighbouring
people the tears of Byblis. (Antonin. Lib. 30.)
A third tradition, which likewise represented Byb-
lis in love with her brother, made her reveal to him
her passion, whereupon Caunus fled to the country
of the Leleges, and Byblis hung herself. (Parthen.
I. c.) Ovid {Met. ix. 446-665) in his description
combines several features of the different legends ;
Byblis is in love with Caunus, and as her love
grows from day to day, he escapes ; but she follows
him through Caria, Lycia, &c., until at last she
sinks down worn out ; and as she is crying perpe-
tually, she is changed into a well. The town of
Byblus in Phoenicia is said to have derived its
name from her. (Steph. Byz. s. v.) [L. S.]

BYZAS(Bi;fas),a son of Poseidon and Ceroessa,
the daughter of Zeus and lo. He was believed to
be the founder of Byzantium. (Steph. Byz. s. v.;
Diod. iv. 49.) This transplantation of the legend
of lo to Byzantium suggests the idea, that colonists
from Argos settled there. The leader of the Me-
garians, who founded Byzantium in B. c. 658, was
likewise called Byzas. (Miiller, Dor. i. 6. § 9.)

[L. S.]

C.

CAANTHUS (Kdavdos), a son of Oceanus
and brother of Melia. He was sent out by his
father in search of his sister who had been carried
off, and when he found that she was in the posses-
sion of Apollo, and that it was impossible to rescue
her from his hands, he threw fire into the sacred
grove of Apollo, called the Ismenium. The god
then killed Caimthus with an arrow. His tomb
was shewn by the Thebans on the spot where he
had been killed, near the river Ismenius. (Paus,
ix. 10. § 5.) [L. S.]

CABADES. [Sassanidae.]

CABARNUS (KaSapuos), a. mythical personage
of the island of Paros, who revealed to Demeter
the fact of her daughter having been carried off,
and from whom the island of Paros was said to have
been called Cabarnis. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Ildpos.)
From Hesychius (s. v. KuSapvoi) it would seem
that, in Paros, Cabarnus was the name for any
pi-iest of Demeter. [L. S.]

CABA'SILAS, NEILUS.(Ne:Aos KaSaaiAas),

CABASILAS.

archbishop of Thessalonica, lived according to some
about A. D. 1314, and according to others somewhat
later, about 1340, in the reign of the emperor
Joannes Cantacuzenus. He was a bitter opponent
of the doctrines of the Latin Church, whence he is
severely censured by modern writers of that church,
whereas Greek and even Protestant writers speak
of him in terms of high praise. Cabasilas is the
author of several works, of which, however, two
only have jet appeared in print. 1. An oration
on the cause of the schism between the Latin and
Greek churches {-Trepl rwu ahiouu ttjs €KK\ri(naa-
TiKiis StocTTacreajs), and 2. A small work on the
primacy of the pope {Trepl ttjs dpxvs rod Trdna).
The first edition of tlie latter treatise, with a Latin
translation by Mathias Flacius, appeared at Frank-
furt in 1555, in small 8vo. This was followed by
the editions of B. Vulcanius, Lugd. Bat. 1595, 8vo.
and of Salmasius, Hanover, 1608, 8vo. This last
edition contains also a work of Barlaam, on the
same subject, with notes by the editor, and also
the first edition of the oration of Cabasilas on the
schism between the two churches, which Salmasius
has printed as the second book of the work on the
primacy of the pope. Of this latter work there is
an English translation by Thomas Gressop, London,
1560, 8vo. A list of the works of Neilus Cabasilas
which have not yet been printed is given by Fabri-
cius. (Bibl. Graec. x. p. 20, &c.; comp. Wharton's
Appenduv to Cave''s Hist. Lit. i. p. 34, &c., vol. ii.
p. 521, &c. ed. London.) [L. S.]

CABA'SILAS, NICOLAUS (Nj/coAaos Ka€a-
alKas)., archbishop of Thessalonica, was the ne-
phew and successor of Neilus Cabasilas, with whom
he has often been confounded. He lived about
A. D. 1350. He first held a high office at the im-
perial court of Constantinople, and in that capacity
he was sent in 1346 by Joannes, patriarch of Con-
stantinople, to the emperor Cantacuzenus to induce
him to resign the imperial dignity. In the year
following he was sent b}' the emperor Cantacuzenus
himself, who had then conquered and entered the
city, to the palace of the empress Anna, to lay be-
fore her the terms of peace proposed by the con-
queror. (Cantacuz. Hist. Byz. iv. 39, &c., xiv. 16.)
Nicolaus Cabasilas, who was a man of great learn-
ing, wrote several works, of which however only a
few have been published, perhaps because he was,
like his uncle, a vehement antagonist of the Latin
church. The following works have appeared in
print : 1. 'EpjxTjvela KecpaXeLu^Tjs, &c., that is, a
compendious explanation of the holy mass or liturgy.
It first appeared in a Latin translation by Gentia-
nus Heruetianus, Venice, 1548, 8vo., from whence
it was reprinted in the " Liturgia SS. Patrum,"
edited by J. S. Andreas and F. C. de Sainctes,
Paris, 1560, fol, and Antwerp, 1562, 8vo., and
also in the Bihlioth. Pair. xxvi. p. 173, ed. Lugd.
The Greek original was first edited by Fronto
Ducaeus in the Auctarium to the Bibl. Patr. of
1624, vol. ii. p. 200, &c. 2. A work on the life
of Christ, in six books, in which, however, the au-
thor treats principally of baptism, the last unction,
and the eucharist. This work is as yet published
only in a Latin version by J. Pontanus, together
with some other works, and also an oration of
Nicol. Cabasilas against usury, Ingolstadt, 1604,
4to. From this edition it Avas reprinted in the
Bibl. Patr. xxvi. p. 136, ed. Lugd. In some MSS.
this work consists of seven books, but the seventh
has never appeiired in print. 3. An oration on

CABEIRI.

Usury and .nj,'ainst Usurers, of wliicli a Latin trans-
lation was published by J. Pontanus togetlier with
Cababilas' life of Christ. The Greek original of
this oration appeared at Augiist. Vindel. 1595 by
D. Ilocschcl, and was afterwards published in a
more correct form, together with the oration of
Kpiphanius on the burial of Christ, by S. Simo-
iiides, Sanioscii, 1604, 4to. The many other ora-
tions and theological works of Nicolaus Cabasilas,
which have not yet been printed, are enumerated
in Fabric. Bill. Graec. x. p. 25. &c.; comp. Whar-
ton's Appendix to Cave's UisU Lit. i. p. 44. ed. Lon-
don. [L. S.]

CABEIRI (Ka§6ipot), mystic divinities who oc-
cur in various parts of the ancient world. The
obscurity that hangs over them, and the contradic-
tions respecting them in the accounts of the an-
cients themselves, have opened a wide field for
speculation to modem writers on mythology, each
of whom has been tempted to propound a theory
of his own. The meaning of the name Cabeiri is
quite uncertain, and has been traced to nearly all
the languages of the East, and even to those of the
North ; but one etymology seems as plausible as
anothei, and etymology in this instance is a real
ignis fatuus to the inquirer. The character and
nature of the Cabeiri are as obscure as the meaning
of their name. All that we can attempt to do
here is to trace and explain the various opinions of
the ancients themselves, as they are presented to
ns in chronological succession. We chiefly follow
Lobeck, who has collected all the passages of the
ancients upon this subject, and who appears to us
the most sober among those who have written
upon it. {A>/laopham. pp. 1 SO^— 1 281.)

The earliest mention of the Cabeiri, so far as Ave
know, was in a drama of Aeschylus, entitled Ka-
€(ipoi, in which the poet brought them into con-
tact with tlie Argonauts in Lenmos. The Cabeiri
promised the Argonauts plenty of Lemnian wine.
(Plut. Si/mpos. ii. 1; Pollux, vi. 23; Bekker,
Anccd. p. 115.) The opinion of Welcker {Die
Acschyl. Trilog. p. 236), who infers from Dionysius
(i. 68, &c.) that the Cabeiri had been spoken of by
Arctinus, has been satisfactorily refuted by Lobeck
and others. From the passage of Aeschylus here
alluded to, it appears that he regarded the Cabeiri
as original Lcninian divinities, who had power
over everything that contributed to the good of the
inhabitants, and especially over the vineyards.
The fniits of the field, too, seem to have been under
their protection, for the Pelasgians once in a time
of scarcity made vows to Zeus, Apollo, and the
Carjciri. (Myrsilus, ap. DioMjs. i. 23.) Strabo
in his discussion about the Curetes, Dactyls, &.c.
(x. p. 466), speaks of the origin of the Cabeiri,
deriving his statements from ancient authorities,
and from him we learn, that Acusilaus called pa-
milius a son of Cabeiro and Hephaestus, and that
he made the three Cabeiri the sons, and the Ca-
boirian nymphs the daughters, of Camillas. Ac-
cording to Pherecydes, Apollo and Rhytia were
the parents of the nine Corybantes who dwelled in
Samothrace, and the three Cabeiri and the three
Cabcirian nymphs were the children of Cabeira,
the daughter of Proteus, by Hephaestus. Sacrifices
were offered to the Corj'bantes as well as the
Cabeiri in Lemnos and Imbros, and also in the
towns of Troas, The Greek logographers, and per-
haps Aeschylus too, thus considered the Cabeiri as
the grandchildren of Proteus and as the sons of

CABEIRI.

521

Hephaestus, and consequently as inferior in dignity
to the great gods on account of their origin. Tiicir
inferiority is also implied in their jocose conversa-
tion with the Argonauts, and their being repeatedly
mentioned along with the Curetes, Dactyls, Cory-
bantes, and other beings of inferior rank. Hero-
dotus (iii. 37) says, that the Cabeiri were worshipped
at Memphis as the sons of Hephaestus, and that
they resembled the Phoenician dwarf- gods (Ila-
Ta'iKoi) whom the Phoenicians fixed on the prows
of their ships. As the Dioscuri were then yet
unknown to the Egyptians (Herod, ii. 51), the
Cabeiri cannot have been identified with them at
that time. Herodotus proceeds to say, " the Athe-
nians received their phallic Hermae from the
Pelasgians, and those who are initiated in the
mysteries of the Cabeiri will imderstand what I
am saying ; for the Pelasgians formerly inhabited
Samothrace, and it is from them that the Samo-
thracians received their orgies. But the Samothra-
cians had a sacred legend about Hermes, which is
explained in their mysteries." This sacred legend
is perhaps no other than the one spoken of by

Cicero (Z)e Nat. Deoi

J), that Hermes was

the son of Coelus and Dies, and that Proserpine
desired to embrace him. The same is perhaps
alluded to by Propertius (ii. 2. 1 1 ), when he says,
that Mercury (Hermes) had connexions withBrimo,
who is probably the goddess of Pherae worshipped
at Athens, Sicyon, and Argos, whom some identi-
fied with Proserpine (Persephone), and others with
Hecate or Artemis. (Spanh. ad Callim. hymn, in
Dian. 259.) We generally find this goddess wor-
shipped in places which had the worship of the
Cabeiri, and a Lemnian Artemis is mentioned by
Galen. (Z>e Medic. Sinipl. ix. 2. p. 246, ed.
Chart.) The Tyrrhenians, too, are said to have
taken away the statue of Artemis at Brauron, and
to have carried it to Lemnos. Aristophanes, in
his " Lemnian Women," had mentioned Bendis
along with the Brauronian Artemis and the great
goddess, and Nonnus {Dioiiys. xxx. 45) states that
the Cabeirus Alcon brandished 'E/ccittjs diaadnhia
TTvpaSv, so that we may draw the conclusion, that
the Samothracians and Lemnians worshipped a
goddess akin to Hecate, Artemis, Bendis, or Per-
sephone, who had some sexual connexion with
Hermes, which revelation was made in the mys-
teries of Samothrace.

The writer next to Herodotus, who speaks about
the Cabeiri, and whose statements we possess in
Strabo (p. 472), though brief and obscure, is
Stesimbrotus. The meaning of the passage in
Strabo is, according to Lobeck, as follows : Some
persons think that the Corybantes are the sons of
Cronos, others that they are the sons of Zeus and
Calliope, that they (the Corybantes) went to Sa-
mothrace and were the same as the beings who
were there called Cabeiri. But as the doings of
the Corybantes are generally known, whereas no-
thing is known of the Samothracian Corybantes,
those persons are obliged to have recourse to saying,
that the doings of the latter Corj'bantes are kept
secret or are mystic. This opinion, however, is
contested by Demetrius, who states, that nothing
was revealed in the mysteries either of the deeds
of the Cabeiri or of their having accompanied Rhea
or of their having brought up Zeus and Dionysus.
Demetrius also mentions the o^Mnion of Stesimbro-
tus, that the if pa were performed in Samothrace
to the Cabeiri, who derived their name from mount

522

CABEIRI.

Cabeirus in Berecyntia. But here again opinions
differed very much, for while some believed that
the tepd KaSeipoou were thus called from their hav-
ing been instituted and conducted by the Cabeiri,
others thought that they were celebrated in honour
of the Cabeiri, and that the Cabeiri belonged to the
great gods.

The Attic writers of this period offer nothing of
importance concerning the Cabeiri, but they inti-
mate that their mysteries were particularly calcu-
lated to protect the lives of the initiated. (Aristoph.
Pot, 298 ; comp. EtyraoL Gad. p. 289.) Later
writers in making the same remark do not mention
the name Cabeiri, but speak of the Samothracian
gods generally. (Diod. iv. 43, 49 ; Aelian, Fragm.
p. 320 ; Callim. Ep. 36; Lucian. EpAb; Plut.
Marcell. 30.) There are several instances men-
tioned of lo vers swearing by the Cabeiri in promis-
ing fidelity to one another (Juv. iii. 144; Hunerius,
Orat. i. 12); and Suidas (s. v. AioKanSdvei) men-
tions a case of a girl invoking the Cabeiri as her
avengers against a lover who had broken his oath.
But from these oaths we can no more draw any
inference as to the real character of the Cabeiri,
than from the fact of their protecting the lives of
the initiated; for these are features which they
have in common with various other divinities.
From the account which the scholiast of Apollonius
Rhodius (i. 913) has borrowed from Athenion,
who had written a comedy called The Sainothra-
cians (Athen. xiv. p. 661), we learn only that he
spoke of two Cabeiri, Dardanus, and Jasion, whom
he called sons of Zeus and Electra. They derived
their name from mount Cabeirus in Phrygia, from
whence they had been introduced into Samothrace.

A more ample source of information respecting
the Cabeiri is opened to us in the writers of the
Alexandrine period. The two scholia on Apollo-
nius Rhodius (Z. c.) contain in substance the fol-
lowing statement: Mnaseas mentions the names
of three Cabeiri in Samothrace, viz. Axieros, Axio-
cersa, and Axiocersus ; the first is Demeter, the
second Persephone, and the third Hades. Others
add a fourth, Cadmilus, who according to Dionyso-
dorus is identical with Hermes. It thus appears
that these accounts agreed with that of Stesimbro-
tus, who reckoned the Cabeiri among the great
gods, and that Mnaseas only added their names.
Herodotus, as we have seen, had already connected
Hennes with Persephone ; the worship of the latter
as connected with that of Demeter in Samothrace
is attested by Artemidorus (ap. Strab. iv. p. 198) ;
and there was also a port in Samothrace which de-
rived its name, Demetrium, from Demeter. (Liv.
xlv. 6.) According to the authors used by Diony-
sius (i. 68), the worship of Samothrace was intro-
duced there from Arcadia ; for according to them
Dardanus, together with his brother Jasion or
Jasus and his sister Harmonia, left Arcadia and
went to Samothrace, taking with them the Pal-
ladium from the temple of Pallas. Cadmus, how-
ever, who appears in this tradition, is king of
Samothrace : he made Dardanus his friend, and
sent him to Teucer in Troas. Dardanus himself,
again, is sometimes described as a Cretan (Serv.
ad Aen. iii. 167), sometimes as an Asiatic (Steph.
8. V. Adp^avos; Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 391),
while Arrian {ap. Eustath. p. 351) makes him come
originally from Samothrace. Respecting Dardanus'
brother Jasion or Jasus, the accounts likewise
differ very much ; for while some writers describe

CABEIRI.

him as going to Samothrace either from Parrha-
sia in Arcadia or from Crete, a third account
(Dionys. i. 61) stated, that he was killed by light-
ning for having entertained improper desires for
Demeter ; and Arrian {I. c.) says that Jasion, being
inspired by Demeter and Cora, went to Sicily and
many other places, and there established the mys-
teries of these goddesses, for which Demeter re-
warded him by yielding to his embraces, and
became the mother of Parius, the founder of Paros.

All writers of this class appear to consider
Dardanus as the founder of the Samothracian mys-
teries, and the mysteries themselves as solemnized
in honour of Demeter. Another set of authorities,
on the other hand, regards them as belonging to
Rhea (Diod. v. 51; Schol. ad Aristid. p. 106;
Strab. Excerpt, lib. vii. p. 511, ed. Almelov. ;
Lucian, De DeaSyr. 97), and suggests the identity
of the Samothracian and Phrygian mysteries.
Pherecydes too, who placed the Corybantes, the
companions of the great mother of the gods, in
Samothrace, and Stesimbrotus who derived the
Cabeiri from mount Cabeirus in Phrj'gia, and all
those writers who describe Dardanus as the founder
of the Samothracian mysteries, naturally ascribed
the Samothracian mysteries to Rhea. To Demeter,
on the other hand, they were ascribed by Mnaseas,
Artemidorus, and even by Herodotus, since he
mentions Hermes and Persephone in connexion
with these mysteries, and Persephone has nothing
to do with Rhea, Now, as Demeter and Rhea
have many attributes in common — both are ixcya-
\oi S-€oi, and the festivals of each were celebrated
with the same kind of enthusiasm ; and as peculiar
features of the one are occasionally transferred to
the other (e. g. Eurip. TIel(^n. 1304), it is not
difficult to see how it might happen, that the Samo-
thracian goddess was sometimes called Demeter
and sometimes Rhea, The difficulty is, however,
increased by the fact of Venus (Aphrodite) too
being worshipped in Samothrace. (Plin. H. JV.
V. 6.) This Venus may be either the Thracian
Bendis or Cybele, or may have been one of the
Cabeiri themselves, for we know that Thebes pos-
sessed three ancient statues of Aphrodite, which
Harmonia had taken from the ships of Cadmus,
and which may have been the HarcuKoi who re-
sembled the Cabeiri. (Pans. ix. 16. § 2 ; Herod,
iii. 37.) In connexion with this Aphrodite we
may mention that, according to some accounts, the
Phoenician Aphrodite (Astarte) had commonly the
epithet chabar or chabor, an Arabic word which
signifies " the great," and that Lobeck considers
Astarte as identical with the SeAi^i/rj KaSupia,
which name P. Ligorius saw on a gem.

There are also writers who transfer all that is
said about the Samothracian gods to the Dioscuri,
who were indeed different from the Cabeiri of
Acusilaus, Pherecydes, and Aeschylus, but yet
might easil}'- be confounded with them ; first, be-
cause the Dioscuri are also called great gods, and
secondly, because they were also regarded as the
protectors of persons in danger either by land or
water. Hence we find that in some places where
tlie dvuKes were worshipped, it was uncertain whe-
ther they were the Dioscuri or the Cabeiri. (Paus.
X. 38. § 3.) Nay, even the Roman Penates were
sometimes considered as identical with the Dios-
curi and Cabeiri (Dionys. i. 67, &c.) ; and Varro
tliought that the Penates were carried by Dardanus
from the Arcadian town Pheueos to Samothrace,

CABEIRI.
niul that Aeneas brought them from thence to Italy.
(Macrob. Sat. iii. 4 ; Serv. ad Aen. i. 37H, iii. 14«.)
Hut the authorities for this opinion are all of a late
period. According to one set of accounts, the Sa-
mothracian gods were two male divinities of the
Kuue .nge, which applies to Zeus and Dionysus, or
Dardauiis and Jasion, but not to Demeter, Rhea,
or Persephone. When people, in tlie course of
time, had become accustomed to regard the Penates
and Cabeiri as identical, and yet did not know
exactly the name of each separate divinity com-
prised under those common names, some divinities
are mentioned among the Penates who belonged to
the Cabeiri, and vice versa. Thus Servius {ad
Aen, viii. 61 9) represents Zeus, Pallas, and Hermes
as introduced from Samothrace ; and, in anotlier
passage (ad Aen. iii. 204), he says that, according
to the Samothracians, these three were the great
gods, of whom Hermes, and perhaps Zeus also,
might be reckoned among the Cabeiri. Varro (de
Ling. Lat. V. 58, ed. Miiller) says, that Heaven
and Earth were the great Samothracian gods;
while in another place (ap. August. De Civ. Dei^
vii. 18) he stated, that there were three Samothra-
cian gods, Jupiter or Heaven, Juno or Earth, and
^Minerva or the prototype of things, — the ideas of
Plato. This is, of course, only the view Varro
himself took, and not a tradition.

If we now look back upon the various state-
ments we have gathered, for the purpose of aiTiv-
ing at some definite conclusion, it is manifest, that
the earliest writers regard the Cabeiri as descended
from inferior divinities, Proteus and Hephaestus :
they have their seats on earth, in Samothrace,
Lemnos, and Imbros. Those early writers cannot
possibly have conceived them to be Demeter, Per-
sephone or Rhea. It is true those early authori-
ties are not numerous in comparison with the later
ones; but Demetrius, who wrote on the subject,
may have had more and very good ones, since it is
with reference to him that Strabo repeats the as-
sertion, that the Cabeiri, like the Corybantes and
Curetes, were only ministers of the great gods.
We may therefore suppose, that the Samothracian
Cabeiri were originally such inferior beings ; and
as the notion of the Cabeiri was from the first not
fixed and distinct, it became less so in later times ;
and as the ideas of mystery and Demeter came to
be looked upon as inseparable, it cannot occasion
surprise that the mysteries, which were next in
importance to those of Eleusis, the most celebrated
in antiquity, were at length completely transferred
to this goddess. The opinion that the Samothra-
cian gods were the same as the Roman Penates,
seems to have arisen with those writers who en-
deavoured to trace every ancient Roman institution
to Troy, and thence to Samothrace.

The places where the worship of the Cabeiri oc-
curs, are chiefly Samothrace, Lemnos, and Imbros.
Some writers have maintained, that the Samo-
thracian and Lemnian Cabeiri were distinct ;
but the contrary is asserted by Strabo (x. p.
4(i6). Besides the Cabeiri of these three islands,
we read of Boeotian Cabdri. Near the Neitian
gjite of Thebes there was a grove of Demeter
Cabeiria and Cora, which none but the initiated
were allowed to enter ; and at a distance of seven
stadia from it there was a sanctuary of the Cabeiri.
(Paus. ix. 25. § 5.) Here mysteries were cele-
brated, and the sanctity of the temple was great as
late as the time of Pausiinias. (Com p. iv. 1. § 5.)

CACUS.

523

The account of Pausanias about the origin of the
Boeotian Cabeiri sjivours of rationalism, and is, as
Lobeck justly remarks, a mere fiction. It* must
further not be supposed that there existed any con-
nexion between the Samothracian Cadmilus or
Cadmus and the Theban Cadmus ; for tradition
clearly describes them as beings of different origin,
race, and dignity. Pausanias (ix. 22. § 5) further
mentions another sanctuary of the Cabeiri, with a
grove, in the Boeotian town of Anthedon ; and a
Boeotian Cabeirus, who possessed the power of
averting dangers and increasing man's prosperity,
is mentioned in an epigram of Diodorus. (Brunck,
Anal. ii. p. 185.) A Macedonian Ca/jeirus occurs
in Lactantius. (i. 15, 8 ; comp. Firmicus, de Error.
Prof. p. 23; Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 16.) The
reverence paid by the Macedonians to the Cabeiri
may be inferred from the fact of Philip and Olym-
pias being initiated in the Samothracian mysteries,
and of Alexander erecting altars to the Cabeiri !it
the close of his Eastern expedition. (Plut. Alex. 2 ;
Philostr. de Vit. ApoUon. ii. 43.) The Pergamenian
Cabeiri are mentioned by Pausanias (i. 4. § 6), and
those of Berytus by Sanchoniathon {ap. Euseb.
Praep. Evang. p. 31) and Damascius. {Vit. Isidor.
cclii. 573.) Respecting the mysteries of the Car
beiri in general, see Diet, of Ant. s. v. Ka€eipia ;
hobeck, Aglaoph. p. 1281, &c. For the various
opinions concerning the nature of the Cabeiri, see
Creuzer, Si/mbol. ii. p. 302, &c. ; Schelling, Ueber
die Goiter von Samoihrake, Stuttgard, 1815 ; Welc-
ker, Aeschyl. Trilog.; Klausen, Aeneas u. die Pe-
nat. [L. S.]

CACA or CA'CIA, a sister of Cacus, who, ac-
cording to some accounts, betrayed the place where
the cattle were concealed which Cacus had stolen
from Hercules or Recaranus. She was rewai-ded
for it with divine honours, which she was to enjoy
for ever. In her sanctuary a perpetual fire was
kept up, just as in the temple of Vesta. (Lactant.
i. 20, 36 ; Serv. ad Aen. viii. 190.) [L. S.J

CACUS, a fabulous Italian shepherd, who was
believed to have lived in a cave, and to have com-
mitted various kinds of robberies. Among others,
he also stole a part of the cattle of Hercules or
Recaranus ; and, as he dragged the animals into
his cave by their tails, it was impossible to discover
their traces. But when the remaining oxen passed
by the cave, those within began to bellow, and
were thus discovered. Another tradition stated,
that Caca, the sister of Cacus, betrayed the place
of their concealment. Cacus was slain by Hercules.
(Liv. i. 7.) He is usually called a son of Vulcan,
and Ovid, who gives his story with considerable
embellishments, describes Cacus as a fearful giant,
who was the terror of the whole land. (Ov. Fast,
i. 554; comp. Virg. Aen. viii. 190, &c. ; Propert.
iv. 9; Dionys. i. 32, 43; Aurel. Vict Dc Orig.
Gefit. Rom. 6.) Evander, who then ruled over the
country in which Cacus had resided, shewed his
gratitude to the conqueror of Cacus by dedicating
to him a sanctuary, and appointing the Potitii and
Pinarii as his priests. The common opinion res-
pecting the original character of Cacus is, that he
was the personification of some evil daemon, and
this opinion is chiefly founded upon the descrip-
tions of him given by the Roman poets. Hartung
{Die Relig. d. Rom. i. p. 318, &c.), however, thinks
that Cacus, whom he identifies with Cacius (Diod.
iv. 21 ; Solin. i. 1), and his sister Caca were Ro-
man penates, whose names he connects with Ka/«,

524

CADMUS.

ccdeo^ and coqno. There were at Rome various
things connected with the legends about Cacus.
On the side of the Palatine hill, not far from the
hut of Faustulus, there was a foot-path leading up
the hill, with a wooden ladder called '' the ladder
of Cacus," and the ancient cave of Cacus, which is
still shewn at Rome, was in the Salina, near the
Porta Trigemina. (Diod., Solin., U. ce. ; Klausen,
Aeneas u. die Penatcn, p. 768, &c.; Bunsen, /icwA-
reib. der Stadt Rom, i. p. 134, iii. 1. p. 407.) [L. S.]

CA'DIUS RUFUS. [Rufus.]

CA'DMILUS, CA'SMILUS, or CADMUS
(Ka5ix7\os, Kaa-fuKos, or KoS/ios), according to
Acusilaus (ap. StrcA. x. p. 472) a son of Hephaestus
and Cabeiro, and father of the Samothracian Ca-
beiri and tlie Cabeirian nymphs. Others consider
Cadmilus himself as the fourth of the Samothracian
Cabeiri. (SchoL ad ApoUon. Rhod. i. 917 ; comp.
Cabeiri.) [L. S.]

CADMUS (KaS/ios), a son of Agenor and Tele-
phassa, and brother of Europa, Phoenix, and Cilix.
When Europa was carried off by Zeus to Crete,
Agenor sent out his sons in search of their sister,
enjoining them not to return without her. Tele-
phassa accompanied her sons. All researches being
fruitless, Cadmus and Telephassa settled in Thrace.
Here Telephassa died, and Cadmus, after bur}'ing
her, went to Delphi to consult the oracle respecting
his sister. The god commanded him to abstain
from further seeking, and to follow a cow of a cer-
tain kind, and to build a town on the spot where
the cow should sink down with fatigue. (Schol. ad
Eurip.Phoen. 638, ad Ariitoph. Ban. 1236; Pans,
ix. 12. § 1.) Cadmus found the cow described by
the oracle in Phocis among the herds of Pelagon,
and followed her into Boeotia, where she sank
down on the spot on which Cadmus built Thebes,
with the acropolis, Cadmca. As he intended to
sjicrifice the cow here to Athena, he sent some per-
sons to the neighbouring well of Ares to fetch wa-
ter. This well was guarded by a dragon, a son of
Ares, who killed the men sent by Cadmus. Here-
upon, Cadmus slew the dragon, and, on the advice
of Athena, sowed the teeth of the monster, out of
which armed men grew up, who slew each other,
with the exception of five, Echion, Udaeus, Chtho-
iiius, Hyperenor, and Pelor, who, according to the
Theban legend, were the ancestors of the Thebans.
Cadmus was punished for having slain the dragon
by being obliged to serve for a certain period of time,
some say one year, others eight years. After this
Athena assigned to him the government of Thebes,
and Zeus gave him Harmonia for his wife. The
marriage solemnity was honoured by the presence
of all the Olympian gods in the Cadmea. Cadmus
gave to Harmonia the famous xeTr Aos and necklace
which he had received from Hephaestus or from
Europa, and became by her the father of Autonoe,
I no, Semele, Agave, and Polydorus. Subsequently
Cadmus and Harmonia quitted Thebes, and went
to the Cenchelians This people was at war with
the Illyrians, and had received an oracle which
promised them victory if they took Cadmus as
their commander. The Cenchelians accordingly
made Cadmus their king, and conquered the ene-
my. After this, Cadmus had another son, Avhom
he called Illyrius. In the end, Cadmus and Har-
monia were changed into dragons, and were re-
moved by Zeus to Elysium.

This is the account given by Apollodorus (iii. 1.
§ 1 , &c.), which, with the ciLception of some par-

CADMUS.

ticulars, agrees with the stories in Hvgiims {Fo/k
1 78)and Pausanias (ix. 5. § 1, 10. § l,'l2. § l,&c.).
There are, however, many points in the story of
Cadmus in which the various traditions present
considerable differences. His native country is
commonly stated to have been Phoenicia, as in
Apollodorus (comp. Diod. iv. 2; Strab. vii. p. 321,
ix. p. 401); but he is sometimes called a Tyrian
(Herod, ii. 49 ; Eurip. Fhoen. 639), and sometimes
a Sidonian. (Eurip. Bucck. 171 ; Ov. Met. iv. 571.)
Others regarded Cadmus as a native of Thebes in
Egypt (Diod. i. 23 ; Pans. ix. 12. § 2), and his
parentage is modified accordingly ; for he is also
called a son of Antiope, the daughter of Belus, or
of Argiope, the daughter of Neilus. (Schol. ad
Eurip. Fhoen. 5, with Valck. note ; Hygin. Fab.
6, 178, 179.) He is said to have introduced into
Greece from Phoenicia or Egypt an alphabet of
sixteen letters (Herod, v. 58, &c.; Diod. iii. 67,
v. 57; Plin. H. N. vii. 56 ; Hygin. Fab. 277), and
to have been the first who worked the mines of
mount Pangaeon in Thrace. The teeth of the
dragon whom Cadmus slew were sown, according
to some accounts, by Athena herself; and the spot
where this was done was shewn, in aftertimes, in
the neighbourhood of Thebes. (Schol. ad Eurip.
Flioen. 670 ; Pans. ix. 10. § 1.) Half of the teeth
were given by Athena to Aeetes, king of Colchis.
(Apollon. Rhod. iii. 1183; ApoUod. i. 9. §23;
Serv. ad Virg. Georg. ii. 141.) The account of his
quitting Thebes also was not the same in aU tradi-
tions ; for some related, that he was expelled by
Amphion and Zethus, or by Dionysus. (Synceli.
p. 296, ed. Dindorf.) A tradition of Brasiae stated,
that Cadmus, after discovering the birth of Diony-
sus by his daughter Semele, shut up the mother
and her child in a chest, and threw them into the
sea, (Pans. iii. 24. § 3.) According to the opinion
of Herodotus (ii. 49), however, Melampus learned
and received the worship of Dionysus from Cadmus,
and other traditions too represent Cadmus as wor-
shipping Dionysus, {e.g. Eurip. Bacch. 181.) Ac-
cording to Euiipides, Cadmus resigned the govern-
ment of Thebes to his grandson, Pentheus ; and
after the death of the latter, Cadmus went to lUy-
ria, where he built Buthoe {Bacch. 43, 1331, &c.),
in the government of which he was succeeded by
his son Illyrius or Polydorus.

The whole story of Cadmus, with its manifold
poetical embellishments, seems to suggest the im-
migration of a Phoenician or Egyptian colony into
Greece, by means of which civilisation (the alpha-
bet, art of mining, and the worship of Dionysus)
came into the country. But the opinion formed on
this point must depend upon the view we tivke of
the early influence of Phoenicia and Egypt in ge-
neral upon the early civilisation of Greece. While
Buttmann and Creuzer admit such an influence,
C. 0. Mliller denies it altogether, and regards
Cadmus as a Pelasgian divinity. Cadmus was
worshipped in various parts of Greece, and at
Sparta he had a heroiun. (Pans. iii. 15. § 6 ; comp.
Buttmann, Myiliolog. ii p. 171 ; Miiller, Orcltxjm.
p. 113, &c.) ^ [L. S.j

CADMUS (Ka5/i05), the son of Scythes, a man
renowned for his integrity, was sent by Gelon to
Delphi, in b. c. 480, with great treasures, to await
the issue of the battle between the Greeks and
Persians, and with orders to give them to the Per-
sians if the latter conquered, but to bring them
back to Sicily if the Greeks prevailed. After tho

CADMUS.

defeat of Xerxes, Cadmus roturnod to Sicily with
the treasures, though he might easily have appro-
priated them to his own use. (Herod, vii. 1G3,
164.) Herodotus calls Cadmus a Coan, and states
further, that he received the tyranny of Cos from
his father, but gave the state its liberty of his own
accord, merely from a sense of justice ; and that
after this he went over to Sicily and dwelt along
with the Samians at Zancle, afterwards called
Messene. Miillcr {Dor. i. 8. § 4, note q.) thinks
that this Cadmus was the son of the Scythes,
tyrant of Zancle, who was driven out by the Sa-
mians (b. c. 4J)7), and who fled to the court of
Persia, where he died, (Herod, vi. 23.) In reply
to the objection, that Herodotus speaks of Cadmus
having inherited the tyranny from his father, but of
Scythes having died in Persia, Miiller remarks that
the government of Cos was probably given to his
father by the Persians, but that he notwithstand-
ing continued to reside in Persia, as we know was
the case with Histiaeus. If this conjecture is
correct, Cadmus probably resigned the tyranny of
Cos through desire of returning to his native town,
Zancle. He was accompanied to Sicily by the
poet I'lpichannus, (Suidas, s. v. 'Emxapfios.)

CADMUS (KaS/ios). 1. Of Miletus, a son of
Pandion, and in all probability the earliest Greek
historian or logographer. He lived, according to
the vague statement of Josephus (c. Apion. i. 2 ;
comp. Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. p. 267), very shortly
before the Persian invasion of Greece ; and Suidas
makes the singular statement, that Cadmus was
only a little younger than the mythical poet Or-
pheus, which arises from the thorough confusion of
the mythical Cadmus of Phoenicia and the historian
Cadmus. But there is every probability that Cad-
mus lived about B.C. 540. Strabo (i. p. 18) places
Cadmus first among the three authors whom he
calls the earliest prose writers among the Greeks :
viz. Cadmus, Pherecydes, and Hecataeus ; and
from this circumstance we may infer, that Cadmus
was the most ancient of the three — an inference
which is also confirmed by the statement of Pliny
(//. N. v. 31 ), who calls Cadmus the first that ever
wrote (Greek) prose. When, therefore, in another
passage (vii. 56) Pliny calls Pherecydes the most
ancient prose writer, and Cadmus of Miletus sim-
ply the earliest historian, we have probably to re-
gard this as one of those numerous inconsistencies
into which Pliny fell by following different autho-
rities at different times, and forgetting what he
had said on former occasions. All, therefore, we
can infer from his contradicting himself in this case
is, that there were some ancient authorities who
made Pherecydes the earliest Greek prose writer,
and not Cadmus ; but that the latter was the ear-
liest Greek historian, seems to be an undisputed
fact. Cadmus wrote a work on the foundation of
Miletus and the earliest history of Ionia generally,
in four books (Kt^o-jv MjA'^tou koL t^s oAtjs 'Icoj/i'os).
This work appears to have been lost at a very
early period, for Dionysius of Ilalicarnassus {Jud.
<ic Thucyd. 23) expressly mentions, that the work
known in his time under the name of Cadmus was
considt'red a forgery. When Suidas and others
(Bekker's Anecd. p. 781), call Cadmus of Miletus
the inventor of the alphabet, this statement must
be regarded as the result of a confusion between
the mythical Cadmus, who emigrated from Phoe-
nicia into Greece ; and Suidas is, in fact, obviously
guilty of this confusion, since he says, that Cad-

CAECILIA.

525

mus of Miletus introduced into Greece the alpha-
bet which the Phoenicians had invented. (Comp.
Clinton, Fast. Hell. ii. p. 454, 3rd edition.)

2. Of Miletus, the Younger, is mentioned only
by Suidas, according to whom he was a son of Ar-
chelaus, and a Greek historian, concerning whose
time nothing is said. Suidas ascribes to him two
works, one on the history of Attica, in sixteen
books, and the second on the deliverance from the
sufferings of love, in fourteen books. [L. S.]

CAECILIA, CAIA, is said to have been the
genuine Roman name for Tanaquil, the wife of
Tarquinius Priscus. (Plin. H.N. viii. 74; Val. Max.
Epit. de Praen. in fin. ; Festus, s. v. Gaia ; Plut.
Quaest. Rom. p. 27 1, e.) Both her names, Caia and
Caecilia, are of the same root as Caeculus, and the
Roman Caecilii are supposed to have derived their
origin from the Praenestine Caeculus. (Fest. *. v.
Caeculus.) The story of Caia Caecilia is related
under Tanaquil ; and it is suflicient to say here,
that she appears in the early legends of Rome as a
woman endowed with prophetic powers, and closely
connected with the worship of the god of the hearth.
That she was, at the same time, looked upon as a
model of domestic life, may be inferred from the
fact, that a newly married woman, before entering
the house of her husband, on being asked what her
name was, answered, "My name is Caia." (Val.
Max. I. c.; Plut. Quaest. Bom. p. 271, e.) [L. S.]

CAECI'LIA, the daughter of T. Pomponius
Atticus, who is called Caecilia, because her father
took the name of his uncle, Q. Caecilius, by whom
he was adopted. She was married to M. Vipsanius
Agrippa. [Atticus, p. 415, a.)

CAECI'LIA or METELLA, 1. and 2. Daugh-
ters of Q. Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus, consul
B. c. 143, one of whom married C. Servilius Vatia,
and was by him the mother of P. Servilius Vatia
Isauricus, consul in 79, and the other P. Cornelius
Scipio Nasica, consul in 111, and was the grand-
mother of Q. Metellus Pius Scipio, consul in 52.
(Cic. pro Dom. A'J, post lied, ad Quir. 3, Brut. 58.)

3. The daughter of L. Caecilius Metellus Calvus,
consul in B.c. 142, and the brother of Metellus Nu-
midicus, consul in 109, was married to L. Licinius
Lucullus, praetor in 103, and was by him the
mother of the celebrated Lucullus, the conqueror of
Mithridates. Her moral character was in bad re-
pute. (Plut. Lucull. 1 ; Cic, in Ver. iv. 66 ; Aurel.
Vict, de Vir. III. 62.)

4. Daughter of Q, Caecilius Metellus Balearicus,
consul in b. c. 1 23, was the wife of Ap, Claudius Pul-
cher, consul in 79, and the mother of Ap. Claudius
Pulcher, consul in 54, and of P. Clodius Pulcher,
tribune of the plebs in 58. (Cic. de Div. i. 2, 44,
pro Base. Am. 10, 50 : in the former of the two
latter passages she is erroneously called Ncpotis
filia instead of Nepotis soror.) Her brother was
Q. Metellus Nepos, consul in 98, and we accord-
ingly find his two sons, Metellus Celer and Metel-
lus Nepos, called the Jraires (cousins) of her sons
Ap. Claudius and P. Clodius. (Cic. ad Ait. iv, 3,
ad Fam. v, 3, pro Gael. 24.)

Cicero relates {de Dili. II. co.), that in conse-
quence of a dream of Caecilia's in the Marsic war,
the temple of Juno Sospita was restored.

5. Daughter of L, Metellus Dalmaticus, consul in
B.C. 119, and not of Q. Metellus Pius, the pontifex
maximus, consul in 80, as has been inferred from
Plutarch. {Sidl. 6.) Her father's praenomen is
Lucius, and he is said to have rebuilt the tcmph) of

526

CAECILIANUS.

the Dioscuri (Cic. pro Scaur. 2. §§ 45, 4G, with
the commentary of Asconius), which point to L.
Dalmaticus as her father. She was first married
to M. Aemilius Scaunis, consul in 115, by whom
she had three children, the eldest of whom was
the M, Scaurus defended by Cicero (Cic. I. c. pro
Sesi. 47 ; Plut. Sull. 33, Pomp. 9 ; Plin. H. N.
xxxvi. 15. s. 24. § 8), and afterwards to the dictator
Sulla, who always treated her with the greatest
respect. When she fled from Cinna and Carbo in
Italy to her husband's camp before Athens, she
was insulted from the walls of the city by Aristion
and the Athenians, for which they paid dearly at
the capture of the city. She fell ill in 81, during
the celebration of Sulla's triimiphal feast ; and as
her recovery was hopeless, Sulla for religious
reasons sent her a bill of divorce, and had her re-
moved from his house, but honoured her memory
by a splendid funeral. (Plut. SuH. 6, 13, 22, 35.)
She purchased a great deal of the property confis-
cated in the proscriptions. (Plin. I. c.)

6. The wife of P. Lentulus Spinther the younger,
whose father was consul in B.c.57. She was a wo-
man of loose character, and intrigued with Dolabella,
Cicero's son-in-law (Cic ad Alt. xi. 23), and also,
as it appears, with Aesopus, the son of the actor.
(Hor. Serm. ii. 3. 239.) She was divorced by her
husband in 45. (Cic ad AH. xii. 52, xiii. 7.) Her
father is not known.

CAECFLIA GENS, plebeian ; for the name of
T. Caecilius in Livy (iv. 7, comp. 6), the patrician
consular tribune in b. c. 444, is a false reading for
T. Cloelius. A member of this gens is mentioned
in history as early as the fifth century B. c. ; but
the first of the Caecilii who obtained the consulship
was L. Caecilius Metellus Denter, in 284. The
family of the Metelli became from this time one of
the most distinguished in the state. Like other
Roman families in the later times of the republic,
they traced their origin to a mythical personage,
and pretended that they were descended from Cae-
culus, the founder of Praeneste [Cabculus], or
Caecas, the companion of Aeneas. (Festus, s. v.
Cae-culus.) The cognomens of this gens under the
republic are Bassus, Dknter, Metellus, Niger,
Pinna, Rufus, of which the Metelli are the best
known : for those whose cognomen is not men-
tioned, see Caecilius.

CAECILIA'NUS, a senator, punished in a. d.
32 for falsely accusing Cotta. (Tac. Aim. vi. 7.)

CAECILIA'NUS, a deacon of the church at
Carthage, was chosen bishop of the see in a. d.
311, upon the death of the African primate, Men-
surius. The validity of this appointment was im-
pugned by Donatus, stimulated, it is said, by the
malicious intrigues of a woman named Lucilla, up-
on three grounds : 1. That the election had been
irregular. 2. That the ordination was null and
void, having been performed by Felix, bishop of
Apthunga, a traditor^ that is, one of those who, in
obedience to the edicts of Diocletian, had yielded
to the civil power, and delivered up the sacred ves-
sels used in places of worship, and even the Holy
Scriptures. 3. That Caecilian had displayed mark-
ed hostility towards the victims of the late persecu-
tion. These charges were brought under the con-
sideration of an assembly of seventy Numidian
bishops, who declared the see vacant, and, proceed-
ing to a new election, made choice of Majorinus.
Both parties called upon the praefect Anulinus to
interfere, but were referred by him to the emperor.

CAECILIUS.
and accordingly the rival prelates repaired to Rome,
each attended by ten leading ecclesiastics of his
own faction. The cause was judged by a council
composed of three Gallic and fifteen Italian bishops,
who met on the 2nd of October, 313, and gave
their decree in favour of Caecilian and Felix. An
appeal was lodged with Constantine, who agreed
to summon a second and more numerous council,
which was held at Aries on the 1st of August, 314,
when the decision of the council of Rome was con-
firmed. The struggle was, however, obstinately
prolonged by fresh complaints on the part of the
Donatists, who, after having been defeated before
various tribunals and commissions to which the
determination of the dispute was delegated by the
supreme government, at length openly refused to
submit, or to acknowledge any authority whatever,
if hostile to their claims. The formidable schism
which was the result of these proceedings is spoken
of more fully under Donatus. (Optatus, i. 19,
&c.) [W. R.]

CAECILIA'NUS, DOMI'TIUS, an intimate
friend of Thrasea, who informed him of his con-
demnation by the senate in a. d. 67. (Tac Aim.
xvi. 34.)

CAECILIA'NUS, MA'GIUS, praetor, falsely
accused of treason in a. d. 21, was acquitted, and
his accusers punished. (Tac. Arm. iii. 37.)

CAECI'LIUS. 1. Q. Caecilius, tribune of
the plebs, b. c. 439. (Liv. iv. 16.)

2. Q. Caecilius, a Roman knight, the husband
of Catiline's sister, who had taken no part in public
affairs, was killed by Catiline himself in the time
of Sulla. (Q. Cic. de Petit. Qms. 2 ; Ascon. in Tog.
Catid. p. 84, ed. Orelli.) This is perhaps the same
Q. Caecilius who is mentioned in connexion with
the trial of P. Gabinius, who was praetor in 89.
(Cic. Divinat. 20.) Zumpt remarks, that he can
hardly have belonged to the noble family of the
Metelli, as Cicero says that he was overborne by
the influence and rank of Piso.

3. Q. Caecilius, a Roman knight, a friend of L.
Lucullus, and the uncle of Atticus, acquired a large
fortune by lending money on interest. The old
usurer was of such a crabbed temper, that no one
could put up with him except his nephew Atticus,
who was in consequence adopted by him in his
will, and obtained from him a fortune of ten mil-
lions of sesterces. He died in b. c. 57. (Nepos,
Att. 5; Cic. adAtt. i. 1, 12, ii. 19, 20, iii. 20.)

4. T. Caecilius, a centurion of the first i-ank
(^primi pili) in the army of Afranius, was killed at
the battle of Ilerda, b. c. 49. (Caes. B. C. i. i. 46.)

L. CAECI'LIUS. We generally find included
among the writings of Lactantius a book divided
into fifty-two chapters, entitled De Mortibus Per-
secuiorum, containing an outline of the career of
those emperors who displayed active hostility towards
the church, an account of the death of each, to-
gether with a sketch of the different persecutions
from Nero to Diocletian. The object of the nar-
rative is to point out that the signal vengeance of
God in every case overtook the enemies of the
faith, and to deduce from this circumstance, from
the preservatien of the new religion amidst all the
dangers by which it was surrounded, and all the
attacks by which it was assailed, and from its final
triumph over its foes, an irresistible argument in
favour of its heavenly origin. The work appears
from internal evidence to have been composed after
tlie victory of Constantine over Maxentius, and

CAECILIUS.

boforo his quarrel with Licinius, that is to say, be-
tween A. D. '^\'2 and in5. The text is corrupt and
mutilated, and the statements which it contains
must be received with a certain degree of caution
in consequence of the declamatory tone in which
they are delivered, and the high colouring and
trimming employed throughout to suit the par-
ticular design proposed. But notwithstanding
these drawbacks, the treatise is extremely valuable
on account of the light which it sheds on many
obscure passages of ecclesiastical and civil history,
and is peculiarly famous as containing a contempo-
rary record of the alleged vision of Constantine
befoiv the battle of the Milvian bridge, in conse-
quence of which he ordered the soldiers to engrave
upon their shields the well-known monogram re-
presenting the cross together with the initial let-
ters of the name of Christ (c. 44).

This piece is altogether wanting in the earlier
editions of Lactantius, and was first brought to
light by Stephen Baluze, who printed it at Paris
in his Miscellanea (vol. ii., 1679) from a very an-
cient MS. in the Bibliotheca Colbertina, bearing
simply the inscription Lucii Cecilii Incipit Liber
Ad Donatum Confessorem De Mortibtjs Per-
secutor um. Baluze entertained no doubt that
he had discovered the tract of Lactantius quoted
by Hieronymus as De Fcrsecutione Librum Unum^
an opinion corroborated by the name prefixed
[Lactantius], by the date, by the dedication to
Donatus, apparently the same person with the Do-
iiatus addressed in the discourse De Ira Dei^ and
by the general resemblance in style and expression,
a series of considerations no one of which would
be in itself conclusive, but which when combined
form a strong chain of circumstantial evidence.
Le Nourry, however, sought to prove that the pro-
duction in question must be assigned to some
unknown L. Caecilius altogether different from
Lactantius, and published it at Paris in 1710 as
" Lucii Cecilii Liber ad Donatum Confessorem
de Mortibus Persecutorum hactenus Lucio Caecilio
Firmiano Lactantio adscriptus, ad Colbertinum
codicem denuo emendatus," to which is prefixed
an elaborate dissertation. His ideas have been
adopted to a certain extent by Pfaff, Walch, Le
Clerc, Lardner, and Gibbon, and controverted by
Heumann and others. Although the question can-
not be considered as settled, and indeed does not
admit of being absolutely determined, the best
modem critics seem upon the whole disposed to
acquiesce in the original hj'pothesis of Baluze.

The most complete edition of the De Morti-
bus Persecutorum in a separate form, is that
published at Utrecht in 1693, under the inspection
of Bauldri, with a very copious collection of notes,
forming one of the series of Variorum Classics in
8vo. Other editions are enumerated in the account
given of the works of Lactantius. [ W. R.]

SEX. CAECI'LIUS. A Roman jurist of this
name is occasionally cited in the Corpus Juris, and
is suspected by some authors to be distinct from
and earlier than Africanus. [Africanus, Sex.
Caecilius.] In support of this opinion, not to
mention the corrupt passage of Lampridius {Alejc.
Set>.68), they urge that there is no proof, that the
Sex. Caecilius Africanus to whom Julianus returned
an answer upon a legal question (Dig. 35. tit. 3.
8. 3. § 4) was identical with Africanus. He may
have been a private person, and distinct from the
jurists Sex. Caecilius and Africanus. This incon-

CAECILIUS.

527

elusive passage is the only connecting link between
Africanus and Sex. Caecilius, for elsewhere in the
Digest the name Africanus always appears alone.
Africanus was probably rather later (say they)
than Julianus, whom he occasionally cites (e. g.
Dig. 12. tit. 6. s. 38; Dig. 19. tit. 1. s. 45, pr.).
On the other hand, Caecilius (they proceed) ap-
pears to be anterior to Africanus, for he is cited
by Javolenus (Dig. 24. tit, 1. s. 64), who was the
master of Julianus. (Dig. 40. tit. 2. s. 5.) Again,
Sex. Caecilius is represented by Gellius as con-
versing with Favorinus, and is spoken of in the
Noctes Atticae as a person deceased. " Sextus
Caecilius, in disciplina juris atque legibus populi
Romani noscendis interpretandisque scientia, usu,
auctoritateque illustri fuit.^'' (Gell. xx. 1, pr.)
Now Favorinus is known to have flourished in the
reign of Hadrian, and Gellius to have completed
the Noctes Atticae before the death of Antoninus
Pius. (a. d. 161.) The passage in Gellius which
would make the conversation take place nearly
700 years after the laws of the Twelve Tables
were enacted, must be, if not a false reading, an
error or exaggeration ; for at most little more than
600 years could have elapsed from a. u. c. 300 in
the lifetime of Gellius. If 600 be read for 700,
the scene would be brought at furthest to a period
not far from the commencement (a. d. 138) of the
reign of Antoninus Pius.

These arguments are not sufficient to destroy
the probability arising from Dig. 35. tit. 3. s. 3.
§ 4, that Sex. Caecilius and Africanus are one
person. In Dig. 24. tit. 1. s. 64, some have pro-
posed to read Caelius instead of Caecilius, and thus
get rid of the passage which is the principal ground
for assigning an earlier date to Sex. Caecilius ; but
this mode of cutting the knot, though it is assisted
by fair critical analogies, is unnecessary, for Javo-
lenus, as we learn from Capitolinus (Ariton. Pius,
12), was living in the reign of Antoninus Pius,
and a contemporary of Javolenus and Julianus
might easily cite the younger, and be cited by the
elder of the two. The pupil in the master's life-
time may have acquired greater authority than the
master.

To assist the inquirer in investigating this ques-
tion— one of the most difficult and celebrated in
the biogrnphy of Roman jurists — we subjoin a list
of the passages in the Corpus Juris where Caecilius
or Caecilius Sextus is cited : — Caecilius : Dig. 15.
tit. 2. 8. 1. § 7 ; 21. tit. 1. s. 14. § 3 (al. Caelius) ;
21. tit. 1. s. 14. § 10 ; 24. tit. 1. s. 64 ; 35. tit. 2.

8. 36. § 4 ; 48. tit 5. s. 2. § 5 ; Cod. 7. tit. 7. s. 1,
pr. Sex. Caecilius : Dig. 24. tit. 1. s. 2 ; 33. tit.

9. 8. .3. § 9 (qu. Se.x. Aelius ; compare Gell. iv. 1);
35. tit. 1. s. 71, pr.; 40. tit. 9. s. 12. § 2; 40.
tit. 9. 12. §6; 48. tit. 5. s. 13. § 1.

A jurist of the name Sextus is thrice quoted by
Ulpian in the Digest (29. tit. 5. s. 1. § 27 ; 30.
tit. un. s. 32, pr.; 42. tit 4. s. 7. § 17). Whether
this Sextus be identical with Sex. Caecilius must
be a matter of doubt. There may have been a
Sextus, known, like Gains, by a single name.
There are, moreover, several jurists with the prae-
nomen Sextus named in the Digest, e. g. Sex.
Aelius, Sex. Pedius, Sox. Poraponius. That there
were two jurists named Pomponius has been in-
ferred from Dig. 28. tit 5. s. 41, where Pomponius
appears to quote Sex. Pomponius. From this and
from the other passages where Sex. Pomponius
is named in full (Dig. 24. tit. 3. s. 44 ; 29. tit. 2.

£28

CAECILIUS.

8. iJO. $ 6), the praenomen Sextiis has been sup-
posed to be distinctive of the elder Pompoiiius.
But that Sextus, alone, did not designate any one
named Pomponius is clear from the phrase " tarn
Sextus quam Pomponius " in Dig. 30. tit. un. s. 32,
pr., and from the similar phrase " Sextum quoque
et Pomponium" occurring in Vai. Frag. § 88,
though Bethmann-HoUweg, the last editor (in the
Bonn Corp. Jur. Rom. Antejust. i. p. 255), has
thought proper to omit the et. From Dig. 42. tit.
4. s. 7. § 19, Vat. Frag. § 88, and Gains, ii. 218,
we infer, that Sextus was contemporary with Ju-
ventius Celsus, the son, and that some of his works
were digested by Julianus. If, then, Sextus be
identified with Sextus Caecilius and Africanus,
Africanus must have lived rather earlier than is
usually supposed, and can scarcely have been a
pupil of Julianus. That, however, a pupil should
have been annotated by his preceptor is not with-
out example, if we understand in its ordinary sense
the expression " Servius apud Alfenum notat," in
Dig. 17. tit. 2. 8. 35. ^ 8. (See contra. Otto, in
Tlies. Jur. Rom. v. 1614-5.)

A jurist named PtMius Caecilius is spoken of
by Rutilius ( Vitae JCtorum, c. 45) as one of the
disciples of Servius Sulpicius ; but the name Pub-
lius Caecilius is a mere conjectural emendation for
Publicius Gellius, who figures in the text of Pom-
ponius, Dig. 1. tit. 2. 1. nn. § 44. The conjecture
was invited by the unusual blending of two family
names in Publicius Gellius. (Menagius, Amoen.
Jur. cc. 22, 23 ; Heineccius, de Sexto Pomponio,
Opera, ed. Genev. iii. 77.) [J. T. G.]

CAECI'LIUS(KaiK(A«os)of Argos, is mentioned
by Athenaeus (i. p. 13) among the writers on the
art of fishing ; but nothing further is known about
him. [L. S.]

CAECI'LIUS BION. [Bion.]
CAECI'LIUS CALACTI'NUS {KuikIMos Ko-
AoucTivos), or, as he was formerly, though erro-
neouslj', surn.amed CALANTIANUS, a Greek
rhetorician, who lived at Rome in the time of Au-
gustus. He was a native of Cale Acte in Sicily
(whence his name Calactinus). His parents are
said by Suid.is to have been slaves of the Jewish
religion ; and Caecilius himself, before he had ob-
tained the Roman franchise, is said to have borne
the name Archagathus. He is mentioned by
Quintilian (iii. 1. § 16, comp. iii. 6. § 47, v. 10.
§ 7, ix. 1. § 12, 3. §§ 38, 46, 89, 91, 97) along
with Dionysius of Halicarnassus as a distinguished
Greek rhetorician and grammarian. Respecting
the sphere of his activity at Rome, and his success
as a teacher of rhetoric, nothing is known; but,
from the title of one of his works, we see that he
studied Roman oratory along with that of the
Greeks. He wrote a great number of works on
rhetoric, grammar, and also on historical subjects.
All these works are now lost ; but they were in
high repute with the rhetoricians and critics of the
imperial period. (Plut. Dem. 3, Vii. X Orat. pp.
83-2, 833, 836, 838, 840 ; Phot. DM. pp. 20, 485,
486, 489, ed, Bekker.) Some of his works were
of a theoretical character, others were commentaries
on the Greek orators, and others again were of a
grammatical or historical kind. The following list
is made up from that given by Suidas, and from
some passages of other writers : 1 . Ilepl f)7]TopiKrJ5.
(Suid.; Quintil. /. c.) 2. Tlepl ax'^l^'^'^^- (Alex.
de Figur. ii. 2 ; Tiber, de Figur. passim.) 3. Tlepl
XapaxTVpos tuv Ssku pTiTopwv. 4. Ilepi Avaiov

CAECILIUS.

auYYpaufia. (Longin. de SvMim. 32.) S, Hep.
'AuTicpuvTos avvTayfia. (Plut. Vit.XOrat. p. 832,
e.) 6. '2.vyKpi(ns Ar}fj.o(T64vovs Kal Alaxivov.
7. ^vyKpicris AT^fioadivovs Koi KiKepuivos. (Plut.
Dem. 3.) 8. Uepl t(TTopias. (Athen, xi. p. 466.,
9. T/vt Sia(p4pei 6 'AttikSs ^rjKos rev ^Aaiavov.
1 0. Hipl A-n/jLOcrdeuovs, iroToi avTOu yvr\aioi \6yoi
KoX TToloi voOoi. 11. Ilepl Twu Kaff iaropiav rfj
Trap' iffTopiav flpr)/j.fuci}v rots priTopcri. 12. Ilepl
^ovXiK<av TToAenwv. (Athen. vi. p. 272.) 13. Kara
^pvywv Svo. 14. 'EK\oyri \4^sa>v Kara aroix^lov.
This work has been much used by Suidas. (See
his preface.) 15. TlepX uij/ous, was the first work
with this title in antiquity. (Longin, 1 ; compare
Westermann, Gesch. der Gricch. Beredtsamk. § 88,
notes 16, &c., § 47, note 6, § 57, note 4.) [L.S.]
CAECI'LIUS CORNUTUS. [Cornutus.]
CAECI'LIUS CYPRIA'NUS. [Cyprianus.]
Q. CAECI'LIUS EPIRO'TA, a grammarian,
born at Tusculum, was afreedman of T. Pomponius
Atticus, and taught the daughter of his patron,
who was afterwards married to M.Agrippa. But,
suspected by Atticus of entertaining designs upon
his daughter, he was dismissed. He then lived on
the most intimate terms with Cornelius Gallus ;
and, after the death of the latter, he opened a
school at Rome for young men, and is said to have
been the first to dispute in Latin extempore, and
to give lectures upon Virgil and other modern
poets. (Suet. III. Gram. 16.)
CAECI'LIUS EUTY'CHIDES. [Eutvchi-

DKS.]

CAE'CILIUS NATA'LIS. [Natalis.]
CAE'CILIUS RUFI'NUS. [Rufinus.]
CAE'CILIUS SIMPLEX. [Simplex.]
CAECI'LIUS STA'TIUS, a Roman comic
poet, the immediate predecessor of Terence, was,
according to the accounts preserved by Aulus Gel-
lius (iv. 20) and HieronjTnus (in Euseb. Chron.
OljTnp. cl. 2), by birth an Insubrian Gaul, and a
native of Milan. Being a slave he bore the servile
appellation of Statius, which was afterwards, pro-
bably when he received his freedom, converted
into a sort of cognomen, and he became known as
Caecilius Statius. His death happened B. c. 168,
one year after that of Ennius and two years before
the representation of the Andria, which had been
previously submitted to his inspection and had ex-
cited his warm admiration. (Sueton. Vit. Tereid.)
The names of at least forty dramas by Caecilius
have been preserved, together with a considerable
number of fragments, but all of them are extremely
brief, the two longest extending one (ap. Aul. Gell.
ii. 23) to seventeen lines, and the other (Cic. de
N. D. xxix.) to twelve only. Hence we must
rest satisfied with collecting and recording the
opinions of those who had the means of forming an
estimate of his powers, without attempting to judge
independently. The Romans themselves, then,
seem to agree in placing Caecilius in the first rank
of his own department, classing him for the most
part with Plautus and Terence. " Caecilius excels
in the arrangement of his plots, Terentius in the
development of character, Plautus in dialogue ;"
and again, " None rival Titinnius and Terentius
in depicting character, but Trabea and Atilius
and Caecilius at once command our feelings," are
the observations of Varro (ap. Non. s. v. Poscere ;
Charis. lib. ii. sub fin.). — " We may pronounce
Ennius chief among epic poets, Pacuvius among
tragic poets, perhaps Caecilius among comic poets,**

CAECINA.

says Cicero (De Opfim. Gen. Die. i.), although in
other passages he censures his latinity as impure.
{Ad Att. vii. 3, Brut. c. 74.) The dictum of the
fashionable critics of the Augustan age is embodied
by Horace in the line {Ep. ii. 1. 59), '* Vincere
Caecilius gravitate, Terentius arte." Velleius
declares (ii, 17), that the " charms of Latin wit
were brilliantly displayed by Caecilius, Terentius,
and Afranius." " We are most lame in comedy,
although the ancients extol Caecilius," is the
testimony of Quintilian (x. 1. § 99), while Vulca-
tius Sedigitus in an epigram preserved in the
Noctes Atticae (xv. 24) pronounces Caecilius first
among the nine comic poets there enumerated, the
second place being assigned to Plautus, and the
sixth to Terence.

This popularity, however, was not acquired at
once, for the speaker of the prologue to the Hecyra,
while he apologises for reproducing a piece which
had already twice failed, reminds the audience that
although the works of Caecilius were now listened
to with pleasure, several had at first been driven
off the stage, while others had with difficulty kept
their ground. The whole of the forty plays alluded
to above, as far as we can gather from their titles,
belong to the class of Palliaiae., that is, were free
translations or adaptations of the works of Greek
writers of the new comedy. There is a curious
chapter in Aulus Gellius (ii. 23), where a compari-
son is instituted between certain passages in the
Plocium of Caecilius and the corresponding por-
tions of the drama by Menander, from which it
was derived. We here gain some knowledge of
the manner in which these transfusions were per-
formed, and we feel strongly impressed with the
poorness, flatness, and vapid heaviness of the Latin
imitation when placed in juxtaposition with the
sparkling brilliancy of the rich and racy original.
To adopt the quaint simile of the grammarian, they
resemble each other in the same degree as the
bright and precious armour of Glaucus resembled
the dull and paltry harness of Diomede. [W. R.]

CAECI'NA, the name of an Etruscan family of
Volaterrae, one of the ancient cities of Etruria, It
seems either to have derived its name from, or
given it to, the river Caecina, which flows by the
town. Persons of this name are first mentioned in
the century before Christ, and they are expressly
said to have been natives of Volaterrae. Under
the empire the name is of frequent occurrence, and
it is probable that all these Caecinae were of Etrus-
can origin. As late as the reign of Honorius, we
read of the poet Decius Albinus Caecina [see be-
low], residing at his villa in the neighbourhood of
Volaterrae ; and there is, or was lately, a family
of this name at the modem Volterra, which Italian
antiquaries would make out to be descended from
the ancient Caecinae. There has been discovered
in the neighbourhood of Volterra the family tomb
of the Caecinae, from which we learn that Ceicna
was the Etruscan form of the name. In this tomb
there was found a beautiful sarcophagus, now in
the Museum of Paris. The family was di-
vided into several branches, and we accordingly
find on the funeral urns the cognomens Caspu and
and Tlupuni : in Latin inscriptions we also meet
with the surnames Quudralus and Placidus ; and
various others occur below. (Miiller, Eirusker, vol.
i. p. 416, &c.) The most important persons of
this name are :

1. A. Cakcina, of Volaterrae, whom Cicero de-

CAECINA.

f>29

fended in a law-suit, B. c. 69. The argument of
this oration, which is of a purely legal nature,
cannot be understood without a knowledge of the
Roman interdict. It is discussed at length by
Keller in the second book of his " Semestrium ad
M. Tullium Ciceronem Libri VI." Turici, 1843.
He was probably the father of the following, and
not the same person, as is usually supposed.
(Comp. Cic. ad Fain. vi. 9; Orelli, Onom. Tull. s. v.)

2. A. Caecina, son of the preceding, published
a libellous work against Caesar, and was in conse-
quence compelled to go into exile after the battle of
Pharsalia, n. c. 48. In order to obtain Caesar's
pardon, he wrote another work entitled Querelae,
which he sent to Cicero for revision. In the col-
lection of Cicero's letters there is rather a long one
from Caecina to Cicero, and three of Cicero's to
Caecina. (Suet. Cues. 75 ; Cic. ad Fam. vi. 5-8.)
In 47 Caecina was in Asia, and was recommended
by Cicero to the proconsul P. Servilius, the go-
vernor of the province {ad Fam. xiii. 66) : from
thence he crossed over to Sicily, and was again re-
commended by Cicero to Furfanius, the governor of
Sicily. {Ad. Fam. vi. 9.) From Sicily he went into
Africa, and, upon the defeat of the Pompeians there
in the same year, B. c. 46, surrendered to Caesar,
who spared his life. (Hirt. Bell. A/r. 89.)

Caecina was the author of a work on the "Etnis-
ca Disciplina," which is referred to by Pliny as one
of his authorities for his second book ; and it is pro-
bably from this work that Seneca quotes {Quuest.
Nat. ii. 39) some remarks of Caecina upon the dif-
ferent kinds of lightning. Cicero tells us {ad Fam.
vi. 6. § 3), that Caecina was trained by his father
in the knowledge of the Etruscans, and speaks of
him otherwise as a man of talent, and possessed of
oratorical powers. Seneca {Qtiaest. Nat. ii. 56)
says, that he would have had some reputation in
eloquence if he had not been thrown into the shade
by Cicero. This must be the same Caecina whose
work on the Etruscan Discipline is quoted in
the Veronese scholia on the Aeneid (x. 198, ed.
Mai).

3. Caecina of Volaterrae, a friend of Octavianus,
sent by the latter to Cicero in b. c. 44. (Cic ad
Att. xvi. 8.) Cicero speaks of him as "Caecinam
quendam Volaterranum," which would seem to
shew that he could not have been the same as the
preceding, nor even his son, with whom also Cicero
was well acquainted. (Cic. ad Fam. vi. 5.) This
Caecina was sent by Octavianus with proposals to
Antony in 41. (Appian, B. C. v. 60.)

4. A. Caecina Severus, a distinguished soldier
and general in the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius,
had served forty campaigns by the year a. d. 15,
and lived several years afterwards. (Tac. Ann. i.
64, iii. 33.) He was governor of Moesia in a. d. 6,
when the formidable insurrection under the two
Bates broke out in the neighbouring provinces of
Dalmatia and Pannonia. [Bato.] He immediately
marched against the Breucians in Pannonia, whom
he defeated after a hard-fought battle, in which
mcany of his troops fell, but was recalled almost im-
mediately afterwards to his own province by the
ravages of the Dacians and Sarmatians. In the
following year, he gained another victory over the
insurgents, who had attacked him while on his
march from Moesia to join Germanicus in Panno-
nia. (Dion Cass. Iv. 29, 30, 32 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 112.)

In A. D. 14, Caecina had the command, as legate
of Germanicus, of the Roman army in Lower Ger-

2m

630

GAECINA.

many, and was employed by Germanicus, in the
following year, in the war against Arrainius. With
the view of distracting the attention of the eneni}',
Caecina was sent with forty cohorts through the
territory of the Bructeri to the river Amisia ; and
when Germanicus determined upon retreating after
a hard-fought but indecisive battle with Arminius,
he ordered Caecina to lead back his division of the
army to the Rhine. His way lay through an ex-
tensive marsh, over which there was a causeway
known by the name of the Long Bridges. Here
his army was attacked and nearly destroyed by
Arminius ; but he eventually defeated the Germans
with great slaughter, and reached the Rhine in
safety. [Arminius.] On account of this victory,
he received the insignia of a triumph. (Tac. Ann.
i. 31, 32, 56, 60, 63—68, 72.)

This is the last military command which Caecina
appears to have held. He is mentioned in a. d,
20 as the author of a proposition in the senate that
an altar should be erected to the goddess of Ven-
geance, on account of the suppress'on of Piso's con-
spii-acy ; and again in a. d. 21, as proposing that
the governors of provinces should not be allowed to
take their wives with them into their provinces.
Tacitus gives a speech of his on the latter of these
motions, in which he states, that he had always
lived in hannony with his wife, who had borne
him six children. His motion, which was opposed
by Valerius Messallinus and Drusus, was not car-
ried. (Tac. Ann. iii. 18, 33, 34.)

5. Caecina Paetus, was put to death by the
emperor Claudius in A. d. 42. The heroism of his
wife Arria on this occasion is mentioned under
Arria. His daughter married Thrasea, who was
put to death by Nero. (Plin. Ep. iii. 16; Dion
Cass. Ix. 16 ; Martial, i. 14 ; Zonaras, xi. 9.)

6. C. Caecina Largus, consul a. d. 42 with
the emperor Claudius, inhabited the magnificent
house which formerly belonged to Scaurus, the con-
temporary of Cicero. (Dion Cass. Ix. 10; Ascon.
in Scaur, p. 27, ed. Orelli ; Plin. H. N. xvii. 1.)

7. P. Caecina Largus, one of the chief friends
of the emperor Claudius, was perhaps the brother
of No. 6, unless indeed he is the same person, and
C should be read in Tacitus instead of P. (Tac.
Ann. xi. 33, 34.)

8. Caecina Tuscus, the son of Nero's nurse,
had been appointed in a. d. 56, according to Fabius
Rusticus, praefect of the Praetorian troops in the
place of Afranius Burrus, but did not enter upon
the office, as Burrus was retained in the command
through the influence of Seneca. Caecina was sub-
sequently appointed governor of Egypt by Nero,
but was afterwards banished for making use of the
baths which had been erected in anticipation of
the emperor's arrival in Egypt. He probably re-
turned from banishment on the death of Nero,
a. d. 68, as we find him in Rome in the following
year. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 20 ; Suet. Ner. 35 ; Dion
Cass. Ixiii. 18 ; Tac. Hist. iii. 38.)

9. A. Caecina Alienus (called in the Fasti
A. Licinius Caecina), was quaestor in Baetica in
Spain at the time of Nero's death, A. d. 68, and
was one of the foremost in joining the party of
Galba, He was rewarded by Galba with the com-
mand of a legion in Upper Gennany ; but, being
shortly afterwards detected in embezzling some
of the public money, the emperor ordered him
to be prosecuted. Caecina, in revenge, induced his
trcops to revolt to Vitellius. Caecina was a great

CAECINA.

favourite with the soldiers. His personal presence
was commanding ; he was tall in sUiture, comely in
person, and upright in gait ; he possessed consider-
able ability in speaking; and, as he was ambnious,
he used every means to win the favour of his troops.
After persuading them to espouse the side of Vitel-
lius, he set out at the beginning of the year (a. d.
69), on his march towards Italy at the head of an
army of 30,000 men, the main strength of which
consisted in one legion, the twenty-first. In his
march through Switzerland, he ravaged the couiitiy
of the Helvetians in a frightful manner, because they
had refused to own the authority of Vitellius. He
crossed the Great St. Bernard and marched through
northern Italy without meeting with any oppo-
sition. Upon entering Italy, he observed greater
discipline than he had done previously, and pre-
vented his troops from plundering the country •
but his dress gave great offence to the citizens, be-
cause he wore in receiving them a military cloak
of various colours, and also trowsers, which wore
reckoned as characteristic of barbarians. People
were also scandalized at his wife Salonina riding
as it were in state upon a beautiful horse, and
dressed in purple.

As Placentia was garrisoned bj' the troops of
Otho, who had now succeeded Galba, Caecina
crossed the Po, and proceeded to attack that city.
He was, however, repulsed in his attack with con-
siderable loss, and thereupon recrossed the Po and
retired towards Cremona. Otho's troops were com-
manded by Suetonius Paullinus and Celsus, the for-
mer a general of great skill and military experience,
who frustrated all the plans of Caecina. Anxious
to retrieve his honour before he was joined by Fa-
bius Valens, who was advancing with the other
division of the German army, Caecina determined
to make a vigorous effort to gain some decisive ad-
vantage. He accordingly laid an ambush at a place
called Castorum, twelve miles from Cremona ; but
his plans were betrayed to the enemy, and he suf-
fered a signal defeat. Shortly afterwards, he was
joined by Fabius Valens, and their united forces
then gained a victory over Otho's troops at Bedri-
acum, which established the power of Vitellius in
Italy. The unhappy country, however, was now
exposed to pillage in every direction, as neither
Caecina nor Valens attempted to restrain his sol-
diers, the former through desire of preserving his
popularity with them, the latter because he him-
self took part in the plunder.

After obtaining possession of Rome, Caecina and
Valens were advanced to the consulship, and entered
upon the office on the 1st of September, a. d. 69.
Meantime, Antonius Primus, who had declared in
favour of Vespasian, was preparing to invade Italy,
and Caecina was accordingly sent against him.
Caecina met with Antonius in the neighbourhood
of Verona, and might with his numerous army
have easily crushed him ; but he resolved to desert
the cause of Vitellius, and concerted measures for
that purpose with Lucilius Bassus, who meditated
the same treachery and had the command of Vitel-
lius's fleet. But when he attempted to persuade
his soldiers to take the oath of allegiance to Ves-
pasian, they rose against him and put him in irons.
In this state of things, they were attacked by An-
tonius, who conquered them near Bedriacum, and
forthwith proceeded to assault Cremona, Avhere
most of the conquered had taken refuge. Alarmed
at the success of Antonius, Caecina was released

CAECULUS.

by his soldiorR, and sent to Antonius to intercede
on their behalf. Antonius despatched Caeciniv to
Vespasian, who treated him with great honour.
"When the news of his treachery readied Rome, he
was deprived of his consulship, and Roscius Regii-
lus elected in his stead. (Tac. Ilisl. i. 52, 53, (il,
67—70, ii. 20— *25, 30, 41—44, 71, 9^, 100, iii.
1 3, 14, 31 ; Dion Cass. Ixv. 10, 14 ; Joseph. Ii. J.
iv. 11. §3.)

Nothing more is heard of Caecina till the latter
end of the reign of Vespasian (a. d. 79), when he
entered into a plot against the emperor, and was
slain, by order of Titus, as he rose from a banquet
in the imperial palace. (Dion Cass. Ixvi. 16 ; Suet.
Tit. ().) According to Aurelius Victor {Epit. 10),
Caecina was put to death by Titus because he sus-
pected him of intriguing with his mistress Berenice.

10. LiciNius Caecina, a senator attached to
Otho's party, a. d. 69 (Tac. Hist. ii. 53), may per-
haps be the Licinius Caecina, a man of praetorian
rank, mentioned by Pliny. {H. N. xx. 18. s. 76.)

CAECI'NA, DE'CIUS ALBl'NUS, a Roman
satirist who flourished under Arcadius and Hono-
rius. Rutilius Numatianus in his Itinerary (i. 599)
addresses a certain Decius, a man of high station,
wliom he styles " Lucilli nobile pignus," and
whose father he pronounces to be not inferior as a
poet to Turnus and Juvenal. But this Decius, the
son, is supposed to be the same person with the
Decius, son of Albinus, introduced by Macrobius
as conversing with Postuniianus {Saturn, i. 2,
init.), and Decius the father is identified with
Caecina Albinus, represented in the same chapter
of the Saturnalia as the friend and companion of
Aurelius Symmachus. Moreover, it is maintained
that the elder Decius, the satirist, is the individual
to whom several of the epistles of Symmachus are
addressed (Ep. vii. 35-65, comp. viii. 21), that he
was praefectus urbi in a. d. 302 (Cod. Theod. 7. tit.
15. s. 13 ; Gruter, Corp. Inscr. p. cclxxxvii.), and
that from the success with which he followed in the
foot-stops of Aurunca's bard, he was known as the
Lucilius of his day. Hence the expression " Lu-
cilli (Lucili) nobile pignus" applied to his son, and
hence the mistake of those historians of literature
who have included a Lucilius or Lucvllus (corrupt
forms of Lucilius) among the satirical writers of the
fifth century. Lastly, the persons who hold the
above opinions believe that the epigrams in the
Greek Anthology beai'ing the name of Lucillius, and
assigned by Fabricius to a writer who lived at the
end of the fourth century, are in reality the pro-
ductions of the subject of this article. (Fabric.
Bibl. Ch-acc. vol. ii. p. 719.)

The web of conjecture by which all these facts
are connected has been very ingeniously woven by
WernsdorfF, but in many places the tissue is too
frail to bear rough handling. (Wernsdorff, Poet.
Jjitin. Min. vol. iii. p. xxii., vol. v. p. 1 82.) [W. R.]

C. CAE'CIUS, a friend of Lentulus Spinther,
the younger, spoken of by Cicero in b. c. 49. (Cic.
adAtt.\x. 11, 13.)

CAE'CULUS, an ancient Italian hero of Prae-
neste. The account which Servius {ad Aen. vii.
<i78) gives of him runs as follows : At Praeneste
there were pontifices and dii indigetes as well as
at Rome. There were however two brothers called
indigetes (the common reading is dii instead of in-
di</etes, but is evidently wrong) who had a sister.
On one occasion, while she was sitting by the fire
of the hearth, a spark fell into her lap, whereby

CAEDTCIUS.

531

she became the mother of a son, whom she exposed
near the temple of Jupiter. Here the infant was
found, lying by the side of a fire, by maidens who
happened to come to fetch water. The fire near
which he had been found led to his being consi-
dered a son of Vulcan. This child was Caeculus,
who, after growing up to manhood, and living for
a time as a robber, together with a number of com-
rades who were shepherds, built the town of Prae-
neste. He invited the neighbourhood to the cele-
bration of public games at Praeneste, and when
they were assembled, he called upon them to settle
in the newly built town, and he gave weight to his
demand by declaring that he was a son of Vulcan.
But when the people disbelieved his assertions, he
prayed Vulcan to send a sign, whereupon the whole
assembly was surrounded by a bright flame. This
miracle induced the people to recognize him as the
son of Vulcan, and to settle at Praeneste. The
substance of this story is also given by Soiinus (ii.
9). The two brothers {indigetes) mentioned in this
story are, according to Hartung, the well-known
twins who were worshipped at Rome as Lares and
Penates, and their sister a priestess of the hearth.
Caeculus, too, is, like Vulcan, a divinity of the
hearth, because he is the son of Vulcan, was con-
ceived by a priestess of the hearth, and was found
near a hearth (fire). For the same reason, Har-
timg connects the name Caeculus with koioj and
caleo. The manner in which Caeculus obtains
settlers for his new town resembles the means by
which Romulus contrived to get women for his
Romans ; but a still greater similarity exists be-
tween the stories of the conception of Caeculus and
of king Servius TuUius. This resemblance, toge-
ther with the connexion of Servius TuUius with
Caia Caecilia, seem to indicate that Servius TuUius
was the representative of the same idea at Rome
as Caeculus was at Praeneste. (Hartung, Di^ Reliy.
d. Rum. i. p. 88, &c. ; Klausen, Aeneas u. d. PenaU
p. 761, &c.) [L. S.]

CAECUS, a surname of Ap. Claudius, censor
B. c. 312 and consul in 307 and 296. His life is
related under Claudius, as he is better known
under the latter name.

CAEDI'CIA GENS, plebeian. A person of
this name was a tribune of the plebs as early as
B. c. 475, but the first of the gens who obtained
the consulship was Q. Caedicius Noctua, in B. c.
289. The only cognomen occurring in this gens
is Noctua : for those who have no surname, see
Caedicius. The name does not occur at all in
the later times of the republic ; but a Caedicius is
mentioned twice by Juvenal (xiii, 197, xvi. 46).

CAEDI'CIUS. 1. L. Caedicius, tribune of
the plebs, b. c. 475, brought to trial Sp. Servilius
Priscus Structus, the consul of the preceding year.
(Liv. ii. 52 ; Dionys. ix. 28.)

2. M. Caedicius, is said to have told the tri-
bunes of the plebs, in b. c. 391, that he had heard,
in the silence of the night, a superhuman voice,
commanding him to inform the magistrates that
the Gauls were coming. (Liv. v. 32 ; Plut. CamUL
14 ; Zonaras, vii. 23.) This appears to be the
same Caedicius, a centurion, who was elected as
their commander by the Romans that had fled to
Veii after the destruction of the city by the Gauls,
B. c. 390. He led out his countrymen against the
Etruscans, who availed themselves of the misfor-
tunes of the Romans to plunder the Veientine ter-
ritory. After this he proposed that Camillus should

2 m 2

532

CAELIOMONTANUS.

be invited to become their general, and according
to another account he himself carried to Camillus
the decree of the senate appointing him to the com-
mand. (Liv. V. 45, 46 ; Appian, Cklt. 5.)

3. C. Caedicius, one of the legates of the con-
sul L. Papirius Cursor, commanded the cavalry in
the great battle with the Samnites in b. c. 293.
(Liv. X. 40.)

4. Q. Caedicius Q. p. Q. n., consul b. c. 256,
died in his consulship, and was succeeded in the
office by M. Atilius Regulus. (Fast. Capit.)

CAE'DICUS, two mythical personages in Vir-
gil's Aeneid (ix. 360, x. 747). [L. S.]

CABLES or CAE'LIUS VIBENNA, the
leader of an Etruscan army, who is said to have
come to Rome at the invitation of one of the early
Roman kings, and to have settled with his troops
on the hill called after him the Caelian. In whose
reign however he came, was differently stated, as
Tacitus observes. {Ann. iv. Go.) Tacitus himself
places his arrival at Rome in the reign of Tarqui-
nius Priscus, and this is in accordance with a
mutilated passage of Festus (s. v. Tuscum vicuni),
in which, moreover, Caeles and Vibenna are spoken
of as brothers. Festus, however, in another pas-
sage {s. V. Cadius Afons), Dionysius (ii. 36), and
Varro {L. L. v. 46, ed. Mliller), state that Caeles
came to Rome in the age of Romulus to assist him
against the Sabines. The Etruscan story, which
is preserved in the speech of the emperor Claudius,
of which considerable fragments were discovered at
Lyons, differs considerably from the preceding
ones. According to the Etruscan account, Servius
Tullius, afterwards king of Rome, was originally
a follower of Caeles Vivenna, whose fortunes he
shared, and that afterwards overcome by a multi-
tude of disasters he migrated to Rome with the
remains of the army of Caeles, and occupied the
Caelian hill, which, he called after the name of his
former commander. It is probable that these dif-
ferent accounts refer to two distinct Etruscan
migrations to Rome, and that Caeles Vibenna is
thus represented as the leader of each. (Niebuhr,
Hist, of Rome^ vol. i. p. 381, &c.; Mliller, J5^/n«f^r,
Tol. i. p. 116, &c.)

CAELESTI'NUS, an historian of the Empire
referred to by Trebellius PoUio in the biography
of the younger Valerian. We know nothing more
abotit him. [W. R.]

CAE'LIA or COE'LIA, the third wife of the
dictator Sulla, whom he divorced on account of
barrenness. (Plut. Snll. 6.)

CAE'LIA or COE'LIA GENS, plebeian. In
maimscripts the name is usually written Caelius,
while on coins it generally occurs in the form of
Coelius or Coilius, though we find on one coin L.
Oaeliiis Tax. (Eekhel, v. pp. 156, 175.) From
the similarity of the names, Caelius is frequently
confounded with Caecilius. The gens traced its
origin to the Etruscan leader, Caeles Vibenna, in
the time of the Roman kings, but no members of
it obtained the higher offices of the state till the
beginning of the first century b. c. : the first who
obtained the consulship was C. Caelius Caldus in
B. c. 94. There were only two family-names in this
gens, Caldus and Rufus : the other cognomens
are personal surnames, chiefly of freedmen. For
those without a surname see Caelius.

CAELIOMONTA'NUS (not Co«liomontanus),
the name of a family of the Virginia gens. Almost
all the members of this gens had the surname Tri-

CAELIUS.

costus, and the name of Caeliomontanus was un-
doubtedly given to the family dwelling on the
Caelian hill, to distinguish it from others of the
same gens.

1. T. ViRGiNius Tricostus Caeliomontanus,
consul B. c. 496 with A. Postumius Albus Regil-
lensis, in which year, according to some annalists,
the battle at the lake Regillus was fought. Ac-
cording to the same accounts, Postumius resigned
the consulship because he suspected his colleague,
and was afterwards made dictator. The battle,
however, is usually placed two years earlier. [ Al-
BiNus, No. 1.] (Liv. ii. 21; Dionys. vi. 2.)

2. A. ViRGiNius A. F. Tricostus Caeliomon-
tanus, called by Dionysius A.Virginius Moiitunus^
consul B. c. 494, the year in which the plebs
seceded to the Sacred Mountain.' Previous to the
secession he had marched against the Volsci, whom
he had defeated in battle, and had taken one of
their chief towns, Velitrae. He is mentioned by
Dionysius as one of the ten envoys sent by the
senate to treat with the plebs. (Liv. ii. 28 — 30;
Dion vs. vj. 3*, 42, 69 ; Ascon. in Cornel, p. 76,
ed.Orelli.)

3. A. ViRGiNius A. F, A. N. Tricostus Cae-
liomontanus, son of No. 2, consul in 469, marched
against the Aequi, whom he eventually defeated
through the valour of his soldiers, though his army
was nearly destroyed in consequence of his own
negligence. (Liv. ii. 63 ; Dionys. ix. bQ ; Diod.
xi. 70.)

4. Sp. ViRGiNius A. p. A. N. Tricostus Cae-
liomontanus, son of No. 2, consul b. c. 456, in
whose consulship the ludi saeculares are said to
have been celebrated the second time. (Liv. iii.
31 ; Dionys. x. 31 ; Diod. xii. 4; Censor, de Die
Nat. 17.)

5. T. ViRGiNius T. f. Tricostus Caeliomon-
tanus, consul B. c. 448. (Liv. iii. 65 ; Dionys.
xi. 51 ; Diod. xii. 27.)

CAE'LIUS or COE'LIUS. 1. M. Caelius,
tribune of the plebs in the time of M. Cato, the
censor, whom Cato attacked in a speech, in which
among other hard things he said, that Caelius would
speak or hold his tongue for a piece of bread. (Gell.
i. 15.)

2. L. Caelius, commanded as legate in Illyri-
cum in the war against Perseus, B. c. 169, and
was defeated in an attempt which he made to ob-
tain possession of Uscana in the country of the
Penestae, a town which was garrisoned by the
Macedonians. (Liv. xliii. 21.)

3. P. Caelius, was placed in the command of
Placentia by the consul Cn. Octavius, B. c. 87, and
when the town was taken by Cinna's anny, he
caused himself to be put to death by L. Petronius,
that he might not fall into the hands of the Marian
party. (Val. Max, iv. 7. § 5.)

4. P. Caelius, perhaps a son of the preceding,
praetor with Verres, B. c. 74. (Cic. c. Verr. i. 50.)

5. M. Caelius, a Roman knight, from whom
Verres took away, at Lilybaeura, several silver
vases. (Cic. Verr. iv. 47.) As Cicero says that
this Caelius was still young at this time, b. c. 7 1 ,
he may be the same M. Caelius who is mentioned
in the oration for Flaccus, B. c. 5Q. (Cic. pro
Flacc. 4.)

6. C. Caelius, tribtine of the plebs, B. c. 51,
put his veto with several of his colleagues upon the
decrees of the senate directed against Caesar
(Gael. ap. Cic. ad Fam. viii. 8.)

CAENIS.

7. Q. Caklius, a friend and follower of M. An-
tonius, attacked by Cicero. {Phil. xiii. 2, 12.)

8. Caelius, an usurer, with whom Cicero had
some dealings. (Cic. ad Ait. xii. 5, 6, vii. 3,
xiii. 3.)

CAELIUS ANTIPATER. [Antipatkr.]
CAELIUS APICIUS. [Apicius.]
CAELIUS AURELIANUS. [Aurelianus.]
CAELIUS BALBINUS. [Balbinus.]
CAELIUS CURSOR. [Cursor.]
CAELIUS POLLIO. [Pollio.]
CAELIUS ROSCIUS. [Roscius.]
CAELIUS SARIN US. [Sabinus.]
CAELIUS FIRMIANUS SYMPOSIUS.
[Symposius.]
CAELIUS VINICIANUS. [Vinicianus.]
CAENIS, the concubine of Vespasian, was ori-
ginally a freedworaan of Antonia, the mother of
the emperor Claudius. After the death of his Avife
Flavia Domitilla, Vespasian took her to live with
him and treated her almost as his legal wife. She
had very great influence with Vespasian, and ac-
quired immense we.alth from the presents presented
to her by those who wished to gain the favour of
the emperor. Domitian, however, treated her with
some contempt. After her death, Vespasian kept
many concubines in her place. (Dion Cass. IxvL
14 ; Suet. Vesp. 3, 21, Dom. 12.)

CAEPIO.

533

M. CAEPA'RIUS. 1. Of Tarraclna, a town
in Lotium, was one of Catiline's conspirators, who
was to induce the shepherds in Apulia to rise, and
who was on the point of leaving Rome for the
purpose when the conspirators were apprehended
by Cicero. He escaped from the city, but was
overtaken in his flight, carried back to Rome, and
committed to the custody of Cn. Terentius. He
was afterwards executed with the other conspira-
tors in the TuUianum, b. c 63. (Cic. in Cat. iii.
6 ; Sail. Cat. 46, 47, 55.)

2. A different person from the preceding, men-
tioned by Cicero in b. c. 46. {Ad Fam. ix. 23.)

C. and L. CAEPA'SII, two brothers, contem-
poraries of the orator Hortensius, obtained the
quaestorship, though they were unknown men, by
means of their oratory. They were very indus-
trious and laborious, but their oratory was of rather
a rude and unpolished kind. (Cic. Brut. ^^, ■pro
Cluent. 20, 21 ; Julius Victor, p. 248, ed. Orelli ;
Quintil. iv. 2. § 19, vi. 1. § 41, 3. § 39.)

CAE'PIAS was, according to Dion Cassius (xlv.
1), the surname of C. Octavius, afterwards the
emperor Augustus. This cognomen, however, is
not mentioned by any other writer, nor even by
Dion Cassius himself in any other passage.

CAE'PIO, the name of a patrician family of
the Servilia gens.

Stemma Caepionum.

1. Cn. Servilius Caepio, Cos. b. c. 253.

2. Cn. Servilius Caepio, Cos. b. c. 203.

3. Cn. Servilius Caepio, Cos. b. c. 1 69.

4. Q. Fabius Maximus
Servilianus, Cos. b.c. 142.

5. Cn. Servilius Caepio,

Cos. B. c. 141, Cans. b. c. 125.

6. Q. Servilius Caepio,
Cos. B. c. 1 40.

7. Q. Servilius Caepio,
Cos. B.C. 106.

8. Q. Servilius Caepio, Quaest. b. c. 100,

married Livia, the sister of M. Livius Drusus.
\

9. Q. Servilius Caepio, Tri-
bunus Militura, b. c. 72.

12. Q. Servilius Caepio Brutus,
the murderer of C. Julius
Caesar. The son of No. 10,
but adopted by No. 9.
[Brutus, No. 21.]

1. Cn. Servilius Cn. f. Cn. n. Caepio, consul
b. c. 253, in the first Punic war, sailed vnth his
colleague, C. Sempronius Blaesus, to the coast of
Africa. For an account of this expedition, see
Blaesus, No. 1.

2. Cn. Servilius Cn. f. Cn. n. Caepio, was
probably a grandson, and not a son, of No. 1. He
was elected pontiff in the place of C. Papirius Maso,
B. c. 213 ; curule aedile in 207, when he celebrated
the Roman games three times ; praetor in 205,
when he obtained the city jurisdiction ; and consul
in 203. In his consulship he had Bruttii assigned
to him as his province, and he was the last Roman
general who fought with Hannibal in Italy. The

10. Servilia, married
M. Junius Brutus.
[Brutus, No. 20.]

11.

Servilia, mamed
L. Licinius Lucullus,
Cos. b. c. 74.

engagement took place in the neighbourhood of
Crotona, but no particulars of it are preserved.
When Hannibal quitted Italy, Caepio passed over
into Sicily, with the intention of crossing from
thence to Africa. In order to prevent this, the
senate, who feared that the consul would not obey
their commands, created a dictator, P. Sulpicius
Galba, who recalled Caepio to Italy. In B.C. 192,
Caepio was sent with other legates into Greece, to
encourage the Roman allies in the prospect of the
war with Antiochus. He died in the pestilence in
174. (Liv. XXV. 2, xxviii. 10, 38, 46, xxix. 38,
XXX, 1, 19, 24, XXXV. 23, xli. 26.)

3. Cn. Servilius Cn. f. Cn. n. Caepio, son of

534

CAEPIO.

No. 2 (Liv. xli. 26) curule aedile B. c. 179, when
he celebrated the Roman games over again, on ac-
count of prodigies which had occurred ; and praetor
B. c. ] 74, when he obtained the province of Fur-
ther Spain. On his return to Italy, he was one of
the ambassadors sent into Macedonia to renounce
tlie Roman alliance with Perseus ; and he was con-
sid in 169 with Q. Marcius Philippus. Caepio re-
mained in Italy; his colleague had Macedonia as his
province. (Liv. xL 59, xli. 26, xlii. 25, xliiL 13,
14, 17 ; Cic. Brut. 20, de Senect. 5.)

4. Q. Fabius Maximus Servilianus, son of
No. 3, consid in b. c. 142, was adopted by Q. Fa-
bius Maximus. [Maximus.]

5. Cn. Servilius Cn. f. Cn. n. Caepio, son of
No. 3, was consul B. c. 141 (Cic. ad Att. xii. 5, de
Fin. ii. 16), and censor in 125. In his censorship
one of the aquaeducts, the Aqua Tepvla., for sup-
plying Rome with water, was constructed. (Fron-
tin. de Aquaed. 8 ; Cic. Verr. i. 55 ; Veil. Pat. ii.
10.)

6. Cn. Servilius Cn. f. Cn. n. Caepio, son of
No. 3, consul b. c. 140 with C. Laelius (Cic. Brut.
43 ; Obsequ. 82), succeeded his brother, Q. Fabius
Maximus Servilianus, in the conduct of the war
against Viriathus in Lusitania. His brother had
made a treaty of peace with Viriathus, which had
been confirmed by the senate ; but Caepio, by re-
presenting that the treaty was unfiivourable to the
interests of Rome, persuaded the senate to allow
him at first to injure Viriathus, as far as he could,
secretly, and finally to declare open war against
him. Hereupon, Viriathus sent two of his most
faithful friends to Caepio to offer terms of peace ; but
the consul persuaded them, by promises and great
rewards, to assassinate their master. Accordingly,
on their return to their own party, they murdered
Viriathus while he was asleep in his tent, and af-
terwards fled to Caepio. But this murder did not
put an immediate stop to the war. After burying
the corpse of Viriathus with great magnificence,
his soldiers elected Tantalus as their general, who
undertook an expedition against Saguntum. Re-
pulsed from thence, he crossed the Baetis, closely
pursued by Caepio, and, despairing of success, at
length surrendered, with all his forces, to the Ro-
man general. Caepio deprived them of their arras,
but assigned them a certain portion of land, that
they might not turn robbers from want of the ne-
cessaries of life. (Appian, Hisp. 70, 75, 76; Liv.
Epit. 54 ; Flor. ii. 17 ; Eutrop. iv. 1 6 ; Oros. v. 4 ;
VeU. Pat. ii. 1 ; Val. Max. ix. 6. § 4 ; Aurel. Vict.
de Vir. III. 71 ; Diod. xxxii. Eel. 4.) Caepio treated
his soldiers with great cruelty and severitj', which
rendered him so unpopular, that he was nearly
killed by his cavalry on one occasion. (Dion Cass.
Frag. Ixxiii. p. 35, ed. Reimar.)

The two last-mentioned brothers, Nos. 5 and 6,
are classed by Cicero {Brut. 25) among the Roman
orators. He says, that they assisted their clients
much by their advice and oratory, but still more
by their authority and influence. They appeared
as witnesses against Q. Pompeius. (VaL Max. viii.
S. $ 1; Cic. pro Font. 7.)

7- Q. Servilius Q. f. Cn. n. Caepio, son of
No. 6, was praetor about b. c. 11 0, and obtained
the province of Further Spain, as we leani from
the triumphal Fasti, that he triumphed over the
Lusitanians, as propraetor, in B.C. 108. His tri-
umph is mentioned by Valerius Maximus (vi. 9.
§ 13); but Eutropius (iv. 27) is the only writer,

CAEPIO.
as far as we are aware, who refers to his victories
in Lusitania. He was consul, B. c. 106, with C.
Atilius Serranus, and proposed a law for restoring
the judicia to the senators, of which they had been
deprived by the Sempronia lex of C. Gracchus.
That this was the object of Caepio's law, appears
tolerably certain from a passage of Tacitus {Aim.
xii. 60); though many modern writers have infer-
red, from Julius Obsequens (c. 101 ), that his law
opened the judicia to the senate and the equites in
common. It seems, however, that this law was
repealed shortly afterwards.

As the Cimbri and Teutones were threatening
Italy, Caepio received the province of Gallia Nar-
bonensis. The inhabitants of Tolosa, the capital
of the Tectosagae, had revolted to the Cimbri ; and
as it was one of the most wealthy cities in those
districts, and possessed a temple which was cele-
brated for its immense treasures, Caepio eagerly
availed himself of the pretext which the inhabitants
had given him to enrich himself by the plunder
both of the city and the temple. The wealth which
he thus acquired was enonnous ; but he was thought
to have paid for it dearly, as the subsequent de-
struction of his army and his own unhappy fate
were regarded as a divine punishment for his sacri-
legious act. Hence too arose the proverb, "Aurum
Tolosanum habet." (Strab. iv. p. 188 ; Dion Cass.
Frag, xcvii. p. 41 ; GeU. iii. 9 ; Justin, xxxii. 3;
Oros. v. 15.) He was continued in his command
in Gaul in the following year (b. c. 105), in which
some writers place the sack of Tolosa ; and, that
there might be a still stronger force to oppose the
Cimbri, the consul Cn. Mallius, or Manlius, was
sent with another consular array into Gallia Nar-
bonensis. As however Caepio and Mallius could
not agree, they divided the province between them,
one having the country west, and the other the
country east, of the Rhone. Soon afterwards,
M. Aurelius Scaurus was defeated by the Cimbri,
and ^lallius sent for Caepio, that they might
unite their forces to oppose the common enemy.
Caepio at first refused to come, but afterwards,
fearing lest Mallius should reap all the glory by
defeating the Cimbri, he crossed the Rhone and
marched towards the consul. Still, however, he
would hold no communication with him; he en-
camped separately ; and that he might have an
opportunity of finishing the war himself, he pitched
his camp between the consul and the enem3^ At
this juncture, with such a formidable enemy in
their front, the utmost prudence and unanimity
were needed by the Roman generals : their discord
was fatal. The Roman soldiers saw this, and
compelled Caepio, against his will, to imite his
forces with those of Mallius. But this did not
mend matters. The discord of Mallius and Caepio
increased more and more, and they appear to have
separated again before they were attacked by the
Cimbri, as Florus speaks of the defeat of Mallius
and Caepio as two separate events. But whether
they were attacked together or separatelj', the result
was the same. Both armies were utterly defeated ;
80,000 soldiers and 40,000 camp-followers perished;
only ten men are said to have escaped the slaughter.
It was one of the most complete defeats which
the Romans had ever sustained ; and the day on
which it happened, the 6th of October, became one
of the black days in the Roman calendar. (Dion
Cass. Frag, xcviii. xcix. pp. 41, 42 ; Liv. Epit. 67;
Oros. V. 16; Sail. Jug. 114; Flor. iii. 3; Tac

CAEPIO.

Grrm. 37; Veil. Pat. ii. 12; Val. Max. iv. 7. § 3;
Plut. Mar. 19, Sertor. 3, Lucull. 27.)

Caopio survived the battle, but was deprived of
the imperium by the people. Ten years afterwards
(b. c 95) he was brought to trial by the tribune
C. Norbanus on account of his misconduct in this
wai;, and although he was defended by the orator
L. Licinius Crassus, who was consul in that year
(Cic. Brut. 44), and by many others of the Ro-
man aristocracy, he was condemned and his pro-
perty contiscated. He himself was cast into prison,
where according to one account he died, and his
body, mangled by the common executioner, was
afterwards exposed to view on the Gemonian steps.
(Val. :Max. vi. 9. § 13.) But according to the
more generally received accoimt, he escaped from
prison through the assistance of the tribune L.
Antistius Reginus, and lived in exile at Smyrna.
(Val. Max. iv. 7. § 3; Cic. pro Balb. II.)

8. Q. Servilius Caepio, quaestor urbanus in
B. a 100. He may have been the son of No. 7,
but as the latter in all probability obtained the
:onsulship at the usual age, it is not likely that he
had a son old enough to obtain the quaestorship
six years afterwards. In his quaestorship Caepio
opposed the lex frumentaria of the tribime L.
Satuminus, and when Saturninus insisted upon put-
ting the law to the vote, notwithstanding the veto
of his colleagues, Caepio interrupted the voting by
force of arms, and thus prevented the law from
being carried. He was accused in consequence of
treason (majesfas), and it was perhaps upon this
occasion that T. Betucius Barrus spoke against
him. The oration of Caepio in reply was written
for him by L. Aelius Praeconinus Stilo, who com-
posed orations for him as well as for other distin-
guished Romans at that time. (Auct. ad Herenri.
i. 1-2; CicBrut. 46,56.)

In the contests of the year B. c. 91, Caepio de-
serted the cause of the senate and espoused that of
the equites in opposition to the lex judiciaria of
the tribune M. Livius Drusus, who proposed to
divide the judicia between the senate and the
equites. Caepio and Dnisus had formerly been
very intimate friends, and had exchanged mar-
riages, by which we are to understand, that
Caepio had married a sister of Dnisus and Drusus
a sister of Caepio, and not that they had exchang-
ed wives, as some modern writers would interpret
it. The enmity between the brothers-in-law is
said to have arisen from competition in bidding for
a ring at a public auction (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 1.
8. 6), but whatever may have been its origin,
it was now of a most determined and violent
character. The city was torn asunder by their
contentions, and seemed almost to be divided be-
tween two hostile armies. To strike terror into
the senate, Caepio accused two of the most distin-
guished leaders of the body, M. Aemilius Scaurus
of extortion {repetundae), and L. Marcius Philip-
pus, the consul, of bribery (ambitus). Both accusa-
tions, however, seem to have failed, and Scaurus,
before his trial came on, retaliated by accusing
Caepio himself. (Dion Caas. Frag. cix. ex. p. 45 ;
Flor. iii. 17; Plin. H.N. xxviii. 9. s. 41; Cic.
pro Dam. 46, Brut. 62, pro S<aur. 1 ; Ascon. in
Scaur, p. ^1, ed. Orelli.) The assassination of
Drusus shortly afterwards was supposed by some
to have been committed at the instigation of Cae-
pio. (Aurel. Vict, de Vir. III. 66.)

C)n the breaking out of the social war in the

CAERELLIA.

536

following year, b. c. 90, Caepio again accused his
old enemy Scaurus under the provisions of the
Varia lex, which had been passed to bring all to
trial who had been instrumental in causing the
revolt of the allies. (Cic. pro Scaur. 1 ; Ascon. in
Scaur, p. 22.) Caepio took an active part in this
war, in which he served as the legate of the consul
P. Rutilius Lupus, and upon the death of the
latter he received, in conjunction with C. Marius,
the command of the consular army. Caepio at
first gained some success, but was afterwards de-
coyed into an ambush by Pompaedius, the leader ol
the enemy's army, who had pretended to revolt to
him, and he lost his life in consequence, (b. c. 90.)
(Appian, B. C. i. 40, 44 ; Liv. EpU. 73.)

9. Q. Servilius Caepio, son of No. 8, was a
tribune of the soldiers in the war against Spartacus,
b. c. 72. He died shortly afterwards at Aenus in
Thrace, on his road to Asia. He is called the
brother of Cato Uticensis, because his mother Livia
had been married previously to M. Porcius Cato,
by whom she had Cato Uticensis. (Plut. Cat.
Min.d, 11.)

10. 11. Skrviliae. [Servilia.]

12. Q. Servilius Caepio Brutus. [Brutus,
No. 21.]

13. Cn. Servilius Caepio, the father of Ser-
vilia, the wife of Claudius, perished by shipwreck.
Who he was is uncertain. (Cic. ad Att. xii. 20.)

14. Servilius Caepio, was one of Caesar's
supporters in his consulship (b. c. 59) against Bi-
bulus. He had been betrothed to Caesar's daugh-
ter, Julia, but was obliged to give her up in favour
ofPompey. As a compensation for her loss, he
received the promise of Pompey's daughter, who
had likewise been betrothed to Faustus Sulhu
(Appian, B. C. ii. 14 ; Suet. Caes. 21; Plut. Goes,
14, Pomp. 47 ; comp. Dion Cass, xxxviii. 9.)

CAE'PIO, FA'NNIUS, conspired with Murena
against Augustus in b. c. 22. He was accused of
treason {majesias) by Tiberius, and condemned
by the judges in his absence, as he did not stand
his trial, and was shortly afterwards put to death.
(Dion Cass. liv. 3; Veil. Pat. ii. 91 ; Suet. Atig.
19, Tib. 8 ; Senec. de Clem. 9, de Brevit. Vit. 5.)

CAE'PIO CRISPI'N US, quaestor in Bithyni:^
accused Granius Marcellus, the governor of that
province, of treason in A. d. 15. From this time
he became one of the state informers under Tibe-
rius. (Tac. An?!, i. 74.) He may be the same as
the Caepio mentioned by Pliny {H. N. xxi. 4.
s. 10), who Uved in the reign of Tiberius, and
seems to have written a work on botany.

CAERE'LLIA, a Roman lady of the time of
Cicero, who was distinguished for her acquirements
and a great love of philosophical pursuits. She
was connected with Cicero by friendship, and stu-
died his philosophical writings with great zeal.
She was a woman of considerable property, and
had large possessions in Asia. These estates and
their procuratores were strongly recommended, in
B. c. 46, by Cicero (ad Fani. xiii. 72) to the care
of P. Servilius. Cicero, in his recommendatory-
letter, speaks of her as an intimate friend, though,
on other occasions, he seems to be rather inclined
to sneer at her. {Ad. Att. xii. 51, xiii. 21, 22, xiv.
19, XV. 1, 26.) Q. Fufius Calenus charges Cicero
with having, in his old age, had an adulterous con-
nexion with Caerellia. (Dion Cass. xlvi. 18.) How
far this charge may be true, it is not easy to say ;
the only fiicts which are attested beyond a doubt

536

CAESAR.

are, that Cicero was intimate with her during the
latter period of his life, and that letters of his ad-
dressed to her were extant in the days of Quinti-
lian. (vi. 3. § 112.) The charge of Calenus would
acquire some additional weight, if it were certain
that in the 1 3th Idyll of Ausonius the name Cicero
has dropped out before the words in praeceptis
omnibus eocstare severiiatem, in epistolis ad Caerelliam
subesse petulantiam. [L. S.]

CAESAR, the name of a patrician family of the
Julia gens, which was one of the most ancient in
the Roman state, and traced its origin to lulus,
the son of Aeneas. [Julia Gens.] It is un-
certain which member of this gens first obtained
the surname of Caesar, but the first who occurs
in history is Sex. Julius Caesar, praetor in b. c.
208. The origin of the name is equally uncertain.
Spartianus, in his life of Aelius Verus (c. 2), men-
tions four different opinions respecting its origin :
1 .That the word signified an ehjphant in the language
of the Moors, and was given as a surname to one
of the Julii because he had killed an elephant.
2. That it was given to one of the Julii because
he had been cut (caesus) out of his mother's womb
after her death ; or 3. Because he had been bom
with a great quantity of hair (caesarics) on his
head ; or 4. Because he had azure- coloured [caesii)
eyes of an almost supernatural kind. Of these opi-
nions the third, which is also given by Festus (s. v.
Caesar), seems to come nearest the truth. Caesar
and caesaries are both probably connected with the
Sanskrit Atsa, " hair," and it is quite in accordance
with the Roman custom for a surname to be given to
an individual from some J)eculiarity in his personal
appearance. The second opinion, which seems to
have been the most popular one with the ancient
writers (Serv. ad Virg. Aen, I 290 ; Plin. H. N,

CAESAR.

viL 7. 8. 9; Solin. 1. § 62; Zonar. x. 11), arose
without doubt from a false etymology. With
respect to the first, which was the one adopted,
says Spartianus (/. c), by the most learned men, it
is impossible to disprove it absolutely, as we know
next to nothing of the ancient Moorish language :
but it has no inherent probability in it ; and. the
statement of Servius (/. c.) is undoubtedly false,
that the grandfather of the dictator obtained the
surname on account of killing an elephant with his
own hand in Africa, as there were several of the
Julii with this name before his time.

An inquiry into the etymology of this name is
of some interest, as no other name has ever ob-
tained such celebrity — *'clarum et duraturum cum
aeternitate mundi nomen." (Spart. Ael. Ver. 1.)
It was assumed by Augustus as the adopted son
of the dictator, and was by Augustus handed
down to his adopted son Tiberius. It continued
to be used by Caligula, Claudius, and Nero, as
members either by adoption or female descent of
Caesar's family ; but though the family became
extinct with Nero, succeeding emperors still re-
tained it as part of their titles, and it was the
practice to prefix it to their own name, as for in-
stance, Imperator Caesar Domitianiis Augustus.
When Hadrian adopted Aelius Verus, he allowed
the latter to take the title of Caesar ; and from this
time, though the title of Augustus continued to be
confined to the reigning prince, that of Caesar was
also granted to the second person in the state and
the heir presumptive to the throne.

In the following stemma the connexion of the
earlier members of the family is to a considerable
extent conjectural. A full account of the lives of
all the Caesars mentioned below is given in Dru-
s Gtschichte lioms^ vol. ill. p. 113, &c.

Stemma Caesarum.

1. Sex. Julius Caesar, Pr. b. c. 208.

2. L. Julius Caesar.

3. L. Julius Caesar, Pr. b. c. 183.
5. L. Julius Caesar, Pr. b. c. 166.

4. Sex. Julius Caesar, Trib. Mil. b. c. 181.
6. Sex. Julius Caesar, Cos. B. c. 157.

7. Sex. Julius Caesar, Pr. b. c. 123.

8. L. Julius Caesar, married Popillia.

9. L. Julius Caesar, Cos. b. c. 90,

Cens. B. c. 89, married Fulvia.

i

.1
11. L. Julius Caesar,
Cos. b. c. 64.

13. L. Julius Caesar,
died B. c. 46.

I
12. Julia, married

1. M. Antonius,

2. P. Lentukis.

10. C. Julius Caesar StraboVopiscus,
Aed. cur. b. c 90.

14. C. Julius Caesar, the grandfather of the dictator,
married Marcia.
I

15. C. Julius Caesar, Pr., married
Aurelia.

1 6. Julia, married
C. Marius.

17. Sex. Julius Caesar
Cos. b. c. 91.

CAESAR.

CAESAR.

637

18. C. Julius Caesar,
the dictator, married

1. Cossutia.

2. Cornelia.

3. Pompeia.

4. Calpurnia.

19. Julia major, 20. Julia minor,
married married M.

1. L. Pinarius. Atius Balbus.

2. Q. Pedius.

I
21. Julia, married
Cn. Pompeius.

22. Caesarion, a son
by Cleopatra.

1. Sex. Julius Caesar, praetor b. c. 208,
obtained the province of Sicily. On his return he
was one of the ambassadors sent to the consul T.
Quinctius Crispinus, after the death of the other
consul, Marcellua, to tell him to name a dictator,
if he could not himself come to Rome to hold the
comitia, (Liv. xxvii. 21, 22, 29.)

2. L. Julius Caesar, -grandfather of No. 6, as
we learn from the Capitoliue Fasti.

3. L. Julius (Caesar), probably son of No. 2,
praetor B. c. 183, had the province of Gallia Cis-
alpina, and was commanded to prevent the Trans-
alpine Gauls, who had come into Italy, from build-
ing the town of Aquileia, which they had com-
menced. (Liv. xxxix. 45.)

4. Sex. Julius Caesar, probably son of No. 2,
tribune of the soldiers, B. c. 181, in the army of
the proconsul L. Aemilius PauUus. In 170 he
was sent, as a legate, with C. Sempronius Blaesus
to restore Abdera to liberty. (Liv. xl. 27, xliii. 4.)

5. L. Julius (Caesar), probably son of No. 3,
praetor B. c. 166. (Liv. xlv. 44.)

6. Sex. Julius Sex. f. L. n. Caesar, curule
aedile B. c. 165, exhibited, in conjunction with his
colleague Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, the Hecyra of
Terence at the Megalesian games. (Titul. Hecyr.
Ter.) He was consul in 157 with L. Aurelius
Orestes. (Plin, H. N. xxxiii. 3. s. 17; Polyb. xxxii.
20 ; Fast. Capit.)

7. Sex. Julius Caesar, probably son of No. 6,
praetor urbanus in B. c. 123. (Cic. pro Dom. 53 ;
ad Her. ii. 13.)

8. L. Julius Caesar, son of No. 6, and father
of No. 9 (Fast. Cap.), married Popillia, who had
been previously married to Q. Catulus.

9. L. Julius L. f. Sex. n. Caesar, called
erroneously by Appian, Sex. Julius Caesar, son of
No. 8, was consul, B. c. 90, with P. Rutilius luipus,
when the Social war broke out. His legates in
this war were Sulla, Crassus, P. Lentulus, T. Di-
dius, and M. Marcellus. He commenced the cam-
paign by attacking the Samnites, but was defeated
by their general, Vettius Cato, and fled to Aeser-
nia, which still remained faithful to the Romans.
Having, however, received a reinforcement of Gal-
lic and Numidian auxiliaries, he was soon able to
face the enemy again, and pitched his camp near
Acerrae in Campania, which was besieged by the
enemy. Here a great nmuber of the Numidians
deserted, and Caesar, suspecting the fidelity of the
remainder, sent them back to Africa. Encouraged
by this defection, Papius Motulus, the general of
the enemy, proceeded to attack Caesar's can\p, but
waa repulsed with a loss of 6000 men. This vic-

23. Sex. Julius Caesar,
Flam. Quirin.

I

24. Sex. Julius Caesar,

died B. c. 46.

tory caused great joy at Rome ; and the citizens
laid aside the military cloaks {saga\ which they
had assumed at the beginning of the war. It was
not followed, however, by any important results :
on the contrary, Caesar withdrew from Acerrae
almost immediately afterwards, without having
relieved the town. Meantime, the other consul,
Rutilius Lupus, had been defeated and slain in
battle by Vettius Cato ; and Caesar himself, while
marching to Acerrae to make another attempt to
raise the siege of the town, was defeated Avith
great loss by Marius Egnatius. (Appian, B. C. i.
40—42, 45; Veil. Pat. ii. 15; Liv. Epit 73;
Plin. H. N. ii. 29. s. 30 ; Obsequ. c. 1 15 ; Cic. de
Div. i. 2, pro Font. 15, pro Plane. 21 ; Flor. iii.
18. § 12; Oros. v. 18.)

These disasters, the fear of a war with Mithri-
dates, and apprehension of a revolt of all the allies,
induced Caesar to bring forward a law for granting
the citizenship to the Latins and the allies which
had remained faithful. (^Leas Julia de Cimtate.) It
appears, however, to have contained a provision,
giving each allied state the opportunity of accept-
ing what was offered them ; and many preferred
their original condition as federate states to incur-
ring the obligations and responsibilities of Roman
citizens. (Cic. pro Balb. 8 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 16 ;
GeU. iv. 4.)

In the following year, b. c. 89, Caesar's com-
mand was prolonged. He gained a considerable
victory over the enemy, and afterwards proceeded
to besiege Asculum, before which he died of dis-
ease, according to the statement of Appian. (B. C.
i. 48.) This, however, is cleai-ly a mistake : he
probably was obliged to leave the army in conse-
quence of serious illness, and was succeeded in the
command by C. Baebius. He was censor in the
same year with P. Licinius Crassus (Cic. proArc/i.
5 ; Plin. H. N. xiii. 3. s. 5, xiv. 14. s. 16 ; Festus,
s. V. Referri\ and was engaged in carrying into
effect his own law and that of Silvanus and Carbo,
passed in this year, for conferring the citizenship
upon some of the other Italian allies. These citi-
zens were enrolled in eight or ten new tribes, which
were to vote after the thirty-five old ones. (Ap-
pian, B. a i. 49 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 20.)

On the breaking out of the civil war in B. c. 87,
L. Caesar and his brother Caius, who were opposed
to Marius and Cinna, were killed by Fimbria.
(Appian, B. C. L 72 ; Flor. iii. 21. § 14 ; Ascon.
in Scaur, p. 24, ed. OreUi; Val. Max. ix. 2. § 2; Cic.
de Oral. iii. 3, Tuscul. v. 19.)

10. C. Julius L. f. Sex. n. Caesar Strabo
Vopiscus (comp. Cic. Fhil. xi. 5 ; Varro, R. Ii. i.

538

CAESAR.

7. § 10 ; PHn. H. N. xvii. 3. s. 4), son of No. 8,
and brother of No. 9. He commenced his public
career in B. c. 103, when still young, by accusing
T. Albucius, who had been praetor in Sicily, of
extortion (repctundtie) in that province : Cn. Pom-
peius Strabo, who had been quaestor to Albu-
cius, wished to conduct the prosecution, but was
obliged to give waj' to Caesar. Albucius was con-
demned, and the speech which Caesar delivered on
this occasion was much admired, and was after-
wards closely imitated by his great namesake, the
dictator, in the speech which he delivered upon
the appointment of an accuser against Dolabella.
(Suet. Cues. 55.) He was curule aedile in b. c. 90
in the consulship of his brother, and not in the
following year, as some modern writers state ; for
we are told, that he was aedile in the tribuneship
of C. Curio, which we know was in the year 90.
In a. c. 88 he became a candidate for the consul-
ship, without having been praetor, and was strongly
supported by the aristocracy, and as strongly op-
posed by the popular party. Tliis contest was,
indeed, as Asconius states, one of the immediate
ciiuses of the civil war. The tribunes of the plebs,
P. Sulpicius and P. Antistius, contended, and \vith
justice, that Caesar could not be elected consul
without a violation of the lex Annalis ; but since
he persevered in spite of their opposition, the tri-
bunes had recourse to arms, and thus prevented
his election. Shortly afterwards, Sulla entered
Rome, and expelled the leaders of the popular
party ; but upon his departure to Greece to prose-
cute the war against Mithridates, Marius and Cin-
na obtained possession of the city (b. c. 87), and
C. Caesar was put to death, together with his bro-
ther Lucius. It may be added, that C. Caesar was
a member of the college of pontiffs.

C. Caesar was regarded as one of the chief ora-
tors and poets of his age, and is introduced by
Cicero as one of the speakers in the second book
of his " De Oratore." Wit was the chief charac-
teristic of Caesar's oratory, in which he was supe-
rior to all his contemporaiies ; but he was deficient
in power and energy. His tragedies were distin-
guished by ease and polish, though marked by the
same defects as his oratory. His contemporary
Accius appears, from a story related by Valerius
Maximus (iii. 7. § 1 1 ), to have regarded Caesar's
poetry as very inferior to his own. The names of
two of his tragedies are preserved, the "Adrastus"
and "Tecmessix." (Orelli, Onomast. Ttdl. ii. p. 301,
where all the passages of Cicero are quoted ; Gell.
iv. 6 ; Appian, B. C. i. 72 ; Val. Max. v. 3. § 3 ;
Suet Ckd. 60 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 9. § 2. The fragments
of his orations are given by Meyer, Oral. Roman.
Frai/m. p. 330, &c. Respecting his tragedies, see
Welcker, Die Griedtischen 2Vo^oJiera,p. 1398; and
Weichert, Poet. Lai. Rel. p. 127.)

11. L. Julius L. f. L. n. Caesar, son of No.
9, and uncle by his sister Julia of M. Antony the
triumvir. He was consul B. c. 64 with C. Marcius,
Figulus, and belonged, like his father, to the aris-
tocratical party. In the debate in the senate, in
B. c. 63, respecting the punishment of the Catilina-
rian conspirators, he voted for the death of the
conspirators, among whom was the husband of his
own sister, P. Lentulus Sura, L. Caesar seems
to have remained at Rome some years after his
consulship without going to any province. In B.C.
.V2, we find him in Gaul, as legate to C. Caesar, after-
wards the dictator. Here he remained till the break-

CAESAR.

ing out of the civil wai- in 49, when he accompanied
C. Caesar into Italy. He took, however, no active
part in the war ; but it would appear that he de-
serted the aristocracy, for he continued to live at
Rome, which was in the dictator's power, and he
was even entrusted with the care of the city in 47
by his nephew M. Antony, who was obliged to
leave Rome to quell the revolt of the legions in
Italy. L. Caesar, however, was now advanced in
yetirs, and did not possess sufficient energy to keep
the turbulent spirits at Rome in order : hence
much confusion and contention arose during Anto-
ny's absence.

After the death of the dictator in 44, L. Caesar
preserved neutrality as far as possible, though he
rather favoured the party of the conspirators than
that of Antony. He retired from Rome soon after
this event, and spent some time at Neapolis, where
Cicero saw him, at the beginning of May, dange-
rously ill. From Neapolis he went to Aricia, and
from thence returned to Rome in September, but
did not take his seat in the senate, either on ac-
count, or under the plea, of ill-health. L. Caesar
had expressed to Cicero at Neapolis his approba-
tion of Dolabella's opposition to his colleague An-
tony ; and as soon as the latter left Rome for Mu-
tina, at the close of the year, he openly joined the
senatorial party. It was on the proposal of L.
Caesar, in b. c. 43, that the agrarian law of An-
tony was repealed ; but he opposed the wishes of
the more violent of his party, who desired war to
be declared against Antony as an enemy of the
state, and he carried a proposition in the senate
that the contest should be called a " tumult," and
not a war. In the same spirit, he proposed that
P. Sulpicius, and not C. Cassius or the consuls
Hirtius and Pansa, as the more violent of his
party wished, should be entrusted with the war
against Dolabella. His object then was to prevent
matters coming to such extremities as to preclude
all hopes of reconciliation ; but, after the defeat of
Antony in the middle of April, he was one of the
first to express his opinion in favour of declaring
Antony an enemy of the state. On the establish-
ment of the triumvirate, at the latter end of this
year, L. Caesar was included in the proscription ;
his name was the second in the list, and the first
which was put down by his own uncle. He took
refuge in the house of his sister, Julia, who with
some difficulty obtained his pardon from her son.
From this time we hear no more of him. He was
not a man of much power of mind, but had some
influence in the state through his family connexions
and his position in society. (Orelli, Onomast. Tall.
ii. p. 314 ; Sail. Cat. 17; Dion Cass, xxxvii. 6, lOj
Caes. B. G. vii. 65, B. C. i. 8 ; Dion Cass. xlii. 30;
xlvii. 6, 8 ; Appian, B. C. iv. 12, 37 ; Plut. Ant.
19, Cic. 46; Liv. EpU. 120; VeU. Pat. ii. 57;
Flor. iv. 6. § 4.)

12. Julia, the daughter of No. 9, and sister of
No. 11. [Julia.]

13. L. Julius L. f. L. n, Caesar, son of No. 1 1,
with whom he is sometimes confounded by modern
writers, though he is usually distinguished from
his father by the addition to his name of jUitis or
adolescens. On the breaking out of the civil war
in B. c. 49, the younger L. Caesar joined the Pom-
peian party, although his father was Caesar's
legate. If was probably for this reason, and on
account of his family connexion with Caesar,
that Poujpey sent him with the pnietor Roscius to

CAESAR.

Caesar, wlio was then at Ariminum, with some
proposals for peace. Although these did not amount
to much, Caesar availed himself of the opportu-
nity to send back by L. Caesar the terms on which
ho'would withdraw from Italy. Cicero saw L.
Caesar at Mintumae on his way back to Pompey,
and whether he was jealous at not having been
employed himself, or for some other re.ason, he
speaks with the utmost contempt of Lucius, and
calls him a bundle of loose broom-sticks {scojkw
Koluiac). Pompey sent him back again to the
enemy with fresh proposals, but the negotiation,
as is well known, came to nothing. (Caes. B. C. i. 8,
9, 10 ; Cic. ad Ait. vii. 13, 1 4, 1 6 ; Dion Cass. xli. 5.)
In the course of the same year (b.c. 49), L. Cae-
sar repaired to Africii, and had the command of
Clupca entrusted to him, which he deserted, how-
ever, on the approach of Curio from Sicily, who
came with a large force to oppose the Pompeian
party. (Caes. B. C. ii. 23; Dion Cass. xli. 41.)
Three years afterwards (b. c. 46), we find L. Cae-
sar serving as proquaestor to Cato in Utica. After
the death of Cato, who committed his son to his
care, he persuaded the inhabitants of Utica to sur-
render the town to the dictator, and to throw them-
selves upon his mercy. Lucius himself was par-
doned by the dictator, according to the express
statement of Hirtius, though other writers say that
he was put to death by his order. It is certain
that he was murdered shortly afterwards ; but it
was probably not the dictator's doing, as such an
act would hjive been quite opposed to Caesar's
usual clemency, and not called for by any circum-
stance. He probably fell a victim to the fury of
the dictator's soldiers, who may have been exaspe-
rated against him by the circumstance mentioned
by Suetonius. (Hirt. B. Afr. 88, 89 ; Plut. Cat.
Min. G6 ; Cic. ad Fam. ix. 7 ; Dion Cass, xliii.
1"2; Suet. Caes. 75.)

14. C. Ji'Lius Caesar, the grandfather of the
dictator, as we learn from the Fasti. It is quite un-
certain who the father of this Caius was. Drumann
conjectures, that his father may have been a son of
No. 4 and a brother of No. 6, and perhaps the
C. .lulius, the senator, who is said to have written
a Roman history in Greek, about b. c. 143. (Liv.
Jtlpif. 53.) We know nothing more of the grand-
father of the dictator, except that he married Mar-
cia, whence his grandson traced his descent from
the king Ancus Marcius. (Suet. Ccws. 6.) It is
conjectured by some writers, that the praetor Cae-
sar, who died suddenly at Rome, is the same as
the subject of the present notice. (Plin. //. N. vii.
53. s. 54.)

15. C. Julius Caesar, the son of No. 14, and
the father of the dictator, was praetor, though in
what year is uncertain, and died suddenly at Pisae
in B. c. 84, while dressing himself, when his son
was sixteen years of age. The latter, in his cunile
aedileship, b. c. 65, exhibited games in his father's
honour. (Suet. Caes. 1 ; Plin. //. N. vii. 53. s. 54,
xxxiii. 3. s. 1 6.) His wife was Aurelia. [ Aurelia.]

16. Julia, daughter of No. 14. [Julia.]

17. Sex. Julius C. f. Caesar, son of No. 14,
and the uncle of the dictator, was consul in B.C. 91,
just before the breaking out of the Social war. (Plin.
H.N. ii. 83. 8. 85, xxxiii. 3. s. 17; Eutrop. v. 3 ;
Flor. iii. 18; Oros. v. 18; Obsequ. 114.) The
name of his grandfather is wanting in the Capito-
line Fasti, through a break in the stone ; otherwise
we might have been able to trace further back the

CAESAR.

;39

ancestors of the dictator. This Sex. Caesar must
not be confounded, as he is by Appian {B.C. i. 40),
with L. Julius Caesar, who was consul in B. c. 90,
in the first year of the Social war. [See No. 9.]

The following coin, which represents on the ob-
verse the head of Pallas winged, and on the reverse
a woman driving a two-horse chariot, probably be-
longs to this Caesar.

18. C. Julius C. f. C. n. Caesar, the dictator,
son of No. 15 and Aurelia, was bom on the 12th of
July, B. c. 100, in the consulship of C. Marius (VI.)
and L. Valerius Fiaccus, and was consequently six
years younger than Pompey and Cicero. He had
nearly completed his fifty-sixth year at the time of
his murder on the 15th of March, b. c. 44. Caesar
was closely connected with the popular party by the
marriage of his aunt Julia with the great Marius,
who obtained the election of his nephew to the
dignity of flamen dialis, when he was only thirteen
years of age. (b. c. 87.) Marius died in the follow-
ing year ; and, notwithstanding the murder of his
own relations by the Marian party, and the for-
midable forces with which Sulla w.is preparing to
invade Italy, Caesar attached himself to the popu-
lar side, and even married, in B. c 83, Cornelia,
the daughter of L. Cinna, one of the chief oppo-
nents of Sulla. He was then only seventeen years
old, but had been already married to Cossutia, a
wealthy heiress belonging to the equestrian order,
to whom he had probably been betrothed by the
wish of his father, who died in the preceding year.
Caesar divorced Cossutia in order to marry Cinna's
daughter ; but such an open declaration in favour
of the popular party provoked the anger of Sulla,
who had returned to Rome in B. c. 82, and who
now commanded him to put away Cornelia, in the
same way as he ordered Pompey to divorce An-
tistia, and M. Piso his wife Annia, the widow of
Cinna. Pompey and Piso obeyed, but the young
Caesar refused to part with his wife, and was conse-
quently proscribed, and deprived of his priesthood,
his wife's dower, and his own fortune. His life
was now in great danger, and he was obliged to
conceal himself for some time in the country of the
Sabines, till the Vestal virgins and his friends ob-
tained his pardon from the dictator, who granted it
with difficulty, and is said to have observed, when
they pleaded his youth and insignificance, " that
that boy would some day or another be the ruin of
the aristocracy, for that there were many Mariuses-
in him."

This was the first proof which Caesar gave of
the resolution and decision of character which dis-
tinguished him throughout life. He now withdrew
from Rome and went to Asia in B, c. 81, where he
served his first campaign under M. Minucius Ther-
mus, who was engaged in the siege of Mytilene,
which was the only town in Asia that held out
against the Romans after the conclusion of the
first ^lithridatic war. Thennus sent him to Nico-
medes III. in Bithynia to fetch his fleet, and, on
his return to the camp, he took part in the capture

540

CAESAR.

of Mytilene (b. c. 80), and was rewarded b)' the
Roman general with a civic crown for saving the
life of a fellow-soldier. He next served under P.
Sulpicius, in Cilicia, in b. c. 78, but had scarcely
entered upon the campaign before news reached
him of the death of Sulla, whereupon he immedi-
ately returned to Rome.

M. Aemilius Lepidus, the consul, had already
attempted to rescind the acts of Sulla. He was
opposed by his colleague Q. Catulus, and the state
was once more in arms. This was a tempting op-
portunity for the leaders of the popular party to
make an effort to recover their former power, and
many, who were less sagacious and long-sighted
than the youthful Caesar, eagerly availed them-
selves of it. But he saw that the time had not
yet come ; he Jiad not much confidence in Lepidus,
and therefore remained neutral.

Caesar was now twenty-two years of age, and,
according to the common practice of the times,
he accused, in the following year (b. c. 77), Cn.
Dolabella of extortion in his province of Mace-
donia. Cn. Dolabelk, who had been consul in
81, belonged to Sulla's party, which was an ad-
ditional reason for his being singled out by Cae-
sar; but, for the same reason, he was defended
by Cotta and Hortensius, and acquitted by the
judges, who were now, in accordance with one of
Sulla's laws, chosen from the senate. Caesar,
however, gained great fame by this prosecution,
and shewed that he possessed powers of oratory
which bid fair to place him among the first speakers
at Rome. The popularity he had gained induced
him, in the following year (b. c. 76), at the request
of the Greeks, to accuse C. Antonius (afterwards
consul in B. c. G3) of extortion in Greece ; but he
too escaped conviction. To render himself still
more perfect in oratory, he went to Rhodes in the
winter of the same year, to study under ApoUonius
Molo, who was also one of Cicero's teachers ;
but in his voyage thither he was captured off
Miletus, near the island of Pharmacusa, by pi-
rates, with whom the seas of the Mediterranean
then swarmed. In this island he was detained
by them till he could obtain fifty talents from
the neighbouring cities for his ransom. Immedi-
ately he had obtained his liberty, he manned
some Milesian vessels, overpowered the pirates,
and conducted them as prisoners to Pergamus,
where he shortly afterwards crucified them — a pu-
nishment he had frequently threatened them with in
sport when he was their prisoner. He then repair-
ed to Rhodes, where he studied under ApoUonius
for a short time, but soon afterwards crossed over
into Asia, on the outbreak of the Mithridatic war
again in b. c. 74. Here, although he held no pub-
lic office, he collected troops on his own authority,
and repulsed the commander of the king, and then
returned to Rome in the same year, in consequence
of having been eletted pontiff, in his absence, in
the place of his uncle C. Aurelius Cotta.

On his return to Rome, Caesar used eveiy means
to increase his popularity. His affable manners,
and still more his unbounded liberality, won the
hearts of the people. As his private fortune was
not large, he soon had recourse to the usurers, who
looked for repayment to the offices which he was sure
to obtain from the people. It was about this time
that the people elected him to the office of military
tribune instead of his competitor, C. Popilius ; but
he probably served for only a short time, as he is

CAESAR,
not mentioned during the next three years (b. c.
73-71) as serving in any of the wars which were
carried on at that time against Mithridates, Spar-
tacus, and Sertorius.

The year b. c. 70 was a memorable one, as some
of Sulla's most important alterations in the consti-
tution were then repealed. This was chiefly owing
to Pompey, who was then consul with M. Crassus.
Pompey had been one of Sulla's steady supporters,
and was now at the height of his glory ; but his
great power had raised him many enemies among
the aristocracy, and he was thus led to join to
some extent the popular party. It was Pompey 's
doing that the tribunicial power was restored in
this year ; and it was also through his support that
the law of L. Aurelius Cotta, Caesar's uncle, was
carried, by which the judicia were taken away
from the senate, who had possessed them exclu-
sively for ten years, and were shared between the
senate, equites, and tribuni aerarii. These mea-
sures were also strongly supported by Caesar, who
thus came into close connexion with Pompey. He
also spoke in favour of the Plotia lex for recalling
from exile those who had joined M. Lepidus in
B. c. 78, and had fled to Sertorius after the death
of the latter.

Caesar obtained the quaestorship in B. c. 68.
In this year he lost his aunt Julia, the widow of
Marius, and his own wife Cornelia, the daughter
of Cinna. He pronounced orations over both of
them in the forum, in which he took the opportu-
nity of passing a panegyric upon the former leaders
of the popular party. The funeral of his aunt pro-
duced a great sensation at Rome, as he caused the
images of Marius, who had been declared an enemy
of the state, to be carried in the procession : they
were welcomed with loud acclamations by the peo-
ple, who were delighted to see their former favou-
rite brought, as it were, into public again. After
the funeral of his wife, he went, as quaestor to
Antistius Vetus, into the province of further Spain.

On his return to Rome, in B. c. 67, Caesar
married Pompeia, the daughter of Q. Pompeius
Rufus and Cornelia, the daughter of the dictator
Sulla. This marriage with one of the Pom-
peian house was doubtless intended to cement his
union still more closely with Pompey, who was
now more favourably inclined than ever to the
popular party. Caesar eagerly promoted all his
views, and rendered him most efficient assistance ;
for he saw, that if the strength of the aristocracy
could be broken by means of Pompey, he himself
would soon rise to power, secure as he was of the
favour of the people. He accordingly supported
the proposal of the tribune Gabinius for conferring
upon Pompey the command of the war against the
pirates with unlimited powers : this measure was
viewed with the utmost jealousy by the aristocracy,
and widened still further the breach between them
and Pompey. In the same year, Caesar was elected
one of the superintendents of the Appian Way,
and acquired fresh popularity by expending upon
its repairs a large sum of money from his private
purse.

In the following year, b. c. 66, Caesar again
assisted Pompey by supporting, along with Ci-
cero, the Manilian law, by which the Mithridatic
war was committed to Pompey. At the end of
this year, the first Catilinarian conspiracy, as it
is called, was formed, in which Caesar is said by
some writers to have taken an active part. But

CAESAR.

this is probably a sheer invention of his enemies in
later times, as Caesar had already, through his fa-
vour with the people and his connexion with Pom-
pey, every prospect of obtaining the highest offices
in the state. He had been already elected to the
curule aedileship, and entered upon the office in
the following year (b. c. G5), with M. Bibulus as
his colleague. It was usual for those magistrates
who wished to win the affections of the people, to
spend large sums of money in their aedileship upon
the public games and buildings ; but the aedileship
of Caesar and Bibulus surpassed in magnificence
all that had preceded it. Caesar was obliged to
borrow large sums of money again ; he had long
since spent his private fortune, and, according to
Plutarch, was 1 300 talents in debt before he held
any public office. Bibulus contributed to the ex-
penses, but Caesar got almost all the credit, and
his popularity became unbounded. Anxious to
revive the recollection of the people in favour of
the Marian party, he caused the statues of Marius
and the representations of his victories in the Ju-
gurthine and Cimbrian wars, which had been all
destroyed by Sulla, to be privately restored, and
placed at night in the Capitol. In the morning
the city was in the highest state of excitement:
the veterans and other friends of Marius cried
with joy at the sight of his countenance again, and
greeted Caesar with shouts of applause : the senate
assembled, and Q. Catulus accused Caesar of a
breach of a positive law ; but the popular excite-
ment was so great, that the senate dared not take
any measures against him. He now attempted to
obtain by a plebiscitum an extraordinary mission
to Aegypt, with the view probably of obtaining
money to pay off his debts, but was defeated in
his object by the aristocracy, who got some of the
tribunes to put their veto upon the measure.

In B. c. 64 he was appointed to preside, in place
of the praetor, as judex quaestionis, in trials for
murder, and in that cap<icity held persons guilty
of murder who had put any one to death in the
proscriptions of Sulla, although they had been
specially exempted from punishment by one of
Sulla's laws. This he probably did in order to
pave the way for the trial of C. Rabirius in the
following year. He also took an active part in
supporting the agrarian law of the tribune P. Ser-
vilius Rullus, which was brought forward at the
close of B. c. 64, immediately after the tribunes
entered upon their office. The provisions of this
law were of such an extensive kind, and conferred
such large and extraordinary powers upon the
commissioners for distributing the lands, that Cae-
sar could hardly have expected it to be carried ;
and he probably did not wish another person
to obtain the popularity which would result
from such a measure, although his position com-
pelled him to support it. It was of course resisted
by the aristocracy ; and Cicero, who had now at-
tached himself to the aristocratical party, spoke
against it on the first day that he entered upon his
consulship, the 1st of January, b. c. 63. The law
was shortly afterwards dropped by Rullus himself.
The next measure of the popular party was
adopted at the instigation of Caesar. Thirty-six
years before, in B.C. 100, L. Appuleius Satuniinus,
the tribune of the plebs, had been declared an ene-
my by the senate, besieged in the Capitol, and put
to death when he was obliged to surrender through
want of water. Caesar now induced the tribune

CAESAR.

an

T. Alius Labienus to accuse C. Rabirius, an aged
senator, of this crime. It was doubtless through
no desire of taking away the old m.an's life that
Caesar set this accusation afoot, but he wanted to
frighten the senate from resorting to arms in future
against the popular party, and to otrengthen still
further the power of the tribunes. Rabirius was
accused of the crime of perduellio or treason against
the state, a species of accusation which had almost
gone out of use, and been supplanted by that
of majestas. He was brought to trial before the
duumviri perduellionis, who were usually appointed
for this purpose by the comitia centuriata, but on the
present occasion were nominated by the praetor.
Caesar himself and his relative L. Caesar were the
two judges ; they forthwith condemned Rabirius,
who according to the old law would have been
hanged or hurled down from the Tarpeian rock.
Rabirius, however, availed himself of his right of
appealing to the people ; Cicero spoke on his behalf;
the people seemed inclined to ratify the deci-
sion of the duumvirs, when the meeting was broken
up by the praetor Q. Metellus Celer removing the
military flag which floated on the Janiculura.
This was in accordance with an old law, which
was intended to protect the comitia centuriata in
the Campus Martius from being surprised by the
enemy, wjien the territory of Rome scarcely ex-
tended beyond the boundaries of the city, and
which was still maintained as a useful engine in
the hands of the magistrates. Rabirius therefore
escaped, and Caesar did not think it necessary to
renew the prosecution, as the object for which it
had been instituted had been already in great
measure attained.

Caesar next set on foot in the same year (b. c.
63) an accusation against C. Piso, who had been
consul in B. c. 67, and afterwards had the govern-
ment of the province of Gallia Narbonensis.
Piso was acquitted, and became from this time
one of Caesar's deadliest enemies. About the
same time the office of pontifex maximus became
vacant by the death of Q. Metellus Pius. The
candidates for it were Q. Lutatius Catulus, Q.
Servilius Isauricus, and Caesar. Catulus and
Servilius had both been consuls, and were two of
the most illustrious men in Rome, and of the
greatest influence in the senate : but so great was
Caesar's popularity, that Catulus became appre-
hensive as to his success, and fearing to be defeated
by one so much his inferior in rank, station, and
age, privately offered him large sums to liquidate
his debts, if he would withdraw from the contest.
Caesar, however, replied, that he would borrow
still more to carry his election. He was elected
on the sixth of March, and obtained more votes
even in the tribes of his competitors than they had
themselves. Shortly after this he was elected
praetor for the following year. Then came ^ the
detection of Catiline's conspiracy. The aristocracy
thought this a favourable opportunity to get rid of
their restless opponent ; and C. Piso and Q. Catulus
used every means of persuasion, and even bribery,
to induce Cicero to include him among the con-
spirators. That Caesar should both at the time
and afterwards have been charged by the aris-
tocracy with participation in this conspiracy, as he
was in the former one of Catiline in B. c. 66, is
nothing surprising; but there is no satisfactory
evidence of his guilt, and we think it unlikely
that he would have embarked in such a rash scheme^

542

CAESAR.

For though he v/ould probably have had little
scruple as to the means he employed to obtain his
ends, he was still no rash, reckless adventurer, who
could only hope to rise in a general scramble for
power: he now possessed unbounded influence
with the people, and was sure of obtaining the
consulship ; and if his ambition had already formed
loftier plans, he would have had greater reason to
fear a loss than an increase of his power in uni-
versal anarchy. In the debate in the senate on
the 5th of December respecting the punishment of
the conspirators, Caesar, though he admitted their
guilt, opposed their execution, and contended, in a
very able speech, that it was contrary to the
principles of the Roman constitution for the senate
to put Roman citizens to death, and recommended
that they should be kept in custody in the free
towns of Italy. This speech made a great im-
pression upon the senate, and many who had
already given their opinion in favour of death
began to hesitate ; but the speech of M. Cato
confirmed the wavering, and carried the question
in favour of death. Cato openly charged Caesar
as a party to the conspiracy, and as he left the
senate-house his life was in danger from the
Roman knights who guarded Cicero's person.

The next year, B. c. 62, Caesar was praetor. On
the very day that he entered upon his office, he
brought a proposition before the people for de-
priving Q. Catulus of the honour of completing
the restoration of the Capitol, which had been
burnt down in b. c. 83, and for assigning this
office to Pompey. This proposal was probably
made more for the sake of gratifying Pompey's
vanity, and humbling the aristocracy, thiin from
any desire of taking vengeance upon his private
enemy. As however it was most violently opposed
by the aristocracy, Caesar did not think it advis-
able to press the motion. This, however, was a
trifling matter ; the state was soon almost torn
asunder by the proceedings of the tribune Q. Metel-
lus Nepos, the friend of Pompey. Metellus openly
accused Cicero of having put Roman citizens to
death without trial, and at length gave notice of a
rogation for recalling Pompey to Rome with his
army, that Roman citizens might be protected
from being illegally put to death. Metellus was
supported by the eloquence and influence of Caesar,
but met with a most determined opposition from
one of his colleagues, M. Cato, who was tribune
this year. Cato put his veto upon the rogation ;
and when Metellus attempted to read it to the
people, Cato tore it out of his hands ; the whole
forum was in an uproar; the two parties came
to blows, but Cato eventually remained master of
the field. The senate took upon themselves to
suspend both Metellus and Caesar from their
offices. Metellus fled to Porapey's camp ; Caesar
continued to administer justice, till the senate sent
armed troops to drag him from his tribunal. Then
he dismissed his lictors, threw away his praetexta,
and hurried home. The senate, however, soon
saw that they had gone too far. Two days after
the people thronged in crowds to the house of Cae-
sar, and ofi"ered to restore him to his dignity. He
assuaged the tumult ; the senate was summoned in
haste, and felt it necessary to make concessions to
its hated enemy. Some of the chief senators were
sent to Caesar to thank him for his conduct on the
occasion ; he was invited to take his seat in the
senate, loaded with praises, and restored to his

CAESAR.

office. It was a complete defeat of the aristocracy.
But, not disheartened by this failure, they resoiv.id
to aim another blow at Caesar. Proceedings
against the accomplices in Catiline's conspiracy
were still going on, and the aristocracy got L.
Vettius and Q. Curius, who had been two of the
chief informers against the conspirators, to accuse
Caesar of having been privy to it. But this attempt
equally failed. Caesar called upon Cicero to testify
that he had of his own accord given him evidence
respecting the conspiracy, and so complete was his
triumph, that Curius was deprived of the rewards
which had been voted him for having been the
first to reveal the conspiracy, and Vettius was cast
into prison.

Towards the end of Caesar's praetorship, a cir-
cumstance occurred which created a great stir at
the time. Clodius had an intrigue with Pompeia,
Caesar's wife, and had entered Caesar's house in
disguise at the festival of the Bona Dea, at which
men were not allowed to be present, and which
was always celebrated at the house of one of the
higher magistrates. He was detected and brought
to trial ; but though Caesar divorced his wife, he
would not appear against Clodius, for the latter
was a favourite with the people, and was closely
connected with Caesar's party. In this year Pom-
pey returned to Rome from the Mithridatic war,
and quietly disbanded his ami}-.

At the expiration of his praetorship Caesar ob-
tained the province of Further Spain, B. c. 61. But
his debts had now become so great, and his credi-
tors so clamorous for payment, that he was obligc^d
to apply to Crassus for assistance before leaving
Rome. This he readily obtained ; Crassus became
surety for him, as did also others of his friends ;
but these and other circumstances detained him so
long that he did not reach his province till the
summer. Hitherto Caesar's public career had been
confined almost exclusively to political life ; and
he had had scarcely any opportunity of displaying
that genius for war whiqh has enrolled his name
among the greatest generals of the world. He was
now for the first time at the head of a regular
army, and soon shewed that he knew how to make
use of it Pie commenced his campaign by sub-
duing the mountainous tribes of Lusitania, wliicli
had plundered the country, took the town of Bri-
gantium in the country of the Gallaeci, and gained
many other advantages over the enemy. His
troops saluted him as imperator, and the senate
honoured him by a public thanksgiving. His
civil repuUition procured him equal renown, and
he left the province with great reputation, after
enriching both himself and his army.

Caesar returned to Rome in the summer of
the following year, b. c. 60, a little before the
consular elections, without waiting for his succes-
sor. He laid claim to a triiunph, and at the same
time wished to become a candidate for the consul-
ship. For the latter purpose, his presence in
the city was necessarj'; but as he could not enter
the city without relinquishing his triumph, lie
applied to the senate to be exempted from the
usual law, and to become a candidate in his a1>
sence. As this, however, was strongly opposed
by the opposite party, Caesar at once relinquished
his triumph, entered the city, and became a candi-
date for the consulship. The other competitors
were L. Lucceius and M. Calpurnius Bibulus :
the former belonged to the popular party, but the

CAKSAR.

latter, who luid bc(;n Caesar's colleague in the
aodijpship and praetorship, was a wami supporter
of the aristocracy. Caesar's great popularity com-
biucd with Pompey's interest rendered his election
certain ; but that lie might have a colleague of the
opposite party, the aristcxjracy used immense exer-
tions, and contributed large sums of money in order
to carry the election of Bibulus. And they suc-
ceeded. Caesar and Bibulus were elected consuls.
But to prevent Caesjir from obtaining a province in
which he might distinguish himself, the senate
assigned as the provinces of the consuls-elect the
care of the woods and of the public pastures. It was
apparently after his election, and not previously as
some writers state, that he entered into that coali-
tion with Pompey and M. Crassus, usually known
by the name of the first triumvirate. Caesar on
his return to Rome had found Pompey more
estranged than ever from the aristocracy. The
senate had most unwisely opposed the ratification
of Pompey's acts in Asia and an assignment of lands
which he had promised to his veterans. For the
conqueror of the east and the greatest man in Rome
to be thus thwarted in his purpose, and not to
have the power of fulfilling the promises which he
had made to his Asiatic clients and his veteran
troops, were insults which he would not brook ; and
all the less, because he might have entered Rome,
as many of his enemies feared he intended, at the
head of his army, and have carried all his measures
by the sword. He was therefore quite ready to
desert the aristocracy altogether, and to join Cae-
sar, who promised to obtain the confirmation of his
acts. Caesar, however, represented that they
should have great difficulty in carrying their point
unless they detached M. Crassus from the aris-
tocracy, who by his position, connexions, and still
more by his immense wealth, had great influence
at Rome. Pompey and Crassus had for a long
time past been deadly enemies ; but they were re-
conciled by means of Caesar, and the three entered
into an agreement to support one another, and to
divide the power between themselves. This first
triumvirate, as it is called, was therefore merely a
private agreement between the three most power-
ful men at Rome ; it was not a magistracy like
the second ; and the agreement itself remained a
secret, till the proceedings of Caesar in his consul-
ship shewed, that he was supported by a power
against which it was in vain for his enemies to
struggle.

In B. c. 59, Caesar entered upon the consulship
with M. Bibulus. His first proceeding was to
render the senate more amenable to public opinion,
by causing all its proceedings to be taken down
and published daily. His next was to bring for-
ward an agrarian law, which had been long de-
manded by the people, but which the senate had
hitherto prevented from being carried. We have
seen that the agraiian law of Rullus, introduced in
B. c. 63, was dropped by its proposer; and the
agrarian law of Flavius, which had been proposed
in the preceding year (b. c. 60), had been success-
fully opposed by the aristocracy, although it was
supported by the whole power of Pompey. The
provisions of Caesar's agrarian law are not expli-
citly stated by the ancient writers, but its main
object was to divide the rich Canipunian land
which was the property of the state among the
poorest citizens, especially among those who had
tnree or more children; and if the domain land

CAESAR.

543

was not sufficient for the object, more was to bo
purchased. The execution of the law was to be
entrusted to a board of twenty commissioners.
The opposition of the aristocratical party was in
vain. Bibulus, indeed, declared before the people,
that the law should never pass while he was con-
sul ; but Pompey and Crassus spoke in its favour,
and the former declared, that he would bring both
sword and buckler against those who used the
sword. On the day on which the law was put to
the vote, Bibulus, the three tribunes who opposed
it, and all the other members of the aristocracy
were driven out of the fonim by force of arms : the
law was carried, the commissioners appointed, and
about 20,000 citizens, comprising of course a great
number of Pompey's veterans, received allotments
subsequently. On the day after Bibulus had been
driven out of the forum, he summoned the senate,
narrated to them the violence which had been
employed against him, and called upon them to
support him, and declare the law invalid ; but the
aristocracy was thoroughly frightened ; not a word
was said in reply; and Bibulus, despairing of being
able to offer any further resistance to Caesar, shut
himself up in his own house, and did not appear
again in public till the expiration of his consulship.
In his retirement he published "Edicts" against
Caesar, in which he protested against the legality
of his measures, and bitterly attacked his private
and political character.

It was about this time, and before the agrarian
law had been passed, that Caesar united himself
still more closely to Pompey by giving him his
daughter Julia in marriage, although she had been
already betrothed to Servilius Caepio. Caesjir
himself, at th'e same time, married Calpumia, the
daughter of L. Piso, who was consul in the follow-
ing year.

By his agrarian law Caesar had secured to him-
self more strongly than ever the favour of the peo-
ple ; his next step was to gain over the equites,
who had rendered efficient service to Cicero in his
consulship, and had hitherto supported the aristo-
cratical party. An excellent opportunity now oc-
curred for accomplishing this object. In their
eagerness to obtain the fanning of the public taxes
in Asia, the equites, who had obtained the contract,
had agreed to pay too large a sum, and had accord-
ingly petitioned the senate in b. c. 61 for more
favourable terras. This, however, had been op-
posed by Metellus Celer, Cato, and others of the
aristocracy ; and Caesar therefore now brought
forward a bill in the comitia to relieve the equites
from one-third of the sum which they had agreed
to pay. This measure, which was also supported
by Pompey, was carried. Caesar next obtained
the confirmation of Pomp(»y's acts ; and having
thus gratified the people, the equites, and Pompey,
he was easily able to obtain for himself the provinces
which he wished. The senate, as we have seen, had
previously assigned him the care of the woods and
the public pastures as his province, and he there-
fore got the tribune Vatinius to propose a bill to
the people, granting to him the provinces of Cisal-
pine Gaul and lUyricura with three legions for five
years. This was of course passed ; and the senate
added to his government the province of Transal-
pine Gaul, with another legion, for five years also,
as they plainly saw that a bill would be proposed
to the people for that purpose, if they did not
grant the province themselves.

544

CAESAR.

It is not attributing any great foresight to Cae-
sar to suppose, that he already saw that the strug-
gle betv/een the different parties at Rome must
eventually be terminated by the sword. The same
causes were still in operation which had led to the
civil wars between Marius and Sulla, which Caesar
had himself witnessed in his youth ; and he must
have been well aware that the aristocracy would
not hesitate to call in the assistance of the sword
if they should ever succeed in detaching Pompey
from his interests. It was therefore of the first
importance for him to obtain an army, which he
miffht attach to himself by victories and rewards.
But he was not dazzled by the wealth of Asia to ob-
tain a command in the East, for he would then
have been at too great a distance from Rome, and
would gradually have lost much of- his influence in
the city. He therefore wisely chose the Gallic
provinces, as he would thus be able to pass the
winter in the north of Ital}', and keep up his com-
munication with the city, while the disturbed state
of Further Gaul promised him sufficient materials
for engaging in a series of wars, in which he might
employ an army that would afterwards be devoted
to his purposes. In addition to these considera-
tions, Caesar was doubtless actuated by the desire
of finding a field for the display of those military
tilents which his campaign in Spain shewed that
he possessed, and also by the ambition of subduing
for ever that nation which had once sacked Rome,
and which had been, from the earliest times, more
or less an object of dread to the Roman stite.

The consuls of the following year (b. c, 58),
L. Calpumius Piso and A. Gabinius, were devoted
to Caesar's interests; but among ^the praetors,
L. Domitius Ahenobarbus and C. Memmius at-
tempted to invalidate the acts of Caesar's con-
sulship, but without success. Caesar remained a
short time in the city, to see the result of this
attempt, and then left Rome, but was immediately
accused in his absence by the tribune Antistius.
This accusation, however, was dropped ; and all
these attempts against Caesar were as ill-advised
as they were fruitless, since they only shewed more
strongly than ever the weakness of his adversaries.
But although Caesar had left Rome, he did not go
straight to his province; he remained with his
army three months before Rome, to support CIo-
dius, who had passed over from the patricians to
the plebs in the previous year, was now tribune,
and had resolved upon the ruin of Cicero. Towards
the latter end of April, Cicero went into exile
without waiting for his trial, and Caesar then pro-
ceeded forthwith into his province.

During the next nine years Caesar was occupied
with the subjugation of Gaul. In this time he
conquered the whole of Transalpine Gaul, which
had hitherto been independent of the Romans,
with the exception of the part called Provincia ;
he twice crossed the Rhine, and carried the terror
of the Roman arms across that river, and he twice
landed in Britain, which had been hitherto un-
known to the Romans, To give a detailed account
of these campaigns would be impossible in the
limits of this work ; we can only offer a very brief
sketch of the principal events of each year,

Caesai- left Rome, as has been already remarked,
towards tlie latter end of April, and arrived at
Geneva in eight days. His first campaign was
against the Helvetii, a powerful Gallic people situ-
ated to the north of the lake of Geneva, and be-

CAESAR.

twecn the Rhine and mount Jura. He had heard
before leaving Rome that this people had intended
to migrate from their country into Western or
Southern Gaul, and he had accordingly made all the
more haste to leave the city. TheVe were only
two roads by which the Helvetii could leave
their country — one across mount Jura into the
country of the Sequani (Franche Comte), and the
other across the Rhone by the bridge of Geneva,
and then through the northern part of the Roman
province. Since the latter was by far the easier
of the two, they marched towards Geneva, and
requested permission to pass through the Roman
province ; but, as this was refused by Caesar, and
they were unable to force a passage, they proceeded
northwards, and, through the mediation of Dum-
norix, an Aeduan, obtained permission from the
Sequani to march through their country. Caesar,
apprehending great danger to the Roman province
in Gaul, from the settlement of the Helvetii in its
immediate neighbourhood, resolved to use every
effort to prevent it. But having only one legion
with him, he hastened back into Cisalpine Gaul,
summoned from their winter quarters the three
legions at Aquiloiii, levied two new ones, and with
these five crossed the Alps, and came into the
country of the Segusiani, the first independent
people north of the province, near the modem town
of Lyons. When he arrived there, he found that
the Helvetii had passed through the country of the
Sequani, and were now plundering tlie territories
of the Aedui. Three out of their four clans had
already crossed the Arar (Saone), but the fourth
was still on the eastern side of the river. This clan,
called Tigurinus, was unexpectedly surprised by
Caesar, and cut to pieces. He then threw a bridge
across the Arar, and went in pursuit of the enemy.
His progress, however, was somewhat checked by
the defeat, a day or two afterwards, of the whole
body of his cavalry, 4000 in number, levied in the
province and among the Aedui, by 500 Helvetian
horsemen. He therefore followed them more cauti-
ously for some days, and at length fought a pitched
battle with them near the town 'of Bibracte (Au-
tun). The battle lasted from about mid-day to
sunset, but the Helvetii, after a desperate con-
flict, were at length defeated with great slaughter.
After resting his troops for three days, Caesar went
in pursuit of the enemy. Unable to offer any further
resistance, they surrendered unconditionally to his
mercy, and were by him commanded to return to
their former homes. When they left their native
country, their number Avas 368,000, of whom
92,000 were fighting-men ; but upon returning to
Helvetia, their number was found to have been
reduced to 110,000 persons.

This great victory soon raised Caesar's fame
among the various tribes of the Gauls, who now
sent embassies to congratulate him on his success,
and to solicit his aid. Among others, Divitiacus,
one of the most powerful of the Aeduan chiefs,
infoiTned Caesar that Ariovistus, a GeiTnan king,
had been invited by the Arverni and Sequani to
come to their assistance against the Aedui, be-
tween whom and the Arverni there had long been
a struggle for the supremacy in Gaul. He further
stated, that not only had the Aedui been again
and again defeated by Ariovistus, but that the
German king had seized upon a great part of the
land of the Sequani, and was still bringing over
fresh swarms of Gennans to settle in the Gallic

CAESAR.

country. In consequence of these representations,
Caesar commanded Ariovistus, who had received
the title of king and friend of the Roman people
in Caesar's own consulship, to abstain from intro-
ducing any more Germans into Gaul, to restore the
hostages to the Aedui, and not to attack the latter
or their allies. But as a haughty answer was
returned to these commands, both parties prepared
for war. Caesjir advanced northwards through the
countrj' of the Sequani, and took possession of
^'esontio (Besan^on), an important town on the
Dubis (Doubs), and some days afterwards fought
a decisive battle with Ariovistus, who suffered a
total defeat, and fled with the remains of his army
to the Rhine, a distance of fifty miles. Only a
very few, and among the rest Ariovistus himself,
crossed the river ; the rest were cut to pieces by
the Roman cavalry. [Ariovistus.]

Having thus completed two very important wars
in one summer, Caesar led his troops into their
quarters for the winter early in the autumn, wliere
he left them under the command of Labienus,
while he himself went into Cisalpine Gaul to at-
tend to his civil duties in the province.

The following year, b. c. 57, was occupied with
the Belgic war. Alarmed at Caesar's success, the
various Belgic tribes, which dwelt between the
Sequana (Seine) and the Rhine, and were the most
warlike of all the Gauls, had entered into a con-
federacy to oppose Caesar, and had raised an army
of 300,000 men. Caesar meantime levied two
new legions in Cisalpine Gaul, which increased his
army to eight legions ; but even this was but a
small force compared with the overwhelming num-
bers of the enemy. Caesar was the first to open
the campaign by marching into the country of the
Remi, who submitted at his approach, and entered
into alliance with him. He then crossed the Axo-
na (Aisne), and pitched his camp on a strong posi-
tion on the right bank. But, in order to make a
diversion, and to separate the vast forces of the
enemy, he sent Divitiacus with the Aedui to
attack the country of the Bellovaci from the
west. The enemy had meantime laid siege to
Bibrax (Bievre), a town of the Remi, but retired
when Caesar sent troops to its assistance. They
soon, however, began to suffer from want of provi-
sions, and hearing that Divitiacus was approaching
the territories of the Bellovaci, they came to the
resolution of breaking up their vast army, and re-
tiring to their own territories, where each people
could obtain provisions and maintain themselves.
This determination was fatal to them : together
they might possibly have conquered; but once sepa-
rated, they had no chance of contending against
the powerful Roman army. Hitherto Caesar had
remained in his entrenchments, but he now broke
up from his quarters, and resumed the offensive.
The Suessiones, the Bellovaci, and Anibiani were
subdued in succession, or surrendered of their own
accord ; but a more formidable task awaited him
when he came to the Nervii, the most warlike of
all the Belgic tribes. In their country, near the
river Sabis (Sambre), the Roman army was sur-
prised by the enemy while engaged in marking
out and fortifying the camp. This part of the
country was surrounded by woods, in which the
Nervii had concealed themselves ; and it seems, as
Napoleon has remarked, that Caesar was on this
occasion guilty of great imprudence in not having
explored tlic coimtry properly, as he was well pro-

CAESAR

545

vided with light armed troops. The attack of the
Nervii was so unexpected, and the surprise bo
complete, that before the Romans could form in
rank, the enemy was in their midst : the Roman
soldiers began to give way, and the battle seemed
entirely lost. Caesar used every effort to amend
his first error; he hastened from post to post,
freely exposed his own person in the first line of
the battle, and discharged alike the duties of a
brave soldier and an able geneml. His exertions
and the discipline of the Roman troops at length
triumphed ; and the Nervii were defeated with
such immense slaughter, that out of 60,000 fight-
ing-men only 500 remained in the state. The
Aduatici, who were on their march to join the
Nervii, returned to their o^vn country when they
heard of Caesar's victory, and shut themselves up
in one of their towns, which was of great natural
strength, perhaps on tlie hill called at pre-
sent Falais. Caesar marched to the place, and laid
siege to it ; but when the barbarians saw the mili-
tary engines approaching the walls, they surren-
dered to Caesar. In the night, however, they
attempted to surprise the Roman camp, but, being
repulsed, paid dearly for their treachery ; for on
the following day Caesar took possession of the
town, and sold all the inhabitants as slaves, to the
number of 53,000. At the same time he received
intelligence that the Veneti, Unelli, and various
other states in the north-west of Gaul, had sub-
mitted to M. Crassus, whom he had sent against
them with one legion. Having thus subjugated
the whole of the north of Gaul, Caesar led his
troops into winter-quarters in the country of the
Camutes, Andes, and Turones, people near the
Ligeris (Loire), in the central parts of Gaul, and
then proceeded himself to Cisalpine Gaul. When
the senate received the despatches of Caesar an-
nouncing this victor)', they decreed a public thanks-
giving of fifteen days — a distinction which had
never yet been granted to any one : the thanks-
giving in Pompey's honour, after the Mithridatic
war, had lasted for ten days, and that was the
longest that had hitherto been decreed.

At the beginning of the following year, b. c.
56, which was Caesar's third campaign in Gaul,
he was detained some months in Italy by the
state of affairs at Rome. There had been a mis^
understanding between Pompey and Crassus ; and
L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who had become a can-
didate for the consulship, threatened to deprive
Caesar of his army and provinces. Caesar accord-
ingly invited Pompey and Crassus to come to him
at Luca (Lucca), where he reconciled them to one
another, and arranged that they should be the con-
suls for the following year, and that CrasSiis should
have the province of Syria, and Pompey the two
Spains. They on their part agreed to obtain the
prolongation of Caesar's government for five years
more, and pay for his troops out of the public trea-
sury. It was not through any want of money
that Caesar made the latter stipulation, for he
had obtained immense booty in his two campaigns
in Gaul ; but so corrupt was the state of society at
Rome, that he knew it would be difficult for him
to retain his present position unless he was able to
bribe the people and the leading men in the city.
The money which he had acquired in his Gallic
wars was therefore freely expended in carrying
the elections of those candidates for public offices
who would support his interests, and also in pre-

2n

646

CAESAR.

sents to the senators and other influential men
who flocked to him at Luca to pay him their re-
spects and share in his liberality. He held almost
a sort of com"t at Luca : 200 senators waited upon
him, and so many also that were invested with
public offices, that 120 lictors were seen in the
streets of the town.

After settling the affairs of Italy, Caesar pro-
ceeded to his army at the latter end of the spring
of B. c. 56. During his absence, a powerful con-
federacy had been formed against him by the ma-
ritime states in the north-west of Gaul. Many of
these had submitted to P. Crassus in the preceding
year, alarmed at Caesar's victories over the Belgians;
but, following the example of the Veneti in Bre-
tagne, they had now all risen in arms against the Ro-
mans. Fearing a general insurrection of all Gaul,
Caesar thought it advisable to divide his army and
distribute it in four different parts of the country.
He himself, with the main body and the fleet
which he had caused to be built on the Ligeris, un-
dertook the conduct of the war against the Veneti ;
while he sent T. Titurius Sabinus with three legions
into the country of the Unelli, Curiosolitae, and
Lexovii (Normandy). Labienus was despatched
eastwards with a cavalry force into the country of
the Treviri, near the Rhine, to keep down the
Belgians and to prevent the Germans from crossing
that river. Crassus was sent with twelve legionary
cohorts and a great number of cavalry into Aqui-
tania, to prevent the Basque tribes in the south of
Gaul from joining the Veneti. The plan of the
campaign was laid with great skill, and was crown-
ed with complete success. The Veneti, after suf-
fering a great naval defeat, were obliged to surrender
to Caesar, who treated them with merciless severity
in order to strike terror into the surrounding tribes :
he put all the senators to death, and sold the rest
of the people as slaves. About the same time,
Titurius Sabinus conquered the Veneti and the
surrounding people ; and Crassus, though vnth
more difficulty, the greater part of Aquitania. The
presence of Labienus, and the severe defeats they
had experienced in the preceding year, seem to
have deterred the Belgians from any attempt at
revolt. Although the season was far advanced,
Caesar marched against the Morini and Menapii
(in the neighbourhood of Calais and Boulogne), as
they were the only people in Gaul that still re-
mained in arms. On his approach, they retired into
the woods, and the rainy season coming on, Caesar
was obliged to lead his troops into winter-quarters.
He accordingly recrossed the Sequana (Seine), and
stationed his soldiers for the winter in Normandy
in the coimtry of the Aulerci and Lexoviu Thus,
in three fiimpaigns, Caesar may be said to have
conquered the whole of Gaul ; but the spirit of the
people was not yet broken. They therefore made
several attempts to recover their independence ;
and it was not till their revolts had been again
and again put down by Caesar, and the flower of
the nation had perished in battle, that they learnt
to submit to the Roman yoke.

In the next year, b. c. 55, Pompey and Crassus
were consids, and proceeded to carry into execution
the arrangement which had been entered into at
Luca. They experienced, however, more opposition
than they had anticipated : the aristocracy, headed
by Cato, threw every obstacle in their way, but
was unable to prevent the two bills proposed by the
tribune Trebonius from being carried, one of which

CAESAR.

assigned the provinces of the Spains and Syria to
the consuls Pompey and Crassus, and the other
prolonged Caesar's provincial government for five
additional years. By the law of Vatinius, passed
in B. c. 59, Gaul and Illyricum were assigned to
Caesar for five years, namely, from the 1st of
January, b. c. 58 to the end of December, b. c. 54 ;
and now, by the law of Trebonius, the provinces
were continued to him for five years more, namely,
from the 1st of January, b. c. 53 to the end of
the year 49.

In B. c. 55, Caesar left Italy earlier than usual,
in order to make preparations for a war with the
Germans. This was his fourth campaign in Gaul.
The Gauls had suffered too much in the last three
campaigns to make any further attempt against the
Romans at present; but Caesar's ambition would
not allow him to be idle. Fresh wars must be
undertaken and fresh victories gained to keep him
in the recollection of the people, and to employ his
troops in active service. Two German tribes, the
Usipetes and the Tenchtheri, had been driven out
of their own country by the Suevi, and had crossed
the Rhine, at no great distance from its mouth,
with the intention of settling in Gaul. This, how-
ever, Caesar was resolved to prevent, and accord-
ingly prepared to attack them. The Germans
opened negotiations with him, but while these
were going on, a body of their cavalry attacked
and defeated Caesar's Gallic cavalry, which was
vastly superior in numbers. On the next day, all
the German chiefs came into Caesar's camp to
apologize for what they had done ; but, instead of
accepting their excuse, Caesar detained them, and
straightway led out his troops to attack the enemy.
Deprived of their leaders, and taken by surprise,
the Germans after a feeble resistance took to fiiglit,
and were almost all destroyed by the Roman ca-
valry. The remainder fled to the confluence of the
Mosa (Meuse) and the Rhine, but few crossed the
river in safety. To strike terror into the Germans,
Caesar resolved to cross the Rhine. In ten days
he built a bridge of boats across the river, probably
in the neighbourhood of Cologne, and, after spend-
ing eighteen days on the eastern side of the river,
and ravaging the country of the Sigambri, he re-
turned to Gaul and broke down the bridge.

Although the greater part of the summer was
now gone, Caesar resolved to invade Britain. His
object in imdertaking this expedition at such a
late period of the year was more to obtain some
knowledge of the island from personal observation,
than with any view to permanent conquest at pre-
sent. He accordingly took with him only two
legions, with which he sailed from the port Itius
(probably Witsand, between Calais and Boulogne),
and effected a landing somewhere near the South
Foreland, after a severe struggle with the natives.
Several of the British tribes hereupon sent offers
of submission to Caesar; but, in consequence of
the loss of a great part of the Roman fleet a few
days afterwards, they took up arms again. Being
however defeated, they again sent offers of sub-
mission to Caesar, who simply demanded double
the number of hostages he bad originally required,
as he was anxious to return to Gaul before the
season should be further advanced. He did not,
therefore, wait for the hostages, but commanded
them to be brought to him in Gaul. On his retiun,
he punished the Morini, who had revolted in his
absence ; and, after leading liis troops into winter-

CAESAR,
quarters among the Belgians, repaired, as usual, to
tlie north of Italy. Caesar had not gained any
victories in this campaign equal to those of the
three fonner years ; but his victories over the Ger-
mans and far-distant Britons were probably re-
garded by the Romans with greater admiration
than his conquests of the Gauls. The senate ac-
cordingly voted him a public thanksgiving of twenty
days, notwithstanding the opposition of Cato, who
declared, that Caesar ought to be delivered up to the
Usipetes and Tenchtheri, to prevent the gods from
visiting upon Rome his viobtion of the law of na-
tions in seizing the sacred persons of ambassadors.

The greater part of Caesar's fifth campaign, b. c.
54, was occupied with his second invasion of Bri-
tain. After making an expedition into lUyricum,
and afterwards into the country of the Treviri,
who had shewn a disposition to revolt, he set sail
from the port Itius with an army of five legions,
and Landed without opposition at the same place
as in the former year. The British states had
entrusted the supreme command to Cassivellaunus,
a chief whose territories were divided from the
m.iritime states by the river Tamesis (Thames).
The Britons bravely opposed the progress of the
invaders, but were defeated in a series of engage-
ments. Caesar crossed the Thames at the only
pkce where it was fordable, took the town of Cas-
sivellaunus, and conquered great part of the coun-
ties of Essex and Middlesex. In consequence of
these disasters, Cassivellaunus sued for peace ; and,
after demanding hostages, and settling the tribute
which Britain should pay yearly to the Roman
people, Caesar returned to Gaul towards the latter
part of the summer. Caesar gained no more by his
second invasion of Britain than by his first. He
had penetrated, it is true, further into the country,
but he had left no garrisons or military establish-
ments behind him; and the people obeyed the
Romans just as little afterwards as they had done
before.

In consequence of the great scarcity of com in
Gaul, arising from a drought this year, Caesar
was obliged, contrary to his practice in former
years, to divide his forces, and station his legions
for the winter in different parts of Gaul. This
seemed to the Gauls a favourable opportunity for
recovering their lost independence, and destroying
their conquerors. The Eburones, a Gallic people
between the Meuse and the Rhine, near the mo-
dem Tongres, led on by their chiefs, Ambiorix and
Cativolcus, were the first to begin the revolt, and
attacked the camp of the legion and five cohorts
under the command of T. Titurius Sabinus and
L. Aurunculeius Cotta, only fifteen days after they
had been stationed in their country. Alarmed at
the vast hosts which surrounded them, and fearing
that they should soon be attacked by the Germans
also, the Romans quitted their camp, with the in-
tention of marching to the winter-quarters of the
legions nearest them under promise of a safe-conduct
froni Ambiorix. This step was taken by Sabinus
against the wish of Cotta, who mistmsted the good
faith of Ambiorix. The result verified his fears : the
Romans were attacked on their march by Ambiorix,
and were destroyed almost to a man. This was the
tirst serious disaster that Caesar had experienced in
Gaul. Flushed with victory, Ambiorix and the
Eburones now proceeded to attack the camp of
Q. Cicero, the brother of the orator, who was sta-
tioned with one legion among the Nervii. The

CAESAR.

547

latter people and the Aduatici readily joined the
Eburones, and Cicero's camp was soon surrounded
by an overwhelming host. Seconded by the bra-
very of his soldiers, Cicero, though in a weak state
of health, repulsed the enemy in all their attempts
to storm the camp, till he was at length relieved by
Caesar in person, who came to his assistance with
two legions, as soon as he heard of the dangerous
position of his legate. The forces of the enemy,
which amounted to ()0,000, were defeated by Caesar,
who then joined Cicero, and praised him and his
men for the bravery they had shewn. In conse-
quence of the unsettled state of Gaul, Caesar re-
solved to remain with his army all the winter, and
accordingly took up his quarters at Samarobriva
(Amiens). About the same time, Indutiomams,
a chief of the Treviri, attempted to form a confe-
deracy against the Romans, but was attacked and
killed by Labienus, who was stationed in the
country of the Treviri.

In September of this year, b. c. 54, Julia, Cae-
sar's daughter and Pompey's wife, died in child-
birth ; but her death did not at the time affect the
relations between Caesar and Porapey. In order,
however, to keep up a femily connexion between
them, Caesar proposed that his niece Octavia, the
wife of C. Marcellus and the sister of the future
emperor Augustus, should marry Pompey, and
that he himself should marry Pompey's daughter,
who was now the wife of Faustus Sulla. This
proposal, however, was declined, but for what rea-
son we are not told.

In the next year, b. c. 53, which was Caesar's
sixth campaign in Gaul, the Gauls again took up
arms, and entered into a most formidable conspi-
racy to recover their independence. The destruc-
tion of the Roman troops under Sabinus and Cotta,
and the unsettled state of Gaul during the winter,
had led Caesar to apprehend a general rising of the
natives ; and he had accordingly levied two new
legions in Cisalpine Gaul, and obtained one from
Pompey, who was remaining in the neighbourhood
of Rome as proconsul with the imperium. Being
thus at the head of a powerful army, he was able to
subdue the nations that revolted, and soon compelled
the Nervii, Senones, Camutes, Menapii, and Tre-
viri to return to obedience. But as the Treviri
had been supported by the Germans, he crossed
the Rhine again a little above the spot where he
had passed over two years before, and having re-
ceived the submission of the Ubii, proceeded to
march into the country of the Suevi. The latter
people, however, retired to their woods and fast-
nesses as he advanced ; and, finding it impossible
to come up with the enemy, he again recrossed the
Rhine, having effected as little as in h'is previous
invasion of the country. On his return, he made
a vigorous effort to put down AnAiorix, who still
continued in arms. The country of the Eburones
was laid waste with fire and sword ; the troops of
Ambiorix were again and again defeated, but he
himself always escaped falling into the hands of
the Romans. In the midst of this war, when the
enemy were almost subdued, Cicero's ciimp was
surprised by a body of the Sigambri, who had
crossed the Rhine, and was almost taken. At the
conclusion of the campaign, CaesAr prosecuted a
strict inquiry into the revolt of the Senones and
Camutes, and caused Acco, who had been the chief
ringleader in the conspiracy, to be put to death.
He then stationed his troops for the winter among

2 N 2

548

CAESAR.

the Treviri, Lingones, and Senones, and departed
to Cisalpine Gaul.

Upon Caesar's arrival in Cisalpine Gaul, he
heard of the death of Clodius, who was killed by
l^filo at the latter end of January, b. c. 52. This
event was followed by tumults, which rent both
Rome and Italy asunder ; and it was currentlj' re-
ported in Gaul that Caesar could not possibly leave
Italy under these circumstances. The unsuccessful
issue of last year's revolt had not yet damped the
spirits of the Gauls; the execution of Acco had
frightened all the chiefs, as every one feared that
his turn might come next ; the hatred of the Ro-
man 3'oke was intense ; and thus all the materials
were ready for a general conflagration. It was
first set alight by the Camutes, and in an incredi-
bly short time it spread from country to country,
till almost the whole of Gaul was in flames. Even
the Aedni, who had been hitherto the faithful allies
of the Romans, and had assisted them in all their
wars, subsequently joined the general revolt. At
the head of the insurrection was Vercingetorix,
a young man of noble family belonging to the
Arvemi, and by far the ablest general that Caer
sar had yet encountered. Never before had the
Gauls been so united : Caesar's conquests of the
last six years seemed to be now entirel}'^ lost.
The war, therefore, of this year, b. c. 52, was by
far the most arduous that Caesar had yet carried
on ; but his genius triumphed over every obstacle,
and rendered it the most brilliant of all.

It was in the depth of winter when the news of
this revolt reached Caesar, for the Roman calendar
was now nearly three months in advance of the
real time of the 3'ear. Caesar would gladly have
remained in Italy to watch the progress of events
at Rome ; but not merely were his hard- won
conquests at stake, but also his army, the loss
of which would have ruined all his prospects for
the future. He was therefore compelled to leave
Rome in Pompey's power, and set oiit to join his
army. It was, however, no easy matter to reach
his troops, as the intermediate country was in the
htinds of the enemy, and he could not order them
to come to him without exposing them to be at-
tacked on their march. Having provided for the
safety of the province in Transalpine Gaul, he
resolved to surprise the enemy by crossing the
Cebenna and descending into the country of the
Arvemi (Auvergne). With the forces already in
the province, and with those which he had himself
brought from Italy, he eiFected a passage over these
mountains, though it was the depth of winter, and
the snow lay six feet on the ground. The Arverni,
who looked upon these mountains as an impregna-
ble fortress, had made no preparations to resist
Caesar, and accordingly sent to Vercingetorix to
pray him to come to their assistance. This was
what Caesar had anticipated : his only object was
to direct the attention of the enemy to this point,
while he himself stole away to his legions. Pie
accordingly remained only two days among the
Arverni, and leaving his troops there in command
of D. Brutus, he arrived by rapid joumej-s in the
country of the Lingones, where two of his legions
were stationed, ordered the rest to join him, and
had assembled his whole armj'^ before Vercingetorix
heard of liis arrival in that part of the country.
He lost no time in attacking the chief towns in the
hands of the enemy. Vellaunodunum (in the coun-
try of Chateau- I^an don), Genabum (Orleans), and

CAESAR.

Noviodunum (Nouan, between Orieans and Bour-
ges), fell into his hands without difficulty. Alarmed
at Caesar's rapid progress, Vercingetorix persuaded
his countrymen to lay waste their country and
destroy their towns, that Caesar might be deprived
of all sustenance and quarters for his troops. This
plan was accordingly carried into effect ; but Ava-
ricum (Bourges), the chief town of the Bituriges,
and a strongly fortified place, was spared from the
general destruction, contrary to the wishes of Ver-
cingetorix. This town Caesar accordingly laid
siege to, and, notwithstanding the heroic resistance
of the Gauls, it was at length taken, and all the
inhabitants, men, women, and children, were in-
discriminately butchered by the Roman soldiery.

Caesar now divided his arm)-- into two parts :
one division, consisting of four legions, he sent
under the command of T. Labienus against the Se-
nones and Parisii ; the other, comprising six legions,
he led himself into the country of the Arvemi, and
with them laid siege to Gergovia (near Clermont).
The revolt of the Aedui shortly afterwards com-
pelled him to raise the siege, but not until he had
received a severe repulse in attempting to storm
the town. Meantime, the Aedui had taken No-
viodunum, in which Caesar had placed all his
stores ; and, as his position had now become very
critical, he hastened northwards to join Labienus
in the country of the Senones. By rapid marches
he eluded the pursuit of the enemy, crossed the
Ligeris (Loire), and joined Labienus in safety.

The revolt of the Aedui inspired fresh courage
in the Gauls, and Vercingetorix soon found himself
at the head of a much larger army than he had
hitherto commanded. Fearing now for the safety
of the province, Caesar began to march southwards
through the country of the Lingones into that of
the Sequani. The Gauls followed him in vast
numbers, and attacked him on his march. After
an obstinate engagement, in which Caesar is said
to have lost his sword, the Gallic cavalry were
repulsed by the German liorse whom Caesar had
procured from beyond the Rhine. Thereupon,
Vercingetorix led off" his infantry, and retreated
towards Alesia ( Alise in Burgundy, between Semur
and Dijon), whither he was pursued by Caesar.
After dismissing his cavalry, Vercingetorix shut
himself up in the town, which was considered im-
pregnable, and resolved to wait for succours from
his countrymen. Caesar immediately laid siege
to the place, and drew lines of circumvallation
around it. The Romans, however, were in their
turn soon surrounded by a vast Gallic army, which
had assembled to raise the siege. The Roman
anny was thus placed in imminent peril, and in no
instance in Caesar's whole life was his military
genius so conspicuous. He was between two great
armies : Vercingetorix had 70,000 men in Alesia,
and the Gallic army without consisted of between
250,000 and 300,000 men. Still, he would
not raise the siege. He prevented Vercingetorix
from breaking through the lines, entirely routed
the Gallic army without, and finally compelled
Alesia to surrender. Vercingetorix himself thus
fell into his hands. The fall of Alesia was followed
by the submission of the Aedui and Arverni. Cae-
sar then led his troops into winter-quarters, and
resolved to pass the winter himself at Bibracte,
in the country of the Aedui. After receiving
Caesar's despatches, the senate voted him a public
thanksgiving of twenty days, as in the year 55.

CAESAR.

The victoiies of the preceding year had deter-
mined the fate of Gaul ; but many states still re-
mained in arms, and entered into fresh conspiracies
during the winter. The next year, B.C. 51, Cae-
sar's eighth campaign in Gaul, was occupied in the
reduction of these sUites, into the particulars of
which we need not enter. It is sufficient to say,
that he conquered in succession the Caniutes, tlie
Bellovaci, and the Armoric states in western Gaul,
took Uxellodunum, a town of the Cadurci (Cahors),
and closed the campaign by the reduction of
AquiUmia. He then led his troops into winter-
quarters, and passed the winter at Nemetocenna in
Belgium. He here employed liimself in the pacifi-
cation of Gaul; and, as he already saw that his
presence would soon be necessary in Italy, he was
anxious to remove all causes for future wars. He
accordingly imposed no new taxes, treated the
stiites with honour and respect, and bestowed great
presents upon the chiefs. The experience of the
last two yejirs had taught the Gauls that they had
no hope of contending successfully against Caesar ;
and as he now treated them with mildness, they
were the more readily induced to submit patiently
to the Roman yoke. Having thus completed the
pacification of Gaul, Caesar found that he could
leave his army in the spring of B. c. 50, and there-
fore, contrary to his usual practice, repaired at the
Olid of the winter to Cisalpine Gaul.

While Caesar had thus been actively engaged
in Gaul during the last two years, affairs at Rome
had taken a turn, which threatened a speedy rup-
ture between him and Pompey. The death of
Ci-assus in the Parthian war in b. c. 53 had left
Caesar and Pompey alone at the head of the state.
Pompey had been the chief instrument in raising
Caesar to power in order to serve his own ends,
and never seems to have supposed it possible
tliat the conqueror of Mithridates could be thrown
into the shade by any man in the world. This,
however, now began to be the case ; Caesar's bril-
liant victories in Gaul were in every body's
mouth ; and Pompey saw with ill-disguised
mortification that he was becoming the second
person in the state. Though this did not lead
him to break with Caesar at once, it made him
anxious to increase his power and influence,
and he had therefore resolved as early as B. c. 53
to obtain, if possible, the dictatorship. He ac-
cordingly used no effort to put an end to the dis-
turbances at Rome between Milo and Clodius in
that year, in hopes that all parties would be
willing to accede to his wishes in order to restore
peace to the city. These disturbances broke out
into perfect juiarchy on the death of Clodius at
the beginning of the following year, b. c. 52, and
led to the appointment of Pompey as sole consul
with the concurrence of the senate. This, it is true,
did not entirely meet Pompey's wishes, yet it was
the first step which the aristocracy had taken to
gratify Pompey, and it paved the way for a recon-
ciliation with them. The acts of Pompey's consul-
ship, which were all directed to the increase of his
power, belong to Pompey's life ; it is sufficient
to mention here, that among other things he ob-
tained the prolongation of his government in Spain
for five years more ; and as he was not yet pre-
pared to break entirely with Cafjsar, he allowed
some of the tribunes to carry a law exempting
Caesar from the necessity of coming to Rome to
become a candidate for the consulship. The ten

CAESAR.

549

years of Caesar's government would expire at the
end of B. c. 49, and he was therefore resolved to
obtain the consulship for B. c. 48, for otherwise he
would become a private man.

In the following year, b. c. 51, Pompey entered
into still closer connexions with the aristocracy,
but at the same time was not willing to support all
the violent measures of the consul M. Claudius
Marcellus, who proposed to send a successor to Cae-
sar, on the plea that the war in Gaul was finished,
.and to deprive him of the privilege of becoming a can-
didate for the consulship in his absence. At length
a decree of the senate was passed, that the consuls
of the succeeding year, b. c. 50, shoiild on the
first of March consult the senate respecting the
disposal of the consular provinces, by which time
it was hoped that Pompey would be prepared to
take decisive measures against Caesar. The coji-
suls for the next year, b. c, 50, L. Aemilius Paul-
lus and C. Claudius Marcellus, and the powerful
tribune C. Curio, were all reckoned devoted parti-
zans of Pompey and the senate. Caesar, however,
gained over Paullus and Curio by large bribes, and
with an unsparing hand distributed immense sums
of money among the leading men of Rome. Thus
this year passed by without the senate coming to
any decision. The great fear which Pompey and
the senate entertained was, that Caesar should be
elected consul while he was still at the head of his
army, and it was therefore proposed in the senate
by the consul C. Marcellus, that Caesar should lay
down his command by the 13th of November.
This it could not be expected that Caesar would do ;
his proconsulate had upwards of another year to
run ; and if he had come to Rome as a private man
to sue for the consulship, there can be little doubt
that his life would have been sacrificed. Cato had
declared that he would bring Caesar to trial as
soon as he laid down his command ; but the trial
would have been only a mockery, for Pom.pey was
in the neighbourhood of the city at the head of an
army, and would have overawed the judges by his
soldiery as at Milo's trial. The tribune Curio
consequently interposed his veto upon the proposi-
tion of Marcellus. Meantime Caesar had come
into Cisalpine Gaul in the spring of B. o. 50, as .al-
ready mentioned. Here he was received by the
municipal towns and colonies with the gretitest
marks of respect and affection ; and after remain-
ing there a short time, he returned to Transal-
pine Gaul and held a review of his whole .irmy,
which he had so long led to victory. Anxious to
diminish the number of his troops, the senate had,
under pretext of a war with the Parthi.ins, ordered
that Pompey and Caesar should each funiish a
legion to be sent into the East. The legion which
Pompey intended to devote to this service was the
one he had lent to Caesar in B. c. 53, and which
he now accordingly dem.inded back ; and although
Caesar saw that he should thus be deprived of two
legions, which would probably be employed .igainst
himself, he did not think it advisable to break with
the senate on this point, and felt that he w.is suffi-
ciently strong to spare even two legions. He accord-
ingly sent them to the senate, after bestowing libe-
ral presents upon cnch soldier. Upon their arrival
in Italy, they were not, as Caesar had anticipated,
sent to the East, but were ordered to pass the
winter at Capu.a. After this Caesar stationed his
remaining eight legions in winter-qu<arters, four in
Belgium and four among the Aedui, and then re-

5o0

CAESAR.

paired to Cisalpine Gaul. He took up his quar-
ters at Ravenna, the last town in his province
hordering upon Italy, and there met C. Curio, who
informed him more particularly of the state of
affairs at Rome.

Though war seemed inevitable, Caesar still shew-
ed himself willing to enter into negotiations with
the aristocracy, and accordingly sent Curio with a
letter addressed to the senate, in which he ex-
pressed his readiness to resign his command if
Pompey would do the same, but intimated that
he would continue to hold it if Pompey did not
accede to his offer. Curio arrived at Rome on
the first of January, b. c. 49, the day on which
the new consuls L. Cornelius Lentidus and C.
Claudius Marcellus entered upon their office. It
was with great difficulty that the tribunes M.
Antonius and Q. Cassius Longinus forced the se-
nate to allow the letter to be read, but they could
not prevail upon the house to take the subject of it
into deliberation and come to a vote upon it. The
consuls, however, brought before the house the state
of the republic in general ; and after a violent de-
bate the motion of Scipio, Pompey's father-in-law,
was carried, " that Caesar should disband his army
by a certain day, and that if he did not do it he
should be regarded as an enemy of the state."
Upon this motion the tribunes M. Antonius and
Q. Cassius put their veto ; but their opposition was
set at naught. Pompey had now made up his
mind to cnish Caesar, if possible, and accordingly
the more violent counsels prevailed. Antonius and
Cassius were ejected from the senate-house, and on
the sixth of January the senate passed the decree,
which was tantamount to a declaration of martial
law, that the consuls and other magistrates " should
provide for the safety of the state." Antonius and
Cassius considering their lives no longer safe, fled
from the city in disguise to Caesar's army, and
called upon him to protect the inviolable persons of
the tribunes. War was now declared. The senate
entrusted the whole management of it to Pompey,
made a fresh distribution of the provinces, divided
the whole of Italy into certain districts, the defence
of each of which was to be entrusted to some dis-
tinguished senator, determined that fresh levies of
troops shoidd be held, and voted a sum of money
firora the public treasurj-^ to Pompey. Pompey had
held all along no apprehensions as to the result of
a war ; he seems to have regarded it as scarcely
possible that Caesar should ever seriously think of
marching against him ; his great fame, he thought,
would cause a multitude of troops to flock around
him whenever he wished them ; and thus in his
confidence of success, he had neglected all means
for raising an army. In addition to this he had
been deceived as to the disposition of Caesar's
troops, and had been led to believe that they were
ready to desert their general at the first oppor-
tunity. Consequently, when the war broke out,
Pompey had scarcely any troops except the two
legions which he had obtained from Caesar, and
on the fidelity of which he could by no means
rely. So unpopular too was the senatorial party
in Italy, that it was with great difficulty they
could levy troops, and when levied, they took the
first opportunity of passing over to Caesar.

As soon as Catsar learnt the last resolution of
the senate, he assembled his soldiers, infonned
them of the wrongs he had sustained, and called
upon them to support him. Finding them quite

CAESAR.

willing to follow him, he crossed the Rubicon,
which separated his province from Italy, and oc-
cupied Ariminum, where he met with the tri-
bunes. He commenced his enterprise with only
one legion, consisting of 5000 foot soldiers and
300 horse, but others had orders to follow him
from Transalpine Gaul, and he was well aware of
the importance of expedition, that the enemy
might have no time to complete their prepara-
tions. Therefore, though it was the middle of
winter, he pushed on with the utmost rapidity,
and such was the popularity of his cause in Italy,
that city after city opened its gates to him, and
his march was like a triumphal progress. Arre-
tium, Pisaiirum, Fanum, Ancona, Iguvium, and
Auximum, fell into his hands. These successes
caused the utmost consternation at Rome ; it was
reported that Caesar's cavalry was already near
the gates of the city ; a general panic seized the
senate, and they fled from the city even without
taking with them the money from the public
treasury, and did not recover their courage till
they had got as far south as Capua. Caesar
continued his victorious march through Picenum
till he came to Corfinium, which was the first town
that offered him any vigorous resistance. L. Do-
mitius Ahenobarbus, who had been appointed
Caesar's successor in Gaul, had thrown himself
into Corfinium with a strong force ; but as Pompey
did not come to his assistixnce, he was unable to
maintain the place, and fell himself into Caesars
hands, together with several other senators and
distinguished men. Caesar, with the same cle-
mency which he displayed throughout the whole
of the civil war, dismissed them all uninjured, and
hastened in pursuit of Pompey, who had now re-
solved to abandon Italy and was accordingly has-
tening on to Bnindisium, intending from thence
to sail to Greece. Pompey reached Bnindisium
before Caesar, but had not sailed when the latter
arrived before the town. Caesar straightway laid
siege to the place, but Pompey abandoned it on
the 17th of March and embarked for Greece.
Caesar was unable to follow Pompey for want of
ships, and therefore determined to march against
Afranius and Petreius, Pompey's legates in Spain^
who possessed a powerful army in that country. He
accordingly marched back from Bnindisium and
repaired to Rome, having thus in three months
become the supreme master of the whole of Italy.

After remaining in the neighbourhood of Rome
for a short time, he set out for Spain, having left
M. Lepidus in charge of the city and M. Antonius
in command of the troops in Italy. He sent
Curio to drive Cato out of Sicily, Q. Valerius to
take possession of Sardinia, and C. Antonius to
occupy Illyricum. Curio and Valerius obtained
possession of Sicily and Sardinia without opposi-
tion ; and Curio then passed over into Africa,
which was in possession of the Pompeian party.
Here, however, he met with strong opposition, and
at length was defeated and lost his life in a battle
with Juba, king of Mauritania, who supported
P. Atius Varus, the Pompeian commander. C.
Antonius also met with bad success in Illyri-
cum, for his armj^ was defeated and he himself
taken prisoner. These events, however, hap-
pened at a later period in this j^ear; and these
disasters were more than counterbalanced by Cae-
sar's victories in the meantime in Spain. Caesar
left Rome about the middle of April, and on his

CAESAR,

nrrival in Gaul foinul, that Massilia refused to
submit to him. He forthwith laid siege to the
place, but unable to tjikc it immediately, he left
C. Trebonius and D. Brutus with part of his troops
to prosecute the siege, ajid continued his march to
Spain. In this country Pompey had seven
legions, three under the command of L. Afranius
in the nearer province, two under M. Petreius in
the further, and two mider M. Terentius Varro
also in the latter province west of the Anas
(Ouadiana). Varro remained in the west ; but
Afranius and Petreius on the approach of Caesar
united their forces, and took up a strong position
near the town of Ilerda (Lerida in Catalonia) on
the right bank of the Sicoris (Segre). Into the
details of this campaign we cannot enter. It is
sufficient to state, that, after experiencing great
difficulties at first and some reverses, Caesar at
length reduced Afranius and Petreius to such
difficulties that they were obliged to surrender.
They themselves were dismissed uninjured, part of
their troops disbanded, and the remainder incorpo-
rated among Caesar's troops. Caesar then pro-
ceeded to march against Varro ; but after the
victory over Afranius and Petreius, there was no
army in Spain capable of resisting the conqueror,
and Varro accordingly surrendered to Caesar when
the latter arrived at Corduba (Cordova). Having
thus subdued all Spain, which had engaged him
only forty days, he returned to Gavl. Massilia had
not yet yielded, but the siege had been prosecuted
with so much vigour, that the inhabitants were
compelled to surrender the town soon after his
arrival before the walls.

While Caesar was before Massilia, he received
intelligence that he had been appointed dictator
by the praetor M. Lepidus, who had been em-
powered to do so by a law passed for the purpose.
This appointment, which was of course made in
accordance with Caesar's \vishes, was contrary to
all precedent ; for a praetor had not the power of
nominating a dictator, and the senate was entirely
passed over : but it is idle to talk of established
forms under such circumstances ; it was necessary
that there should be a higher magistrate than
praetor to hold the comitia for the election of
the consuls ; and Caesar wished to enter Rome
invested with some high official power, which
he could not do so long as he was merely pro-
consul. Accordingly, as soon as Massilia sur-
rendered, Caesar hastened to Rome and entered
upon his dictatorship, but laid it doAvn again at
the end of eleven days after holding the consular
comitia, in which he himself and P. Servilius Vatia
Isauricus were elected consuls for the next year.
But during these eleven days he caused some very
important laws to be passed. The first, which was
intended to relieve debtors, but at the same time
protect to a great extent the rights of creditors,
was in the present state of atfairs a most salutary
measure. (For the provisions of this lex, see
Did. of Ant. s. v. Jtdia Lex de Foenore.) He next
obtained the reversal of the sentences which had
been pronounced against various persons in ac-
cordance with the laws passed in Pompey's last
consulship ; he also obtained the recall of several
other exiles ; he further restored the descendants
of those who had been proscribed by Sulla to the
enjoyment of their rights, and rewarded the Trans-
pjidani by the citizenship for their faithful support
of his cause.

CAESAR,

6S\

After laying down the dictatorship, Caesar went
in December to Brundisium, where he had pre-
viously ordered his troops to assemble. He had
lost many men in the long march from Spain, and
also from sickness arising from their passing the
autumn in the south of Italy. Pompey had not
been idle during the summer, and had employed his
time in raising a large army in Greece, Egypt, and
the East, the scene of his former glory. He thug
collected an army consisting of nine legions of Ro-
man citizens, and an auxiliary force of cavalry and
infantry; and, though it is impossible to estimate its
exact strength, as we do not know the number of
men which each legion contained, it was decidedly
greater than the army which Caesar had assembled
at Brundisium. His fleet entirely commanded the
sea, and so small was the number of Caesar's ships,
that it seemed impossible that he should venture
to cross the sea in face of Pompey's superior fleet.
This circumstance, and also the time of the year
caused M.Bibulus, the commander of Pompey 's fleet,
to relax in his guard ; and thus when Caesar set sail
from Brundisium, on the 4th of January, he arrived
the next day in safety on the coast of Epeirus. In
consequence, however, of the small number of his
ships, Caesar was able to caiTy over only seven le-
gions, which, for the causes previously mentioned,
had been so thinned as to amount only to 13,000 foot
and 500 horse. After landing this force, he sent back
his ships to bring over the remainder ; but part of
the fleet was intercepted in its return by M. Bibulus,
who cruelly put all the crews to death ; and the
Pompeian fleet kept up such a strict watch along
the coast, that the remainder of Caesar's army was
obliged for the present to remain at Brundisium.
Caesar was thus in a critical position, in the midst
of the enemy's country, cut otf from the rest of his
army ; but he knew that he could thoroughly rely
on his men, and therefore immediately commenced
acting on the offensive. After gaining possession
of Oriciun and ApoUonia, he hastened northwards,
in hopes of surprising Dyrrhachium, where all
Pompey's stores were deposited ; but Pompey, by
rapid marches, reached this town before him, and
both armies then encamped opposite to each other,
Pompey on the right and Caesar on the left bank
of the river Apsus. Caesar was at length joined
by the remainder of his troops, which were brought
over from Brundisium with great difficulty by M.
Antonius and Q. Fufius Calenus. Pompey mean-
time had retired to some high ground near Dyr-
rhachium, and as he would not venture a battle
with Caesar's veterans, Caesar began to blockade
him in his position, and to erect lines of circum-
vallation of an extraordinary extent; but when
these were nearly completed, Pompey forced a
passage through Caesar's lines, and drove back
his legions with considerable loss. Caesar thus
found himself compelled to retreat from his
present position, and accordingly commenced his
march for Thessaly, pursued by Pompey's army,
which was not however able to come up with him.
Pompey's plan of avoiding a general engagement
with Caesar's veterans till he could place more
reliance upon his own troops, was undoubtedly a
wise one, and had been hitherto crowned with
success ; but his victory at Dyrrhachium and the
retreat of the enemy inspired him with more confi-
dence, and induced him to give heed to those of
his officers who recommended him to bring the
contest to an issue by an immediiite battle. Ac*

55d

CAESAR.

cordingly, when Pompey came up with Caesar,
who was encamped on the plains of Pharsalus or
Pharsalia, in Thessaly, he offered him battle, which
was readily accepted by Caesar. Their numbers
were very unequal : Pompey had 4.5,000 foot-
soldiers and 7000 horse, Caesar 22,000 foot-soldiers
and 1000 horse. The battle, which was fought on
the 9th of August, B. c. 48, according to the old
calendar, ended in the total defeat of Pompey's
anny. Pompey fled to the court of Egypt, pursued
by Caesar, but was murdered there before the
latter arrived in the country. [Poaipeius.]

The battle of Pharsalia decided the fate of the
republic. When news of it reached Rome, various
laws were passed, which conferred in fact supreme
power upon Caesar. Though absent, he was no-
minated dictator a second time, and that not for
six months or a shorter time, but for a whole year.
He appointed M. Antonius his master of the horse,
and entered upon the office in September of this
year (b. c 48), so that the commencement and
tennination of his dictatorship and consulship did
not coincide, as some modern writers have repre-
sented. He was also nominated to the consulship
for the next five years, but this privilege he did
not avail himself of; he was invested, moreover,
with the tribunicial power for life, and with the
right of holding all the comitia for the election of
the magistrates, with the exception of those for
the choice of the plebeian tribunes ; and it was for
this reason that no magistrates except the tribunes
of the plebs were elected for the next year, as
Caesai" did not return to Rome till September in
B. c. 47

Caesar went to Egypt, as we have already said,
in pursuit of Pompey, and upon his arrival there,
he became involved in a war, which detained him
several months, and gave the remains of the Pom-
peian party time to rally and to make fresh prepa-
rations for continuing the war. The war in Egypt,
usually called the Alexandrine war, arose from
Caesar's resolving to settle the disputes respect-
ing the succession to the kingdom. Caesar de-
termined that Cleopatra, whose fascinations com-
pletely won his heart, and her elder brother Ptole-
my should reign in common ; but as this decision
was opposed by the guardians of the young king,
a war broke out between them and Caesar, in
which he was for some time exposed to great dan-
ger on account of the small number of his forces.
But, having received reinforcements, he finally
prevailed, and placed Cleopatra and her younger
brother on the throne, as the elder had perished in
the course of the contest. It was soon after this,
that Cleopatra had a son by Caesar. [Caesarion;
Cleopatra.]

After bringing the Alexandrine war to a close,
in the latter end of March, b. c. 47, Caesar maixhed
through Syria into Pontus in order to attack Phar-
naces, the son of the celebrated Mithridates, who
had defeated Cn. Doraitius Calvinus, one of Caesar's
legates. This war, however, did not detain him
long ; for Pharnaces, venturing to come to an open
battle with the dictator, was utterly defeated, on
the 2nd of August, near Zela. He thence pro-
ceeded to Rome, settling the affairs of the provinces
in the way, and arrived in the capital in Septem-
ber. As the year of his dictatorship was nearly
expiring, he caused himself to be appointed to the
dignity again for a year, and he nominated
M. Aemilius Lepidus his master of the horse.

CAESAR.

His third dictatorship consequently begins before
the termination of the year 47. The property
of Pompey and of several others of the aristo-
cracy was now confiscated and sold by public
auction. That he might the more easily re-
ward his own friends, the dictator increased the
nimiber of praetors and of the members of the
priestly colleges, and also introduced a great num-
ber of his partizans into the senate. For the re-
mainder of this year he elevated Q. Fufius Calenus
and P. Vatinius to the consulship, but he caused
himself and his master of the horse, M. Aemilius
Lepidus to be elected consuls for the next year. It
was during this time that he quelled a formidable
mutiny of his troops which had broken out in
Campjmia.

Caesar did not remain in Rome more than two
or three months. With his usual activity and
energy, he set out to Africa before the end of the
year (b. c. 47), in order to carry on the war against
Scipio and Cato, who had collected a large army
in that country. Their forces were far greater
than Caesar could bring against them at present ;
but he was well aware of the advantage which
a general has in acting on the offensive, and
had too much reliance on his own genius to be
alarmed by mere disparity of numbers. At the
commencement of the campaign, however, Caesar
was in considerable difficulties; but, having been
joined by some of his other legions, he was able to
prosecute the campaign with more vigour, and finally
brought it to a close by the battle of Thapsus, on
the (ith of April, b. c. i6, in which the Pompeian
army was completely defeated. Cato, finding him-
self unable to defend Uticti, put an end to his own
hfe. The other towns in Africa submitted to the
conqueror, and Caesar was thus able to be in Rome
again by the latter end of July, according to the
old calendar.

Caesar was now the undisputed master of the
Roman world. As he drew near to Rome, great
apprehensions were entertahied by his enemies
lest, notwithstanding his former clemency, he should
imitate Marius and Sulla, and proscribe all his
opponents. But these fears were perfectly ground-
less. A love of cruelty was no part of Caesar's
nature ; and, with a magnanimity which victors
rarely shew, and least of all those in civil wars, he
freely forgave all who had borne arms against him,
and declared that he should make no difference
between Pompeians and Caesarians. His object
was now to allay animosities, and to secure the
lives and property of all the citizens of his new
kingdom. As soon as the news of his African vic-
tory reached Rome, and before he himself arrived
there, a public thanksgiving of forty days was de-
creed in his honour, and the dictatorship was be-
stowed upon him for ten years, and the censorship,
under the new title of "Praefectus Morum," for
three years. Caesar had never yet enjoyed a tri-
umph ; and, as he had now no further enemies to
meet, he availed himself of the opportunity of cele-
brating his victories in Gaul, Egypt, Pontus, and
Africa by four magnificent triumphs. None of
these, however, were in honour of his successes in
the civil war; and consequently his African tri-
umph was to commemorate his victory over Juba,
and not over Scipio and Cato. These triumphs
were followed by largesses of com and money to
the people and the soldiers, by public banquets,
and all sorts of entertainments. Never before hud

CAESAR.

the pim?8 of the circus and tlio ampliithoatre been
tvlebrated with such splendour; for Caesar well
knew the temper of the Roman populace, and that
they would be willing enough to surrender their
Bo-called liberties if they were well fed and amused.

Caesjir next appears in the character of a legis-
lator. He now proceeded to correct the various
evils which had crept into the state, and to obtain
the enactment of several laws suitable to the alter-
ed condition of the commonwedth. He attempted
by severe sumptuary laws to restrain the extrava-
gance which pervaded all classes of society. In
order to prevent any other general from fol-
lowing his own career, he obtained a law by
which no one was to be allowed to hold a praeto-
rian province for longer than one year, or a consular
for more than two years. But the most important
of his changes this year (b. c. 46) was the reforma-
tion of the calendar, which was a real benefit to
his country and the civilized world, and which he
accomplished in his character as pontifex maximus,
with the assistanceofSosigenes, the Alexandrine ma-
thematiciiin, and the scribe M. Flavius, though he
himself also was well acquainted with astronomy.
The regulation of the Roman calendar had always
been entrusted to the college of pontiffs, who had
been accustomed to lengthen or shorten the year at
their pleasure for political purposes ; and the confu-
sion had at length become so great, that the Roman
year was three months in advance of the real time.
To remedy this serious evil, Caesar added 90 days
to this year, and thus made the whole year consist
of 445 days ; and he guarded against a repetition
of similar errors for the future by adapting the year
to the sun's course. {Diet, of Ant. s.v. Calendarium.)

In the midst of these labours, Caesar was inter-
rupted by intelligence of a formidable insurrection
which had broken out in Spain, where the remains of
the Pompeian party had again collected a large
army under the command of Pompcy's sons, Cneius
and Sextus. Having been previously designated
consul ajid dictator for the following year, Caesar
set out for Spain at the latter end of B. c. 46.
AV'ith his usual activity', he arrived at Obulco near
Corduba in twenty-seven days from the time of
his leaving Rome. He found the enemy able to
offer stronger opposition than he had anticipated ;
but he brought the war to a close by the battle of
Munda, on the 1 7th of March, B. c. 45, in which
he entirely defeated the enemy. It was, however,
a hard-fought battle : Caesar's troops were at first
driven back, and were only rallied again by their
genei-al's exposing his own person, like a common
soldier, in the front line of the battle. Cn. Pom-
peius was killed shortly afterwards, but Sextus
made good his escape. The settlement of the
affairs in Spain detained Caesar in the province
some months longer, and he consequently did not
reach Rome till September. He entered the city
at the beginning of October in triumph on account
of his victories in Spain, although the victory had
been gained over Roman citizens, and he also al-
lowed triumphs to his legates Fabius Maximus and
Q. Pedius. The senate received him with the most
MTvile flattery. They had in his absence voted a
public thanksgiving of fifty days on account of his
victory in Spain, and various other honorary de-
crees, and they now vied with each other in paying
him every species of adulation and homage, lie
was to wear, on all public occasions, the triumphal
robe ; he was to receive the title of " Father of his

CAESAR.

553

country ;" statues of him were to be placed in ali
the temples ; his portrait was to be struck on coins;
the month of Quintilis was to receive the name of
Julius in his honour, and he was to be raised to a
rank among the gods. But there were still more
important decrees than these, which were intended
to legalise his power and confer upon him the whole
government of the Roman world. He received the
title of imperator for life ; he was nominated consul
for the next ten years, and both dictator and prae-
fectus morura for life ; his person was declared
sacred ; a guard of senators and knights was ap-
pointed to protect him, and the whole senate took
an oath to watch over his safety.

If we now look at the way in which Caesar ex-
erted his sovereign power, it cannot be denied that
he used it in the main for the good of his country.
He still pursued his former merciful course : no
proscriptions or executions took place ; and he began
to revolve vast schemes for the benefit of the Ro-
man world. He was at the same time obliged to
reward his followers, and for that reason he greatly
increased the number of senators, augmented the
number of public magistrates, so that there were to
be sixteen praetors, forty quaestors, and six aediles,
and he added new members to the priestly colleges.
Among his other plans of internal improvement, he
proposed to frame a digest of all the Roman laws,
to establish public libraries, to drain the Pomptine
marshes, to enlarge the harbour of Ostia, and to
dig a canal through the isthmus of Corinth. To
protect the boundaries of the Roman empire, he
meditated expeditions against the Parthians and
the barbarous tribes on the Danube, and had already
begun to make preparations for his departure to
the East. In the midst of these vast projects he
entered upon the last year of his life, B. c. 44, and
his fifth consulship and dictatorship. He had
made M. Antony his colleague in the consulship,
and M. Lepidus the master of the horse. Caesar
had for some time past resolved to preserve the
supreme power in his family; and, as he had no
legitimate children, had fixed upon his great-
nephew Octavius (afterwards the emperor Augustus)
as his successor. Possessing royal power, he now
wished to obtain the title of king, which he might
hand down to his successor on the throne, and
accordingly got his colleague Antony to offer him
the diadem in public on the festival of the Lu-
percalia (the 15th of February); but, seeing that
the proposition was not favourably received by
the people, he resolved to decline it for the pre-
sent. Caesar's wish for the title of king must
not be regarded as merely a desire to obtain an
empty honour, the reality of which he already pos-
sessed. Had he obtained it, and been able to be-
queath it to his successor, he would have saved the
state from many of the evils which subsequently
arose from the anomalous constitution of the Ro-
man empire as it was finally established by Au-
gustus. The state would then have become an
hereditary and not an elective monarchy, and
would not have fallen into the hands of an insolent
and rapacious soldiery.

Meantime, the conspiracy against Caesar's life
had been already formed as early as the begin-
ning of the year. It had been set afoot by
Cassius, a personal enemy of Caesar's, and there
were more than sixty persons privy to it. Per-
sonal hatred alone seems to have been the motive
of Cassius, and probably of several others. Many

554

CAESAR.

of them had taken an active part in the war against
Caesar, and had not onlj'' been forgiven by him,
but raised to offices of rank and honour ; but for-
giveness by an enemy, instead of exciting gratitude,
only renders the benefactor still more hateful to
men of low and base minds. They pretended that
their object was to restore liberty to the state, and
some, perhaps M. Brutus among the rest, believed
that they should be doing good service to their
country by the assassination of its ruler. But the
majority were undoubtedly actuated by the mere
motive of restoring their own party to power:
every open attempt to crush their enemy had failed,
and they had now recourse to assassination as the
only means of accomplishing their object. Their
project was nearly discovered; but Caesar disre-
garded the warnings that had been given him, and
fell by the daggers of his assassins in the senate-
house, on the ides, or fifteenth, of March, B. c. 44.
Caesar's death was undoubtedly a loss not only for
the Roman people, but the whole civilized world.
The republic was utterly lost ; it could not have
been restored ; and if there had been any possibi-
lity of establishing it again, it would have fallen
into the hands of a profligate aristocracy, which
would only have sought its own aggrandizement upon
the ruins of its country. Now the Roman world was
called to go through many years of disorder and
bloodshed, till it rested again under the supremacy
of Augustus, who had neither the talents, the
power, nor the inclination to carry into effect the
vast and salutary plans of his uncle. When we
recollect the latter years of the Roman republic,
the depravity and corniption of the ruling class,
the scenes of anarchy and bloodshed which con-
sUmtly occurred in the streets of the capital, it is
evident that the last days of the republic had come,
and that its only hope of peace and security was
under the strong hand of military power. And
fortunate was it in obtaining a ruler so mild and
80 beneficent as Caesar. Pompey was not naturally
cruel, but he was weak and irresolute, and was
surrounded by men who would have forced him
into the most violent and sanguinary acts, if his
party had prevailed.

Caesar was in his fifty-sixth year at the time of
his death. His personal appearance was noble and
commanding ; he was tall in stature, of a fair com-
plexion, and with black eyes full of expression.
He never wore a beard, and in the latter part of
his life his head was bald. His constitution was
originally delicate, and he was twice attacked by
epilepsy while transacting public business ; but,
by constant exercise and abstemious living, he had
acquired strong and vigorous health, and could en-
dure almost any amount of exertion. He took
great pains with his person, and was considered to
be effeminate in his dress. His moral character, as
far as the connexion of the sexes goes, was as low
as that of the rest of the Romans of his age. His
intrigues with the most distinguished Roman la-
dies were notorious, and he was equally lavish of
his favours in the provinces.

If we now turn to the intellectual character of
Caesar, we see that he was gifted bj' nature with
the most various talents, and was distinguished by
the most extraordinary genius and attainments in
the most diversified pursuits. He was at one and
the same time a general, a statesman, a lawgiver,
a jurist, an orator, a poet, an historian, a philologer,
a mathematician and an architect. He was equally

CAESAR.

fitted to excel in all, and has given proofs that he
would have surpassed almost all other men in any
subject to which he devoted the energies of his
extraordinary mind. Julius Caesar was the great-
est man of antiquity ; and this fact must be our
apology for the length to which this notice has ex-
tended. His greatness as a general has been suffi-
ciently shewn by the above sketch ; but one cir-
cumstance, which has been generally overlooked,
places his genius for war in a most striking light.
Till his fortieth year, when he went as propraetor
into Spain, Caesar had been almost entirely en-
gaged in civil life. He had served, it is true, in
his youth, but it was only for a short time, and in
campaigns of secondary importance ; he had never
been at the head of an army, and his whole mili-
tary experience must have been of the most limited
kind. Most of the greatest generals in the history
of the world have been distinguished at an early
age : Alexander the Great, Hannibal, Frederick
of Prussia, and Napoleon Bonaparte, gained some
of their most brilliant victories imder the age of
thirty ; but Caesar from the age of twenty-three
to forty had seen nothing of war, and, notwith-
standing, appears all at once as one of the greatest
generals that the world has ever seen.

During the whole of his busy life Caesar found
time for literary pursuits, and always took pleasure
in the society and conversation of men of learning.
He himself was the author of many works, the
majority of which has been lost. The purity of
his Latin and the clearness of his style were cele-
brated by the ancients themselves, and are con-
spicuous in his " Commcntarii," which are his
only works that have come down to us. They
relate the history of the first seven years of the
Grallic war in seven books, and the history of the
Civil war down to the commencement of the Alex-
andrine in three books. In them Caesar has care-
fully avoided all rhetorical embellishments ; he
narrates the events in a clear unassuming style,
and with such apparent truthfulness that he carries
conviction to the mind of the reader. They seem
to have been composed in the course of his cam-
paigns, and were probably worked up into their pre-
sent form during his winter-quarters. The Com-
mentaries on the Gallic War were published after
the completion of the war in Gaul, and those on the
Civil War probably after his return from Alexan-
dria. The " Ephemerides" of Caesar must not
be regarded as a separate work, but only as the
Greek name of the " Commentarii." Neither of
these works, however, completed the history of
the Gallic and Civil wars. The history of the
former was completed in an eighth book, which is
usually ascribed to Hirtius, and the history of the
Alexandrine, African, and Spanish wars Avere
written in three separate books, which are also
ascribed to Hirtius. The question of their author-
ship is discussed under Hirtius.

Besides the Commentaries, Caesar also wrote
the following works, which have been lost, but the
mere titles of which are a proof of his literary ac-
tivity and diversified knowledge: — 1. " Ora-
tiones," some of which have been mentioned in
the preceding account, and a complete list of which
is given in Meyer's Oratorum Ronianorum
Fragmenia^ p. 404*, &c., 2nd ed. The ancient
writers speak of Caesar as one of the first orators
of his age, and describe him as only second to
Cicero. (Quintil. x. 1. § 114; Veil. Pat. ii, 36 j

CAESAR.

Cic. Brut. 72, 7 4 ; Tac. A mi. xiii. 3, Dial, de Oral. 21 ;
Pint. Cues. :\ ; Suet. Caes. 55.) 2. " Epistolae," of
wliich sevenil are preserved in the collection of Cice-
ro's letters, but there were still more in the time of
Suetonius {Caes. 5(>) and Appian {B. C. ii. 79).
3. " Anticato," in two books, hence sometimes
called " Anticatones," a work in reply to Cicero's
" Cato," which the Roman orator wrote in praise
of Cato after the death of the latter in B. c. 46.
(Suet. /. c. ; Cell. iv. 16 ; Cic. ud Alt. xii. 40, 41,
xiii. 50, &c.) 4. " De Analogia," or as Cicero
explains it, " De Ratione Latino loquendi," in
two books, which contained investigations on the
Latin language, and were written by Caesar while
he was crossing the Alps in his return from
his winter-quarters in the north of Italy to join
his army in further Gaul. It was dedicated to
Cicero, and is frequently quoted by the Latin
grammarians. (Suet. I. c. ; Cic. Brut. 72 ; Plin.
H. N. vii. 30. s. 31; Gell. xix. 8; Quintil. i. 7.
§ 34.) 5. " Libri Auspicionim," or " Auguralia."
As pontifex maximus Caesar had a general super-
intendence over the Roman religion, and seems to
have paid particular attention to the subject of this
work, which must have been of considerable extent
as the sixteenth book is quoted by Macrobius.
(.bW. i. 16 ; comp. Priscian. vi. p. 719, ed. Putsch.)
6. " De Astris," in which he treated of the move-
ments of the heavenly bodies. (Macrob. /. c. ;
Plin. //. N. xviii. 25. s. 57, &c.) 7. '' Apoph-
thegmata," or " Dicta collectanea," a collection of
good stiyings and witty remarks of his own and
other persons. It seems from Suetonius that
Caesar had commenced this work in his youth, but
he kept making additions to it even in his dic-
tatorship, so that it at length comprised several
volumes. This was one of Caesar's works which
Augustus suppressed. (Suet. l. c. ; Oic. ad Fam.
ix. 16.) 8. " Poemata." Two of these written
in his youth, " Laudes Herculis" and a tragedy
" Oedipus," were suppressed by Augustus. He
also wrote several epigrams, of which three are
preserved in the Latin Antholog}\ (Nos. 68 —
70, ed. Meyer.) There was, too, an astronomical
poem of Caesar's, probably in imitation of Aratus's,
and lastly one entitled " Iter," descriptive of his
journey from the city to Spain, which he wrote at
the latter end of the year b. c. 46, while he was
on this journey.

The editio princeps of Caesar's Commentaries
was printed at Rome in 1449, fol. Among the
subsequent editions, the most important are by
Jungerniann, contiiining a Greek translation of tlie
seven books of the Gallic war made by Planudes
(Francf. 1606, 4to., and 166y,4to.); by Graevius,
with the life of Caesar, ascribed to Julius Celsus
(Amst. 1697, 8vo., and Lug. Rat. 1713, 8vo.) ; by
Cellarius (Lips. 17U5); by Davis, with the Greek
translation of Planudes (Cant. 1706, 1727, 4to.) ;
by Oudendorp (Lugd. Bat. 1737, 4to., Stuttgard,
1822, 8vo.); by Moras (Lips. 1780, 8vo.), re-
edited by Oberlin (Lips. 1805, 1819, 8vo.).

(The principal ancient sources for the life of
Caesar are the biographies of him by Suetonius
and Plutarch, the histories of Dion Cassius, Appian,
and Velleius Paterculus, and the letters and orations
of Cicero. The life of Caesar ascribed to Julius
Celsus, of Constantinople, who lived in the seventh
century after Christ, is a work of Petrarch's, as
has been shewn by C. E. Cii. Schneider in his
work entitled " Pctrarchac, llistoria Julii Cue-

CAESAR.

555

saris," Lips. 1827. Among modem works the
best account of Caesar's life is in Drumann's Ge»-
chichte Roms. Caesar's campaigns have been
criticised by Napoleon in the work entitled " Precis
des Guerres de Cesar par Napoleon, ecrit par M.
Marchand, a I'ile Sainte-Htlene, sous la dictee de
I'Kmpereur," Paris, 1836.)

For an account of Caesar's coins, see Eckhel,
vol. vi. pp. 1 — 17. His likeness is given in the
two coins annexed ; in the latter the natural bald-
ness of his head is concealed by a crown of laureL
(See also p. 516.)

19, 20, 21. JuLTAE. [Julia.]

22. Caesarion. *[Caesarion.]

23. Sex. Julius Caesar, son of No. 17, was
Flamen Quirinalis, and is mentioned in the history
of the year b. c. 57. (Cic. de Harusp. Befp. 6.)

24. Sex. Julius Caesar, son probably of No.
23, as he is called by Appian very young in B. c. 47,
and is not therefore likely to have been the same as
the preceding, as some have conjectured. He was in
the army of the great Caesar in Spain in b. c. 49, and
was sent by the latter as ambassador to M. Terentius
Varro. At the conclusion of the Alexandrine war,
B. c. 47, Sex. Caesar was placed over Syria, where
he was killed in the following year by his own sol-
diers at the instigation of Caecilius Bassus, who
had revolted against the dictator. (Caes. B. C. ii.
20 ; Hirt. B. Alex. 66 ; Dion Cass, xlvii. 26 ; Ap-
pian, B. C. iii. 77 ; compare Bassus, Caecilius.)

C. CAESAR and L. CAESAR, the sons of M.
Vipsanius Agrippa and Julia, and the grandsons of
Augustus. Caius was born in B. c. 20 and Lucius
in B. c. 17, and in the latter year they were both
adopted by Augustus. In B. c. 13, Caius, who
was then only seven years of age, took part with
other patrician youths in the Trojan game at the
dedication of the temple of Marcellus by Augustus.
In B. c. 8, Caius accompanied Tiberius in his
campaign against the Sigambri in order to become
acquainted with military exercises. Augustus
carefulh' superintended the education of both the
youths, but they earlj^ shewed signs of an arrogant
and overbearing temper, and importuned their
grandfather to bestow upon them public m.^rks of
honour. Their requests were seconded by the-
entreaties of the people, and granted by Augustus,,
who, under the appearance of a refusal, was ex-
ceedingly anxious to grant them the honours they
solicited. Thus they were declared consuls elect
and principes juventutis before they had laid aside
the dress of childhood. Caius was nominated to
the consulship in B. c. 5, but was not to enter
upon it till five years afterwards. He assumed
the toga virilis in the same year, and his brothei
in B. c. 2.

bSB

CAESARION.

Caius was sent into Asia in b. c. 1, where he
passed his consulship in the following year, a,d. 1.
About this time Phraates IV., king of Parthia,
seized upon Armenia, and Caius accordingly pre-
pared to make war against him, but the Parthian
king gave up Armenia, and settled the terms of
peace at an interview with Caius on an island in
the Euphrates, (a. d. 2.) After this Caius went
to take possession of Armenia, but was treacher-
ously wounded before the town of Artagera in
this country. Of this wound he never recovered,
and died some time afterwards at Limyra in Lycia,
on the 2l8t of February, A. D. 4. His brother
Lucius had died eighteen months previously, on
August 20th, A. D. 2, at Massilia, on his way to
Spain. Their bodies were brought to Rome.
Some suspected that their death was occasioned
by their step-mother Li via. (Dion Cass. liv.
8, 18,26, Iv. 6, 9, 11, 12; Zonar. x. p. 539;
Suet Aug. 26, 56, 64, 65, Tib. 12 ; Veil. Pat. ii.
101, 102; Tac. Ann. i. 3, ii. 4 ; Florus, iv. 12.
§ 42 ; Lapis Ancyranus.)

C. Caesar married Livia or Livilla, the daughter
of Antonia [Antonia, No. 6], who afterwards
married the younger Drusus, but he left no issue.
(Tac, Ann. iv. 40.) L. Caesar was to have married
Aemilia Lepida, but died previously. (Ann. iii.
23.) There are several coins both of Caius and
Lucius : their portraits are grven in the one an-
Eejced. (Eckhel, vL p. 170.)

C. CAESAR CALI'GULA. [Caligula.]
CAESA'RION, the son of Cleopatra, originally
called Ptolemaeus as an Egyptian prince, was born
soon after the departure of Julius Caesar from
Alexandria in B. c. 47, and probably accompanied
his mother to Rome in the following year. Cleo-
patra said that he was the son of Julius Caesar,
and there seems little doubt of this from the time
at which Caesarion was boni, from the favourable
reception of his mother at Rome, and from the
dictator allowing him to be called after his own
name. Antonius declared in the senate, doubtless
after Caesar's death and for the purpose of annoy-
ing Augustus, that the dictator had acknowledged
Caesarion as his son ; but Oppius wrote a treatise
to prove the contrary.

In consequence of the assistance which Cleopatra
had afforded Dolabella, she obtained from the tri-
umvirs in B. c. 42 permission for her son Caesarion
to receive the title of king of Egypt. In B. c. 34,
Antony conferred upon him the title of king of
kings ; he subsequently called him in his will the
son of Caesar, and after the battle of Actium (b. c.
31) declared him and his own son Antyllus to be
of age. When everything was lost, Cleopatra sent
Caesarion with great treasures by way of Aethiopia
to India; but his tutor Rhodon persuaded him to
return, alleging that Augustus had determined to
give him the kingdom of Egypt. After the death
of his mother, he was executed by order of Augus-
tus. (Dion Cass, xlvii. 31, xlix. 41, 1. 1, 3, Ii. 6;

CAESARIUS.

Suet. Caes. 52, Aup. 17; Plut. Cues. 49, Antun.
54, 81, 82.)

CAESARIUS, ST. (KaKrdpeios), a physician
who is however better known as having been the
brother of St. Gregory Theologus, He was born of
Christian parents, his father ( whose name was Gre-
gory) being bishop of Nazianzus. He was care-
fully and religiously educated, and studied at Alex-
andria, where he made great progress in geometry,
astronomy, arithmetic, and medicine. He after-
wards embraced the medical profession, and settled
at Constantinople, where he enjoyed a great repu-
tation, and beciune the friend and pliysician of the
emperor Constantius, A. D. 337 — 360. Upon the
accession of Julian, Caesarius was tempted by the
emperor to apostatize to paganism ; but he refused,
and chose rather to leave the court and return to
his native country. After the death of Julian, he
was recalled to court, and held in high esteem by
the emperors Jovian, Valens, and Valentinian, by
one of whom he was appointed quaestor of Bithy-
nia. At the time of the earthquake at Nicaea, he
was preserved in a very remarkable manner, upon
which his brother St. Gregory took occasion to
write a letter (which is still extant, Ep. 20, vol. ii.
p. 19, ed. Paris, 1840), urging upon him the duty
of abandoning all worldly cares, and giving himself
up entirely to the service of God. This he had long
wished to do, but was now prevented from putting
his design into execution by his death, which took
place A. D. 369, shortly after his baptism. His
brother pronounced a funeral oration on the occa-
sion, which is still extant [Oral. 7, vol. i. p. 198),
and from which the preceding particulars of his life
are taken ; and also wrote several short poems, or
epitaphs, lamenting his death. (Opera, vol. ii. p.
1110, &c.) There is extant, under the name of
Caesarius, a short Greek work, with the title
Tl€v<T€is, QuaestioTies Tlicologicac et Philusophicae,
which, though apparently considered, in the time
of Photius (Biblioth. Cod. 210), to belong to the bro-
ther of St. Gregory, is now generally believed to be
the work of some other person. The contents of
the book are sufficiently indicated by the title. It
has been several times published with the works of
his brother, St. Gregory, and in collections of the
Fathers ; and also separately, in Greek and Latin,
August. VindeL 1626, 4to. ed. Elias Ehinger. The
memory of St. Caesarius is celebrated in the Rom-
ish Church on Feb. 25. (Acta Sanctorum, Feb. 25,
vol. v. p. 496, &c. ; Lambec. Biblioth. Viiidob. vol.
iv. p. QQ, &c., ed. KoUar ; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol.
viii. pp. 435, 436.) [ W. A. G.]

CAESARIUS, a distinguished ecclesiastic of
the fifth and sixth centuries, was born at Chalons
in 468, devoted his youth to the discipline of a
monastic life, and was elected bishop of Aries in
502. He presided over this see for forty years,
during which period he was twice accused of trea-
son, first against Alaric, and afterwards against
Theodoric, but upon both occasions was honourably
acquitted. He took an active share in the delibe-
rations of several councils of the church, and gained
peculiar celebrity by his strenuous exertions for
the suppression of the Semipelagian doctrines,
which had been promulgated about a century be-
fore by Cassianus, and had spread widely in south-
ern Gaul. A life of Caesarius, which however
must be considered rather in the light of a pane-
gyric than of a sober biography, was composed by
his friend and pupil, Cyprian, bishop of Toulon.

CAESIA GENS.

Cacsarius is the author of two treatises, one en-
titled Regula ad MnnacJins, and another licgula
ad Virgines^ which, together with three Ealiorta-
tiones and some opuscuhi, will be found in the 8th
volume of the Bibliotheca Patrum, Leyden, 1677;
and were printed in a separate volume, with the
notes of Meynardus, at Poitiers (Petavium), 1621,
8vo. His chief works, however, consist of ser-
mons or homilies. Forty of these were published
by Cognatus, at Basle, 1 5o8, 4to,, and 1 569, fol.,
and are included in the Monumenta SS. Patrum
Orthodoxographa of Grynaeus, Cologne, 1618, fol.
p. 1861 ; a collection of forty-six, together with
some smaller tracts, are in the 8th volume of the
liibliotheca Patrum referred to above ; and the
1 1 th volume of the Bibliotheca Patrum of Galland
(Venice, 1776) contains fourteen more, first brought
to light by Baluze (Paris, 1699, Bvo.); but, be-
sides these, upwards of a hundred out of the 317
discourses falsely attributed to Augustin are com-
monly assigned to Caesarius. (Vita S. Caesarii,
Episc. Arelatensis, a Cypria?io, ejus Discipulo^ et
Messiano Presb. et Stephano Diac. conscripta duo-
bus libris, in the Vi/ae SS. of Surius, 27 August,
p. 284. See also Dtssertatio de Vita et Scriptis
S. Caesarii^ Arelatensis Jrchiep., by Oudin in his
Comment, de Scripit. Eccles. vol. i. p. 1339 ; in ad-
dition to which, Funccius, De Inerti et Deerepita
Seiiectute Linguae Latimie, cap. vi. § viii. ; and Baehr,
Geschichte der Romischen Literatur^ Suppl. vol. ii.
p. 425.) [W. R.]

CAESE'NNIUS, the name of a noble Etruscan
family at Tarquinii, two members of which are men-
tioned by Cicero, namely, P. Caesennius and Cae-
sennia, first the wife of M. Fulcinius, and after-
wards of A. Caecina, (Cic. pro Caecin. 4, 6, 10.)
The name is found in sepulchral inscriptions.
(Miiller, Etrusker, i. p. 433.)

CAESE'NNIUS LENTO. [Lknto.]
CAESE'NNIUS PAETUS. [Paetus.]
C. CAE'SETIUS, a Roman knight, who en-
treated Caesar to pardon Q. Ligarius. (Cic. pro
Li<f. 11.)

P. CAESE'TIUS, the quaestor of C. Verres.
(Cic. Verr. iv. 65, v. 25.)

CAESE'TIUS FLAVUS. [Flavus.]
CAESE'TIUS RUFUS. [Rufus.]
CAE'SIA, a surname of Minerva, a translation
of the Greek yXavKuiris. (Terent. Heaid. v. 5,
18 ; Cic. de Nat. Dear. i. 30.) [L. S.]

CAE'SIA GENS, plebeian, does not occur till
towards the end of the republic. [Caesius.] •

On the following coin of this gens, the obverse
represents the head of a youthful god brandish-
ing an arrow or spear ^vith three points, who
is usually supposed from the following passage of
A. Gellius (v. 12) to be Apollo Veiovis : " Simu-
lacrum dei Veiovis sagittas tenet, quae sunt

videlicet paratae ad nocendura. Quapropter eum
deum plerique Apollinem esse dixerunt." The
two men on the reverse are Lares : between them
stands a dog, and above them the head of Vulcan
with a forceps. (Eckhel, v. p. 156, &c.)

CAESIUS.

557

[Aproniu.s

CAESIA'NUS, APRO'NIUS.
No. 3.]

CAE'SIUS. 1. M. Caksius, was praetor with
C. Licinius Sacerdos in B. c. 75. (Cic. Verr. i. 50.)

2. M. Caesius, a rapacious farmer of the tithes
in Sicily during the administration of Verres, B. c.
73, &c. (Cic. Verr. iii. 39, 43.)

3. L. Caesius, was one of Cicero's friends, and
accompanied him during his proconsular adminis-
tration of Cilicia, in B. c. 50. (Ad Quint. Frat. L 1.
§ 4, 2. § 2.) lie seems to be the same person as
the Caesius who superintended the building of Q.
Cicero's villa of the Manilianum. {Ad Quint. Frat.
iii. 1. §§ 1,2.) There is a Roman denarius bear-
ing the name L. Caesius (see above), but whether
it belongs to our L. Caesius or not cannot be ascer-
tained.

4. M. Caesius, of Arpinum, an intimate friend
of Cicero, who held the office of aedile at Arpinum,
the only municipium which had such a magistracy,
in B. c. 47. (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 11, 12.)

5. P. Caesius, a Roman eques of Ravenna, re-
ceived the Roman franchise from Cn. Pompeius,
the father of Pompey the Great. (Cic. pro Balb.
22.) There is a letter of Cicero [ad Fam. xiii. 51 )
addressed to P. Caesius (b. c. 47), in which Cicero
recommends to him his friend P. Messienus. From
the manner in which Cicero there speaks (pro
nostra et pro paterna amicitia)., it would almost
seem as if there was some mistake in the praeno-
men, and as if the letter was addressed to M.
Caesius of Arpinum. But it may be, that there
had existed a friendship between Cicero and the
father of Caesius, of which beyond this allusion
nothing is known.

6. Sex. Caesius, a Roman eques, who is men-
tioned by Cicero {pro Flucc. 28) as a man of great
honesty and integrity. [L. S.]

T. CAE'SIUS, a jurist, one of the disciples of
Servius Sulpicius, the eminent friend of Cicero.
Pomponius (Dig. I. tit. 2. s. un. § 44) enumerates
ten disciples of Servius, among whom T. Caesius
is mentioned, in a passage not free from the inac-
curacy of expression which pervades the whole
title De Origine Juris. His words are these :
" Ab hoc (Servio) plurirai profecerunt : fere tamen
hi libros conscripserunt : Alfenus Varus, A.
Ofilius,T. Caesius, AufidiusTucca, Aufidius
Namusa, Flavius Priscus, Ateius Pacuvius,
Labeo Antistius, Labeonis Antistii pater, Cinna,«
PuBLicius Gellius. Ex his decem libros octo
conscripsei-unt, quorum omnes qui fuerunt libri
digesti sunt ab Aufidio Namusa in centum quadra-
ginta libros." It is not clear from this account
whether (according to the usual interpretation of
the passage) only eight of the ten were authors, or
whether (as appears to be the more correct inter-
pretation) all the ten wrote books, but not more
than eight wrote books which were digested by
Aufidius Namusa. In the computation of the
eight, it is probable that the compiler himself was
not included. T. Caesius is nowhere else expressly-
mentioned in the Digest, but " Ofilius, Cascellius,
et Scrvii auditorcs, are cited Dig. 33. tit. 4. s. 6.
§ 1, and the phrase Servii auditores occurs also
Dig. 33. tit. 7. s. 12, pr., and Dig. 33. tit. 7. s. 12,
§ 6. In Dig. 39. tit. 3. s. 1. 96, where Servii
auctores is the reading of the Florentine manu-
script of the Digest, Servii attditores has been pro-
posed as a conjectural emendation. Under these
names it has been supposed that the eight disciples

«5S CAESONINUS.

of Scrvius, or rather Namusa's Digest of their
works, is referred to. If so, it is likely that the
eight included T. Caesius, and did not include
A. Ofilius. Dirksen {lieitraege zur Kunde des
Roem. Rechts, p. 23, n. 52, et p. 329), who thinks
tliis supposition unnecessary, does not, in our
opinion, shake its probability. Gellius (vi. 5)
quotes the v/ords of a treaty between the Romans
and Carthaginians from Alfenus, " in libro Diges-
torum trigesimo et quarto, Conjectaneorum [al.
Conlectaneorum] autem secundo." As it is known
from tlie Florentine Index, that Alfenus wrote
forty books Digestorum, and as no other work of
his is elsewhere mentioned, it has been supposed
that the Conjectanea or Conlectanea cited by Gel-
lius is identical with the compilation of Namusa
in which were digested the works of Servii audi-
tores. It must be observed, however, that the
Florentine Index ordinarily enumerates those works
only from which the compiler of the Digest made
extracts, and that the Roman jurists frequently
inserted the same passages verbatim in different
treatises. That the latter practice was common
may be proved by glancing at the inscriptions of
the fragments and the fonnulae of citation, as col-
lected in the valuable treatise of Ant. Augustinus,
dc Nominihm Propriis Pandedarum. For ex-
ample, in Dig. 4. tit. 4. s. 3. § 1, Ulpian cites
Celsus, " Epistolarum libro undecimo et Digesto-
rum secundo." (Bertrandi, Bfoi NofxiKwv, ii, 13;
Guil. Grotii, Vitae JCtorum, i. 11. § 9 ; Zimmem,
i?. i?. a i. § 79.) LJ. T.G.]

CAE'SIUS BASSUS. [Bassus.]
CAE'SIUS CORDUS. [Cordus.]
CAE'SIUS NASrCA. [Nasica.]
CAE'SIUS TAURI'NUS. [Taurinus.]
CAESO'NIA, or according to Dion Cassius (lix.
23), MILONIA CAESONIA, was at first the
mistress and afterwards the wife of the emperor
Caligula. She was neither handsome nor young
when Caligula fell in love with her ; but she was a
woman of the greatest licentiousness, and, at the
time when her intimacy with Caligula began, she was
already mother of three daughters by another man.
Caligula was then married to Lollia Paullina,
whom however he divorced in order to marry
Caesonia, who was with child by him, A. D. 38.
According to Suetonius {Cal. 25) Caligula married
her on the same day that she was delivered of a
•daughter (Julia Drusilla) ; whereas, according to
Dion Cassius, this daughter was bom one month
after the marriage. Caesonia contrived to preserve
the attachment of her imperial husband down to
the end of his life (Suet. Cal. 33, 38 ; Dion. Cass.
lix. 28); but she is said to have effected this by
love-potions, which she gave him to drink, and to
which some persons attributed the unsettled state
of Caligula's mental powers during the latter years
of his life. Caesonia and her daughter were put
to death on the same day that Caligula was mur-
dered, A. D. 41. (Suet. Cal. 59 ; Dion Cass. lix.
29 ; Joseph. Ant. Jtid. xix. 2. § 4.) [L. S.]
CAESONI'NUS. [Piso.]
CAESONI'NUS, SUI'LIUS, was one of the
parties accused A. D. 48, when Messalina, the wife
of Claudius, went so far in contempt of her hus-
band as to marry the young eques, C. Silius. Ta-
citus says, that Caesoninus saved his life through
his vices, and that on the occasion of Messalina's
marriage he disgraced himself in the basest man-
ner. (Tac. Ann. xi. 36.) [L. S.]

CAIETA.

M. CAESO'NIUS, one of the judices at Rome,
an upright man, who displayed his integrity in the
inquiry into the murder of Cluentius, B. c. 74,
when C. Junius presided over the court. He was
aedile elect with Cicero in b. c 70, and conse-
quently would not have been able to act as judex
in the following year, as a magistrate was not
allowed to discharge the duties of judex during his
year of office. This was one reason among others
why the friends of Verres were anxious to post-
pone his trial till B. c. 69. The praetorship of
Caesonius is not mentioned, but he must have ob-
tained it in the same year as Cicero, namely, b. c.
66, as Cicero writes to Atticus in 65, that there was
some talk of Caesonius becoming a candidate with
him for the consulship. (Cic. Verr. Act. i. 10 ;
Pseudo-Ascoru in loc; Cic. ad Ait. i. 1.) This
Caesonius is probably the one whom Cicero speaks
of in B.C. 45. (Ad Att. xii. 11.)

CAESO'NIUS MA'XIMUS. [Maximus.]

L. CAESULE'NUS, a Roman orator, who was
already an old man, when Cicero heard him.
Cicero {Brut. 34) calls him a vulgar man, and
adds, that he never heard any one who was more
skilful in drawing suspicions upon persons, and in
making them out to be criminals. He appears to
have been one of the many low persons of those
times, with whom accusation was a regular busi-
ness. [L. S.]

C. CAETRO'NIUS, legate of the first legion
in Germany at the accession of Tiberius in a. d.
14. A mutiny had broken out among the soldiers,
but they soon repented, and brought their ring-
leaders in chains before C. Cactronius, who tried
and punished them in a manner which had never
been adopted before, and must be considered as an
usurpation of the soldiery. The legions (the first
and twentieth) met with dra^vn swords and formed
a sort of popular assembly. The accused indivi-
dual was led to some elevated place, so as to be
seen by all, and when the multitude declared him
guilty, he was forthwith put to death. This sort
of court-martial was looked upon in later times as
a welcome precedent. (Tacit. Ann. i. 44; Aramiau.
Marc. xxix. 5.) [L. S.]

CAFO or CAPHO, a centurion and one of
Caesar's veteran soldiers, was a zealous supporter
of Antony after the murder of Caesar in B. c. 44,
and is accordingly frequently denounced by Cicero.
{Phil. viii. 3, 9, x. 10, xi. 5.)

CAIA'NUS or GAIA'NUS {TaXavis), a Greek
rhetorician and sophist, was a native of Arabia
and a disciple of Apsines and Gadara, and he ac-
cordingly lived in the reign of th« emperors Maxi-
mus and Gordianus. He taught rhetoric at Berj'tus,
and wrote several works, such as On Syntax (rifpl
SuvTctlecDs), in five books, a System of Rhetoric
(Tex"'? 'PTjTopjKij), and Declamations (MeAerat) ;
but no fragments of these works are now extant.
(Suidas, s. V. Va'iavos ; Eudoc. p. 100.) [L. S.]

CAICUS (KaiWs), two mythical personages,
one a son of Oceanus and Tethys (Hesiod, Theoy.
343), and the other a son of Hermes and Ocyrrhoe,
who threw himself into the river Astraeus, hence-
forth called Caicus. (Plut. de Fluv. 21.) [L. S.]

CAIE'TA, according to some accounts, the nurse
of Aeneas (Virg. Aen. vii. 1 ; Ov. Met. xiv. 442),
and, according to others, the nurse of Creusa or
Ascanius. (Serv. ad Aen. I. c.) The promontory
of Caieta, as well as the port and town of this
name on the western coast of Italy, were believed

CALAMIS.
to have been called after her. (Klausen, Aeneas u.
d. Penat. p. 1044, &c.) [L. S.]

CAIUS or GAIUS (Frfioj). 1. The jurist.
[Gaius.] ^

2. A Platonic philosopher who is mentioned as
an author by Porphyry ( Vit. Plot. 14), but of his
writings nothing is known. Galen (vol. vi. p. 532,
ed. Paris) states, that he heard the disciples of
Caius, from which we must infer that Caius lived
some time before Galen.

3. A Greek rhetorician of uncertain date. Sto-
baeus has preserved the titles of, and given extracts
from, six of his deckimations. (Stobaeus, Florileg.
vol. i. pp. 89, 266, vol. iii. pp. 3, 29, 56, &c., 104,
1 35, 305, &c.)

4. A presbyter of the church of Rome, who lived
about A. D. 310. He was at a later time elected
bishop of the gentiles, which probably means, that
he received a commission as a missionary to some
heathen people, and the power of superintending
the churches that might be planted among them.
(Phot. Cod. 48.) Wiiile he was yet at Rome he
engaged in the celebrated disputation with Proclus,
the champion of the Montanist heresy, and he sub-
sequently published the whole transaction in the
form of a dialogue. (Euseb. //. E. ii. 25, iii. 23,
vi. 20.) He also wrote a work against the heresy
of Artemon, and a third work, called Aa§vpiv6os,
appears likewise to have been directed against
Artemon. (Euseb. H. E. v. 28 ; comp. Theodoret.
H. E. iv. 21.) Caius is further called by Photius
the author of a work Ilepl ttJs ttovtos oujn'as,
which some consider to be the same as the work
riepl Toy TzavTQS^ which is still extant, and is
usually ascribed to Hippolytus. He denied the
Epistle to the Hebrews to be the work of St. Paul,
and accordingly counted only 13 genuine epistles of
that apostle. (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p.65 ; Fabricius,
BibL Grace, x. p. 693, &c.) [L. S.]

CAIUS CAESAR. [Caligula.]
CALABER. [QuiNTUs Smyrnaeus.]
CALACTI'NUS. [Caecilius Calactinus.]
CA'LAMIS (KcJAojuty), a statuary and embosser,
whose birth-place and age are not mentioned by
any of the ancient authors. It is certain, however,
that he was a contemporary of Phidias, for he
executed a statue of Apollo Alexicacos, who was
believed to have stopped the plague at Athens.
(Paus. i. 3. § 3.) Besides he worked at a chariot,
which Dinomenes, the son of Hiero, caused to be
made bv Onatas in memory of his father's victory
at Olynipia. (Paus. vi. 12. § 1, viii. 42. § 4.)
This chariot was consecrated by Dinomenes after
Hiero's death (b. c. 467), and the plague at Athens
ceased B. c. 429. The 38 years between these two
dates may therefore safely be taken as the time in
which Calamis flourished. (Sillig, Cat. Art. s. v.)
Calamis was one of the most diligent artists of all
antiquity. He wrought statues in bronze, stone,
gold, and ivory, and was, moreover, a celebrated
embosser. (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 12. s. 15, xxxvi.
4. 8. 3.) Besides the Apollo Alexicacos, which
was of metal (Sillig, Cat. Art. p. 117), there existed
a marble statue of Apollo in the Servilian gardens
in Rome (Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 4, 5), and a third
bronze statue of Apollo, 30 cubits high, which
Lucullus carried to Rome from the Illyrian town
Apollonia, (Strab. vii. p. 319.) A beardless As-
clepios in gold and ivorj^ a Nike, a Zeus Ammon
(consecrated by Pindar at Thebes), a Dionysos, an
Aphrodite, an Alcmene, and a Sosandra, are men-

CALAS.

559

tioned as works of Calamis. Besides the statues
of gods and mortals he also represented animals,
especially horses, for which he was very celebrated.
(Plin. //. A^. xxxiv. 8. s. 19.) Cicero gives the
following opinion of the style of Calamis, which
was probably borrowed from the Greek authors : —
"Quis enim eorum, qui haec minora animadve>
tunt, non intelligit, Canachi signa rigidiora esse,
quam ut imitentur veritatem? Calamidis dura
ilia quidem, sed tamen raoUiora quam Canachi,
nondum Myronis satis ad veritatem adducta."
{Brut. 18; comp. QuintiL xii. 10.) [W. I.]

CALAMI'TES (KaAojutTTjs), an Attic hero,
who is mentioned only by Demosthenes (iJeCo-
ron. p. 270), and is otherwise entirely unknown.
Comp. Hesych. and Suid. s. v. KaXajxirtis.) The
commentators on Demosthenes have endeavoured in
various ways to gain a definite notion of Calamites:
some think that Calamites is a false reading for
Cyamites, and others that the name is a mere epi-
thet, and that laTp6s is understood. According to
the latter view, Calamites would be a hero of the
art of surgery, or a being well skilled in handling
the KaAufjios or reed which was used in dressing
fractured arms and legs. Others again find in
Calamites the patron of the art of writing and of
writing masters. (Comp. Jahn, Jahb.fur Philol.
u. Paed. for 1838.) [L. S.]

CA'LANUS (KaAai/os), one of the so called
gj'mno sophists of India, who followed the Mace-
donian ai-my from Taxila at the desire of Alexander
the Great ; but when he was taken ill afterwards,
he refused to change his mode of living, and in
order to get rid of the sufferings of human life
altogether, he solemnly burnt himself on a pyre in
the presence of the whole Macedonian army,
without evincing any symptom of pain. (Arrian,
Anal. vii. 2, &c.; Aelikn, V. H. ii. 41, v. 6 ; Plut.
Akx.^^; Strab. xv. p. 686 ; Diod. xvii. 107;
Atnen. x. p. 437 ; Lucian, De M. Pereg. 25 ;
Cic. Tunc. ii. 22, De Divinat. i. 22, 30 ; Val. Max.
i. 8, Ext. 10.) His real name was, according to
Plutarch {Alex. 65), Sphines. and he received the
name Calanus among the Greeks, because in
saluting persons he used the form KoKe instead of
the Greek x«'Pf- What Plutarch here calls koAI
is probably the Sanscrit form calydna^ which is
commonly used in addressing a person, and signi-
fies good, just, or distinguished. Josephus (c.
Apion. i. p. 484) states, that all the Indian philo-
sophers were called KaAaroj, but this statement is
without any foundation, and is probably a mere
invention. (Lassen, in the Rhein. Museum, fur
Philol. \. p. 176.) [L. S.]

CALAS or CALL AS (KaAas, KaAAas). 1. Son
of the traitor Harpalus of Elimiotis, and first cousin
to Antigonus, king of Asia, held a command in the
army which Philip sent into Asia under Parmenion
and Attains, B. c. 336, to further his cause among
the Greek cities there. Tn b. c. 335, Calas was
defeated in a battle in the Troad by Memnon, the
Rhodian, but took refuge in Rhaeteum. (Diod.
xvi. 91, xvii. 7.) At the battle of the Granicus,
b. c. 334, he led the Thessalian cavalry in Alex-
ander's army, and was appointed by him in the
same year to the satrapy of the Lesser or Helles-
pontine Phrygia, to which Paphlagonia was soon
after added. (Arr. Anab. i. p. 14, e., ii. p. 31,
d.; Curt. iii. 1. §24; Diod. xvii. 17.) After
this we do not hear of Calas : it would seem, how-
ever, that he died before the treason and flight of

560

CALATINUS.

his father in 325 [Harpalus], as we know from
Arrian that Demarchus succeeded him in the
satrapy of tlie Hellespontine Phrygia during Alex-
ander's life-time. (See Droysen, Gesch. der Nachf.
J lex. p. 68, note 29; Thirhvairs Greece, vol. viL
p. 179, note 2.)

2. One of Cassander's generals, whom he sent
with a portion of his forces to keep Polysperchon
employed in Perrhaebia, while he himself made
his way to Macedon to take vengeance on Olyra-
pias, B. c. 317. Calas by bribes induced many of
his opponent's soldiers to desert him, and blockaded
Polysperchon himself in Naxium, a town of Per-
rhaebia, whence, on hearing of the death of Olym-
pian, he escaped with a few attendants, and took
refuge together with Aeacides in Aetolia, B. c. 316.
(Diod. xix. 35, 36, 52.) [E. E.]

CALATI'NUS, A. ATI'LIUS, a distinguished
Roman general in the first Punic war, who was
twice consul and once dictator. His first consul-
ship falls in B. c. 258, when he obtained Sicily as
his province, according to Polybius (i. 24), to-
gether with his colleague C. Sulpicius Paterculus
but according to other authorities alone, to conduct
the war against the Carthaginians. He first took
the town of Hippana, and afterwards the strongly
fortified Myttistratum, which he laid in ashes.
(Zonar. viii. 11, where he is erroneously called
Latinus instead of Calatinus.) Immediately after
he attacked Camarina, but during the siege he fell
into an ambush, and would have perished with his
army, had it not been for the generous exertions
of a tribune who is commonly called Calpuniius
Flamma, though his name is not the same in all
authorities. {LW. Epit. 17,xxii. 60; Vlm.II.N.
xxii. 6 ; Oros. iv. 8 ; Floras, ii. 2. § 1 3, who
erroneously calls Atilius Calatinus dictator ;
Aurel. Vict. De Vir. lUustr. 39; Gell. iii. 7;
Frontin. Stratcig. iv. 5. § 10.) After his escape
from this danger, he conquered Camarina, Enna,
Drepanum, and other places, which had till then
been in the possession of the Carthaginians. To-
wards the close of the year he made an attack
upon Lipara, where the operations were continued
by his successor. On his return to Rome he
was honoured with a triumph. In B. c. 254 he
was invested with the consulship a second time.
Shortly before this event the Romans had lost
nearly their whole fleet in a storm off cape Pa-
chynum, but Atilius Calatinus and his colleague
Cn. Cornelius Scipio Asina built a new fleet of
220 ships in the short space of three months, and
both the consuls then sailed to Sicily. The main
event of that year was the capture of Panomius,
(Polyb. i. 38;' Zonar. viii. 14.) In B. c. 249
Atilius Calatinus was appointed dictator for the
purpose of carrying on the war in Sicily in the
place of Claudius Glycia. But nothing of im-
portance was accomplished during his dictatorship,
which is remarkable only for being the first in-
stance in Roman history of a dictator commanding
an army out of Italj'. (Liv. Epit. 19; Suet.
Tiber. 2; Zonar. viii. 15; Dion Cass, xxxvi. 17.)
Several years later, in B. c. 241, he was chosen as
mediator between the proconsul C. Lutatius Catulus
and the praetor Q. Valerius, to decide which of the
two had the right to claim a triumph, and he de-
cided in favour of the proconsul. ( Val. Max. ii.
8. § 2.) Beyond the fact that he built a temple
of Spes nothing further is known about him. (Cic.
Ue Le^. ii. 11, De Nat. Dear. ii. 23 ; Tacit. Ann.

CALAVIUS.

ii. 49 ; comp. Liv. xxiv, 47, xxv. 7.) A. Atiliufe
Calatinus was a man highly esteemed both by his
contemporaries and by posteritj-, and his tomb
was adorned with the inscription " unum huuc
plurimae consentiunt gentes populi primarium
fuisSe." (Cic. De Senect. 17, De Finib. ii. 35, pro
Plane. '25.) [L.S.]

CALA'VIUS, the name of a distinguished
Campanian family or gens. In conjunction with
some other Canipanians, the Calavii are said to
have set fire to various parts of Rome, B. c. 211,
in order to as'enge themselves for what the
Campanians had suffered from the Romans. A
slave of the Calavii betrayed the crime, and the
whole fam.ily, together with their slaves who had
been accomplices in the crime, were arrested and
punished. (Liv. xxvi. 27.)

1, 2. Novius Calavius and Ovius Calavius
are mentioned as the leaders of the conspiracy
which broke out at Capua in b. c. 314. C. Mae-
nius was appointed dictator to coerce the insur-
gents, and the two Calavii, dreading the conse-
quences of their conspiracj% are believed to have
made away with themselves. (Liv. ix. 26.)

3. Ofilius Calavius, son of Ovius Calavius,
was a man of great distinction at Capua, and when
in B. c. 321 the Campanians exulted over the de-
feat of the Romans at Caudium, and believed that
their spirit was broken, Ofilius Calavius taught his
fellow-citizens to look at the matter in another
light, and advised them to be on their guard.
(Liv. ix. 7.)

4. Pacuvius Calavius, a contemporary of
Hannibal, and a man of great popularity and in-
fluence, who, according to the Roman accounts,
acquired his power by evil arts, and sacrificed
everything to gratify his ambition and love of
dominion. In b. c. 217, when Hannibal had
gained his victory on lake Trasimenus, Pacuvius
Calavius happened to be invested with the chief
magistracy at Capua. He had good reasons for
believing that the people of Capua, who were
hostile towards the senate, intended on the ap-
proach of Hannibal to murder .all the senators, and
surrender the town to the Carthaginians. In
order to prevent this and to secure his ascen-
dancy over both parties, he had recourse to the
following stratagem. He assembled the senate
and declared against a revolt from Rome ; first,
because he was connected with the Romans by
marriage, his own wife being a daughter of Ap-
pius Claudius, and one of his daughters married to
a Roman. He then revealed to the senate the
intentions of the people, and declared that he
would save the senators if they would entnist
themselves to him. Fear induced the senators to
do as he desired. He then shut all the senators up
in the senate-house, and had the doors well
guarded, so that no one could leave or enter the
edifice. Upon this he assembled the people, told
them that all the senators were his prisoners, and
advised them to subject each senator to a trial,
but before executing one, to elect a better and
juster one in his stead. The sentence of death
was easily pronounced upon the first senator that
was brought to trial, but it was not so easy to
elect a better one. The disputes about a successor
grew fierce, and the people at last grew tired and
were disgusted with their own proceedings, which
led to no results. They accordingly ordered that
the old senators should retain their dignity and

CALDUS.

be liberated. Calavius, who by this stratagem had
laid the senators under great obligations to himself
and the popular party, not only brought about a
reconciliation between the people and the senate,
but secured to himself the greatest influence in the
republic, which he employed to induce his fellow-
citizens to espouse the cause of Hannibal. After
the battle of Cannae, in b. c. 216, Hannibal took up
his winter-quarters at Capua, Perolla, the son of
Calavius, had been the strongest opponent of the
Carthaginians, and had sided with Decius Magius,
but his father obtained his pardon from Hannibal,
who even invited father and son to a great en-
tertainment which he gave to the most distin-
guished Campanians. , But Perolla could not
conquer his hatred of the Carthaginians, and
went to the repast armed with a sword, intending
to murder Hannibal. When Pacuvius Calavius
left the biinquet-room, his son followed him and
told him of his plan ; but the father worked upon
the young man's feelings, and induced him to
abandon his bloody design. (Liv. xxiii. 2 — 4,
8, 9.) [L. S.]

CALA'VIUS SABI'NUS. [S.abinus.]

CALCHAS (KdKxas), a son of Thestor of My-
cenae or Megara, was the wisest soothsayer among
the Greeks at Troy. (Horn. Jl. i. 69, &c., xiii. 70.)
He foretold the Greeks the duration of the Trojan
war, even before they sailed from Aulis, and while
they were engaged in the war he explained to them
the cause of the anger of Apollo. (//. ii. 322 ; Ov.
Met. xii. 19, &c. ; Hygin. Fab. 97; Paus. i. 43.
§ 1.) An oracle had declared that Calchas should
die if he should meet with a soothsayer superior to
himself; and this came to pass at Claros, for Cal-
chas met the famous soothsayer Mopsus in the
grove of the Clarian Apollo, and was defeated by
him in not being able to state the number of figs
on a wild fig-tree, or the number of pigs which a
sow was going to give birth to — things which
Mopsus told with perfect accuracy. Hereupon,
Calchas is said to have died with grief. (Strab.
xiv. p. 642, &c., 668 ; Tzetz. ad LycopL 427, 980.)
Another story about his death runs thus : a sooth-
sayer saw Calchas planting some vines in the grove
of Apollo near Grynium, and foretold him that he
would never drink any of the wine produced by
them. When the grapes had grown ripe and wine
was made of them, Calchas invited the soothsayer
among his other guests. Even at the moment
when Calchas held the cup of wine in his hand,
the soothsayer repeated his prophecy. This excited
Calchas to such a fit of laughter, that he dropped
the cup and choked. (Serv. ud Viry. Eclog. vi. 72.)
A third tradition, lastly, states that, when Calchas
disputed with Mopsus the administration of the
oracle at Claros, he promised victory to Amphima-
chus, king of the Lycians, while Mopsus said that
he would not be victorious. The latter prophecy
was fulfilled ; and Calchas, in his grief at this de-
feat, put an end to his life. (Conon, Narrut. 6.)
Respecting the oracle of Calchas in Daunia, see
Diet, of Ant. s. V. Oraculiim. [L. S.]

CALDUS, the name of a family of the plebeian
(jielia gens. The word culdus is a shortened
form of calidus, and hence Cicero {dc Invent, ii. 9)
says, " aliquem Caldum vocari, quod temerario et
repentino consilio sit."

1. C. Caelius Caldus, a contemporary of L.
Crassus, the orator. No member of his family
had yet obtained any of the groat ofiiccs, but he

CALECAS.

561

succeeded in raising himself by his activity and
eloquence, though his powers as an orator do not
appear to have been very great. After having
endeavoured in vain to obtain the quaestorship
(Cic. pro rianc. 21), he was elected in B. c. 107,
tribune of the plebs. His tribuneship is remark-
able for a lex tabellaria, which was directed against
the le;^ate C. Popillius, and which ordained that in
the courts of justice the votes should be given by
means of tablets in cases of high treason. Cicero
{De Leg. iii. 16) states, that Caldus regretted,
throui>hout his life, having proposed this law, as it
did injury to the republic. In B.C. 94, he was
made consul, together with L. Domitius Aheno-
barbus, in preference to a competitor of very high
rank, though he himself was a novus homo : and
after his consulship he obtained Spain as his pro-
vince, as is usually inferred from coins of the gens
Caelia which bear his name, the word His {pania)
and the figure of a boar, which Eckhel refers to the
town of Clunia. (One of these coins is figured in
the Diet, of A fit. s. v. Epulones.) During the civil
war between Marius and Sulla, a. c. 03, Caldus was
a steady supporter of the Marian party, and in con-
junction with Carrinas and Brutus, he endeavoured
to prevent Pompey from leading his legions to Sulla.
But as the three did not act in unison, Pompey
made an attack upon the army of Brutus and
routed it, whereby the plan of Caldus was com-
pletely thwarted. (Cic. de Oral. i. 25, Brut. 45,
in Verr. v. 70, de Petit. Cons. 3, pro Muren. 8 ;
J. Obsequens, 111 ; Ascon. Aryum. in Cornel, p.
57, ed. Orelli ; Plut. Pomp. 7 ; Cic. ad AtL x. 12,
14 — 16, de Orat. ii. 64; ad Herenn. ii. 13,
though it is uncertain whether the Caelius men-
tioned in the last two passages is the simie as 0
Caelius Caldus or not ; comp. Eckhel, v, p. 175.)

2. C. Caelius Caldus, a son of L. Caelius
Caldus, and a grandson of No. 1, was appointed
quaestor in b. c. 50, in Cilicia, which was then
under the administration of Cicero. When Cicero
departed from the province, he left the administra-
tion in the hands of Caldus, although he was not
fit for such a post either by his age or his charac-
ter. Among the letters of Cicero, there is one
{ad Fam. ii. 19) addressed to Caldus at the time
when he was quaestor designatus. (Cic. ad Fam.
ii. 15, ad Alt. vi. 2, 4—6, vii. 1.)

3. Caldus, the last member of the family who
occurs in history. He was one of the Romans
who were taken prisoner by the Germans in the
defeat of Varus, a. d. 9, and seeing the cruel tor-
tures which the bai-barians inflicted upon the pri-
soners, he grasped the chains in which he was fet-
tered and dashed them against his own head with
such force, that he died on the spot. (Veil. Pat.
ii. 120.)

The name Caldus occurs on several coins of the
Caelia gens. One of the most important is given,
as is mentioned above, iu the Diet, of Ant. [L.S.]

CALE'CAS, JOANNES {'Iw^vtis KoAii/ms),
was patriarch of Constantinople from a. d. 1333 to
to 1347. (Cantacuz. Hid. Byz. iii. 21.) He was

2o

562

CALENUS.

a native of the town of Apri or Aprus in Thrace,
and before he was made patriarch he held a high
ecclesiastical office at the court of the emperor
Andronicus. He delivered a great numberof homi-
lies at Constantinople, which created great sensa-
tion in their time, and sixtv of which are said to
be still extant in MS. But only two of them
have been published by Grester {DeCruce^ ii.
p. 1363, &c., and 1477, &:c.), and the latter under
the erroneous name of Philotheus. (Cave, Hist.
Lit. ii. p. 497, &c., ed. Lend. ; Fabric. Bill.
Grace, xi. p. 591, &c.) [L. S.]

CALE'CAS, MANUEL {MavoinjK KaATf/cas),
a relative of Joannes Calecas, appears to have
lived about a. d. 1 3G0, as he combated the doc-
trines of Palamas. He is sjiid to have been a monk
of the Dominican order, and was the author of
several works. Though he himself was a Greek,
he wrote against the Greek church and in ftivour
of that of Rome, for which he is, of course, highly
praised by the adherents of the Roman church.
The following list contains those of his works
which are published: — 1. *' Libri iv adversus
errorcs Graecorum de Processione Spiritus Sancti."
The Greek original .has not yet been printed, but
a Latin translation was made at the command of
Pope Martin V. by Arabrosius Camaldulensis, and
was edited with a commentary b}' P. Stenartius,
Ligolstadt, 1616, 4to. A reprint of this transla-
tion is contiiined in the Biblioth. Patr. vol. xxvi.
p. 382, &c., ed. Lugdun. 2. " De Essentia et
Operatione Dei" (7r6pl omlas Koi ii^fpydas), -was
edited with a Latin translation and notes by Com-
befisius, in vol. ii. of his Auctarium Novissimum
Bibl. Patr. pp. 1—67, ed. Paris, 1672, fol. This
work is directed against the heresies of Palamas,
and was approved by the synod of Constantinople
of 1 351. 3. " De Fide deque Principiis Catholiaie
Fidei" (TTf^'l TTiffTews koI irfpl twv d^X'*"' "^V^ Kado-
KiKijs -niffTews). This work, consisting of ten
chapters, was edited with a Latin translation and
notes by Combefisius, in his Auctarium mentioned
above, ii. ])p. 174 — 285. The Latin translation is
reprinted in the Bibl. Patr. vol. xxvi. p. 345, &c.,
ed. Lugdun. About ten more of his works are
extant in MS., but have never yet been published.
(Wharton's Append, to Care's Hist. Lit. i. p. 55,
&c.; Fabric. liiUiot//. G'rarc xi. p. 453, &c.) [L.S.]

CALENUS. LOlenus.]

CALE'NUS, the name of a family of the Fufia
gens, is probably derived from Cales, a municipium
in Campania ; but whether the name merely indi-
cated the origin of the family, or whether the first
who bore it, derived it from having conquered the
town of Cales is uncertain, though the latter is the
more probable supposition. The name occurs on
a coin of the Fufia gens. (Eckhel, v. p. 220, &c.)

1. Q. FiJFius Calenus is mentioned only by
Cicero {Philip, viii. 4) as one who thought, that
P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica was the greatest man
in the republic, because he had delivered the state
from the obnoxious Tib. Gracchus. From this
sentiment it may be inferred, that Fufius Calenus
occupied a considerable portion of the public land.

2. Q. Fufius Q. f. C n. Calenus, son of No.
1, was tribune of the plebs in B. c. 61, and patro-
nized P. Clodius, whom he endeavoured to save
from condemnation for his violation of the myste-
ries of the Bona Dea. With this view he pro-
posed a law, th.at Clodius should not be tried by
special judges, but by the ordinary court. Tins

CALENUS.
bill was supported by Q. Hortensius, thovigh he
thought it impossible that Clodius should be ac-
quitted. However the law was passed, and Fufius
Calenus gained his end. In B. c. 59, he was
elected praetor by the influence of Caesar, in
whose cause he continued to be very active ever
afterwards. In this year he carried a law, that
each of the three classes of judges, senators, equites,
and tribuni aerarii, should give their votes sepa-
rately, so that it might always be seen in what
way each of them voted. Being generally known
as the tool of Caesar, he also shared in the hatred
which the latter drew upon himself, and was ac-
cordingly treated, says Cicero (arf ^^^. ii. 18), with
contempt and hisses by all the good citizens.

In B. c. 52, Calenus is stated to have supported
the Clodian party after Clodius had been murdered
by Milo, and in the year following we find him
as legate of Caesar in Gaul. On the outbreak
of the civil war in B. c. 49, Calenus hastened in the
month of March to meet Caesar at Brundusium,
and on his journey thither he called upon Cicero
at his Fonnian Villa, on which occasion he called
Pompey a criminal, and charged the senate with
levity and folly. (Cic. ad Att. ix. 5.) When
Caesar afterwards went to Spain, Calenus again
followed him as legtite ; and after Caesar had gone
to Epcirus, Calenus was sent to fetch over the re-
mainder of the troops from Italj'. But while he
was crossing over from Epeirus to Italy with his
empty ships, Bibulus captured most of them: Ca-
lenus himself escaped to the Italian coast and after-
wards returned to Epeirus with Antony. Before
the battle of Phai'salia Caesar sent him to Achaia,
and there he took Delphi, Thebes, and Orchome-
nos, and afterwards Athens, Megara, and Patrae.
In B. c. 47, Caesar caused him to be raised to the'
consulship.

After the murder of Caesar, in B. c. 44, Calenus
joined M. Antony, and during the transactions of
the early part of B. c. 43, he defended Antony
against Cicero. The speech which Dion Cassius
(xlii, 1, &c.) puts into his mouth, does not, proba-
bh', contiiin much genuine matter, and is, perhaps,
only an invention of the historian. After the war
against Brutus and Cassius, Calenus served as the
legate of M. Antony, and the legions of the latter
were placed under his command in northern Italy.
When the Perusinian war terminated, in b. c. 41,
with the defeat of L. Antonius, Octavianus was
anxious to get possession of the army of Calenus,
which was stationed at the foot of the Alps ; for-
tunately for Octavianus, Calenus just then died,
and his son, who was a mere youth, surrendered
the anny to Octavianus without striking a blow.
It is related by Appian (b. c. iv. 47), that during
the proscription of (b c. 43) the life of the great
M. Terentius Varro was saved by Calenus, and it
is not improbable that the letter of Varro to
Fufius, which is still extant {Fra(/7n. p. 199. ed
Bipont.) was addressed to our Q. Fufius Calenus.
(Cic. ad Fam. v. 6, ad Att. i. 14, 15, xi. 15, 16 ;
ychol, Bobiens. pp. 330, 235 ; Ascon. ad Milon.
p. 43, ed. Orelli; Cic. Philip, viii. 4, &c. ; Caes.
B. G. viii. 39, B. C. iii. 8, 26, 55 ; Dion Cass,
xxxviii. 8, xlii. 14, 55, xlviii. 10, 20; Appian,
B. C. ii. 58, V. 3, 12, 24, 33, 51, 61 ; comp. Orelli,
Ouom. Tull. ii. p. 259.)

3. Calenus, L. (Fufius), is mentioned only
by Cicero (c. Verr. ii. 8) as one of the witnessi^a
against Veixes. [L. S-l

CALIDIUS.

CALE'NUS, JU'LIUS, an Acduan. After
the battle of Cremona, in a. d. 09, in wliich the
army of Vitellius was defeated by Antonius Pri-
mus. JuHms Calenus, who had himself belonged to
the Vitellian party, was sent to Gaul as a living
proof of their defeat. (Tac. Hist. iii. 3.5.) [L. S.]

CALE'NUS, M. VALE'RIUS CORVUS.

[COKVUS.]

CALE'TOR (KaATfTop), a son of Clytius, slain
at Troy by the Telamonian Ajax. (Honi. //. xv.
•119; Pans. x. 14. § *2.) Another person of this
name, the father of Aphareus, occurs in II. xiii.
541. [L. S.]

CA'LGACUS or GA'LGACUS, a British chief
who distinguished himself among his countrymen
in the war with Agricola. Tacitus {Agr. 29, &c.)
gives a noble specimen of his love of liberty in the
speech he puts into his mouth. XL. S.]

CALIDIA'NUS, C. COSCONIUS. [Cosco
Mi;s.l

CALI'DIUS or CALLI'DIUS. 1. Cn. Cali-
Dics, a Roman knight in Sicilj', of high rank and
great influence, whose son was a Roman judex and
senatt)r, was robbed of some of his plate by V' erres.
(Cic. Vcrr. iv. 20.)

2. Q. Calidius, tribune of the plebs in B. c. 99,
carried a law in this year for the recall of Q. Me-
tellus Numidicus from banishment. In gratitude
for this servi;e, his son Q. Metellus Pius, who was
then consul, supported Calidius in his canvas for
the praetorship in k. c. 80. Calidius was accord-
ingly j.nictor in b. c. 79, and obtained one of the
Spanish provinces ; but, on his return to Rome, he
was accused of extortion in his province by Q. Lol-
lius (not Gallius, as the Pseudo-Asconius states),
and condemned by his judges, who had been bribed
for the purpose. As, however, the bribes had not
been large, Calidius made the remark, that a man of
praetorian rank ought not to be condemned for a less
sura than three million sesterces. (Val. Max. v, 2.
§ 7; Cic. pro Plane. 28, 29 ; Cic. Verr. Act. i. 13 ;
Pseudo- Ascon. (irf /oc. ; Cic. Terr. iii. 25.) This
Calidius may have been the one who was sent from
Rome, about B. c. 82, to command Murena to de-
^st from the devastation of the territories of Mith-
ridates. (Appian, Miilir. Q5.)

3. M. Camdius, son of No. 2 (Pseudo-Ascon.
ad Cic. Vcrr. Act. i. 13), a celebrated orator, stu-
died under ApoUodorus of Pergamus, who was also
the teacher of the emperor Augustus. (Euseb.
Chron. 01. 179. 2.) Cicero passes {Brut. 79, 80)
a high panegyric upon Calidius' oratory, which he
characterizes at considerable length, and particu-
larly pniises the clearness and elegance of his style.
Rut while Calidius explained a thing most lucidly,
and was listened to with the greatest pleasure, he
was not so successful in carrying with him the
feelings of his hearers and producing conviction.
Velleius Paterculus (ii. 36) classes him with Cicero,
llortensius, and the other chief orators of his time,
and Quintilian (xii. 10. § 10) also speaks of the
"subtilitas" of Calidius.

The Hrst oration of Calidius of which we have
meiiiiun was delivered in B.C. G4, Avhen he accused
t^. Gallius, a candidate for the praetorship, of bri-
bery. Gallius was defended by Cicero, of whose
opdtion a few fragments are extant. (Ascon. in
Orat. in Toy. cand. p. 88, ed. Orelli ; Cic. Brut. 80;
Festus, 5. V. Sufes.) In B. c. 57 Calidius was prae-
tor, and in that year spoke in favour of restoring
the hoivse of Cicero, having previously supported

CALIGULA.

563

his recall from banishment. (Quintil. x. i, § 23 ;
Cic. post. Bed. in Sen. 9.) In B. c. 54, he defended,
in conjunction with Cicero and others, M. Aemilius
Scaurus, who was accused of extortion. (Ascon. irt
Scaur, p. 20.) He also spoke in the same year on
behalf of the freedom of the inhabitants of Tenedos,
and in sujjport of Gabinius. (Cic. ad Q. Fr. ii. 11,
iii. 2.) In b. c. 52, Calidius was one of the sup-
porters of Milo, after the death of Clodius (Ascon.
in Milan, p. 35); and in the following year (51)
he was a candidate for the consulship, but lost his
election, and was accused of bribery by the two
Gallii, one of whom he had himself accused in B. c.
64. (Cael. ap Cic. ad Fam. viii. 4, 9.)

In the debate in the senate at the beginning of
January, B. c. 49, Calidius gave it as his opinion
that Pompey ought to depart to his provinces to
prevent any occasion for war ; and on the breaking
out of the civil war immediately afterwards, he
joined Caesar, by whom he was appointed to the
government of the province of Gallia Togata. He
died at Placentia, in his province, in B. c. 48.
(Caes. B. C. i. 2; Euseb. Chron. 01. 180. 4.)

(The fragments of the orations of Calidius are
given in Meyer's Oratorum Roman. Fragm. p. 434,
&c. 2nd ed. ; comp. Ellendt's Prolegomena to his
edition of Cicero's Brutus., p. cvii. and Westermann's
Gesvh. der Rom. Beredtsamkeit, § 69, not. 6-11.)

The coin annexed refers to this M. Calidius.
It bears on the obverse the head of Rome, and on
the reverse Victory in a two-horse chariot, with
the inscription Ri. calid. q. me. cn. pl., that is,
M. Calidius, Q. Metellus, and Cn. Fulvius, being
triumvirs of the mint.

CA'LIDUS, L. JU'LIUS (some MSS. have
Calidius, but this last is a gentile appellation and
not a cognomen), is pronounced by Cornelius Nepos
(Jtt 12) worthy of holding the first place among
the Roman poets of his day, after the death of
Catullus and Lucretius. This must, of course, be
understood to refer to the period immediately an-
terior to the Augustan era. Calidus had great
possessions in Africa, and was proscribed in conse-
quence by Volumnius, one of the creatures of An-
tony, but his name was erased from the fatal list
through the interposition of Atticus. [W. R.]

CALI'GULA, the third in the series of Roman
emperors, reigned from a. d. 37 to a. d. 41. His
real name was Caius Caesar, and he received that
of Caligula in the camp, from caligue, the foot dress
of the common soldiers, when he was yet a boy
with his father in Germany. As emperor, how-
ever, he was always called by his contemporaries
Caius, and he regarded tlie name of Caligula as an
insult. (Senec. Ve Constant. 18.) He was the
youngest son of Germanicus, the nephew of Tibe-
rius, by Agrippina, and was bom on the 31st of
August, A. D. 12. (Suet. Cul. 8.) The place of his
birth was a matter of doubt with the ancients ;
according to some, it was Tibur ; according to
others, Treves on the Moselle ; but Suetonius
has proved from the public documents of Antium

2o2

56'4

CALIGULA.

that he was born at that town. His earliest
years were spent in the camp of his father in
Germany, and he grew up among the soldiers,
with whom he became accordingly very popular.
(Tac Jnnal. i. 41, 69 ; Suet. Cal. 9; Dion Cass.
Ivii. 5.) Caligula also accompanied his father on
his Syrian expedition, and after his return first
lived with his mother, and, when she was exiled,
in the house of Livia Augusta. When the latter
died, Caligula, then a youth in his sixteenth year,
delivered the funeral oration upon her from the
Rostra, After this he lived some years with his
grandmother, Antonia. Caligula, like his two
elder brothers, Nero and Drusus, was hated by
Sejanus, but his favour with Tiberius and his
popularity Jis the son of Germanicus saved him.
(Dion Cass. Iviii. 8.)

After the fall of Sejanus in A. d. 32, when
Caliguhi had just attiiined his twentieth year, Ti-
berius summouod him to come to Capreae. Here
the young man concealed so well his feelings at the
injuries inflicted upon his mother and brothers, as
well as at the wrongs which he himself had suf-
fered, that he did not utter a sound of complaint,
and behaved in such a submissive manner, that
those who witnessed his conduct declared, that
there never was such a cringing slave to so bad a
master. (Suet. dil. 10; Tac A?inal. vi. 20.) But
his sjivage and voluptuous character was neverthe-
less seen through by Tiberius. About the same
time he married Junia Claudilla (Claudia), the
daughter of M. Silanus, an event which Dion Cas-
sius (Iviii. 25) assigns to the year a. d. 35. Soon
afterwards he obUiined the quaestorship, and on
the death of his brother Drusus was made augur in
his stead, having been created pontiff two years
before. (Dion Cass. Iviii. 8; Suet. Cal. 12.)

After the death of his wife, in March A. D. 36,
Caligula began seriously to think in what manner
he might secure the succession to himself, of which
Tiberius had held out hopes to him, without how-
ever deciding anything. (Dion Cass. Iviii. 23 ;
Tac. AniuU. vi. 45, &c.) In order to ensure his
success, he seduced Eunia Naevia, the wife of
Macro, who had then the command of the praeto-
rian cohorts. He promised to marry her if he
should succeed to the throne, and contrived to gain
the consent and co-operation of Macro also, who
according to some accounts introduced his wife to
the embraces of the voluptuous youth. (Suet. Cal.
12; Tac. Annal. vi. 45; Dion Cass. Iviii. 28;
Philo, L(yat. ad Chi. p. 998, ed. Paris, 1640.)
Tiberius died in March .\. d. 37, and there can be
little doubt but that Caligula either caused or accele-
rated his death. In aftertinies he often boasted of
having attempted to murder Tiberius in order to
avenge the wrongs which his family h id suffered
from him. There were reports that C.iligula had
administered to Tiberius a slow poison, or that he
had withheld from him the necessiiry food during
his illness, or lastly, that he had suffocated him
with a pillow. Some again sjiid, that he had been
assisted by Macro, while Tacitus {Annd. vi. 50)
mentions Macro alone as the guilty person. (Suet.
7ib. 73, Cal. 12; Dion Cass. Iviii. 2d.) When
the body of Tiberius w£is carried from Misenum to
Rome, Caligula accompanied it in the dress of a
mourner, but he was saluted by the people at Rome
Avith the greitest enthusiasm as the son of Ger-
manicus. Tiberius in his will had appointed his
grandson Tiberius as coheir to Caligula, but the

CALIGULA.

senate and the people gave the sovereign power to
Caligula alone, in spite of the regulations of Tibe-
rius. (Suet. Cal. 14 ; Dion Cass. lix. 1 ; comp.
Joseph. Ant. Jud. xviii. 6. § 9.) In regard to all
other points, however, Caligula carried the will of
Tiberius into execution : he paid to the people and
the soldiers the sums which the late emperor had
bequeathed to them, and even increased these
legacies by his own munificence. After having
delivered the funeral oration upon Tiberius, he im-
mediately fulfilled the duty of piety towards his
mother and his brother : he had their ashes con-
veyed from Pandataria and the Pontian islands to
Rome, and deposited them in the Mausoleum with
great solemnity. But notwithstanding the feeling
which prompted him to this act, he pardoned all
those who had allowed themselves to be used as
instruments against the members of his family, and
ordered the documents which contained the evi-
dence of their guilt to be burnt in the Forum.
Those who had been condemned to imprisonment
by Tiberius were released, and those who had been
exiled were recalled to their country. He restored
to the magistrntes their full power of jurisdiction
without appeal to his person, and he also en-
deavoured to revive the old character of the coniitia
by allowing the people to discuss and decide the
matters brought before them, as in former times.
Towards foreign princes who had been stripped
of their power and their revenues by his predeces-
sor, he behaved with great generosity. Thus
Agrippa, the grandson of Herod, who had been put
in chains by Tiberius, was released and restored to
his kingdom, and Antiochus IV. of Commagene
received back his kingdom, which was increased
by the maritime district of Cilicia.

On the first of July a. d. 37, Caligula entered
upon his first consulship together with Claudius,
his father's brother, and held the office for two
months. Soon after this he was seized by a serious
illness in consequence of his irregular mode of liv-
ing. He was, indeed, restored to health, but from
that moment appeared an altered man. Hitherto
the joy of the people at his accession seemed to be
perfectly justified by the justice and moderation be
shewed during the first months of his reign, but
from henceforward he appears more like a diabolical
than a human being — he acts completely like a
madman. A kind of savageness and gross volup-
tuousness had always been prominent features in
his character, but still we are not justified in sup-
posing, as many do, that he merely threw off the
mask which had hitherto concealed his real dispo-
sition; it is much more probable that his illness
destro}-ed his mental powers, and thus let loose all
the veiled passions of his soul, to which he now
yielded without exercising any control over them.
Immediately after his recovery he ordered Tibe-
rius, the grandson of his predecessor, whom ha had
raised before to the rank of pnnceps juventutis, to
be put to death on the pretext of his having wished
the emperor not to recover from his illness ; and
those of his friends who had vowed their lives for
his recovery, were now compelled to carry their
vow into effect by putting an end to their existence.
He also commanded several members of his own
family, and among them his grandmother Antonia,
Macro, and his wife Ennia Naevia, to make away
with themselves. His thirst for blood seemed to
increase with the number of his victims, and mur-
dering soon ceased to be the consequence of his

CALIGULA.

hatred ; it became a matter of pleasure and amuse-
ment with him. Once during a public fight of
wild beasts in the Circus, when there were no more
criminals to enter the arena, he ordered persons to
be taken at random from among the spectators, and
to be thrown before the wild bejists, but that they
might not be able to cry out or curse their de-
stroyer, he ordered their tongues to be cut out.
Often when he was taking his meals, he would
order men to be tortured to death before his eyes,
that he might have the pleasure of witnessing their
agony. Once when, during a horse-race, the people
were more favourably disposed to one of his com-
petitors than to himself, he is said to have ex-
claimed, "Would that the whole Roman people
had only one head."

But his cruelty was not greater than his volup-
tuousness and obscenit}% He carried on an inces-
tuous intercourse with his own sisters, and when
Drnsilla, the second of them, died, he raved like a
madman with grief, and commanded her to be
worshipped as a divinity. No Roman lady was
safe from his attacks, and his marriages were as
disgracefully contracted as they were ignominiously
dissolved. The only woman that exercised a last-
ing influence over him was Caesonia. A point
which still more shews the disordered state of his
brain is, that in his oelf-veneration he went so far
as to consider himself a god : he would appear
in public sometimes in the attire of Bacchus, Apol-
lo, or Jupiter, and even of Venus and Diana ; he
would frequently place himself in the temple
of Castor and Pollux, between the statues of
these divinities, and order the people who entered
the temple to worship him. He even built a tem-
ple to himself as Jupiter Latiaris, and appointed
priests to attend to his worship and otter sa-
crifices to him. This temple contained his statue
in gold, of the size of life, and his statue was
dressed precisely as he was. The wealthiest Ro-
mans were appointed his priests, but they had to
purchase the honour with immense suras of money.
He sometimes officiated as his own priest, making
his horse Incitatus, which he afterwards raised to
the consulship, his colleague. No one but a com-
plete madman would have been guilty of things
like these.

The sums of money which he squandered almost
surpass belief. During the first year of his reign
he nearly drained the treasury, although Tiberius
had left in it the sum of 720 millions of sesterces.
One specimen may serve to shew in what sense-
less manner he spent the money. That he might
be able to boast of having marched over the sea as
over dry land, he ordered a bridge of boats to be
constructed across the channel between Baiae and
Puteoli, a distance of three Roman miles and six
hundred paces. After it was covered with earth
and houses built upon it, he rode across it in tri-
umph, and gave a splendid banquet on the middle
of the bridge. In order to amuse himself on this
occasion in his usual way, he ordered numbers of
the spectators whom he had invited to be thrown
into the sea. As the regular revenues of the state
were insufficient to supply him with the means of
such mad extravagance, he had recourse to rob-
beries, public sales of his estates, unheard-of taxes,
and every species of extortion that could be de-
vised. In order that no means of getting money
might remain untried, he established a public
brothel in his own palace, and sent out his servants

CALIGULA.

565

to invite men of all classes to avail themselves of
it. On the birth of his daughter by Caesonia, he
regularly acted the part of a beggar in order to
obtain money to rear her. He also made known
that he would receive presents on new year's day,
and on the first of January he posted himself in
the vestibule of his palace, to accept the presents
that were brought him by crowds of people. Things
like these gradually engendered in him a love of
money itself without any view to the ends it is to
serve, and he is said to have sometimes taken a
delight in rolling himself in heaps of gold. After
Italy and Rome were exhausted by his extortions,
his love of money and his avarice compelled him to
seek other resources. He turned his eyes to Gaul,
and under the pretence of a war against the Ger-
mans, he marched, in a. d. 40, with an anny to
Gaul to extort money from the wealthy inhabitants
of that country. Executions were as frequent here
as they had been before in Italy, Lentulus Gae-
tulicus and Aemilius Lepidus were accused of hav-
ing formed a conspiracy and were put to death,
and the two sisters of Caligula were sent into exile
as guilty of adultery and accomplices of the con-
spiracy, Ptolemaeus, the son of king Juba, was
exiled merely on account of his riches, and was
afterwards put to death. It would be endless and
disgusting to record here all the acts of cruelty, in-
sanity, and avarice, of which his whole reign, with
the exception of the first few months, forms one
uninterrupted succession. He concluded his pre-
datory campaign in Gaul by leading his army to
the coast of the ocean, as if he would cross over to
Britain ; he drew them up in battle array, and
then gave them the signal — to collect shells,
which he called the spoils of conquered Ocean.
After this he returned to Rome, where he acted
with still greater cruelty than before, because he
thought the honours which the senate conferred
upon him too insignificant and too human for a
god like him. Several conspiracies were formed
against him, but were discovered, until at length
Cassius Chaerea, tribune of a praetorian cohort,
Cornelius Sabinus, and others, entered into one
which was crowned with success. Four months
after his return from Gaul, on the 24th of Januarj'-
A. D. 41, Caligula was murdered by Chaerea near
the theatre, or according to others, in his own
palace while he was hearing some boj-s rehearse the
part they were to perform in the theatre. His wife
and daughter were likewise put to death. His
body was secretly conveyed by his friends to the
horti Lamiani, halt burnt, and covered over with a
light turf. Subsequently, however, his sisters,
after their return from exile, ordered the body to
be taken out, and had it completely burnt and
buried. (Siieton, Caligula ; Dion Cass. lib. lix. ;
Joseph. A nt. xix, 1 j Aurel, Vict, De Cues. 3 ;
Zonar, x, 6.)

In the coin annexed the obverse represents the
head of Caligula, with the inscription c. caesar
avg, germ. p. m. tr. pot., and the reverse that
of Augustus, with the inscription Divvs avu.
pater patriae. [L, S.l

566

CALLIAS.

CALTPPUS. [Calippus.]

CALLAESCHRUS. [Antistates.]

CALLAICUS, a surname of D. Junius Brutus.
[Brutus, No. 15.]

CALLAS. [Calas.1

CALLATIA'NUS, DEME'TRIUS (Atj/xtJ-
Tpios KaWaTiavSs)^ the author of a geographical
work on Europe and Asia (Trepl Evpcowns Kal
Aaias) in twenty books, which is frequently re-
ferred to by the ancients. (Diog. Laert. v. 83 ;
Staph. By^z, s. v. ^AvTiKiipa ; Strab. i. p. 60 ;
Dion3'^s. Hal. dc comp. Verb. 4 ; Lucian. Macroh.
10; Schol. ad Tlieocrit. i. 65, x. 19; Mercian.
Heracl. passim.) [L. S.]

CALLI'ADES (KaWia^s), is mentioned by
Herodotus (viii.51) as archon eponymus of Athens
at the time of the occupation of the city by the
Persian army, a c 480. [E. E.]

CALLI'ADES (KaAAioSrjs), a comic poet, who
is mentioned by Athenaeus (xiii. p. 577), but
about whom nothing further is known, than that
a comedy entitled*'A7i'oja was ascribed by some to
Diphilus and by others to Calliades. (Athen. ix.
p. 40 L) From the former passage of Athenaeus
it must be inferred, that Calliades was a contem-
porary of the archon Eucleides, B. c. 403, and
that accordingly he belonged to the old Attic
comedy, whereas the fact of the Agnoea being
disputed between him and Diphilus shews that he
was a contemporary of the latter, and according!}-
was a poet of the new Attic comedy. For this
reason Meineke {HiM. Cnt. Com. Gr. p. 450) is
inclined to believe that the name Calliades in
Athenaeus is a mistake for Callias. [L. S.]

CALLI'ADES (KoAAjciStjs), the name of two
artists, a painter spoken of b}' Lucian {DiuL Meretr.
8, p. 300), and a statuarj-, who made a statue of
the courtezan Neaera. (Tatian, ad Graec. 55.) The
age and country of both are unknown. (Pliu.
H. N. xxxiv. 8.'b. 19.) [W. I.]

CALLI'ANAX {Ka\XiAval\ a physician, who
probably lived in the third century B. o. He was
one of the followers of Herophilus, and appears to
have been chiefly known for the roughness and
brutalitN' of his manners towards his patients. Some
of his answers have been preserved by Galen. To
one of his patients who said he was about to die,
he replied by the verse, Et /ut/ ere Atjtoj KaWivais
fyeipuTo : and to another who expressed the same
frar he quoted the verse from Homer (//. xxi. 107),
Kdrdavf Kol TldrpjK\os, onep aeo ttoWou dix^ivuv.
((ialen, Commc7it. in llippocr. '•'' Epid. JV." iv. 9.
vol. xvii. pt. ii. p. 145 ; Pallad. Comment. llippocr.
*' Epid: r/." § 8, apud Dietz, Schol. in llippocr.
et (;al. vol. ii. p. 1 12.) [W. A. G.]

CALLI'ARUS (KaXKiapos), a son of Odoedocus i
and Laonome, from whom the Locrian town of i
(.^alliarus was said to have derived its name. (Steph.
Bvz. s.r.) [L. S.] I

CA'LLIAS (KaAAias), a son of the Heracleid !
king Temenus, who, in conjunction with his bro-
thers, caused his father to be killed by some hired
persons, liecause he preferred Deiphontes, the hus-
band of his daughter Hymetho, to his sons. (Apol- !
lod. ii. 8. § 5.) fL. S.] '

CA'LLIAS and HIPPONI'CUS (KaAAi'as, [
'l-mroviKos), a noble Athenian family, celebrated
for their wealth, the heads ot which, from the son
cf Phacnippus downwards [No. 2], received these
names alternately in successive generations. (Aris-
'oph. Ac. 283; Schol. ad loc. ; Perizon. ad Ad.

CALLIAS.

V. H. xiv. 16.) They enjoyed the hereditary dig-
nity of torch-bearer at the Eleusinian mysteries,
and claimed descent from Triptolemus. (Xen. Hell.
vi. 3. § 6.)

1. HiPPONKX'S I., the first of the family on re-
cord, is mentioned by Plutarch (5o/. 15, comp, Pol.
Praec. 13) as one of the three to whom Solon,
shortly before the introduction of his o"ei(ra'x06:a,
B. c. 594, imparted his intention of diminishing
the amount of debt while he abstained from inter-
ference with landed property. Of this information
they are said to have made a fraudulent use, and
to have enriched themselves by the purchase of
large estates with borrowed money. Bockh thinks,
however (PjiZ»/. Econ. of Athens, b. iv. ch. 3), that
this story against Hipponicus may have originated
in the env}- of his countrymen.

2. Callias I., son of Phaenippus and probably
nephew of the above, is mentioned by Herodotus
(vi. 121) as a strong opponent of Peisistratus, and
as the only man in Athens who ventured to buy
the tyranfs property on each occasion of his expul-
sion. On the same authority, if indeed the chapter
be not an interpolation (vi. 122 ; see Larcher, ad
loc.)., we learn, that he spent much monej' in keep-
ing horses, was a conqueror at the Olympic and
Pythian games, at tlie former in B. c. 564 (Schol.
ad AristupL Ar. 283), and gave large dowries to
his daughters, allowing them — a good and wise
departure from the usual practice — to marry any
of the Athenians they pleased.

3. IlirpoNicus II., surnamed Amraon, son of
Callias I., is said to have increased his wealth con-
siderably by the treasures of a Persian general,
which had been entrusted to Diomnestus, a man
of Eretria, on the first invasion of that place by
the Persians. The invading army being all de-
stroyed Diomnestus kept the money; but his heirs,
on the second Persian invasion, transmitted it to
Hipponicus at Athens, and with him it ultimately
remained, as all the captive Eretrians (comp. He-
rod, vi. 118) were sent to Asia. This story is
given by Athenaeus (xii. pp. 536, f, 537, a.) on
the authority of Heracleides of Pontus ; but it is
open to much suspicion from its inconsistency with
the account of Herodotus, who mentions only one
invasion of Eretria, and tliat a successful one b. c.
490. (Herod, vi. 99—101.) Possibly the anec-
dote, like that of Callias XaKKoirKovros below, was
one of the modes in which the gossips of Athens
accounted for the large fortune of the family.

4. Callias II., son of No. 3, was present in
his priestly dress at the battle of Marathon ; and
the story nins that, on the rout of the enemy, a
Persian, claiming his protection, pointed out to
him a treasure buried in a pit, and that he slew
the man and appropriated the money. Hence the
surname XaKKOTrAovTos {Flut. A risteid. 5 ; Schol.
ad Aristoph. Nub. 65; Hesych. and Suid. s. v.
AaKKoirKovros), which, however, we may perhaps
rather regard as having itself suggested the tale,
and as having been originally, like )3a0un-Aoirros,
expressive of the extent of liie family's wealth.
(Biickh, PicbL Econ. of Atlmis, b. iv. ch. 3.) His
enemies certainly were sufficiently malignant, if
not powerful; for Plutarch {Aristcid. 25), on the
autliority of Aeschines the Socratic, speaks of a
capital prosecution instituted against him on ex-
tremely weak grounds. Aristeides, who was his
cousin, was a witness on the trial, which must
therefore have taken place before b. c. 408, the

CALLIAS.

probable date of Aristeides' death. In Herodotus
(vii. 151 ) Callias is mentioned as ambassador from
Athens to Artaxerxes ; and this statement we
might identify with that of Diodorus, who ascribes
to the victories of Cimon, through the negotiation
of Callias, b. c. 449, a peace with Persia on terms
most humiliating to the latter, were it not that ex-
treme suspicion rests on the whole account of the
treaty in question. (Paus. i. 8 ; Diod. xii. 4 ; Wes-
seling, ad loc.; Mitford's Greece, ch. xi. sec. 3, note
11; Thirlwairs Greece, vol. iii. pp. 37, 38, and the
authorities there referred to ; Bockh, Publ. Econ.
of Athens, b. iii. ch. 12, b. iv. ch. 3.) Be this as
it may, he did not escape impeachment after his
return on the charge of having taken bribes, and
was condemned to a fine of 50 talents, more than
] 2,000^., being a fourth of his whole property.
(Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 428; Lys. pro Aristoph.
Bon. § 50.)

5. HiPPONicus III., was the son of Callias II.,
and with Eurymedon commanded the Athenians
in theii successful incursion into the territory of
Tanagra, b. c. 426. (Thuc. iii. 91; Diod. xii. Qb.)
lie was killed at the battle of Delium, B. c. 424,
where he was one of the generals. (Andoc. c. Alcih.
p. 30.) It must therefore have been his divorced
wife, and not his widow, whom Pericles married.
(Plut. Feric. 24 ; comp. Palm, ad Arisioph. At:
283 ; Wesseling, ad Diod. xii. 65.) His daughter
Hipparete became the wife of Alcibiades, with a
dowry of ten talents, the largest, according to An-
docides, that had ever before been given. (Andoc.
c. Alcih. p. 30; Plut. Alcih. 8.) Another daughter
of Hipponicus was married to Theodorus, and be-
came the mother of Isocrates the orator. (Isocr. de
Big. p. 353, a.) In Plato's " Cratylus," also (pp.
.%84, 391), Hennogenes is mentioned as a son of
Jlipponicus and brother of Callias; but, as in p.
.'591 he is spoken of as not sharing his father's pro-
I'crty, and his poverty is further alluded to by
Xenophon {Mem. ii. 10), he must have been ille-
ptimate. (See Diet, of Ant. pp. 472, a., 598, b.)
For Hipponicus, see also Ael. V. H. xiv. 16, who
tells an anecdote of him with reference to Poly-
cletus the sculptor.

6. Callias III., son of Hipponicus III. by the
lady who married Pericles (Plut. Peric. 24), was
notorious for his extravagance and profligacy. We
have seen, that he must have succeeded to his for-
tune in B. c. 424, which is not perhaps irreconcile-
able with the mention of*him in the " Flatterers "
of Eupolis, the comic poet, B.C. 421, as having
recently entered on the inheritance. (A then. v. p.
218, c.) In B. c. 400, he was engaged in the at-
tempt to crush Andocides by a charge of profa-
nation, in having placed a supplicatory bough on
the altar of the temple at Eleusis during the cele-
bration of the mysteries (Andoc. de Myst. § 110,
&c.) ; and, if we may believe the statement of the
accused, the bough was placed there by Callias
himself, who was provoked at having been thwarted
by Andocides in a very disgraceful and profligate
attempt. In B.C. 392, we find him in command of
the Athenian heavy-armed troops at Corinth on
the occasion of the famous defeat of the Spartan
Mora by Iphicrates. (Xen. Hell. iv. 5. § 13.) He
was hereditary proxenus of Sparta, and, as such,
was chosen as one of the envoys empowered to
negotiate peace with that state in B.C. 371, on
which occasion Xenophon rejiorts an extremely
absurd and self-glorifying speech of his (//<;//. vi. 3.

CALLIAS.

567

§ 2, &c., comp. V. 4. § 22.) A vain and silly
dilettsmte, an extravagant and reckless profligate,
he dissipated all his ancestral wealth on sophists,
flatterers, and women ; and so early did these pro-
pensities appear in him, that he was commonly
spoken of, before his father's death, as the "'evil
genius'' (d\tT7fpios) of his family. (Andoc. de Myst.
§ 130, &c. ; comp. Aristoph. Ran. 429, Av. 284,
&c. ; Schol. ad Aristoph. Ran. 502; Athen. iv. p.
\Q9, a.; Ael. V. H. iv. 16.) The scene of Xeno-
phon's " Banquet," and also that of Plato's "Pro-
tagoras," is laid at his house; and in the latter
especially his character is drawn with some vivid
sketches as a trifling dilettante, highly amused
with the intellectual fencing of Protagoras and
Socrates. (See Plat. Protag. pp. 335, 338 ; comp.
Plat. Apol. p. 20, a., Theaet. p. 165, a., Craiyl.
p. 391.) He is said to have ultimately reduced
himself to absolute beggary, to which the sarcasm
of Iphicrates (Aristot. Rliet. iii. 2. § 10) in calling
him fiTfTpa.'yvpT'ns instead of daSovxos obviously
refers ; and he died at last in actual want of the
common necessaries of life. (Athen. xii. p. 537, c. ;
Lys. pro Aristoph. Bon. § 50.) Aelian's erroneous
account of his committing suicide is clearly nothing
but gossip from Athenaeus by memory. ( AeL V. H.
iv. 23 ; Perizon. ad loc.) He left a legitimate son
named Hipponicus. (Andoc. de Myst. § 126, which
speech, from § 110 to § 131, has much reference
to the profligacy of Callias.) [E. E.]

CALLIAS (KaAAms), I. A soothsayer of the
sacred Elean family of tiie lamidae. (Pind. Olymp.
vi.), who, according to the account of the Croto-
nians, came over to tlieir ranks from those of Sy-
baris, when he saw that the sacrifices foreboded
destruction to the latter, B. c. 510. His services
to Crotona were rewarded by an allotment of land,
of which his descendants were still in possession
when Herodotus wrote. (Herod, v. 44, 45.)

2. A wealthy Athenian, who, on condition of
marrying Cimon 's sister, Elpinice, paid for him the
fine of fifty talents which had been imposed on
Miltiades. (Plut. Cim.A', Nepos, 6V;n. 1.) He
appears to have been unconnected with the nobler
family of Callias and Hipponicus, the Zc/Zovxoi. It
seems likely that his wealth arose from mining,
and that it was a son or grandson of his who dis-
covered a method of preparing cinnabar, b. c. 405.
(Bockh, Dissert, on the Mines of Laurion, § 23.)

3. Son of Calliades, was appointed with four
colleagues to the command of the second body of
Athenian forces sent against Perdiccas and the
revolted Chalcidians, B. c. 432, and was slain in
the battle against Aristeus near Potidaea. (Thuc.
i. 61-63; Diod. xii. 37.) This is probably the
same Callias who is mentioned as a pupil of Zeno
the Eleatic, from whose instructions, purchased for
1 00 niinae, he is said to have derived much real
advantage, (Tocpos Ka\ eWayiixos yfjoveu. (Pseudu-
Plat. Aicih. i. p. 119 ; Buttmann, ad loc.)

4. The CluJcidian, son of Mnesarchus, together
with his brother Taurosthenes, succeeded his father
in the tyranny of Chalcis, and formed an alliance
w ith Philip of Macedon in order to support himself
against Plutarchus, tyrant of Eretri:i, or rathei
with the view of extending his authority over the
whole of Euboea — a design which, according to
Aeschines, he covered iinder the disguise of a plan
for uniting in one league the states of the island,
and esUiblishing a general Euboean congress at
Chalcis. Plutarchus accordingly applied to Athewi

568

CALLIAS.

for aid, which was granted in opposition to the ad-
vice of Demosthenes, and an anny was sent into Eii-
boea under the command of Pliocion, who defeated
Callias at Tamynae, B. c. 350. (Aesch. c. Ctes.
§§ 85-88, de Fals. Ug. § 180; Dem. de Pac. § 5 ;
Plut. Fhoc. 1 2.) After this, Callias betook himself to
the Macedonian court, where he was for some time
high in the favour of the king; but, having in
some way oiFended him, he withdrew to Thebes,
in the hope of gaining her support in the further-
ance of his views. Breaking, however, wth the
Thebans also, and fearing an attack both from them
and from Philip, he applied to Athens, and through
the influence of Demosthenes not only obtained
alliance, and an acknowledgment of the independ-
ence of Chalcis, but even induced the Athenians
to transfer to that state the annual contributions
(^(Twra^eis) from Oreus and Eretria, Callias hold-
ing out great promises (apparently never realized)
of assistance in men and money from Achaia, Me-
gara, and Euboea. This seems to have been in
B. c. 34.'?, at the time of Philip's projected attempt
on Ambracia. Aeschines of course ascribes his
rivars support of Callias to corrujition ; but De-
mosthenes may have thought that Euboea, united
under a strong government, might serve as an effec-
tual barrier to Philip's ambition. (Aesch. c. Cles.
% 89, &c. ; Dem. PhUipp. iii. § 85 ; Thirlwall's
Greex:e^ vol. vi. p. 19.) In B. c. 341, the defeat by
Phocion of the Macedonian party in Eretria and
Oreus under Cleitarchus and Philistides gave the
supremacy in the island to Callins. (Dem. de Cur.
§§ 86, 99, &c.; PMipp. iii. §§ 23, 75, 79 ; Diod.
xvi. 74; Plut. Dem. 17.) Callias seems to have
been still living in b. c. 330, the date of the ora-
tions on *•' the Crown." See Aesch. c. Ctes. §§ 85,
87, who mentions a proposal of Demosthenes to
confer on him and his brother Taurosthenes the
honour of Athenian citizenship.

5. One of the Thespian ambassadors, who ap-
peared at Chalcis before the Roman commissioners,
Marcius and Atilius, to make a surrender of their
city, renouncing the alliance of Perseus, B.C. 172.
In common with the deputies from all the Boeotian
towns, except Tiiebes, they were favourably re-
ceived by the Romans, whose object was to dis-
solve the Boeotian confederacy, — an object accom-
plished in the same year. (Polyb. xxvii. 1, 2;
Liv. xlii, 43, 44 ; Clinton, Fast. ii. p. 80, iii. p.
398.) [E. E.]

C A' LLI.\S(KaAA.f as), literary. 1. A comic poet,
was according to Suidas (s. v.) a son of Lysiniachus,
and bore the name of Schoenion because his father
was a rope or basket maker (o'xoti'OTrAo/cos). He
belonged to the old Attic comed}-, for Athenaeus ( x.
p. 453) states, that he lived shortly before Strattis,
who appears to have commenced his career as a
comic poet about B. c. 412. From the Scholiast
on Aristophanes {Equit. 526) we further learn,
that Callias was an emulator of Cratinus. It is,
therefore, probable that he began to come before
the public prior to B. c. 424 ; and if it could be
proved that he was the same person as Calliades
[Calliades], he would have lived at least till
B. c, 402. We still possess a few fragments of his
comedies, and the names of six are preserved in
Suidas, viz. Alyvirrios., 'ATaAaurr} (Zenob. iv. 7),
KvKKcoTTes (perhaps alluded to by Athen. ii. p. 57,
and Clem. Alex. Strain, vi. p. 264), lieSiJTai
(Athen. viii. p. 344 ; Schol. ad Aristoph. Av. 31,
151; Diog. Laert. ii. 18), BaVpaxoJ, and '2.xo>-d-

CALLIBIUS.

^ovT^s. Whetlicr he is the same as the Callias
whom Athenaeus (vii. p. 672, x. pp. 448, 453)
calls the author of a ypafj.iJ.aTiKri Tpayaidia., is un-
certain. (Conip. Athen. iv. pp. 140, 176, vii.
p. 300, xii. pp. 524, 667 ; Pollux, vii. l]3;'Ety-
mol. M. s. V. Ehai ; Meineke, Hist. Crit. Cum.
Gr. p. 213,&c.)

2. Of Argos, a Greek poet, the author of an
epigram upon Polycritus. {A7ith. Graec. xi. 232;
Brunck, Ana/, ii. p. 3.)

3. Of Mytilene in Lesbos, a Greek grammarian
■who lived before the time of Strabo (xiii. p. 618),
who mentions him among the celebrated persons
bom in Lesbos, and states that he wrote commen-
taries on the poems of Sappho and Alcaeus. (Comp.
Athen. iii. p. 85.)

4. Of Syracuse, a Greek historian who wrote a
great work on the history of Sicily. He lived, as
Josephus (c. Apion. i. 3) expresses it, long after
Philistus, but earlier than Timaeus. From the
nature of his work it is clear that he was a con-
temporary of Agathocles, whom, however, the
historian survived, as he mentioned the death of
the tyrant. This work is sometimes called ret ivfpL
'AyadoKKea, or irepl ^AyadoK\4a IcrTopiai, and
sometimes also by Roman writers " Historia de
Rebus Siculis." (Athen. xii. p. 542 ; Aelian, Hint.
An. xvi. 28 ; Schol, ad Apoilon. Rhod. iii. 41 ;
Macrob. Sat. v. 19 ; Dionys. i. 42 ; Fest s. v. Ho-
main.) It embraced the history of Sicily during
the reign of Agathocles, from b. c. 317 to 289, and
consisted of twenty-two books. (Diod. xxi. Ear..
12. p. 492.) The very few fragments which we
possess of the work do not enable us to form an
opinion upon it, but Diodorus (xxi. Ejcc. p. 561)
states, that Callias Avas corrupted by Agathocles
with rich bribes ; that he sacrificed the truth of
history to base gain ; and that he went even so far
in distorting the truth as to convert the crimes and
the violation of the laws human and divine, of
which Agathocles was guilty, into praiseworthy
actions. (Comp. Suid. s. v. KaWias.)

There is another Callias of Syracuse, a contem-
porary of Demosthenes, who occupied himself with
oratory, but who is mentioned only by Plutarch.
{Dem. 5, Vit. X Orat. p. 844, c.) [L. S.]

CA'LLIAS, an architect of the island of Aradus,
contemporary with Demetrius Poliorcetes. (Vitruv.
X. 16. ^ 5.) [W. L]

CALLI'BIUS {KaXKiSios). 1. The Harmost
who commanded the garrison with which the Spar-
tans occupied Athens at the request of the Thirty
tyrants, b. c. 404. The story told by Plutarch of
his raising his staff to strike Autolycus the Athlete
(whom the Thirty put to death for presuming to
resent the insult), shews that he formed no excep-
tion to the coarse and overbearing demeanour so
common with Spartan governors. The tyrants
conciliated his favour by the most studious de-
ference,— the above case is a strong instance of it,
— and he allowed them accordingly to use his sol-
diers at their pleasure as the instruments of their
oppression. (Xen. Hell. ii. 3. §§ 13, 14 ; Diod.
xiv. 4; Plut. Lysand. 15.)

2. One of the leaders of the democratic party at
Tegea, B. c. 370, who having failed in obtaining
the sanction of the Tegeau assembly for the pro-
ject of uniting the Arcadian towns into one body,
endeavoured to gain their point by an appeal to
arms. They were, however, defeated by the oli-
garchical leader, Stasippus, and Proxenus, the coJ-

CALLICRATES.

leag.ic of CalHbius, was slain. Callibiua on tliis
retreated with his forces close to the walls of the
city, and, while he affected to open a negotiation
with Stasippus, waited for the cirrival of a rein-
forcement for which he had sent from Mantineia.
On its appearance, Stasippus and his friends fled
from the city and took refuge in the temple of
Artemis ; but the party of Callibius unroofed the
building and attacked them with missiles, and
being thus obliged to surrender, they were taken
to Tegea and put to death after the mockery of a
trial. (Xen. Hell. vi. 5. § 6, &c. ; comp, Paus.
viii. 27.) . [E. E.]

CALLICLES (KaXXi/cA^s), a physician, who
lived probably in the third or second century B. c,
and who is mentioned by Galen {De Meth. Med.
ii. 7. vol. X. p. 142) as having belonged to the
medical sect of the Empirici. [W. A. G.]

CALLICLES {Via\\iK\T]s). \. A statuary of
Megara, who lived about B. c. 400. (See Siebelis,
ad Paris, iii. p. 29.) His principal works seem to
have been Olympian victors (Paus. vi. 7. §§ 1, 3),
and philosophers. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19. )

2. A painter of uncertain age and country
(Plin. H. N. XXXV. 10. s. 37), is perhaps the same
as the painter, Callicles, mentioned bv Varro.
{Fragm. p. 236, Bip.) [W. L]

CALLI'CRATES(KaAAjKpc{T77s), historical. L
A Spartan, is mentioned by Herodotus as the finest
and handsomest man of all the Greeks of his time.
He was slain by an arrow just before the armies en-
gjiged at Plataea (b. c. 479), and while the Greeks
were waiting till the signs from the sacrifices
should be faTOurable. (Herod, ix. 72.) In Herod.
ix. 85, his name occurs among the Ipeves who
■were buried separately from the rest of the Spar-
tans and from the Helots. The word Ipevfs, how-
ever, can hardly be used here in its ordinary
meaning of "youths," but has probably its original
signification of " commanders." (See M'uller, Dor.
ii. p. 315 ; ThirlwalPs Greece, ii. p. 350, note)

2. Callicrates is the name given to the murderer
of Dion by Nepos {Dion., 8) : he is called Callip-
pus by Diodorus and Plutarch. [Callippl's.]

3. An accomplished flatterer at the court of
Ptolemy III. (Euergetes), who, apparently mis-
taking servility for knowledge of the world,
atlected to adopt Ulysses as his model. He is
said to have worn a seal-ring with a head of
Ulysses engraved on it, and to have given his
children the names of Telegonus and Anticleia.
(Athen. vi. p. 251, d.)

4. A man of Leontiura in Achaia, who plays a
somewhat disreputable part in the history of the
Achaean league. By a decree of the Achaeans,
solemnly recorded in b. c. 181, Lacedaemon had
been received into their confederacy and the resto-
ration of all Lacedaemonian exiles had been pro-
vided for, with the exception of those who had
repaid with ingratitude their previous restoration
by the Achaeans. The Romans, however, had
sent to urge the recall of these men, and in the
debate in the assembly on this question, b. c. 179,
Callicrates contended, in opposition to Lycortas,
that the requisition should be complied with,
openly maintaining, that neither law, nor solemn
record, nor anything else, should be more regarded
than the will of Rome. The assembly, however,
favoured the view of Lycortas, and appointed
ambassadors, of whom Callicrates was one, to lay
it before the Roman senate. But he grievously

CALLICRATES.

56J)

abused his trust, and instigated the Romans to
sap the independence of his country by giving
their support in every city to the Roman or anti-
national party. Returning home with letters from
the senate, pressing the recall of the exiles, and
highly commendatory of himself, he was made
general of the league, and used all his influence
thenceforth for the furtherance of the Roman
cause. (Polyb. xxv, 1, 2, xxvi. 1 — 3.) In B.C.
174 he successfully resisted the proposal of Xenar-
chus, who was at that time general, for an alliance
with Perseus. (Li v. xli. 23, 24.) Early in b. c.
1G8 he opposed the motion of Lycortas and his
party for sending aid to the two Ptolemies (Philo-
metor and Physcon) against Antiochus Epiphanes,
recommending instead, that they should endeavour
to mediate between the contending parties ; and
he carried his point by introducing a letter from
Q. Marcius, the Roman consul, in which the same
course was urged. (Polyb. xxix. 8 — 10.) On
the conquest of Macedonia by the Romans, b. c.
168, more than 1000 of the chief Achaeans, point-
ed out by Callicrates as having favoured the cause
of Perseus, were apprehended and sent to Rome,
to be tried, as it was pretended, before the senate.
Among these was Polybius, the historian ; and he
was also one of the survivors, who, after a deten-
tion of 1 7 years, were permitted to return to theii
country. (Polyb. xxx. 10, xxxi. 8, xxxii. 7, 8,
xxxiii. 1; Liv. xlv. 31; Paus. vii. 10.) The base-
ness of Callicrates was visited on his head, — if,
indeed, such a man could feel such a punishment,
— in the intense hatred of his countrj'raen. Men
deemed it pollution to use the same bath with
him, and the very boys in the streets threw in
his teeth the name of traitor. (Polyb. xxx. 20.)
In b. c. 153 he dissuaded the league from taking
any part in the war of the Rhodians against Crete,
on the ground that it did not befit them to go to
war at all without the sanction of the Romans.
(Polyb. xxxiii. 15.) Three years after this, b. c.
150, Menalcidas, then general of the league, having
been bribed by the Oropians with 10 talents to
aid them against the Athenians, from whose gar-
rison in their town they had received injur}',
engaged Callicrates in the same cause by the pro-
mise of half the sum. The pajTnent, however, he
evaded, and Callicrates retaliated on Menalcidas
by a capital charge ; but Menalcidas escaped the
danger through the favour of Diaeus, his successor
in the office of general, whom he bribed with three
talents. In b. c. 149, Callicrates was sent as
.ambassador to Rome with Diaeus, to oppose the
Spartan exiles, whose banishment Diaeus had pro-
cured, and who hoped to be restored by the senate.
Callicrates, however, died at Rhodes, where they
had touched on their way ; " his death," says
Pausanias, " being, for aught I know, a clear gain
to his country-." (Paus. vii. 11, 12.) [E. E.J

CALLrCRATES(KaA.\(K:paT77s),literary. 1. Is
mentioned only once by Athenaeus (xiii. p. 586) as
the author of a comedy called Mocx^wi', and from
the connexion in which his name appears there with
those of Antiphanes and Alexis, it may be inferred
that he was a poet of the middle Attic comedy.
(Meineke, Hift. Crit. Com. Gr. p. 418.)

2. A Greek orator who seems to have lived
about the time of Demosthenes, and to whom the
tables of Pergamus ascribed the oration Kara Atf-
fioareiuovs TrapavSfiwv, which was usually consider-
''d the work of Deinarchus. (Dionys. Dei/iunh*

570 CALLICRATIDAS.

11.) But no work of Callicrates was known even
as early as the time of Dionysius of Halicarnassus

3. A Greek historian who lived in and after the
time of the emperor Aurelian. He was a native
of Tyre, and wrote the history of Aurelian. Vo-
piscus {AureL 4), who has preserved a few frag-
ments of the work, describes Callicrates as by far
the most learned writer among the Greeks of his
time. [L. S.]

CALLI'CRATES (KaWiKpaTTjs). 1. An ar-
chitect, who in company with Ictinus built the
Parthenon on the Acropolis of Athens. (Plut.
J^ericl. 13.) *

2. A Lacedaemonian sculptor, celebrated for the
sraallness of his works. (Aelian, V. H. i. 17.)
He made ants and other animals out of ivory,
which were so small that one could not distinguish
the different limbs. (Plin. //. A^. vii. 21, xxxvi.
5. 8. 4.) According to Athenaeus (ix. p. 782, B.),
he also executed embossed work on vases. [W. 1.]

CALLICRATIDAS (KaAAiK^aTt'Sos) was sent
out in B. c. 406 to succeed Lysander as admiral of
the Lacedaemonian fleet, and soon found that the
jealousy of his predecessor, as well as tlie strong
contrast of their characters, had left for him a har-
vest of difficulties. Yet he was not unsuccessful
in surmounting these, and shewed that plain,
straight-forward honesty may sometimes be no bad
substitute for the arts of the supple diplomatist.
The cabals of Lysander's partizans against him he
quelled by asking them, whether he should remain
•where he was, or sail home to report how matters
stood ; and even those who looked back with most
regret to the winning and agreeable manners of
his courtly predecessor, admired his virtue, says
Plutixrch, even as the beauty of a heroic statue.
His great difficulty, however, was the want of
funds, and for these he reluctantly went and ap-
plied to Cyrus, to whom it is said that Lysander,
in order to thwart his successor, had returned the
sums he held ; but the proud Spiirtan spirit of Cal-
licPdtidas could not brook to dance attendance at
the prince's doors, and he withdrew from Sardis in
disgust, declaring that the Greeks were most
wretched in truckling to barbarians for money,
and that, if he returned home in safety, he would
do his best to reconcile Lacedacmon to Athens.
He succeeded, however, in obtaining a supply from
the Milesians, and he then commenced against the
enemy a series of successful operations. The cap-
ture of the fortress of Delphinium in Chios and
the plunder of Teos were closely followed by the
conquest of Methymna. This last place Conon at-
tempted to save, in spite of his inferiority in num-
bers, but, arriving too late, anchored for the night
at 'EKOTof j/Tjcrot. The next moniing he was cliased
by Callicratidas, who declared that he would put a
stop to his adultery with Hie sea, and was obliged
10 take refuge in Mytilene, where his opponent
blockaded him by sea and land. Conon, however,
contrived to send news to the Athenians of the
Btniit in which he was, and a fleet of more than
150 sail was despatched to relieve hiin. Callicra-
tidas then, leaving Eteonicus with 50 ships to con-
duct the blockade, proceeded with 120 to meet the
enemy. A battle ensued at Arginusae, remarkable
for the unprecedented number of vessels engaged,
and in this Callicratidas was slain, and the Athe-
nians were victorious. According to Xenophon,
his steersman, Herraon, endeavoured to dissuade
him from engaging with such superior nuni-

CALLIGENEIA.

bers : as Diodorus and Plutarch tell it, the sooth-
sayer foretold the admiral's death. His answer at
an}^ rate, fii) "nap eva ehai rav '^.Trdprav, became
famous, but is mentioned with censure by Plutarch
and Cicero. On the whole, Callicratidas is a some-
what refreshing specimen of a plain, blunt Spar-
tan of the old school, with all the guilclessness
and simple honesty, but (it may be added) not
without the bigotry of that character. Witness
his answer, when asked what sort of men the
lonians were : " Bad freemen, but excellent slaves."
(Xen. Hdl. i. 6. §§ 1—33; Diod. xiii. 76—79,
97—99 ; Plut. Lijsand. 5—7, Pelop. 2, Apoph-
thegm. Lacon ; Oic. de Of. i. 24, 30.) Aelian
tells us ( V. H. xii. 43), that he rose to the privi-
leges of citizenship from the condition of a slave
[ixoQtav) ; but see Mitford's Greece, ch. xx. sec. 2,
note 4.) [E. E.]

CALLICRA'TIDAS (KaAX/Kpar/Sos), a disci-
ple of Pythagoras. Four extracts from his writings
on the subject of marriage and domestic happiness
are preserved in Stobaeus. {Floril. Ixx. 11, Ixxxv.
16—18.) [A. G.]

CALLI'CRITUS {KaW'iKpnos), a Theban,
was sent as ambassador from the Boeotians to the
Roman senate, B. c. 187, to remonstrate against
the requisition of the latter for the recall of Zeux-
ippus from exile. The sentence of banishment
had been passed against him both for sacrilege and
for the murder of Brachyllas [see p. 502, a.] ; and
Callicritus represented to the Romans on behalf of
his countrymen, that they could not annul a sen-
tence which had been legally pronounced. The
remonstrance was at first unavailing, though ulti-
mately the demand of the senate was jiot pressed.
(Polyb. xxiii. 2.) It was probably the same Cal-
licritus who strongly opposed in the Boeotian
assembly the views of Perseus. He appears even
to have gone to Rome to warn the senate of the
king's schemes, and was murdered, by order of the
latter, on his way back. (Liv. xlii. 13, 40.) [E. E.]

CALLICTER (KaWiKT-np), sumamed Mauri-
crios, a Greek poet, the author of four epigrams of
little merit in the Greek Anthology. {A?ithoL
Grace, xi. 5, 6, 118, 333; Brunck, Anal. ii. pp.
294, 529.) [L. S.]

CALLIDE'MUS(Ka\AiS7j/ios), a Greek author
about whom nothing is known, except that Pliny
(//. A'', iv. 12) and Solinus (17) refer to him as
their authority for the statement, that the island of
Euboea was originally called Chalcis from the fact of
brass (xaA/co's) being discovered there first. [L.S.]

CALLl'DIUS. [Calidius.]

CALLIGEITUS {KaWi-yeLxos), a Megarian,
and TIMAGORAS {TiiMyopas), a Cyzican, were
sent to Sparta in b. c. 412 by Pharnabazus, the
satrap of Bithynia, to induce the Lacedaemonians
to send a fleet to the Hellespont, in order to assist
the Hellespontine cities in revolting from Athens.
The Lacedaemonians, however, through the influ-
ence of Alcibiades, preferred sending a fleet to
Chios ; but Calligeitus and Timagoras v/ould not
take part in this expedition, and applied the money
which they brought from Pharnabazus to the equip-
ment of a separate fleet, which left Peloponnesus
towards the close of the year. (Thuc. viii. 6, 8,
39.)

CALLIGENEIA (KaWiyeueia), a surname of
Demeter or of her nurse and companion, or of Gaea.
(Aristoph. Tkesm. 300, with the Schol. ; Hesych.
s. v.; Pilot. Led: s. v.) [ L. S."]

callimachus.

CALLl'GENES (KaWiyeurti), tlie name of
the physician of l*hilip, Wmg of Macedoni:i, who
attended him in his last illness at Amphipolis, b. c.
1 79, and concealed his death from the people till
the arri\al of Perseus, to whom he had sent intel-
ligence of the great danger of the king. (Li v. xl.
5(j.) [W. A. G.]

CALLI'MACnUS (KaXAiVoxos). 1. Of the
tribe of Aiantis and the Srjuos of Aphidna, held
the office of Polemarch, B. c. 490, and in that ca-
pacity commanded the right wing of the Athenian
array at Marathon, where he was slain, after be-
having with much gallantry. In the battle he is
said to have vowed to Artemis a heifer for every
enemy he should slay. By the persuasion of Mil-
tiades he had given his casting vote for fighting,
when the voices of the ten generals were equally
divided on the question. This is the last recorded
instance of the Polemarch performing the military
duties which his name implies. Callimachus was
conspicuously figured in the fresco painting of the
battle of Marathon, by Polygnotus, in the (TTod
ttoikIKv. (Herod, vi. 109— 114 ; Plut. Arv>tid. et
Cat. Maj. 2, Sj/mpos. i. 8. § 3 ; Schol. ad Aris-
toph. Eq. 658; Paus. i. 15.)

2. One of the generals of Mithridates, who, by
his skill in engineering, defended the town of
Amisus, in Pontus, for a considerable time against
the Romans, in b. c. 71 ; and when Lucullus
had succeeded in taking a portion of the wall,
Callimachus set fire to the place and made his
escape by sea. He afterwards fell into the hands
of Lucullus at the capture of Nisibis (called by
the Greeks Antioch) in Mygdonia, B. c 68, and
was put to death in revenge for the burning of
Amisus. (Plut. Lucull. 19, 32; comp. Appian,
Bell Mitlir. 78, 83 ; Dion Cass. xxxv. 7.) [H E.]

CALLI'MACHUS (KaAAt>axos), one of the
most celebrated Alexandrine grammarians and
poets, was, according to Suidas, a son of Battus
and Mesatme, and belonged to the celebrated family
of the Battiadae at Cyrene, whence Ovid (76. 53)
and others call him simpl}' Battiades. (Comp.
Strab. xvii. p. 837.) He was a disciple of the
grammarian llermocrates, and afterwards taught
at Eleusis, a suburb of Alexandria. He was highly
esteemed by Ptolemy Philadelphus, who invited
him to a place in the Museum. (Suid. ; Strab.
xvii. p. 838.) Callimachus was still alive in the
reign of Ptolemy Euergetes, the successor of Phila-
delphus. (Schol. ad CaUim. Hymn. ii. 26.) It
was formerly believed, but is now established as an
historical fact, that Callimachus was chief librarian
of the famous library of Alexandri;u This fact
leads us to the conclusion, that he was the suc-
cessor of Zenodotus, and that he held this office
from about b. c. 260 until his death about B. c.
240. (Ritschl, Die, Alexandrin. liiUioth. S^'c pp.
19, 84, (Sec.) This calculation agrees with the
statement of A. Gellius (xvii. 21), that Calli-
machus lived shortly before the first Punic war.
He was married to a daughter of Euphrates of
Syracuse, and had a sister !Megatime, who was
married to Stasenonis, and a son Callimachus,
who is distinguished from his rncle by being ailled
the younger, and is called by Suidas the author of
nn epic poem Tlepl vqcrwv,

Callimachus was one of the most distinguished
grammarians, critics, and poets of the Alexandrine
period, and his celebrity surpassed that of nearly
all the other Alexandrine scholars and poets.

CALLIMACHUS. 57!

Several of the most distinguished men of that
period, such as his successor Eratosthenes, Philos-
tephanus, Aristophanes of Byzantium, Apolloniug
Rhodius, Ister, and Hermippus. were among hi»
pupils. Callimachus was one of the most fertile
writers of antiquity, and if the number in Suidaa
be correct, he wrote 800 works, though we may
take it for granted that most of them were not of
great extent, if he followed his own maxim, that a
great book was equal to a great evil. ( Athen. iii.
p. 72.) The number of his works of which the
titles or fragments are known to us, amounts to
upwards of forty. But what we possess is very
little, and consists principally of poetical produc-
tions, apparently the least valuable of all his
works, since Callimachus, notwithstanding the
reputation he enjoyed for his poems, was not a
man of real poetical talent : labour and learning
are with him the substitutes for poetical genius
and talent. His prose works, on the other hand,
which would have furnished us with some highly
important information concerning ancient mytho-
logy, history, literature, &c., are completely lost.

The poetical productions of Callimachus still ex-
tant are : 1. Hymns, six in number, of which five
are written in hexameter verse and in the Ionic
dialect, and one, on the bath of Pallas, in distichs
and in the Doric dialect. These h^-mns, which
bear greater resemblance to epic than to lyric
poetry, are the productions of labour and learning,
like most of the poems of that period. Almost
every line furnishes some curious mythical infor-
mation, and it is perhaps not saying too much to
assert, that these hymns are more overloaded with,
learning than any other poetical production of that
time. Their style has nothing of the easy flow
of genuine poetry, and is evidently studied and
laboured. There are some ancient Greek scholia
on these hymns, which however have no great
merit. 2. Seventy-three epigrams, which belong
to the best specimens of this kind of poetry. The
high estimation they enjoyed in antiquity is
attested by the fact, that Archibius, the gramma-
rian, who lipd, at the latest, one generation after
Callimachus, wrote a commentary upon them, and
that Marianus, in the reign of the emperor Anas-
tasius, wrote a paraphrase of them in iambics.
They were incorporated in the Greek Anthology
at an early time, and have thus been preserved.
3. Elegies. These are lost with the exception of
some fragments, but there are imitations of them
by the Roman poets, the most celebrated of which
is the "■ De Coma Berenices" of Catullus. If we
may believe the Roman critics, Callimachus was
the greatest among the elegiac poets (Quintil. x.
1. § 58), and Ovid, Propertius, and Catullus took
Callimachus for their model in this species of
poetry. We have mention of several more poeti-
cal productions, but all of them have perished
except a few fragments, and however much we may
lament their loss on account of the information we
might have derived from them, we have very little
reason to regret their loss as specimens of poetry.
Among them we may mention, 1. The Afno, an
epic poem in four books on the causes of the various
mythical stories, religious ceremonies, and other
customs. The work is often referred to, and was
paraphrased by Marianus; but the paraphrase is
lost, and of the original we have only a tew fmg-
ments. 2. An epic poem entitled 'E/cetAij, which
was the name of an old woman who had r'^ceived

672

CALLIMACHUS.

Theseus hospitably when he went out to fight
against the Maratlionian bull. This work was
likewise paraphrased by Marianus, and we still
possess some fragments of the original. The works
entitled TaKdreta and FKavKos were in all proba-
bility likewise epic poems. It appears that there
was scarcely any kind of poetry in which Calli-
machus did not try his strength, for he is said to
have written comedies, tragedies, iambic, and
choliambic poems. Respecting his poem Ibis see
Apollonius Rhodius.

Of his immerous prose works not one is extant
entire, though there were among them some of the
highest importance. The one of which the loss
is most to be lamented was entitled Uiva^ iravro-
SaiT^u (Tuyypa/xfjLciTwv, or irivaKes twv iu Trdcrp
iratSetot SiaKa/xypavTuv Koi &v avviypai^av^ in 120
books. This work was the first comprehensive
historj^ of Greek literature. It contained, syste-
matically arranged, lists of the authors and their
works. The various departments of literature ap-
pear to have been classified, so that Callimachus
spoke of the comic and tragic poets, of the orators,
law-givers, philosophers, &c., in separate books, in
which the authors were enumerated in their
chronological succession. (Athen. ii.p. 70, vi. p.252,
xiii. p, 585, xv. p. Gt)9 ; Diog. Laert. iv, 23, viii.
86.) It is natural to suppose that this work was
the fruit of his studies in the libraries of Alexan-
dria, and that it mainly recorded such authors as
were contained in those libraries. His pupil Aris-
tophanes of Byzantium wrote a commentary upon
it. (Athen. ix. p. 408, viii. 336 ; Etym'. Mag.
$. V. Tliva^.) Among his other prose works we
find mentioned the following : — 1. Mou(rerof, which
is usually supposed to have treated of the Museum
of Alexandria and the scholars connected with
it. 2. YlepX dyoipcov. 3. ""EduiKal ovofiacriai. 3.
Gavij.da-ia or Qav/xaTuv tuv fls d-naaav riju yiju
KoX Toirovs ovTuv (Twayc^, a work similar, though
probably much superior, to the one still extant by
Antigonus Carystius. 4. 'TnofivT^fxaTa iaropiKd.
5. Ndfiiixa fiapSapiKd. 6. KxtVets vi^awv koi
noKewv. 7/Apyov5 oIkktixo'i. 8. Ilepl di'4uwv. 9.
Ucpl bpvfwu. 10. :S.vvay(i)yifl iroTaixwv, or irepl
Tuv ev olKov/xevT] noTa/jLOuv^ &c., &c. A list of his
works is given by Suidas, and a more complete one
by Fabricius. (Bibl. Clraec. iii. p. 815, &c.)

The first edition of the six hymns of Calli-
machus appeared at Florence in 4to., probably
between 1494 and 1500. It was followed by the
Aldine, Venice, 1513, 8vo., but a better edition,
in which some gaps are filled up and the Greek
scholia are added, is that of S. Gelenius, Basel,
1532, 4to., reprinted at Paris, 1549, 4to. A more
complete edition than any of the preceding ones is
that of H. Stephanus, Paris, 1566, fol. in the col-
lection of *' Poetae principes Heroici Carminis."
This edition is the basis of the text which from
that time has been regarded as the vulgate. A
second edition by H. Stephanus (Geneva, 1577,
4to.) is greatly improved : it contains the Greek
scholia, a Latin translation, thirty-three epigrams
of Callimachus, and a few fragments of his other
works. Henceforth scarcely anything was done
for the text, until Th. Graevius undertook a new
and comprehensive edition, which was completed
l)y his father J. G. Graevius. It appeared at
Utrecht, 1 697, 2 vols. 8vo. It contains the notes
of tlie previous editors, of R. Bentley, and the fa-
mous commentary of Ez. Spanheim. This edition

CALLIMACHUS.
is the basis of the one edited by J. A. Emcsti at
Leiden, 1761, 2 vols. 8vo., which contains the
whole of the commentary of Graevius' edition, a
much improved text, a more complete collection of
the fragments, and additional notes by Hemster-
huis and Ruhnken. Among the subsequent edi-
tions we need only mention those of Ch. F.Loesner
(Leipzig, 1774, 8vo.), H. F. M. Volzer (Leipzig,
1817, 8vo.), and C. F. Blomfield (London, 1815,
8vo.). [L. S.j

CALLI'MACHUS, a physician, who was one
of the followers of Herophilus, and who must have
lived about the second century b. c, as he is men-
tioned by Zeuxis. (Galen, Comment, in Hippocr.
'''' EpU. F7." i. 5. vol. xvii. pt. i. p. 827.) He
wrote a work in explanation of the obsolete words
used by Hippocrates, which is not now extant, but
which is quoted by Erotianus. (Gloss. Hippocr.
praef.) He may perhaps be the same person who
is mentioned bv Plinv as having written a work
De Coronis. (H. N. xxi. 9.) [W. A. G.]

CALLI'MACHUS (KoAXr/mxos), an artist of
uncertain country, who is said to have invented
the Corinthian column. (Vitruv. iv. 1. § 10.)
As Scopas built a temple of Athene at Tegea
with Corinthian columns in B. c. 396, Callimachus
must have lived before that time. Pausanias
(i. 26. § 7) calls him the inventor of the art
of boring marble (tovs hl6ovs vpaiTos cTpvinjae),
which Thiersch (Epoch. Anm. p. 60) thinks is to
be understood of a mere perfection of that art,
which could not have been entirely unknown to so
late a period. By these inventions as well as by
his other productions, Callimachus stood in good
reputation with his contemporaries, although he
did not belong to the first-rate artists. He was so
anxious to give his works the last touch of perfec-
tion, by elaborating the details with too much care,
that he lost the grand and sublime. Dionysius
therefore compares him and Calamis to the oratot
Lysias (ttjs AeTrTOTTjros eu€Ka koi ttjs x'^P'"'"*^*)}
whilst he draws a parallel between Polycletus and
Phidias and Isocrates, on account of the aefj-vdv
Kol fj.€ya\6Tex*'of Kal d^iwixarucou. (Jmlic. Isocr. c.
3.) Callimachus was never satisfied with himself,
and therefore received the epithet KaKL^orexvos.
(Paus. i. 26. § 7.) Pliny (H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19)
says the same, and gives an exact interpretation of
the surname : " Semper calumniator sui nee finem
habeiis diligentiae ; ob id /caKi^orexi'os appellatus."
Vitruvius says, that Callimachus " propter elegan-
tiam et subtilitatem artis marmoreae ab Athenien-
sibus KaTaTex^oy fuerat nominatus." Sillig (Cat.
Art. p. 125) conjectures, after some MSS., that
/faTaT77|iTex»'os nuist be read instead of KaKi^o-
T^X^o^ ; but this is quite improbable on account of
Plin^-'s translation, " calumniator sui." Whether
the KaTOTexj/os of Vitruvius is corrupt or a second
surname (as Siebelis supposes, ad Paus. i, 26. § 7),
cannot be decided. So much is certain, that Cal-
limachus' style was too artificial. Pliny (I. c),
speaking of a work representing some dancing
Lacedaemonian women, says, that his excessive
elaboration of the work had destroyed all its
beauty. Pausanias (i. 26 § 7) describes a golden
lamp, a work of Callimachus dedicated to Athene,
which if filled with oil, burnt precisely one whole
year without ever going out. It is scarcely pro-
bable that the painter Callimachus, mentioned by
Pliny ( I. c), should be oi;r statuary, although he
is generally identified with him. [\V I.]

CALLINUS.

CALLI'MEDON {Ka\\iiJL4Suv), sumained 6
K(xpa€os, or the crab, on account of his fondness
for that kind of shell-fish (A then. iii. p. 100, c),
was one of the orators at Athens in the Macedo-
nian interest, find accordingly fled from the city to
Antipater, when the Athenians rose against the
Macedonians upon the death of Alexander the
Great in n. c. 323. When the Macedonian supre-
macy was reestJiblished at Athens bj' Antipater,
Callimedon returned to the city, but was obliged
to fly from it again upon the outbreak against
Phocion in B. c. 317. The orators Hegemon and
Pythocles were put to death along with Phocion,
and Callimedon was also condemned to death, but
escaped in safety. (Plut. Dein. 27, Phoc. 27, 33,
35.) Callimedon was ridiculed by the comic
poets. (Athen. /. c. p. 104, c. d., viii. p. 339, f.,
xiv. p. 614, d.)

CALLIMORPHUS {KaWlnopcpos), an army-
surgeon attached to the sixth legion or cohort of
contarii, who lived probably in the second century-
after Christ. He wrote a work entitled 'laropiai
UapOiKal, Historia Partkica, which may perhaps
have been an Jiccount of Trajan's campaigns, a. d.
114 — lie, and in which, according to Lucian
(Quom. Histor. sit CoJiscrib. ^ 16), he asserted that
it was especially the province of a physician to
write historical works, on account of his connexion,
through Aesculapius, with Apollo, the author of all
literature. [ W. A. G.]

CALLI'NES (KoAAiVtjs), a veteran officer in the
royal companion-cavalry (t'^s 'iinrov ttjj tTaipiKTJs)
of Alexander the Great, took an active part in the
reconciliation between him and his army in B. c.
324. (Arrian, Anab. vii. 11.)

CALLINI'CUS (KaWiviKos), surnamed Suto-
rius, a Greek sophist and rhetorician, was a native
of Syria, or, according to others, of Arabia Petraea.
He taught rhetoric at Athens in the reign of the
emperor Gallienus (a. d. 259 — 268), and was an
opponent of the rhetorician Genethlius. (Suid. s. w.
KaWiviKos, TevedKios, and 'lovKiavos Aofxvov.)
Suidas and Eudocia (p. 268) mention several works
of Callinicus, all of which are lost, with the excep-
tion of a fragment of an eulogium on Rome, which
is very inferior both in form and thought. It is
printed in L. Allatius' " Excerpt. Rhet. et Sophist."
pp. 256 — 258, and in Orelli's edition of Philo,
" De VII Spect. Orb." Lipsiae, 1816, 8vo. Among
the other works of Callinicus there was one on the
history of Alexandria, in ten books, mentioned b}'
Suidas and Eudocia, and referred to by Jerome in
the preface to his commentary on Daniel. (Fabric.
BiU. Graec. iii. p. 36, vi. p. 54.) [L. S.]

CALLINI'CUS SELEUCUS. [Seleucus ]

CALLI'NUS {KaKXTuos). 1. Of Ephesus, the
earliest Greek elegiac poet, whence either he or
Archilocluis is usually regarded by the ancients as
the inventor of elegiac poetry. As regards the
time at which he lived, we have no definite state-
ment, and the ancients themselves endeavoured to
determine it from the historical allusions Avhich
they found in his elegies. It has been fixed by
some at about B. c. 634, and by others at about
B. c. 680, whereas some are inclined to place Cal-
linus as far back as the ninth century before the
Christian aera, and to make him more ancient even
than Ilesiod. The main authorities for determin-
ing his age are Strabo (xiv. p. 647), Clemens Alex-
andrinus {Strom, i. p, 333), and Athenaeus (xii.
p. 525). But the interpretation of these passages

CALLIOPIUS. 573

is involved in considerable difficulty, since the
Cimmerian invasion of Asia Minor, to which they
allude, is itself very unceruiin ; for history records
three different inroads of the Cimmerians into Asia
Minor. We cannot enter here into a refutation of
the opinions of others, but confine ourselves to our
own views of the case. From Strabo it is evident
that Callinus, in one of his poems, mentioned Mag-
nesia on the Maeander as still existing, and at war
with the Ephesians. Now, we know that Magnesia
was destroyed by the Treres, a Cimmerian tribe,
in B. c. 727, and consequently the poem referred to
by Strabo must have been written previous to that
year, perhaps about B. c. 730, or shortly before
Archilochus, who in one of his earliest poems men-
tioned the destruction of Magnesia. Callinus him-
self, however, appears to have long survived that
event ; for there is a line of his {Fragm. 2, comp,
Fraym. 8, ed. Bergk) which is usually referred to
the destruction of Sardis by the Cimmerians, about
B. c. 678. If this calculation is correct, Callinus
must have been in the bloom of life at the time of
the Avar between Magnesia and Ephesus, in which
he himself perhaps took a part. We possess only
a very few fragments of the elegies of Callinus, but
among them there is one of twenty-one lines^ which
forms part of a war-elegy, and is consequently the
most ancient specimen of this species of poetry ex-
tant. (Stobaeus, Fioril. li. 19.) In this fragment
the poet exhorts his countrymen to courage and
perseverance against their enemies, whoare usually
supposed to be the Magnesians, but the fourth line
of the poem seems to render it more probable that
Callinus was speaking of the Cimmerians. This
elegy is one of great beauty, and gives us the high-
est notion of the talent of Callinus. It is printed
in the various collections of the " Poetae Graeci
Minores." All the fragments of Callinus are col-
lected in N. Bach's Cullini, Tyrtaei et Asii Fray-
menta (Leipzig, 1831, 8vo.) and Bergk 's Poetae
Lyrici Graeci^ p. 303, &c (Comp. Francke, Calli-
nus, sive Quaediones de Origine Carminis Elegiaci,
Altona, 1816, 8vo. ; Thiersch, in the Acta PhiloL
Monaceiis. iii. p. 571 ; Bode, Gesch. der Lyrisch.
Dichtkunst, i. pp. 143-161.)

2. A disciple and friend of Theophrastus, who
left him in his will a piece of land at Stageira and
3000 drachmae, Callinus was also appointed by
the testator one of the executors of the will. (Diog.
Laert. v. 52, 55, 56.)

3. Of Hermione, lived at a later period than the
preceding one, and was a friend of the philosopher
Lycon, who bequeathed to him in his will the
works which he had not yet published. (Diog.
Laert. v. 70-74.) [L. S.]

CALLI'OPE. [MUSAE.J

CALLIO'PIUS. In all, or almost all, the MSS.
of Terence, known not to be older than the ninth
century, we find at the end of each play the words
'" Calliopius recensui," from whence it has very na-
turally been inferred, that Calliopius was some
grammarian of reputation, who had revised and
corrected the text of the dramatist. Eugraphius,
indeed, who wrote a commentary upon the same
comedian about th^ year A. d. i 000, has the fol-
lowing note on the word plaudits at the end of the
Andria : " Verba sunt Calliopii ejus recitatoris,
qui, cum fabulam termin asset elevabat aulaeum
scenae, et alloquebatur populum, Fos valetc, Voi
plaudite sive fuvete;^'' but this notion is altogether
inconsistent with the established meaning of recen-

i74

CALLIPPUS.

8!ii. Barth, on the other hand, maintained, that
Calliopins was a complimentary epithet, indicating
the celebrated Flaccus Albinus or Alcuinus, whom
in a MS. life of Willebrord he found designated as
" Dominus Albinus magister optimus Calliopicus,"
i. e. totus a Calliope et Musis formatus ; but the
probability of this conjecture has been much weak-
ened by Fabricius, who has shewn that Calliopius
was a proper name not uncommon among writers
of the middle ages. (Funccius, de Inerti ac Decr&-
pita Linytiae Latinue Sentdute^ c. iv. § xxxii.; Fa-
bric. Bibl. Ixtt. lib. i. c. iii. §§ 3 and 4 ; Eust.
S wartii -dna/t'f/a, iii. 11, p. 132; Barth. Advcrs.
vi. 20 ; Ritschl, De emeiidat. Fub. TercntU dis^/ut.^
Wratislav. 4to. 1838.) [W. R.]

CALLIPHANA, a priestess of Velia. In b. c.
98, the praetor urbanus C. Valerius Flaccus, in
pursuance of a decree of the senate, brought a bill
before the people, that Calliphana should be made
a Roman citizen. This was done before the Ve-
lienses obtained the Roman fmnchise, and for the
purpose of enabling the priestess of a foreign divi-
nity at Rome to perform sacrifices on behalf of
Romans also. (Cic. pro Balh. 24.) [L. S.]

CALLIPHON {Ka\Ki<pwv), a philosopher, and
most probably a disciple of Epicurus, who is men-
tioned several times and condemned by Cicero as
making the chief good of man to consist in an
union of virtue (fionestas) and bodily pleasure
(7;5oi'77, roluptas\ or, as Cicero says, in the union
of the man with the beast. (Cic. de Fin. ii. 6, 11,
iv. 18, V. 8, 25, de Of. iii. 33, Tusc. ^. 30, 31 ;
Clem. Alex. Strom. 2, § 127.) [A. G.]

CALLIPHON {KaX\i(pav), a Samian painter,
employed to decorate the temple of Artemis at
Ephesus. (Paus. v. 19. § 1, x. 2.5. § 2.) [W. I.]

CALLI'PPIDES (KoAAiTnrj'STjs), of Athens, a
celebrated tragic actor of the time of Alcibiades
and Agesilaus. (Plut. Aldh. 32, Ayes. 21 ; Athen.
xii. p. 535.) He was particularly famous for his
imitation of the actions of real life, which he carried
60 far as to become ridiculous, and to be stigmatized
by the nickname of the ape {vie-nKos. See the
Greek life of Sophocles ; Apostolius, Proverb, xv.
39). A comedy of Strattis entitled CuUippides
seems to have been composed to ridicule our actor.
(Meineke, Fraym. Com. Graec. i. p. 226) ; and it
is not improbable that Cicero {ad Att. xiii. 12) may
be alluding to Callippides the actor. (Orelli, Ono-
viast. Tull. ii. p. 119.) [L.S.]

CALLIPPUS (KaXAnnroy), historical. 1. Of
Athens, was a disciple of Plato, and thus be«vme
acquainted with Dion of Syracuse, who was like-
wise among the pupils of Plato. When Dion
afterwards returned to Syracuse, Callippus accom-
panied him, and was ever after treated by him
with distinction and confidence. Notwithstanding
this, Callippus formed at last a conspiracy against
the life of Dion. The plot was discovered by
Dion's sister ; but Callippus pacified them by
swearing, that he had no evil intentions towards
Dion. But in spite of this oath, he assassinated
Dion during a festival of Persephone, the very di-
vinity by whom he had sworn, b.c. 353. Callippus
now usurped the government of Syracuse, but
maintained himself only for thirteen months. The
first attempt of Dion's friends to cause an insur-
rection of the people against the usurper was un-
successful ; but, a short time after, Hippareiius, a
brother of the younger Dionysius, landed with a
fleet at Syracuse, and Callipjus, who was defeated

CALLIPPUS.
in the ensuing battle, took to flight. He nuw
wandered about in Sicily from town to town, at
the head of a band of licentious mercenaries, but
could not maintain himself anywhere. At last he
and Leptines, with their mercenaiies, crossed over
into Italy, and laid siege to Rhegium, which was
occupied by a garrison of Dionysius the Younger.
The garrison was expelled, and the citizens of
Rhegium were restored to autonomy, and Callip-
pus himself remained at Rhegium. He treated
his mercenaries badly, and being unable to satisfy
their demands, he was murdered by his own friends,
Leptines and Polyperchon, with the same sword, it
is said, with which he had assassinated Dion.
(Plut. Dion. 28—58, de Sera Num. Vind. p. 553,
d.; Diod. xvi. 31, 36, 45 ; Athen. xi. p. 508.)

2. Of Athens, took part in the Olympic games
in B. c. 332. He bribed his competitors in the
pentathlon to allow him to conquer and win the
prize. But the fraud became known, and the
Eleans condemned both Callippus and his competi-
tors to pay a heavy fine. The Athenians, who
considered the affair as a national one, sent Hype-
rides to petition the Eleiuis to desist from their de-
mand. When the request was refused, the Athe-
nians neither paid the fine nor did they frequent
the Olympic games any longer, until at last the
Delphic god declared that he would not give any
oracle to the Athenians, unless they satisfied the
demand of the Eleans. The fine was now paid,
and the money was spent in erecting six statues
to Zeus, with inscriptions by no means flattering
to the Athenians. (Paus. v. 21. § 3, &c.)

3. Of Athens, a son of Moerocles, a brave com-
mander of the Athenians in the war against the
Gauls, B. c. 279. He was stationed with his Athe-
nians at Thermopylae to guju'd the pass. (Paus.
i. 3. § 4, X. 20. § 3.)

4. An admirid of king Perseus of Macedonia.
He and Antenor were sent by the king, in B. c.
168, with a fleet to Tenedos, to protect the trans-
ports that came with provisions for the Macedo-
nians from the islands of the Aegean. (Liv. xliv.
28.) [L. S.]

CALLIPPUS (Ka'AAiTTTTos), literary. 1. A
comic poet, who is mentioned only by Athenaeus
(xv. p. 668) as the author of a comedy entitled
Pannychis. Person proposed to read in this pas-
sage Hipparchus instead of Callippus, because it is
known that Hipparchus composed a comedy Pan-
nychis. (Athen. xv. p. 691.) But this is not a
sufficient reason for striking the name of Callippus
from the list of comic writers. (Meineke, Hist.
Crit. Com. Gr. p. 490.)

2. Of Athens, is mentioned by Aristotle (Rhet.
ii. 23) as the author of a rex^V p'rjTopi'ii''^i but no-
thing further is known about him.

3. A Stoic philosopher of Corinth, who was a
pupil of Zeno, the founder of the school. (Diog.
Laert. vii. b8.) He seems to be the same person
as the Callippus mentioned by Pausanias (ix. 29.
§ 2, 38. § 10) as the author of a work entitled
avyypacpri els 'Opxof^fviovs, of which a few frag-
ments are preserved there.

4. Sumamed Petaneus, is mentioned by Dio-
genes Laertius (v. 57) as one of the witnes.ses to
the will of Theophrastus. [L. S.]

CALLIPPUS or CALIPPUS (KdAALTTTos or
KaAiTTTTos), an astronomer of Cj'zicus. He was
a disciple of one of Eudoxus' friends, and followed
him to Athens, where he became acquainted

CALLIPPUS.

with Aristotle (who mentions him Metaph. xi. 8),
and assisted that philosopher in rectifying and
completing the discoveries of Eudoxus. (Simplic.
in lib. II. de Cod. p. 120, a.) His observations are
frequently referred to by Geminus and Ptolemy
in their meteorological calendars (see Geminus,
Klcm. Astron. cap. l(i,in Petav. Cranolng. p, 64, &c.
and Ptol. (fdcreij dnKavuv dar^ftav koX a-vvayioyri
imcrrijj.affLui', ibid. p. 71, &c.), and were probably
made at Cyzicus, since Ptolemy (ad fin.) says, that
Callippus observed at the Hellespont. Such calen-
dars were fixed in public places, for common use,
and hence called Trapair-^yfiara : they record the
times of the diflferent risings and settings of- the
fixed stars, with the 67rio">j;UO(riaj, or principal
changes in the weather supposed to be connected
with them, as deduced from the observations of
various astronomers. Callippus invented the period
or cycle of 76 years, called after him the Callippic.
Several attempts had been previously made to dis-
cover intervals of time of moderate length, which
should be expressible in whole numbers by meaus
of eacli of the three natural units of time — the solar
year, the lunar month, and the solar day : and, in
particular, Meton, about a century before, had ob-
served the remarkal)le approximation to equality
between 1 9 years and 2'65 months, and had intro-
duced the celebrated cycle of 19 years, which he
also assumed to contain 6940 days. This would
make the year = 3Go-j^ days ; and, therefore, Cal-
lippus, observing that the difterence between this
and the more correct value 365| was y^^ — ^ =
■^rxyTj = 4-g, proposed to quadraple the Metonic
period, and then subtract one day. He supposed,
that 76 years = 940 months =: 27759 days ; both
of which suppositions are considerably nearer the
truth than Meton's. (Geminus, El. Ast. cap. 6,
Uranolotj. p. 37.) If we take the mean values of
the year and month, in days, to be 365*2422414
and 29'530o887215 respectively, then 76 years
= 27758'' gh 50™ 54», and 940 months - 27^758'*
Igh 4m 548 nearly ; but these numbers would not
be strictly accurate in the time of Callippus.

The Callippic period seems to have been generally
adopted by astronomers in assigning the dates of
their observations ; and the frequent use which
Ptolemy makes of it enables us to fix the epoch of
the beginning of the first period with considerable
certainty. It must have begun near the time of the
summer solstice, since Ptolemy refers to an observa-
tion of that solstice made at the end of the 50th year
{rifv' trci Kriyovri) of the first period {fJ-ey. avvra^.
iii. 2, vol. i. p. 163, ed. Halma) ; and out of a num-
ber of other observations recorded by the same
writer, all but two, according to Ideler, indicate
the year B. c. 330, whilst four of them require the
evening of June 28 for the epoch in question. It
is not certain at what time the period came into
civil use ; it would naturally be employed not to
supersede, but to correct from time to time, the
Metonic reckoning. The inaccuracy of the latter
must have become quite sensible in b. c. 330 ; and
it is evident, from the praise which Diodorus (xii.
36) bestows upon it, that it could not have re-
mained uncorrected down to his time. (Ideler,
Hid. Untersuch. ulxir die Astron. Bcobdcldunyen dcr
Altcn, Beriin, 1806, p. 214, &c., Handbuch der
Tevlnmchen Chronoloyie, Berlin, 1825, vol. i. p.
344, &c. ; Petavius, Dodrin. Temp. ii. 16 ; Scali-
ger, De Emend. Temp. lib. ii. ; Delarabre, Hid. de
i\istron. Ancienne, vol. i. p. 200.) [W. F. D.]

CALLISTIIENES.

575

CALLIPYGOS (KaAA(7ru7oj), a surname of
Aphrodite, of which the origin is related by Alhe-
naeus. (xii. p. 554 ; comp. Alciphron, i. 39.) We
still possess some representations of Aphrodite Cal-
lipygos, which are distinguished for their great
softness, luxuriancy, and roundness of form. (Hirt,
Mi/thol. BUdevh. i.*p. 59.) [L. S.]

CALLI'RRHOE {KaKKip^6ri). 1. A daughter
of Oceanus, who was the mother of Geiyones and
Echidna by Chrysaor. (Hesiod, Theo(j. 351, 98' ;
Apollod. ii. 5. § 10.) By Neilus she was the mo-
ther of Chione, and by. Poseidon of Minyas. (Serv.
ad Aen. iv. 250 ; Tzetz. ad Lycojih. 686.)

2. A daughter of Achelous and wife of Alcmaeon,
whom she induced to procure her the peplus and
necklace of Harraonia, by which she caused her
husband's death. [Alcmaeon.] Callirrhoe then
requested Zeus, with whom she lived in close in-
timacy, to grant that her sons by Alcmaeon might
grow up to manhood at ouce, in order that they
might be able to avenge the death of their father.
Zeus granted the request, and Amphoterus and
Acarnan killed the murderers of their father, the
sons of Phegeus, at Delphi, and afterwards Phe-
geus himself also. (Apollod. iii. 7. § 6.)

3. A daughter of Scamander, the wife of Tros,
and mother of Ilus and Ganymedes. (Apollod. iii.
12.^2.)

4. A maiden of Calydon, who, when she was
loved by Coresus, a priest of Dionysus, rejected all
the offers he made to her. At length, he implored
his god to punish the cruel maid. Dionysus now
visited the peciple of Calydon with a general mad-
ness, v.hich raged there like a plague. The Dodo-
naean oracle, which was consulted about the mode
of averting the calamity, answered, that Dionysus
must be propitiated, and that Callu-rhoe must be
sacrificed to him, or some one else in her stead.
The maiden endeavoured in vain to escape her fate;
but when she was led to the altar, Coresus, instead
of performing the sacrifice, felt his love for her re-
vive so strongly, that he sacrificed himself in her
stead. But she also now put an end to her life
near a well which derived its name from her.
(Paus. vii. 21. § 1.) There are two more mythical
personages of this name. (Steph. Byz. s. v. *A\d-
eavSa-, Plut. Parallel. Gr. et Rom. 23.) [L. S.]

CALLISTE (KaAAiVrTj), a surname of Artemi-,
by which she was worshipped at Athens and
Tegea. (Paus. i. 29. ^ 2, viii. 35. $ 7.) [L. S.J

CALLI'STHENES [KaKKiaQh-ns). 1. A phi-
losopher, born at Olyuthus. His mother. Hero,
was a cousin of Aristotle's, and by him Callisthenes
was brought up, studying under him at Stageira,
together, as we may infer, with Alexander, and
certainly with Theophrastus, with whom Aristotle
is said to have contrasted him, saying, that Theo-
phrastus needed the rein, but Callisthenes the
spur [but see p. 317, b.]. When Alexander set
forth on his Asiatic expedition, b. c. 334, he took
Callisthenes with him by Aristotle's recommenda-
tion. The latter, however, was aware of the
faults of his kinsman's character, of his total want
of tact and prudence, and of his wrong-headed
propensity to the unseasonable exhibition of his
independent spirit; and against these he warned
him to guard in his intercourse with the king.
The warning was given in vain. Callisthenes
became indignant at Alexander's adoption of ori-
ental customs, and especially at the requirement
of the ceremony of adoration, which he deemei

576

CALLISTHENES.

derogatory to free Greeks and Macedonians ; and
it may be that he was the more open in the ex-
pression of his sentiments, because of the opposite
extreme of supple flattery adopted by his opponent
Anaxarchus. \V'hen Alexander was overwhelmed
with remorse for the murder of Cleitus, both these
philosophers were sent to console him ; but the
suggestions of Callisthenes, though apparently on
this occasion more judicious than usual, were quite
eclipsed by the bold adulation of Anaxiirchus, who
openly affirmed, that " whatever kings did, must
therefore of necessity be lawful and just.'' Seve-
ral anecdotes are recorded by Arrian and Plu-
tarch, illustrative of the freedom of language in
which Callisthenes indulged, and of his coarse and
unconciliating demeanour — qualities which, while
they alienated the king from him and procured
him a number of enemies, rendered him also popu-
lar with many who looked on Alexander's inuova-
tions with a jealous eye ; and the young men in
particular are said to have flocked to hear his dis-
courses, regarding him as the only free-spirited
man in the royal retinue. It was this which ul-
timately proved fatal to him. Wlien the plot of
llermolaus and others to assassinate Alexander
was discovered, Callisthenes was involved in the
charge. Aristobulus and Ptolemy indeed both
asserted in their histories that Hermolaus and his
accomplices, when under the torture, had named
liim as the chief instigator of their attempt ; but
this is rendered at least doubtful by a letter on
the subject from Alexander himself to Craterus,
which is preserved by Plutaixh (Alex, 55), and in
■which the sufferers are expressly said to have
denied that any one was privy to their design.
It would seem more probable that the suspicions
of Alexander were excited or revived, after the
death of the traitors, by the suggestions of the
enemies of Callisthenes, acting on a mind already
exasperated against him. Every rash expression
he had ever used, every rhetorical common-place
he had ever uttered on tlie patriotism and glory of
regicides, were raked up and made to tell against
him. In another letter, written by Alexander to
Antipater, subsequently to the one above-men-
tioned, and also quoted by Plutarch (/. c.) the
king expresses his intention of " punishing the
sophist and those who sent him out," the last
words being, as Plutarch thinks, a clear allusion
to Aristotle. The mode in which Callisthenes was
put to death (about B. c. 328) is variously report-
ed. Even the contemporary writers, Ptolemy and
Aristobulus, ditfered on the point. Aristobulus
recorded, that he was carried about in chains and
died of disease; Ptolemy, that he was tortured
and crucified. The former account, however,
seems to agree with that of Chares of Mytilene,
who was ciVa77e\6i;s, or lord-in- waiting, to Alex-
ander (see Philol. A/us. i. p. 373, &c.), and who
related that he was kept in confinement with the
intention of bringing him ultimately to trial in the
presence of Aristotle ; but that, after an imprison-
ment of seven months, he died of a disgusting dis-
ease arising from his excessive corpulence. The
accounts preserved in Justin and Diogenes Laer-
tins (one of which is a perversion of the other,
while the former is clearly a romance) are entitled
to less credit. (Arrian, AtuiI). iv. 10 — 14; Plut.
Ale.i: 52 — 55, SuU. 3G ; Curt, viii 5 — 8; Freinsh.
lid Curt. viii. 5. § 13, 8. § 21 ; Just. xii. 6, 7, xv.
3 ; Diog. La'crt. v. 4, 5, 31) ; Menag. ad Diog.

CALLISTHENES.
La'tirt. v. 4, 5 ; Suidas, s. v. KaXXiadhrts ; Thirl-
wall's Greece, vol. vi. pp. 317 — 325; Blakesley's
Life of Aristotle, pp. 56, 73 — 84.)

Some manuscripts are still extant, professing to
contain writings of Callisthenes ; but they are
spurious, and none of his works have come down
to us. Besides an account of Alexander's expedi-
tion (which he arrogantly said would be the main
support of the conqueror's glory, and which is re-
ferred to in several places by Plutarch and Slrabo),
he also wrote a history of Greece, in ten books,
from the peace of Antalcidas to the seizure of the
Delphic temple by Philomelus. (b. c. 387 — 357.)
Cicero mentions too a work of his on the Trojan
war. The loss, however, of his writings we have
not much reason to regret, if we ma}' trust the cri-
ticisms passed on them by those to whom they
were known. Thus Polybius censures him for liis
unskilfulness in his relation of military affairs ;
Cicero finds fault with his style as fitted rather for
rhetorical declamation than for history, and con-
trasts it with that of Xenophon ; and Strabo
speaks disparagingly of liis accuracy and veracity.
He seems indeed to have been far more a rhetori-
cian than either a philosopher or a historian, and,
even as a rhetorician, to have had more of the
spirit of I Socrates than of his own great master.
His readiness and fluency, no less than his ex-
treme indiscretion, are illustrated by the anecdote
given by Plutarch (Alex. 53) of his speaking with
great applause in praise of the Macedonians at a
banquet, and then, on Alexander's challenging him
to take the other side, launcliing forth into the
bitterest invective against them. In philosophy
he probably followed Aristotle, so far indeed as he
threw himself into any system at all. The recen-
sion of Homer (t) diro vipd-qKos), kept by Alexan-
der in a precious casket, and usually ascribed to
Aristotle, was made, according to Strabo (xiii. p.
594), by Callisthenes and Anaxarchus, (Diod. iv.
I, xiv. 117, xvi. 14; Cic. ad Fam. v. 15, ad Q.
Fratr. ii. 12, de Oral. ii. 14, de Div. i. 34, ii. 25 ;
Strab. xi. p. 531, xii. p. 542, xiv. p. G80, xvii. p.
814; Plut. Alex. 27, 33; Polyb. xii. 17—21;
Suidas, /. c. ; Fabric. Bibl. Grace. voL iii. p. 480 ;
Clint. Fu^t. iii. p. 37 G, note k.)

2. An Athenian orator, and, according to Plu-
tarch, one of the eight whom Alexander, after the
destruction of Thebes (b. c. 335), required to be de-
livered up to him, — on which occasion Demosthenes
is said to have quoted the fable of the wolf, who
demanded from the sheep the surrender of their
dogs. Demades, however, who, it seems, received
a fee of five talents for the service, succeeded in
propitiating Alexander, and in saving all whose lives
were threatened, except the general Charidemus.
Arrian gives the number and list somewhat difter-
ently, and neither he nor Diodorus mentions Cal-
listhenes. (Plut. Dein. 23, Alex. 13; Diod. xvii.
15; Arr. A7iab. i. 10.)

3. A freedman of LucuUus, who, according to
Cornelius Nepos (ap. Plut. Lucull. 43), adminis-
tered to his master a certain drug (nitended as a
charm to increase his aifection for him), which
caused the failure of intellect that ho laboured
under in his latter vears. f E. E.]

CALLl'STHENES (Yio.KKiaQkvt\s), of Sybtu-is,
is mentioned as the author of a historv of the
Galatians (raAarwa), of which Plutarch (De
Fuv. 6) quotes the thirteenth book. But the
work must have been of much greater extent, since

CALLISTKATUS.

.Stobaous (FloriL c. 14) has preserved a fragment of
it which belonged to the twenty-third book. [L. S.]
CALLISTO (KaWicTTcc), is sometimes called a
daughter of Lycaon in Arcadia and sometimes of
Nycteus or Ceteus, and sometimes also she is de-
scribed as a nymph. (Schol. adEurip. Orest. 1642;
Apollod. iii. 8. $ 2 ; comp. Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 1.)
She was a huntress, and a companion of Artemis.
Zeus, however, enjoyed her charms ; and, in order
that the deed might not become known to Hera,
he metamorphosed her into a she-bear. But, not-
withstanding this precaution, Callisto was slain by
Artemis during the chase, through the contrivance
of Hera. Areas, the son of Callisto, was given by
Zeus to Maia to be brought up, and Callisto was
placed among the stars under the name of Arctos.
(Apollod. /. c.) According to Hyginus, Artemis
herself metimorphosed Callisto, as she discovered
^ her pregn.ancy in the bath. Ovid (Afei. ii. 410,
B &c.) makes Juno (Hera) metamorphose Callisto ;
■ and when Areas during the chase was on the point
K of killing his mother, .Jupiter (Zeus) placed both
X among the stars. The Arcadians shewed the tomb
W ■ of Callisto thirty stadia from the well Cruni : it
W was on a hill planted with trees, and on the top of
the hill there was a temple of Artemis Calliste or
Callisto. (Paus. viii. 35. § 7.) A statue of Callisto
I was dedicated at Delphi by the citizens of Tegea (x.
K 9. § 3), and in the Lesche of Delphi Callisto was
painted by Polygnotus, wearing the skin of a bear
instead of a dress, (x. 31. § 3.) While tradition
throughout describes Callisto as a companion of
Artemis, ^liiller {Dor. ii. 9. § 3) endeavours to
shew that Callisto is only another fonn of the name
of Artemis Calliste, as he infers from the fact, that
the tomb of the heroine was connected with the
temple of the goddess, and from Callisto being
cl:anged into a she-bear, which was the symbol of
the Arcadian Artemis. This view has indeed no-
thing surprising, if we recollect that in many other
instances also an attribute of a god was transform-
ed by popular belief into a distinct divinity. Her
being mixed up with the Arcadian genealogies is
thus explained by Miiller : the daughter of Lycaon
means the daughter of the Lycaean Zeus ; the mo-
ther of Areas is equivalent to the mother of the
Arcadian people. [L. S.]

CALLISTO, a female Pythagorean, to whom
Theano, the wife of Pythagoras, addressed a letter
on the proper way of governing a family. The
letter is extant, and printed in the Aldine collec-
tion published at Rome in 14.99, and at Geneva,
with the Latin translation, in 1606. (Fabric. Bibl.
Grace, ii. p. 10.) [A. G.]

CALLISTONI'CUS {KaXXiffr6viKos\ a The-
ban statuary mentioned by Pausanias (ix. 16. § 1),
made a statue of Tyche carrying the god Plutus.
The face and the hands of the statue were executed
by the Athenian Xenophon. [W. I.]

CALLI'STRATUS {KoKK'ktt paras), historical.
1 . Son of Empedus, is mentioned by Pausanias as
the commander of a body of Athenian cavalry in
Sicily during the expedition of Nicias. When his
countrymen were nearly cut to pieces at the river
Assinarus, b. c. 413, Callistratus forced his way
through the enemy and led his men safe toCatana.
Thence returning to Syracuse, he attacked those
who were plundering the Athenian camp, and fell.
Belling his life dearly. (Paus. vii. 16 : comp. Thuc.
vii. 84, 85.)

2. One of the bodv of knights under the com-

CALLISTRATUS.

577

of Lysiraachus, who were emploj'ed by the
government of the Ten to keep in check the exiles
under Thrasybulus in the Peiraeeus. Lysimachus
having massacred some countrymen, with whom
he fell in as they were going from the Peiraeeus to
their farms to procure provisions, the party in the
harbour, having got Callistratus into their hands,
retaliated by putting him to death, b. c. 403.
(Xen. Hdl. ii. 4. § 27.) In b. c. 410, this Cal-
listratus had been treasurer of the goddess. Per-
haps also he was the originator of the practice of
paying the poorer citizens for their attendance at
the assembly {fxicrObs iKKhyiaiaariKos) ; but Bcickh
thinks that the introduction of this salary is more
probably to be referred to the son of Empedus.
{Pull. Econ. of Alliens., bk. ii. ch. 14.)

3. An Athenian orator, son of Callicrates of
Aphidna, and nephew of the notorious Agj'rrhius.
(Dem. c. Timocr. p. 742.) We first hear of him
in B. c. 379, as connected with the oligarchical
party, and as sending to Thebes to warn Leon-
tiades of the intended attempt on the Cadraeia by
the exiles under Pelopidas ; and yet in the follow-
ing year, 378, he was joined with Chabrias and
Timotheus in the command of the forces which
were despatched to the assistance of Thebes against
Agesilaus, (Plut. de Gen. Socrat. 31 ; Xen. Hell.
v. 4. § 34 ; Diod. xv. 29.) Still, however, he ap-
pears as the supporter at Athens of Spartan in-
terests. Thus, hi 373, he joined Iphicrates in the
prosecution of Timotheus, who had been most ac-
tive against Sparta in the western seas, and had,
in fact, by his restoration of the Zacynthian exiles,
caused the renewal of war after the short peace of
374. (Dem. c. Timoth. pp. 1187, 1188; Xen.
Hell. vi. 2. §§ 11 — 13, comp. v. 4. § 64, &c,, vi.
2. §§ 2, 3.) In 373 also, but before the trial of
Timotheus, Callistratus had been appointed com-
mander, together with Iphicrates and Chabrias, of
the forces destined for Corcyra, — and this at the
request of Iphicrates himself, to whom (according
to one mode of interpretating the words of Xeno-
phon, ov fj.d\a cTTiTi^Seiov ovra) he had hitherto
been opposed. (Xen. Hell. vi. 2. § 39 ; compare
Schneid. Epimetr. ad loc ; Thirlwiill's Greece, vol.
v. p. 63, note 2; Bockh, Publ. Econ. of Athens,
p. 419, note 497, 2nd. edit.; Dem. c. Timoi/u
p. 1187.) Soon, however, he induced Iphicrates
to consent to his returning to Athens, promising
either to obtain for him a supply of money, or to
bring about a peace ; and in 37 1 accordingly we
find him at Sparta with the ambassadors, — himself
apparently without that title, — who were em-
powered to negotiate peace for Athens. On this
occasion Xenophon records a speech delivered by
him after those of Callias and Autocles, ai>d the
only pertinent and sensible one of the three. (Xen.
He'll, vi. 3. §§ 3, 10, &c.; see Diod. xv. 38, 51,
who in the former passage assigns the mission of
Callistratus to b. c. 375, confounding the peace of
371 with that of 374, and placing the latter a
year too soon.) Again, in 369, the year of the in-
vasion of Laconia by Epaminondas, Callistratus
induced the Athenians to grant the aid which the
Spartans had sent to ask. (Dem. c. Neaer. p.
1353 ; comp. Xen. Hell. vi. 5. § 33, &c.) To B.c.
366 we may with most probability refer his famous
speech on the affair of Oropus, — a speech which is
said to liave excited the emulation of Demosthenes,
and cjiused him to devote himself to the study of
oratory. !t would seem that, after the seizure of

2 p

578

CALLISTRATUS.

Oropus by a body of Oropian exiles and the con-
sequent loss of it to Athens, the Athenians, having
Bent an army against it under Chares, were in-
duced by Chabrias and Callistratus to compromise
the matter by delivering the place as a deposit to
the Thebans pending the adjustment of their
claims. The Thebans refused afterwards to sur-
render it, and the consequence was the prosecution
of the advisers of the compromise. At first the
eloquence of Callistratus was successful, and they
were acquitted ; but the loss of so important a
frontier town rankled in the minds of the people,
and Callistratus appears to have been condemned
to death in 361, and to have gone into banishment
to Methone in Macedonia. In 356 (see Clinton
on the 3'ear) he seems to have been still an exile,
but he ultimately returned to Athens, — a step
which the orator Lycurgus refers to as a striking
instance of judicial infatuation, — and was put to
death, though he had fled for refuge to the altar of
the twelve gods. (Xen. Hell. vii. 4. § 1, &c. ;
Diod. XV. 76 ; Plut. Dem. 5 ; Ilermipp. ap.
C?«//. iii. 13; Pseudo-Plut Vii. X Oral. p. 156,
ed. Tauchn. ; Dem. c. PolycL pp. 1221, 1222;
Lycurg. c. Leocr. p, 159 ; Aristot. Rliet. i. 7. § 13.)
During his exile he is said to have founded the city
of Datura, afterwards Philippi, and doubtless he
was the deviser of the plan for increasing the rent
of the Macedonian harbour dues from 20 to 40
talents. (Isocr. de Pac. p. 164, a.; Pseudo- Aristot.
Oecon. ii. 22 ; comp. Schneid. Epim. ad Xen. Hell.
y\. 2. § 39 ; Bcickh, Pidjl. Ecoti. of AUiciis, bk. iii.
ch. 4.) Demosthenes appears to have admired him
greatly as an orator, and Theopompus praises him
for his public conduct, while he censures the profli-
gacy of his private life. (Dem. de Cor. p. 301,
de Pals. Leg. p. 436 ; conip. Ruhnken, Hist. Crit.
Orat. Grace, ap. Reide, vol. viii. p. 140; Aristot
Phet. i. 14. § 1, iii. 17. § 13; Theopomp. ap.
Athe7i. iv. p. 166, e,) The author of the lives of
the X Orators (/. c.) strangely confounds the pre-
sent Callistratus with the son of Empedus, in which
mistake he has been followed by some modern
writers : others again have erroneously identified
him with the Callistratus who was Archon Epony-
mus in 355. (See Ruhnken, /. c. ; Clint. Fast, il
pp. 126, 378 ; Bbckh, PM. Econ. bk. ii. ch. 14.)

4. An Elean, who came as an ambassador to
Antiochus III. (the Great) at Chalcis, B. c. 192,
to ask for aid to Elis against the Achaeans. The
latter had declared for Rome, and decided on war
with Antiochus, and the Eleans, friends to Antio-
chus, feared in consequence the invasion of their
territory. The king sent them, for their defence,
a thousand men under the command of Euphanes
the Cretan. (Polyb. xx. 3 ; Liv. xxxv. 48—50,
XXX vi. 5.)

5. Private secretary to Mithridates. He fell
into the hands of the Romans when his master
decamped so hastily from his position on the plains
of Cabeira, B. c. 72 ; and the soldiers, who were
bringing him before Lncullus, murdered him when
they discovered that he had a large sum of money
about his person. (Plut. LucM. 17 ; comp. App.
BeU. Mithr. p. 227.) [E. E.]

CALLI'STRATUS, literary. 1. A Greek
grammarian, and a disciple of Aristophanes of By-
zantium, whence he is frequently surnamed d
Api(TTo<pdv(ios. (Athen. i. p. 21, vi. p. 263.)
He must have lived about the middle of the second
centuiy before Christ, and have been a contempo-

CALLISTRATUS.

rary of the famous Aristarchus. He appears to
have devoted himself principally to the study of
the great poets of Greece, such as Homer, Pindar,
the tragedians, Aristophanes, and some others,
and the results of his studies were deposited in
commentaries upon those poets, which are lost, but
to which occasionally referejice is made in our
scholia. Tzetzes {C/iil. xi. 61) states, that the
grammarian Callistratus was the first who made
the Samians acquainted with the alphabet of
twenty-four letters, but this is in all probability a
fiction. (Comp. Schol. ad Horn. II. vii. 185.)
Tiiere are several more works mentioned by the
ancients, which, it seems, must be attributed to
our grammarian. Athenaeus (iii. p. 125) men-
tions the seventh book of a work called 'Xv/xfjiLKTa,
and in another passage (xiii. p. 591), a work on
courtezans (Trepl tratpai'), both of which belong
probably to Callistratus the grammarian. Harpo-
cration (s. r. Meve/cArjs rj KaWiarpaTos) mentions
a work Trepl 'Adrjvwv^ which some ascribed to
Menecles and others to Callistratus, but the read-
ing in the passage of Harpocration is uncertain,
and Preller [Poleiu. Fraym. p. 173, &c.) thinks
that KaK\iKp6.Ti]s ought to be read instead of
Ka\M(TTparos, A commentary of Callistratus on
the Qparrai of Cratinus is mentioned by Athenaeus
(xi. p. 495). It is tnicertain whether the Cal-
listratus whose history of Samothrace is mentioned
by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (i. 68 ; comp. Schol.
ad Pind. Xcm. vii. 150) is the same as our gram-
marian. (R. Schmidt, Commenlatio de Calli^irato
AristopJianeo, Ilalae, 1838, 8vo. ; Clinton, Fad.
Hellen. iii. p. 530.)

2. The author of a song upon Ilarmodius the
tyrannicide, which appears to have enjoyed great
popularity in antiquity. Its beginning is preserved
in Suidiis (s. v. Hopoivios) and tiie Scholiast on
Aristophanes. (Acharn. 956 ; comp. Hesvch. s. v.
'Apfiobiov jueAos.) The whole song is preserved in
Athenaeus. (xv. p. 695 ; comp. Brunck, A7ial. i.
p. 1 55.)

3. A comic actor of the time of Aristophanes,
in whose comedies Acharnenscs, Aves, and V<>spae
Callistratus performed, as we leam from the scholia
on those plays. [L. S.]

CALLI'STRATUS, a Roman jurist, who, as
appears from Dig. 1. tit. 19. s. 3. § 2, and from
other passages in the Digest, wrote at least as late
as the reign (a. d. 198-211) of Severus and Anto-
ninus {i. e. Septimius Severus and Caracalla). In
a passage of Lampridius {A lea'. Sev. 68) which,
either fi-om interpolation or from the inaccuracy of
the author, abounds with anachronisms, Callistra-
tus is stated to have been a disciple of Papinian,
and to have been one of the council of Alexander
Severus. This statement may be correct, notwith-
standing the suspicious character of the soui'ce
whence it is derived.

The numerous extracts from Callistratus in the
Digest occupy eighteen pages in Iloramers Palin-
yenesia Pandectarum ; and the fact that he is cited
by no other jurist in the Digest, may be accounted
for by observing, that the Digest contains extracts
from few jurists of importance subsequent to Cal-
listratus. The extracts from Callistratus are taken
from works bearing the following titles : 1 . " Libri
VI de Cognitionibus." 2. "Libri VI Edicti
]\Ionitorii." 3. " Libri IV de Jure Fisci," or
(Dig. 48, tit. 20. s. 1) "de Jure Fisci et Populi."
4. " Libri III Institutionum." 5. " Libri II

CALLISTRATUS.

QuacstionMrn." The titles of the first three of
those works require some explanation.

1. The treatise "de Cognitionibus" relates to
those causes which were heard, investigated, and
decided by the emperor, the governor of a province,
or other magistrate, without the intervention of
judices. This departure from the ordinary course
of the civil law took place, even before Diocletian's
general abolition of the ordojudiciorum, sometimes by
virtue of the imperial prerogative, and in some cases
was regularly practised for the purpose of affording
equitable relief where the strict civil law gave no
remedy, instead of resorting to the more tortuous
system of legal fictions and equitable actions.
(Hcnn. Cannogieter, Oherv. Jur. Rom. lib. i. c. 9.)

2. What is meant by " Edictum Monitorium"
is by no means clear. Haubold {de Edidis Moni-
toriis ac lirevibiis. Lips. 1804), thinks, that moni-
tory edicts are not special writs of notice or sum-
mons directed to the parties in the course of a
cause, but those general clauses of the edictum
perpetuum which relate to the law of procedure,
giving actions and other remedies on certain
conditions, and therefore, ta<;itly at least, contain-
ing warnings as to the consequences of irregula-
rity or nonfulfilment of the prescribed conditions.
The fragments of Callistratus certainly afford much
support to this view. Haubold distinguishes the
edictum monitorium from the edictum breve, upon
which Paulus wrote a treatise. The latter he sup-
poses to consist of those new clauses, which, in
process of time, were added as an appendage to the
edictum perpetuum, after the main body of it had
acquired a constant form.

3. The phrase "de Jure Fisci et Paptdr appears
anomalous, but it occurs elsewhere. (See Paulus.
Jiccept. Sent. v. 12.) Lampridius also {Alex. Sev.
15) writes, that Alexander Severus "leges de jure
populi et fisci moderatas et infinitas (?) sanxit."
Probably under the phrase "jus populi" must here
be understood the law relating to the aerarium, or
to the area publica (which latter, practically as well
as theoretically, was at the disposal of the senate)
as distinguished from the fiscus, which was the
emperor's own, not as res privata, but as property
.ittached to the imperial dignity. (Yomsc. A urelian.
20.)

The principal commentator on Callistratus is
Edm. Merillius, whose Commentarius ad Libros duo
Quaestionum Cullistrati is inserted in Otto's "The-
saurus," iii. 613-634. A dissertation by And. W.
Cramer, de Juvenibus apud Callislratum JCtum,
appeared at Kiel, 8vo. 1814.

Cujas (in his preface to his Latin translation of
the 60th book of the Basilica, reprinted at the be-
ginning of the 7th volume of Fabrot's edition)
mentions among the commentators on the Basilica
a jurist named Callistratus. Fabricius also sup-
poses the Callistratus of the Basilica to have been
different from the Callistratus of the Digest. Sua-
rez naturally expresses strong doubts as to the ex-
istence of a later Callistratus ; for there are many
other asserted duplicate names, as Modestinus,
Theophilus, Thalelaeus, Stephanus, Dorotheus,
Cyrillus, Theodoms, Isidorus ; but Reiz has shewn,
in several instances, that the asserted later com-
mentator, bearing the name of a prior jurist, is a
fictitious entity. The name of the prior jurist has
perhaps been sometimes attributed to the scholiast
who cites him ; but we believe it would appear,
upon examination, that the existence of two sets

CALLISTUS. m

of jurists of the same names but different dates
has gained credit partly from the mendacious in-
ventions and supposititious citations of Nic. Com-
nenus Papadopoli, and partly from a very general
misunderstanding of the mode in which the scholia
on the Basilica were foi-med. These scholia were
really formed thus : extracts from ancient jurists
and antecedent commentators on the collections of
Justinian were appended to certain passages of the
text of the Basilica which they served to elucidate.
These extracts were sometimes interpolated or
otherwise altered, and were mingled with glosses
posterior to the Basilica. Thus, they were con-
founded with the latter, and were not unnaturariy
supposed to be posterior in date to the work which
they explained. The determination of the ques-
tion as to the existence of a duplicate Callistratus
may be helped by the following list of the passages
in the Basilica (ed. Fabrot), where the name is
mentioned. It is taken from Fabr. DiU. Grace.
xii. p. 440, and the parentheses ( ) denote a refer-
ence not to the text, but to a Greek scholiast.

"Callistratus JCtus, i. 257, ii. 36,315,512,
iii. 206, iv. (263), 292, 358, 507, (568,) 810,
833, V. 10, 734, 778, 788, vi. (158), 436, 468,
490, 677, 680, 702, 703, vii. 439, 515, 537, 564,
585, 628, 687, 710, 715, 783, 803, 827, 83.3, 836,
837, 869, 871, 888." On reference to these pas-
sages, we find nothing to indicate a Graeco- Roman
jurist Callistratus.

(Bertrandus, de Jurkperitis, i. c. 27 ; Aug. Je-
nichen, Ep. Singular, de Callistrato JCto, 4to. Lips.
1742 ; Zimmern. R. i?. &'. i. § 101 ; Suarez, Notilia
Basilicorum,ed.Fohl Lips.l804,§§ .34,4l.)[J.T.G.]

CALLI'STRATUS, a sUituary, of uncertain
country, who lived about b. c. 160, at which time
the arts revived after a period of decay. (Plin.
xxxiv. 8. s. 19.) [W. L]

CALLI'STRATUS, DOMI'TIUS (Aotxinos
KaWicrrpaTos), is mentioned seven times by Ste-
phanus of Byzantium, as the author of a work on
Ileracleia (Trepi 'HpaKXeias), which consisted of at
least seven books. (Steph. Byz. .«?. v. 'OAujUtttj.)
If, as it appears, he is the same as the one men-
tioned by Athenaeus (vi. p. 263), he was a disci-
ple of Aristophanes of Byzantium. ( Comp. Schol.
ad Aeschyl, Fers. 941, ad Apollon. RJiod. i. 1125,
ii. 780 ; Suid. s. v. *tAo|€J/os.) [L. S.J

CALLISTUS (KdWicTTos). 1. A contempo-
rary of the emperor Julian, who accompanied his
sovereign on his expeditions, and afterwards cele-
brated his exploits in an epic poem, from which
a statement is quoted by Nicephorus. {Hist.
Eccles. vi. 34.)

2. Sumamed Syropulus, a Christian author
who wrote a learned disputation against the
Palamites, which was dedicated to the patriarch
Euthymius. (Kic. Commenus, Praenot. Mijstag.
p. 158.)

3. A monk of mount Athos. During the war
between Palaeologus and Cantacuzenus he was sent
by the monks to Constantinople to endeavour to
restore peace ; but he was ill-treated there by the
empress Anna and the patriarch Joannes. About
the year a. d. 1354, the emperor Cantacuzenus
made Callistus patriarch of Constantinople. The
year after, when he was requested by the same
emperor to crown his son Matthaeus, Callistus re-
fused to comply with the request and withdrew to
a monastery. As he refused to perform his duties
as patriarch, Philotheus was appointed iu his

2 p 2

B50

CALLIXENUS.

place. But when afterwards Joannes Palaeologns
had gained possession of the imperial throne,
Callistus was restored to the patriarchal see. The
year after his restoration he was sent as ambas-
sador to the Servian princess Elizabeth to conclude
a peace, and during this embassy he died near
Pherae, the capital of the Ser\'ians, There is a
Greek homily on the exaltation of the cross by one
Callistus, which is printed with a Latin translation
in Gretser (Z)e Cruce^ ii. p, 1347), but whether it
is the work of our Callistus, or of another who was
patriarch of Constantinople in A. D. 1406, is un-
certain. There are some other works of a theolo-
gical nature which are ascribed to one Callistus,
but they have never been printed. (Wharton's
Appendix to Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 46, &c, ed.
London.) [L. S.]

CALLISTUS, C. JU'LIUS, a freedman of
Caligula, in whose reign he possessed very great
influence and power, though in the end he was an
accomplice in the conspiracy by which this em-
peror was murdered. In the reign of Claudius,
Callistus continued to have great influence, and he
endeavoured secretly, iu conjunction with others,
to counteract the attachment of Messalina to C.
Silius; but Callistus was afraid of losing his posi-
tion, and gave up opposing the scheme of Messa-
lina. When she had been put to death, Callistus
supported the designs of LoUia Paulina, who wished
to become the emperor's wife ; but he did not succeed
in this point, for Claudius married Agrippina, who
was supported by Pallas. This Callistus is un-
doubtedly the person to whom the physician Scri-
bonius Largus dedicates his work ; and from it we
learn that the full name of Callistus was C. Julius
Callistus. (Tac. Ann. xi. 29, 38, xii. I, &c.; Dion
Cass. lix. 19 ; Senec. Epist. 47; Joseph. Ant.Jud.
xix. 1. § 10.) [L. S.]

CALLl'TELES (KoAAiTeATjs), thought by Pau-
Fanias (v. 27. § 5) to be a son or pupil of Onatas,
in company with whom he wrought a Hermes car-
rying a ram. [W. I.]

CALLI'XENUS (KoAX/^vos) was the mover
in the Athenian /3ouAt; of the following decree
against the generals who had conquered at Argi-
nusae, B. c. 406, — a decree as false in its preamble
as it was illegal and iniquitous in its substance :
** Whereas the accusation against the generals, as
well as their defence, has been heard in the pre-
vious assembly, be it enacted that all the Athenians
give their votes on the case according to their
tribes ; and that for each tribe there be set two
urns to receive the ballots of condemnation or ac-
quittal. And if they be found guilty, let them
suffer death ; and let their property be confiscated,
and a tenth of it be set apart for the goddess." The
decree, in fact, took away from the accused the
right of separate trials and a fair hearing ; and,
when it Avas brought before the assembly, Eurypto-
lemus and some other friends of the generals
threatened Callixenus with a prosecution for his
illegal proposition, but were compelled by the
clamours of the multitude to drop their proceed-
ings. The Prytanes then refused to put the motion
to the vote ; but they too, with the single exception
of Socrates (who was eTrjo-TctTT/s for that day) were
obliged to give way before the invectives of Cal-
Uxenus and the threats of the people. (Xen. Hell.
I 7. §§ 8—16, Memorab. i. 1. § 18 ; Plat. Apol.
p. 32^ b. ; Pseudo-Plat. Arioch. p. 368, ad fn.)
Not long after the death of the generals the Athe-

CALOCYKUS.

nians decreed the institution of criminal accusations
{irpo€o\di, see Diet, of Ant. s. v.) against Cal-
lixenus and the rest who had deceived them. He
and four others accordingly were compelled to give
bail for their appearance, and were kept in confine-
ment by their sureties. They contrived, however,
to effect their escape, and took refuge with the
Lacedaemonians at Deceleia. On the restoration
of democracy at Athens, b. c. 403, Callixenus took
advantage of the general amnesty to return : but
the ban of his countrymen's hatred was upon him,
— no man, it is said, would give him either water
or light for his fire, — and he perished miserablv of
hunger. jDiod. xiii. 103; Xen. HeU. i. 7. §35 ;
Suid. s. V. ^Evaveiu; comp. Herod, vii. 231.) [E. E.j
CALLI'XENUS (KaWi^evos), of Rhodes, a
contemporary of Ptolemy Philadelphus, was the
author of two works, which are lost. The one
which bore the title of irfpi 'AAe|ai/5p6tos, consisted
of at least four books, and was much used by Atiie-
naeus. (Athen. v. p. 196, &c., ix. p. 387, xi. pp.
472, 474, 483 ; Harpocrat. s. v. eyyvQ-qKt].) Tii.i
second work appears to have been a catalogue of
painters and sculptors (f'a>7po<^wj' re Kal oMSfjiavro-
iroiwv dvaypatpri), of which Sopater, in the twelfth
book of his Eclogae had made an abridgement.
(Phot Bill. Cod. 161; comp. Preller, Pokm,
Fragm. p. \78, &c.) [L. S.]

CALLO (KoAAcc), an orphan who lived at Epi-
daunis about thirty years after the death of Alex-
ander the Great, and was commonly considered to
be a girl. She accordingly married, and lived with
her husband for two years. After that time, she
was taken seriously ill, and had to undergo an
operation, the effect of which was that she became
a man. She is one of the beings commonly called
androgyne, and her case as described by Diodorus
(xxxii. EcL i. p. 522) must be of interest to medi-
cal men. [L. S.]

CALLON (Ko^wj/). 1. An artist of the isUind
of Aegina, the pupil of Angelio and Tectaeus, who
were themselves pupils of Dipoenus and Scyllis.
(Paus, ii. 32. § 4.) As the latter two flourished
B. c. 580, the age of Gallon must be fixed at b. c.
516. This is confirmed by the statement of Pau-
sanias (vii. 18. § 6), that Gallon was a contempo-
rary of Canachus, who we know flourished from
B. c. 540 to 508. [Canachus.] There are two
passages in Pausanias which seem to contradict
this conclusion ; but K. 0. Miiller {Aegiuet. p. 100)
and Thiersch {Epoch. Anm. p. 40) have clearly
shewn that one of them is interpolated, and that
the other, if explained properly, does not place Gal-
lon either in the time of the Messenian wars, or as
late as the battle of Aegospotamos, as some inter-
preters had believed. (Comp. Sillig, Cut. AH. s. v.)
We are acquainted with two works of Gallon : the
tripod ornamented by a statue of Cora and a xoa-
non of Athene. Quintilian (xii. 10) calls his works
" duriora atque Tuscanicis proxima,"

2. A native of Elis, who sculptured a Hermes at
Olympia (Paus. v. 27. § 5) and a chorus of thirty-
five Messenian boys, together with their leader and
the flute-player, who had all perished on the pas-
sage from Messana to Rhegium. The whole group
was dedicated by the Messenians at 01yrapi<i.
(Paus. v. 25. § 1.) Gallon must have lived before
B. c. 436. (Thiersch, JE^yocA. Anm. p. 62.) [W.LJ
GALOCY'RUS, proconsul {wQvivaTos) or dux
(Soi)|, Basilica, v. 487), a Graeco-Roinan jurist.
In Basil, vol. iv. p. 403 (Fabrot), he is called

CALO-JOANNES.

Calocyrus Sextus. By Jos. Sim. Asscraani, in his
extremely rare but very valuable work, BiblioUwca
Juris Orientalis Caiionici et Cirilis, 5 vols. 4 to.
Rome, 1762—6 (ii. c. 20, p. 403), Calocyrus is
supposed to have been posterior to Cyrillus (whom
he cites, Basil, vol. v. p. 44), and to have lived
after the time of Alexius Comnenus. The passages
in Fabrot's edition of the Basilica, where Calocyrus
is mentioned, are given as follows in Fabricius,
Bifil. Grace, vol. xii. p. 440 : " Calocyrus JCtus,
ii. 543 ; Calocynis Sextus, iv. 403, v. 26, 39, 77,
180, 269, 292, 324, 325, 410, 423, 459, 587;
Proconsul (Fabroto interpreti Dux), v. 37, 44, 78,
82, 121, 144, 179, 237, 238, 253, 263, 341, 414,
430, 432, 436, 487, 537; Cyrillo Junior, v. 44."

Reiz (Excurs. xx. ad Theophilum, p. 1234) se-
lects the following passages under the head " Me-
morabilia ex Scholiis Basilicorum, quae faciunt ad
indagandam aetatem JCtorum, niaxime eorum qui
sub Iraperatore Justiniano Magno floruerunt.''
Calocyrus ad Basilica Comment, iv. 403, v. 39,
V. 292. Nic. Comnenus Papadopoli {Praenot.
Miislag. p. 345) cites an interpretation (Synopsis
Scptima) by Calocyrus, of the Novells of Leo, and
(p. 371 of the same work) cites the notes of Sixtus
or Sextus, JCtus and Noniophylax, on the Novells.
In both these passages, Papadopoli (or, as he is
usually styled, Nic. Comnenus) probably refers to
the same person ; but his gross infidelity (which is
exposed by Heimbach, Anecdota, i. pp. 219 — 222)
renders his testimony, when unsupported, nearly
worthless.

(Suarez, Notitia Basilicorum^ ed. Pohl. § 42, p.
136, nn. (</>) et (x) ; Stockmann ad Bachii Hist.
Jiu-isp. Rom. p. 675, citing Van VryhoiF, Olserv.
Jtir. Civ. c. 26, p. 1 34, Amst. 1747, 8vo. ; Heimbach,
de Basilicorum Oric/inc, &c. p. 74, &c.) [J. T. G.]

CALO-JOANNES or JOANNES II. COM-
NE'NUS {KaAo-lwdyvTis 6 Ko/bLvrjvos), one of the
greatest and best emperors of the East, the eldest
son and successor of Alexis I. Comnenus, was bom
in 1088. His real name was Joannes. His
diminutive stature, tawny complexion, and ugly
features, distinguished him, not to his advan-
tage, from among the other princes of the hand-
some Comneniau race; and it would seem that
his name Calo-Joannes, or John the Handsome,
was a nickname, were we not justified in believing
that that name was given him for the beauty of
his mind. His virtues were acknowledged by his
father, who, when urged on his death-bed to leave
the empire to Bryennius, his excellent son-in-law,
resisted the persuasion of his wife and his daughter
Anna, and appointed Calo-Joannes his successor.
The new emperor ascended the throne on the 15tli
of August, 1118. It is related under Anna Com-
NENA and NicEPHORUs Bryennius, that their
conspiracy to depose Calo-Joannes and to make
Bryennius emperor, proved abortive, and that the
property of both was confiscated. The emperor
was especially protected by his younger brother,
Isaac Sebastocrator, and by his minister, Axuch, a
Turk who had been made prisoner during the reign
of Alexis I., and who, joining great talents and
knowledge with honesty and aflfable manners, ad-
vanced from one eminent post to another, till he
became magnus domesticus, or prime minister, an
office which he held during the whole reign of
Calo-Joannes. The conspiracy of Anna and Br)--
ennius was the only event that troubled the reign
of Calo-Joannes, who won the hearts of his subjects

CALO-JOANNES.

5P1

to such a degree, that he ventured to abolish the
punishment of death, and deserved to be called the
Byzantine Marcus Aurelius. His relations with
his brother Isaac were a model of brotherly affec-
tion, and though their friendship was on one occa-
sion disturbed by the slander of some courtiers, it
was but for a short time. The reign of Calo-
Joannes is a series of wars, and each war was a
triumph for the Greek arms. But while Nicetas
and Cinnamus, the chief sources, dwell with pro-
lixity on the description of so many glorious deeds,
they have neglected to give us a satisfactory expo-
sition of the emperor's administration, and their
chronology is very confused. This circumstance
has probably induced Gibbon to relate the reign of
Calo-Joannes without any chronology except the
dates of his accession and his death. Le Beau,
in his Histoire du Bas Empire (vol. xix. 1. 86),
gives a careful chronology which he has established
by comparing the Latin historians, especially Gui-
lielmus Tyrensis and Otlio Frisingonsis ; and Du
Cange [Familiae Byzaidinae, pp. 178, 179) gives
an account of the different statements respecting
the year in which Calo-Joannes died. We follow
Le Beau and Du Cange.

The wars of Calo-Joannes with the different
princes of the Turks lasted during his whole reign
with scarcely any interruption. In the first cam-
paign, in 111 9, he took Laodiceia, and spared the
lives of tlie garrison, and in 1 120 he took Sozopolis.
An invasion of the Petchenegues or Patzinacitae,
who had crossed the Danube, called him to Thrace,
and in 1122 he obtained a complete victory over
them in Macedonia, giving the example at once of
a general and a soldier. This war was finished to
the advantage of the Greeks : the Petchenegues
returned into their Scythian steppes, and great
numbers of them who had been made prisoners re-
ceived lands from the emperor in the very districts
which their brethren had laid waste. In 1 123 he
took the field against the revolted Servians, who
were supported b}' Stephen II., king of Hung^rj-,
who took Belgrade and Branizova. But in the
following year, 1124, Calo-Joannes advanced with
a strong army, took Francochoriura near Simiium,
conquered the country between the Save and the
Danube, and forced the king to desist from father
attempts on the Greek empire. According to the
Greek historians, the advantages of tins war were
rather on the side of king Stephen ; while, strange
enough, the Hungarian annalists attribute both
victories and advantages to the (Jreeks. Thence
Calo-Joannes turned once more against the Turks
of Iconium, and took Castamonia and Gangra,
which his garrisons were, however, obliged to sur-
render to the Turks a short time afterwards. The
emperor was more fortunate, in 1131, against the
Armenians of Cilicia, or Annenia Minor, under
their prince Livo or Leo, who was vanquished in
several engagements ; and in 1 1 37, all his domi-
nions were annexed to the Greek empire, and re-
ceived the name of the fourth Armenia. This con-
quest brought him in contact with Raymond, prince
of Antioch, who, according to the treaties made
between Alexis I. and prince Boemond I. of An-
tioch, was obliged to recognize the Greek emperor
as his liege lord, but refused doing so, till Calo-
Joannes compelled him, partly by negotiations,
partly by threats. The emperor entered Antioch
in 1138, and prince Raymond and the count of
Edessa held the bridles of his horse, as a token of

582

CALPURNIA.

their vassalship. During his stay in that town,
the emperor was exposed to great danger by a sud-
den uproar of the people, who fancied that the
town was about to be given over to the Greeks.
The emperor saved himself by a sudden flight, and
was going to storm Antioch, when prince Raymond
came to his camp, made an apology for the reckless
conduct of his subjects, and soothed the emperor's
anger by a new protestation of his faith. Calo-
Joannes and Raymond now joined their troops,
and made a successful campaign against the Turks-
Atabeks in Syria, whose emir Emad-ed-din had
conquered Haleb. Calo-Joannes returned to Con-
stantinople in 114], defeating on his march the
sultan of Jconium, from whom he took the fortified
islands in the lake near Iconium, and exterminated
the pirates and robbers who had infested the coasts
from Cilicia to Lydia. Encouraged by so many
victories, and supported by eminent generals and
well-disciplined troops, who were in every respect
equid to those of the Latin princes of the East,
Calo-Joannes conceived the plan of conquering the
Latin kingdoms and principalities of Jerusalem,
Antioch, &c., and of driving out the Atabecks
from Syria, all of which were provinces that had
once belonged to the Eastern empire. In 1142 he
set out for Cilicia at the head of a strong army,
pretending that he was going to make a pilgrimage
to Jerusalem. In the spring of 1 1 43, he was at
Anazarba. "While hunting one day in the forests
on the banks of the Pyramus, he attiicked a wild
boar : he succeeded in piercing the beast with his
spear, but in the struggle his quiver was upset,
and he received a slight wound in his hand from
one of the arrows. The weapon was poisoned, and
as the emperor would not allow his hand to be
amputated, he died from the effects of the wound,
on the yth of April, 1143. His successor was his
fourth son, Manuel, whom the emperor appointed
in preference to his third son, Isaac ; his eldest
sons, Alexis and Andronicus, had both died a short
time before their father. The wife of Calo-Joannes
was Irene the daughter of Wladislaw I. the Saint,
king of Hungary, the sister of king Caloman, and
the aunt of king Stephen I., with whom Calo-
Joannes made war: he married her before 1105,
and she died in 1 124. (Kiceias,, Joannes Conumitcs;
Cinnamus, i. ii. 1-5.) [W. P.]

CALPETA'NUS, a physician at Rome, Avho
lived probably about the beginning or middle of
the first century after Christ, and who is mention-
ed by Pliny (//. A^ xxix. 5) as having gained by
his practice the annual income of two hundred and
fifty thousand sesterces (about 1953/. 2s. 6d.).
This is considered by Pliny to be a very large
sum, and may therefore give us some notion of the
fortunes made by physicians at Rome about the
beginning of the empire. [AV. A. G.]

CALPU'RNIA. 1. The daughter of L. Cal-
purnius Bestisi, consul in b. c. 1 11, the wife of P.
Antistius and the mother of Antistia, the first wife
of Pompeius Magnus. On the murder of her hus-
band in B. c. 82, by order of the younger Marius,
Calpurnia put an end to her own life. (Veil. Pat,
ii. 26 ; comp. Antistius, No 6.)

2. The daughter of L. Calpurnius Piso Caeso-
ninus, consul in b. c. 58, and the last wife of the
dictator Caesar, Avhom he married in B. c. 59.
(Suet. Caes. 21 ; Plut. Caes. 14, Fomp. 47, Cat.
Min. 33; Appian, B. C. ii. 14 ; Caes. B. G. i. 12.)
Calpurnia seems not to have intenneddled in poli-

CALPURNIUS.

tical affairs, and to have borne quietly the favours
which her husband bestowed upon Cleopatra, ^hen
she came to Rome in B. c. 46. The reports that
had got abroad respecting the conspiracy against
Caesar's life filled Calpurnia with the liveliest ap-
prehensions ; she was haunted by dreams in the
night, and entreated her husband, but in vain, not
to leave home on the fatal Ides of March, B. c. 44.
(Appian, B. C. ii. 115 ; Dion Cass. xliv. 17; VelL
Pat. ii. 57; Suet. Ckes. 81 ; Plut. Caes. 63.)

CALPU'RNIA. I. One of the favourite con-
cubines of the emperor Claudius. She was pre-
vailed upon by Narcissus to go to Ostia, where the
emperor was tarrying, to infonn him of the mar^
riage of Messalina and C. Silius. (Tac. Ann. xi.
30.)

2. A woman of high rank, who was sent into
exile by the jealousy of Agrippina, the wife of the
emperor Claudius, who had accidentally spoken of
her figure in terms of praise. She was recalled by
Nero, in A. D. 60, for the purpose of making an
exhibition of his clemency, after having just before
caused his own mother to be murdered. (Tac.
Ann. xii. 22, xiv. 72.) [L. S.]

CALPU'RNIA GENS, plebeian, pretended to
be descended from Calpus, the third of the four
sons of Numa ; and accordingly we find the head
of Numa on some of the coins of this gens. (Plut.
Num. 21 ; Hor. Ars Poet 292 ; Festus, s. v. Cal-
purni; Eckhel, v. p. 160.) The Calpurnii are not
mentioned till the time of the first Punic war, and
the first of them who obtained the consulship was
C. Calpurnius Piso in B. c. 1 80 ; but from this time
their consulships are very frequent, and the family
of the Pisones becomes one of the most illustrious
in the Roman state. The family-names under the
republic are Bestia, Bibulus, Flamma, and Piso,
and some of the Pisones are distinguished by the
surnames of Caesoninus and Fragi.

CALPURNIA'NUS, DE'CIUS, praefect of the
body-guard of the emperor Claudius, seems to have
been compromised in the adulterous conduct of
^Messalina, and was put to death in consequence,
A. D. 48. (Tac. An7i. xi. 35.) [L. S.]

CALPURNIA'NUS, M. PU'PIUS PISO,
consul in B. c. 61. [Piso.]

CALPU'RNIUS, standard-bearer of the first
legion in Germany at the accession of Tiberius,
A. D. 14. When Munatius Plancus arrived in the
camp of Germanicus in Germany, as the ambassador
of the senate, the rebellious soldiers would have
murdered liim while he was embracing as a sup-
pliant the sacred standards, had not Calpurnius
checked the violence of the soldiers. (Tac. Ajiii. i.
39.) [L. S.J

CALPU'RNIUS,sumamedSICULUS. Among
the works of the Latin poets we find eleven pasto-
rals which usually bear the title T. Calpurnii Siculi
Bucolicon Eclogae^ to which is sometimes added
Ad Nemesianum Carthaginiensem. The author is
generally believed to have lived towards the end
of the third century, and the person to whom the
work is addressed is supposed to be the Aurelius
Olympius Nemesianus whose poem on hunting is
still extant. It will be found, however, upon a
careful investigation of authorities, that we not
only know nothing whatsoever with regard to the
personal history of Calpurnius, but that every cir-
cumstance connected with his name, his age, his
works, and his friends, is involved in obscurity
and doubt. In several MSS. he is designated as

CALPURNIUS.

Tftits, in others as Caitts^ in a great number the
praenomen is altogether wanting, while the only
.evidence for the determination of the epoch when
lie tiourished rests upon the gratuitous assumption
that he is identical with the Junius or Julius Cal-
puniius commemonited by Vopiscus in tiie life of
Carus. In like manner we are left in uncertainty
Avhether we ought to consider the term Siculm as
a cognomen, or as an appellation pointing out his
native country, or as an epithet bestowed xipon
him because he cultivated the same style of com-
position with the Syracusan Tlieocritus. Some
have sought to prove, from internal evidence, that,
like the Mantuan bard, he was raised from a hum-
ble station by the favour of some exalted patron,
but this hypothesis receives no support from the
passages referred to, and those who have attempted
in a similar manner to ascertain the precise epoch
when he flourished have arrived at conflicting con-
clusions. Even if the dedication to Ncmesianus is
genuine, and this is far from certain, it does not
necessarily follow, that this must be the same Ne-
mesianus who was contemporary with Numerianus.
The literary merits of Calpurnius may be briefly
discussed. In all that relates to the mechanism of
his art he deserves much praise. His versification
is smooth, flowing, and sonorous, and his diction
for the most part pure and elegant, although from
being too elaborately finished it is sometimes tinged
with aflect<ation. In all the higher departments he
can advance no claim to our admiration. He imi-
tates closely the Eclogues of Virgil, and like Virgil
is deficient in the simplicity, freshness, and reality
which lend such a charm to the Idylls of Theo-
critus— a deficiency which he awkwardly endea-
vours to supply by occasionally foisting harsh and
uncouth expressions into the mouths of his speakers.
He evidently was a careful student of Horace,
I'ibuUns, Propertius, Juvenal, and Statius, for we
can often detect their thoughts and even their ex-
pressions, unless, indeed, we are disposed to adopt
the absurd notions advocated by Ascensius, that
he belonged to the Augustan age, and might thus
have been copied by the others instead of borrow-
ing from them.

In the oldest MSS. and editions the whole
eleven eclogues are attributed to Calpurnius. Ugo-
letus, upon the authority of a single MS., separated
the last four from the rest, assigning them to
Nemesianus ; but independent of the feeble autho-
rity upon which this change was introduced, the
tone and spirit of the whole eleven is so exactly
uniform, that we might at once conclude with con-
fidence that they were productions of the same
pen, and this has been satisfactorily established
by Wernsdorf.

The Editio Princeps is without place or date,

but is usually found appended to the Silius Italicus

printed at Rome in 1471, by Sweynheim and

Pannartz. The next in antiquity is that of Venice,

1472. The most valuable modern editions are

those contained in the Poetae Latini Minores of

Burmann (Leida, 1731), and in the Poetae Latini

Minores of Wernsdortf (Altenb. 1780), and in

Lemaire's Classics (Paris, 1824). The text has

been recently revised with much care bv Glaeser.

(Getting. 1842.) [W. R.]

CALPU'RNIUS ASPRE'NAS, [Asprenas.]

CALPU'RNIUS CRASSUS. [Crassus.]

CALPU'RNIUS FABA'TUS. [Fabatus.]

CALPU'RNIUS FLACCUS. [Flaccus.]

CALVENA.

583

CALPU'RNIUS GALERIA'NUS. [Galb-

RIANUS.]

CALPU'RNIUS SALVIA'NUS.[SALViANtT8.]
CALVA, a surname of Venus at Rome, which
is derived by some from the verb calvere, to mock
or annoy, and is believed to refer to the caprices of
lovers. Others relate, that Ancus Marcius dedi-
cated the temple of Venus Calva near the Capitol
at the time when his wife's hair began to fall oif ;
whereas a third account connects the foundation of
this temple with the war against the Gauls, during
which the Roman women were said to have cut oif
their hair for the purpose of making bow-strings of
it. (Serv. ad Aen. i. 724 ; Lactant. i. 20, 27.)
Hartung (^Die Relig. d. Rom. ii. p. 251) thinks the
last account the most probable, and believes that
the name referred to a real or symbolical cutting
oflf of the hair of brides on their marriage dav.
(Comp. Pers. Sat. ii. 70, with the Schol.) [L. S'.]
CALVASTER, JU'LIUS, a laticlave tribune
of the soldiers under Domitian, took part in the
revolt of Antonius in Germany, but was pardoned
because he pretended that his intercourse with
Antonius was confined to a licentious connexion.
(Dion Cass. Ixvii. 11 ; Suet. Dom. 10.)

CALVE'NA, C. MA'TIUS, usually called
Matius, without his cognomen Calvena, which he
received on account of his baldness, belonged to
the equestrian order, and was one of Caesar's most
intimate friends. He was a learned, amiable, and
accomplished man ; but, through his love of re-
tirement and literature, he took no part in the
civil war, and did not avail himself of Caesar's
friendship to obtain any public ofiices in the state.
Unlike many, who called themselves the friends of
Caesar, he took no part in the conspiracy against
his life, but on the contrary was deeply affected by
his death. He immediately espoused the side of
Octavianus, with whom he became very intimate ;
and at his request, and in memory of his departed
friend, he presided over the games Avhich Octavia-
nus exhibited in B. c. 44, on the completion of the
temple of Venus Genetrix, in honour of Caesar's
victories. The conduct of Matius excited the
wrath of Caesar's murderers ; and there is a beau-
tiful letter of his to Cicero {ad Fam. xi. 28), in
which he justifies his conduct, avows his attach-
ment to Caesar, and deplores his loss.

Matius was also an intimate friend of Cicero
and Trebatius. Cicero first speaks of him in a
letter to Trebatius, written in B. c 52, in which
he congratulates the latter upon having become a
friend of Matius, whom he calls "suavissimus
doctissimusque homo" (ad Fam. vii. 15); but
Cicero himself had been intimate with him some
time before. Matius paid Cicero a visit at his
Formian villa in B. c. 49, when he was on his way
to join Caesar at Brundusium ; and when Cicero
returned to Italy after the battle of Pharsalia, in
B. c. 48, greatly alarmed at the reception which
Caesar might give him, Matius met him at Brun-
dusium, did his best to console him, and promised
to exert his influence with Caesar to obtain his
pardon. From that time till Caesar's death, Ma-
tius and Cicero appear to have seen a good deal of
one another ; and he is frequently mentioned by
Cicero in the period immediately following Caesar's
death. (Cic. ad Att. ix. II, 12, 15, a., ad Fam. vi.
12, ad Att. xiv. 1, 2, 4, 5, 9, xv. 2, xvi. 11, but
the fullest information respecting Matius is in the
two letters ad Fam. xi. 27, 28.)

584

CALVIN US.

Matins' friendship with Ca<^sar is montioiied by
Suetonius (Cues. 52), and his intimacy with Au-
gustus by Pliny {H, N. xii. 2, s. 6), who errone-
ously calls him Cn. Alatius, and who speaks of him
as alive about 80 years before his time. Tacitus
(Ann. xii. 60) also alludes to the power and in-
fluence which Matius possessed.

This C. Matius is in all probability the same as
the C. Matius (not Cn. as Gellius calls him ), who
translated the Iliad into Latin verse, and was the
author of several other works. His version of the
Iliad is first quoted by his contemporary Varro
{L. L. vii. 95, 96, ed. Miiller), and is referred to
by A. Gellius (vi. 6, ix. 14) and the Latin gram-
marians. Matius also wrote " !Mimiambi," which
were as celebrated as his translation of the Iliad,
and were particularly admired for the elegance of
the new words which he introduced in them. (Gell.
XV. 25, XX. 8.) Matius also paid great attention
to economics and agriculture, and wrote a work on
the whole art and science of cooker}', in three
books, which were entitled respectively Cocus,
(k'turius^ Scdyamarius. (Columella, xii. 4, 44.) It
was probably from this Matius that the malum
Matianum derived its utmie (Plin. H. N. xv. 14,
15 ; Columella, v. 10, 19 ; Suet Dom. 21 ; Macrob.
Saturn, ii. 10; Athen iii. p. 82, c), and the Opso-
nium Alaiianmns praised by Apicius (iv. 3).

(VVemsdorf, Pott. JM. Min. vol. iv. p. 568,
&c. ; Leutsch, in the Zeitschrift fur Altcrthuvis-
wmenschxj/i, 1834, p. 164, &c.)

CALVE'NTIUS, an Insubrian Gaul, of the
town of Placentia, and a merchant, whose daughter
married L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, the fether
of L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, consul in b. c.
58. In his speech against the latter, Cicero up-
braids him with the low origin of his mother, and
calls him Caesoninus Semiplacentinus Calventius
(i« Pison, 6, 23 ; A scon in Pison, p. 5, ed. Orelli ;
comp. Cic. dc prov. Cons. 4, pro Seat. 9) ; and in a
letter to his brother Quintns (iii. 1. § 4), Piso is
also meant bv the name of Calventius Marius.

CA'LVIA CRISPINILLA. [Crispimi.la]

CALVI'NA, JU'LIA, the sister of L. Silanus,
was at first married to a son of Vitellius, but after-
wards, for the sake of doing a favour to Agrippina,
Vitellius accused her of incestuous intercourse with
her brother, L. Silanus. There was, however, ac-
cording to the concurrent testimony of the ancients,
no ground whatever for that charge, except that
Silanus was attached to his sister, and perhaps
expressed his love for her in too unguarded a man-
ner, surrounded as he was by spies and enemies.
When Silanus had put an end to his own life,
Calvina was expelled from Italy. (Tac. Ann. xii.
4, 8 ; L. Sii.ANUs.) It is highly probable that this
Calvina is the same as the Junia (Julia ?) Calvina
mentioned by Suetonius ( Vesp. 23) as still alive
towards the end of the reign of Vespasian, for it is
stated there, that she belonged to the family of
Augustus, and it is well kno\\Ti thnt the Silani
were great-great-grandsons of Augustus. L. S.]

CALVI'NUS, the name of a family of the ple-
beian Domitia gens.

1. Cn. DoMiTius Calvinus, consul in B.C. 332.
(Liv. viii. 17.)

2. Cn. DoMiTius Cn. f. Calvinus, sumamed
Maximus, offered himself as a candidate for the
curule aedileship in B. c. 304 ; but, although his
father had been consul, Cn. Flavius, the famous
scribe of Appius Claudius, was preferred to him.

CALVINUS.

Five years later, however, b. c. 299, he was elected
curule aedile. (Liv. x. 9, where instead of the
praenomen C. we ought to read Cn.) He was
raised to the consulship in B. c. 283, together with
P. Cornelius Dolabella. The name of Calvinus
scarcely appears during the year of his consulship,
though he must have been very actively engaged,
for Rome was just then threatened by a coalition
of all her enemies in Italy. Stimulated by the
Lucanians and Bruttians, and more especially by
the Tarentines, the Etruscans, Gauls, Umbrians,
and Samnites took up arms against her. The Se-
nones, allied with the Etruscans, attacked the
town of Arretium ; and as the consuls were proba-
bly engaged in other parts of Italy, the praetor L.
Caecilius was sent out to the relief of the place ;
but he lost a battle and his life near Arretium.
His successor, M'. Curius, sent ambassadors to the
Senones to effect an exchange of prisoners, but the
ambassadors were murdered by the Senones. lu
order to avenge this breach of the law of nations,
the consul P. Cornelius Dolabella marched througli
the country of the Sabines and Picentians into
that of the Senones, conquered their army and
ravaged their country, to secure which a Roman
colony was established in it. The events which
we have just described are not mentioned by all
authorities in the same succession. According tc
Orosius (iii, 22 ; comp. Liv. Epit. 12), the murdei
of the Roman ambassadors preceded the campaign
of L. Caecilius ; whereas, according to Appian, the
campaign of Dolabella followed immediately after
the murder, and the object of the embassy was to
remonstrate with the Senones for serving against
the Romans, their allies. (Comp. Niebuhr, Hist, of
Rome, iii. p. 427, &c.) In what manner Calvinus
was engaged during this time, is not known.
When the Boians saw that the Senones were ex-
pelled from their country, they began to dread the
same fate, joined the remaining Senones and the
Etruscans, and marched against Rome. But in cross-
ing the Tiber they met a Roman army, and in the
ensuing battle most of the Etniscans were slain,
and only a few of the Gauls escaped. Our accounts
differ as to the Roman commanders in this battle ;
for some represent Dolabella and others Calvinus
as the victorious general, whereas it is most proba-
ble that both consuls gained laurels on that day.
It was undoubtedly to this victorj' that Calvinus
owed the surname of Maximus, and in B. c. 280
he was further honoured by being made dictator.
On laying down this office in the same year, he
was elected censor — the first instance of a plebeian
being raised to that oflice. (Plin. //. A^. xxxiii. 1 ;
Polvb. ii. 19, 20 ; Liv. Epit. 13; Appian, Samiiit.
6, Gall. 11 ; Flor. i. 13 ; Eutrop. ii. 10; Dion Cass.
Excerpt. Vat. p. 163, ed. Sturz ; Fast. Cap.)

3. DoMiTius Calvinus, probably a son of No.
2, conquered the Etruscan town of Luna, which
was occupied by the Illyrians. He seems to have
been praetor when he made the conquest. The
year to which it belongs is unknown, though it is
clear that the event must have occurred after the
first Punic war, that is, after b. c. 240. (Frontin.
Strateg. iii. 2. § 1 ; Liv. Epit. 20 ; Zonar. viii. 19,
&c.)

4. Cn. Domitius, M. f. M. n. Calvinus, ap-
pears, in B. c. 62, as legate of L. Valerius Flaccus
in Asia, and in B. c. 59 as tribune of the people, in
which capacity he supported the consul M. Bibului
against the other consul, C. Julius Caesar, and the

CALVINU9.

tribune Vatinius, who allowed himself to be used
by Caesar as a tool. Three yeai-s later, Calvimis
>vas praetor, and presided at the trials of L. Cal-
pumius Bestia, who was accused of ambitus, and
of M. Caelius, who was charged with having at-
tempted to poison Clodia. In B. c. 54 he ofiered
himself as a candidate for the consulship, on which
occasion he, as well as his competitors, was guilty
of enormous bribery ; and, in conjunction with C.
Meramius, he entered into a most disgraceful com-
pact with the consuls of the year, who were to
preside at the elections. The two candidates pro-
mised to procure for the consuls in office certain
lucrative provinces by perjurj', if thej' w-ould lend
them their assistance in the elections ; and in case
the plan with the provinces should fail, the candi-
dates promised to give to the consuls a compensa-
tion in money of forty millions of sesterces. C.
Memmius himself afterwards denounced the whole
plan to the senate ; but the appointment of a court
to investigate the conduct of Calvinus was pre-
vented by intrigues. The election of the consuls
also was delayed on account of unfavourable aus-
pices. In the beginning of October, however, all
the candidates were to be tried for ambitus ; but
they escaped judgment by the interreign which
the party of Pompey tried to use as a means for
getting him appointed dictator. The interreign
lasted for nearly nine months, and Calvinus, who
had in the meantime gained the favour of Pompey
by voting for the acquittal of A. Gabinius, was at
length made consul through the influence of Pom-
pey. His colleague was M. Valerius Messalla.
During the year of their consulship the disturbances
at Rome continued : the candidates for the consul-
ship for the year following, Milo, Hypsaeus, and
Metellus Scipio, as well as P. Clodius, who sued
for the praetorship, carried on their contests with
bribes, and had recourse even to force and violence.
The consuls were unable to get their successors
elected ; a decree of the senate which they effected,
that no one should obtain a foreign province till
five years after he had held the consulship or prae-
torship, did not produce the desired results. Dur-
ing an attempt of the consuls to get their successors
elected in an assembly of the people, stones were
thrown at the consuls, and Calvinus was wounded.

For some years we now lose sight of Calvinus ;
but after the outbreak of the civil wiir in B. c. 49,
we find him actively engaged in the service of
Caesar's party, and commanding the cavalry under
Curio in Africa. After the unfortunate battle on
the Bagradas, he advised Curio to take to fliglit,
and promised not to forsake him. In the year
following, Caesar sent Calvinus with two legions
from Illyricum to Macedonia, where he met Metel-
lus Scipio, without however any decisive engage-
ment taking place between them. But, according
to Dion Cassius (xli. 51), he was driven by Faus-
tu8 from Macedonia, and penetrated into Thessaly,
where he gained a victory over Metellus Scipio,
and took several towns. When Caesar broke up
from Dyrrhachium to unite his forces with those of
Calvinus, the latter was in the north of Macedonia,
and had nearly fallen into the hands of Pompey,
but succeeded in effecting his union with Caesar
on the frontier of Thessaly. In the battle of Phar-
salia Calvinus commanded the centre, and was
faced l)y Metellus Scipio.

After the close of the war in Thessaly, when
Caesar went to Egypt, he entrusted to Calvinus

CALVINUS.

5»."»

the administration of the province of Asia and the
neighbouring countries. While Caesar was en-
gaged in the Alexandrine war, for which Calvinua
sent him two legions from Asia, the latter became
involved in a war with Phamaces, the son of
Mithridates ; he was defeated in the neighbourhood
of Nicopolis, and escaped with only a few remnants
of his small army. After his return from Egypt,
Caesar defeated Phamaces near Zela, and Calvinua
was sent to pursue the enemy, who was compelled
to surrender Sinope. But soon after, a peace was
concluded with him. As Caesar wanted to hasten
to Italy, he left Calvinus behind to complete the
settlement of the affairs in Asia. This does not
appear to have occupied much time, for in the year
following, B. c. 46, we find him engaged in Africa
in besieging Considius at Thisdra, and in B. c. 45,
he was present at Rome at the time when Cicero
defended king Deiotarus. Caesar appointed Calvi-
nus his magister equitum for the year following, but
the murder of the dictator prevented his entering
upon the office.

During the war of Octavianus and Antony
against the republicans, Calvinus was ordered by
the former to bring over reinforcements from Brun-
dusium to Illyricum ; but while crossing the Ionian
sea, he was attacked by L Statins Murcus and
Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. His ships were des-
troyed, and he himself succeeded with great diffi-
culty in escaping back to Brundusium. In B. c.
40 he was elected consul a second time ; but before
the end of the year, he and his colleague were
obliged to resign, in order to make room for others.
In the year following, he fought as proconsul against
the revolted Ceretani in Spain. Here he acted
with the greatest rigour towards his own soldiers,
and afterwards defeated the enemy without diffi-
culty. His occupations in Spain, however, appear
to have lasted for several years, for the triumph
which he celebrated for his exploits in Spain is
assigned in the triumphal Fasti to the year B. c.
36. The sums of money which he had raised in
the towns of Spain were spent partly on the cele-
bration of his triumph, and partly upon the restor-
ation of the regia on the via sacra, which had been
burnt down. (Orelli, Onom. TulL ii. p. 226 ; Dion
Cass, xxxviii. 6, xh 45, 46, 56, xlii. 46, 49, xlvii.
47, xlviii. 15, 32, 42; Plut. Pomp. 54, Cues. 44,
50, Brut. 47 ; Appian, B. C. ii. 76, 91, iv. 115,
116, Mithrid. 120; Caes. B. C. ii. 42, iii. 36, &c.
78, &c., 89, Bell. Alex. 34, &c,, 86, 93 ; Liv. Epit,
112; Veil. Pat. ii. 78; Suet. Caes. 35, &c. ; Fast.
Cap.; Eckhel, v. p. 183.) [L. S.]

CALVI'NUS, L. SE'XTIUS. 1. Consul in
B. c. 124. In the year following, he had the ad-
ministration of Gaul, and carried on a war against
the Salluvii. After having conquered them, he
founded the colony of Aquae Sextiae. (Liv. Epit.
61; Strab. iv. p. 180; Veil. Pat. i. 15.)

2. Is mentioned only by Cicero as an elegant
orator, but of a sickly constitution, so that persons
might have his advice whenever they pleased, but
could employ him as their pleader in the courts
only when his health permitted it. {Cic.Brut. 34.)
He seems to be the same as the C. Sextius who
was a friend of C. Caesar Strabo, and is described
as one-eyed. (Cic. De Orat. ii. 60, 61.) Pighius
thinks him to be also the same as the C. Sextius
who was praetor in b. c. 99, and afterwards ob-
tained Macedonia as his province. But in the pas-
sage of Cicero in which he is mentioned (c. Pison,

d8S

CALVUS.

34) the better MSS. read Sentius instead of Scx-
tius. [L. S.]

CALVI'NUS, T. VETU'RIUS, was twice con-
sul, in B. c. 334 and 321. In his second consul-
ship he and his colleague Sp. Postumius Albinus
commanded the Roman army at Caudiura against
the Samnites, where the Romans suffered the well-
known defeat, and passed under the yoke. The
consuls concluded a treaty with the Samnites ; but
as this treaty was not approved of by the Romans,
the consuls who had concluded it, and several other
officers, were delivered up to the Samnites. (Liv.
viii. IG, ix. 1, 6, 10 ; Appian, Samnif. 6 ; Cic. De
Ssnec. 12, De Of. iii. 30; comp. Niebuhr. Huit. of
Rome, m.^.'2U,kc.) [L. S.]

CALVI'SIUS, a client of Junia Silana. This
lady had been grievously injured by Agrippina,
and now resolved to take vengeance. She there-
fore sent Calvisius and a fellow-client to bring
against Agrippina the charge of endeavouring to
place Rubellius Plautus on the throne instead of
Kero. It was so contrived that the charge came
to the emperor's ears in a round-about way, and
did not appear an intentional denunciation. Here-
upon, Nero resolved to put Agrippina to death ;
but the monstrous deed was yet deferred for a few
years, and Junia Silana and her two clients were
sent into exile ; but after the murder of Agrippina
they were all recalled. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 19, 21, 22,
xiv. 12.) ^ [L. S]

CALVI'SIUS. A person of this name was en-
trusted b}' Pliny the Younger with the task of in-
forming the decuriones of Conium that Pliny was
willing, as a matter of bountj', not of right, to
effectuate the intention of one Saturninus, who,
after leaving 400,000 sesterces to the respublica
Comensiura (a legacy which was legally void), gave
the residue of his property to Pliny. {Kp. v. 7.)
Hence Guil. Grotius ( Vitae JClorum, ii. 5. § IG)
h:'.s classed Calvisius among the jurists, although
his duties might have been undertaken by any one
of moderate discretion and delicacy of feeling.
Upon the SJime slight ground, Guil. Grotius builds
the supposition, that the Calvisius mentioned by
Pliny was the author of the Actio CaMsiana. This
action was introduced, probably in the time of the
republic, by some praetor of the name Calvisius
(Hugo, R.R.G. p. 333), to protect the patron's
rights of succession to a portion of his freedman's
property against fraudulent alienations made in the
lifetime of the freedman. (Dig, 38, tit. 5, s. 3. § 3 ;
Heineccius, Hist. Jur. Rom. § 2G4.) [J. T. G.]

CALVI'SIUS, FLA'VIUS, the governor of
Egypt under M. Aurelius, took part in the revolt
of Avidius Cassias, but was treated by the emperor
with great leniency, and only banished to an is-
knd. (Dion Cass. Ixxi. 28.)
. CALVI'SIUS NEPOS. [Nepos.]

CALVI'SIUS SABI'NUS. [Sabinus.]

CALUSI'DIUS, a soldier who distinguished
himself by his insolence to Germanicus, when the
legions in Germany revolted on the death of
Augustus in a. d. 14. (Tac. Ann. i. 35, 43.)

CALVUS, the ""bald-head," the name of a fa-
mily of the Licinia gens.

1. P. LiciNiL'S Calvus, consular tribune in B.C.
400, and the first plebeian who was elected to that
magistracy. (Liv. v. 12.)

2. P. LiciNius Calvus, a son of No. 1, was
made consular tribune in b. c. 396, in the place
and on the proposal of his father, who had been

CALVUS.

elected to this office, but declined it on account of
his advanced age. (Liv. v. 18.)

3. C. LiciNius Calvus, a son of No. 2, was
consular tribune in B. c. 377, and magister equitum
to the dictator P. Manlius in B. c. 3G8, — an office
which was then conferred upon a plebeian for the
first time. (Liv. vi. 31, 39; Diod. xv. 37.) Plu-
tarch {Cumill. 39) considers this magister equitum
to be the same as the famous kw-giver C. Licinius
Calvus Stole, who was then tribune of the people ;
but it is inconceivable that a tribune should have
held the office of magister equitiun. Dion Cassius
{Fragm, 33) likewise calls the magister equitum
erroneously Licinius Stole. (Comp. Niebuhr, Hist,
of Rome^ iii. p. 27, n. 35.)

4 C. Licinius Calvus, sumamed Stolo, which
he derived, it is said, from the care with which he
dug up the shoots that sprung up from the roots of
his vines. He brought the contest between the
patricians and plebeians to a crisis and a happy
termination, and thus became the founder of Rome's
greatness. He v.-as tribune of the people from B.C.
376 to 367, and was faithfully supported in his
exertions by his colleague L. Sextius. The laws
which he proposed were : I. That in future no
more consular tribunes should be appointed, but
that consuls should be elected as in former times,
one of whom should always be a plebeian. 2. That
no one should possess more than 500 jugers of the
public land, or keep upon it more than 1 00 head of
large and 500 of small cattle. 3. A law regulating
the affairs between debtor and creditor, which
ordained that the interest already paid for borrowed
money should be deducted from the capital, and
that the remainder of the latter should be paid
back in three yearly instalments. 4. That tlie
Sibylline books should be entrusted to a college of
ten men (decemviri), half of whom should be ple-
beians, that no falsifications might be introduced
in favour of the patricians. These rogations were
passed after a most vehement opposition on the
part of the patricians, and L. Sextius was the first
plebeian who, in accordance with the first of them,
obtained the consulship for the year B. c. 366.
Licinius himself too received marks of the people's
gratitude and confidence, by being elected twice to
the consulship, in B. c. 364 and 361 ; but some
years later he was accused by J\I. Popilius Laenas
of having transgressed his own law respecting the
amount of public land which a person might possess.
Avarice had tempted him to violate his own salu-
tary regulations, and in B. c. 357 he was sentenced
to pa3' a heavy fine. (Plin. H. N. xvii. 1, xviii. 4 ;
Varro, De Re Rust. i. 2 ; Liv, vi. 35, 42, vii. I, 2,
9, 16; Florus, i. 26 ; Aur. Vict. De Vir.Illustr. 20;
Pint. Camill. 39; Diod. xv. 82, 95 ; Zonar. vii. 24;
VaL Max. viiL 6. § 3 ; comp. Niebuhr, Hist, of
Rome, iii. p. 1, &c.) [L. S.]

CALVUS, C. LICI'NIUS MACER, who, as
a forensic speaker, was considered by his country-
men generally as not unworthy of being ranked
with Caesar, Brutus, PoUio, and Messalia, while by
some he was thought to rival even Cicero himself,
and who as a poet is commonly placed side by side
with Catullus, was bom on the 28th of May, B, c.
82, on the same day with M. Coelius Rufus. (Plin.
//. A^. vii. 50.) He was the son of C. Licinius
Macer, a man of praetorian dignity, Avho, when
impeached (b.c. 66) of extortion by Cicero, finding
that the verdict was against him, forthwith com-
mitted suicide before the formalities of the trial

CALVUS.

were fully completed, and thus averted the disho-
nour and ruin which would have been entailed up-
on his family hy a public condemnation and by the
confiscation of property which it involved. (Val.
Max. ix. 12. § 7; Plut. Ch. 9 ; Cic. ad Ait. i. 4.)
This Licinius Macer was very probably the same
person with the annalist of that name so frequently
quoted by Livy and others, and with the orator
mentioned in the Brutus (cc. 64, 67, comp. de Leg.
i. 2. § 3), although there is not sufficient evidence
to justify us in pronouncing with confidence on
their identity. Young Calvus being thus at the
age of sixteen bereft of his father, devoted himself
to study with singular zeal, and submitted to ex-
traordinary discipline, in order that the whole of
his bodily strength might be concentrated upon in-
tellectual pursuits. (Plin. //. A^. xxxiv, 50.) But
this excessive application seems to have enfeebled
and exhausted his constitution, for he died in his
early prime, certainly not later than in his 35th or
36th year (Cic. Brut. 82, ad Fam. xv. 21), leav-
ing behind him twenty-one orations. The names
of five only of these have been preserved : against
Asitius ; against Drusus ; for Messius ; for C. Cato,
the prosecution against v/hom was conducted by
Asinius PoUio ; and against Vatinius, who was de-
fended by Cicero. This last, which was divided
into several parts, was his first effort at the bar,
and was delivered when he had attained the age
of 27. It is very frequentl}' referred to by an-
cient writers in terms of strong commendation (e.g.
Dial, de Oral. 34); and from Seneca (Controv. iii.
19) we learn, that so skilfully were the charges
developed, so energetically were they urged upon
the jurj', and so powerful was the effect evidently
produced, that the accused, unable to restrain his
feelings, started up in the midst of the pleading,
and passionately exclaimed, " Rogo vos, judices
num, si iste disertus est, ideo me damnari oporteat?"

The inconsiderable fragments which have been
preserved of the above speeches are not of such a
description as to enable us to fonn any estimate of
the powers of Calvus ; but we gather from the tes-
timony of Cicero, Quintilian, and the author of the
dialogue on the decline of eloquence, that his com-
positions were carefully moulded after the models
of the Attic school, and were remarkable for the
accuracy, tact, and deep research which they dis-
played, but were so elaborately polished as to ap-
pear deficient in ease, vigour, and fi'eshness ; and
thus, while they were listened to with delight and
admiration by men of education, they fell compa-
ratively dead and cold iipon an uncultivated au-
dience. (Cic. ad Fam. xv. 21; Quintil. x. 1. §111.
X. 2. § 25, xii. 10. § 11.; I>iaLde Orat. 17,21,25;
Senec. Controv. I. c.)

As a poet, he Avas the author of many short fu-
gitive pieces, which, although of a light and spor-
tive character (joca) and somewhat loose in tone,
still bore the stamp of high genius — of elegies whose
beauty and tenderness, especially of that on the
untimely death of his mistress Quintilia, have been
warmly extolled by Catullus, Propertius, and Ovid
— and of fierce lampoons {famosa epigrammaia)
upon Pompey, Caesar, and their satellites, the bit-
terness of which has been commemorated b}' Sue-
tonius, We have reason to believe, from the criti-
cisms of Pliny (Ep. i. 16) and Aulus Gellius (xix.
9), that the poems of Calvus, like the lighter effu-
sions of Catullus with which they are so often
classed, were full of wit and grace, but were never-

a\LYDONIUS. 587

thelcss marked by a certain harshness of expression
and versification which offended the fastidious ears
of those habituated to the unbroken smoothness of
the poets of the Augustan court. They were un-
doubtedly much read, so that even Horace, whose
contemptuous sneer (Sat. i. 10. 16) was probably
in some degree prompted by jealousy, cannot avoid
indirectly acknowledging and paying tribute to
their popularity. As to their real merits, we must
depend entirely upon the judgment of others, for
the scraps transmitted to us are so few and trifling,
none extending beyond two lines, that they do not
enable us to form any opinion for ourselves. We
hear of an Epitlialamium (Priscian, v. 8. p. 196,
ed. Krehl); of an /o, in hexameter verse (Scrv. ad
Virg. Ed. vi. 47, viii. 4); and of a Hipponacieum
praeconiiim, levelled against the notorious Hermo-
genes Tigellius (Schol. Cruq. ad I/or. Sat. i. 3. 3 ;
Cic. ad Fam. vii. 24); but with these exceptions,
the very names of his pieces are lost. (Plin. Ep.
iv. 14. § 9, iv. 27. § 3, x. 3 ; Catull. xcvi. ; Pro-
pert, ii. 19, 40, ii. 25, 89; Ov. Am. iii. 9. 61 ;
Sencc. Control: I. c; Sueton. Jtil. Caes. 49, 73.)

Calvus was remarkable for the shortness of his
stature, and hence the vehement action in which
he indulged while at the bar, leaping over the
benches, and rushing violently towards the seats
of his opponents, was in such ludicrous contrast
with his stunted and insignificant person, that
even his friend Catullus has not been able to resist
a joke, and has presented him to us as the " Sala-
putium disertum," " the eloquent Tom Thumb."
(Catull. liv.; Senec. Controv. I.e.)

With regard to his name, he is usually styled
C. Licinius Calvus ; but we find him called by
Cicero (ad Q. Fr. ii. 4) Macer Licinius, probably
after his father; and hence his full designation
would be that which we have placed at the head
of this article.

The most complete account of Licinius Calvus is
given in the essay of Weichert "De C. Licinio
Calvo poeta" {Fragm. Poet. Latin. Lips. 1830);
but it is so full of digressions that it is not very
readable. See also Levesque de Burigny in the
Memoirs of the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles
Lettres, vol. xxxi. [W. R.]

CALVUS, ATHENODO'RUS. [AthexNO-

DORUS, No. 3.]

CALVUS, L. CAECI'LIUS METELLUS,
consul B. c. 142. [Metellus.]

CALVUS, CN. CORN'ELIUS SCIPIO,
consul, B. c. 222. [SciPio.J

CA'LYBE (KaAuSr;), two mythical personages,
one of whom was a nymph by whom Laomedon
became the father of Bucolion (Hom. //. vi. 23 ;
Apollod. iii. 12. § 3), and the other a priestess of
of Juno. (Virg. Aen. vii. 419.) [L. S.]

CA'LYCE (KaXyKTj), three mythical beings, the
one a daughter of Aeolus and Enarete, and mother
of Endymion (Apollod. i. 7. §§ 3, 5) ; the second
a daughter of Hecaton and mother of Cygnus by
Poseidon (Hygin. Fab. 157); and the third ia
mentioned by Apollodorus (iii. 1. § 5) among the
daughters of Danaus ; but the whole passage is
probablj- comipt. [L. S.J

CA'LYDON (KaXuSwV), a son of Aetolus and
Pronoe, married to Aeolia, by whom he became
the father of Epieaste and Protogeneia. He was
regarded as the founder of the Aetolian town of
Calydon. (Apollod. i. 7. § 7 ; Steph.Byz.s.r. ) [L.S. J

CALYDU'NIUS (KoAvSams),' a surname of

588

CAMBAULES.

Dionysus, whose image was ciirried from Calydon
to Patrae (Paus, vii. 21. § 1), and of Meleager,
the hero in the Calydonian hunt. (Ov. Met. viii.
231.) [L. S.]

CALYNTHUS {KaXweos), a statuary of un-
certain country, contemporary with Onatas, B. c.
468-448. (Paus. x. 13. § 5.) [W. I.]

CALYPSO (KaAin/zw). Under this name we
find in Hesiod {Tlieog. 359) a daughter of Oceanus
and Tethys, and in Apollodorus (i. 2. § 7) a daugh-
ter of Nereus, while the Homeric Calypso is de-
Bcribed as a daughter of Atlas. {Od. i. 50.) This
last Calypso was a nymph inhabiting the island of
Ogj-gia, on the coast of whicli Odysseus was thrown
Avhen he was shipwrecked. Calypso loved the un-
fortunate hero, and promised him eternal youth
and immortality if he would remain with her. She
detained him in her island for seven years, until at
length she was obliged by the gods to allow him
to continue his journey homewards. {Od. v. 28,
&c., vii. 254, &c.) ■ [L. S.]

CAMATE'RUS,ANDRONI'CUSCA^SpoVi/cos
Ka;UaT77pds), a relative of the emperor Manuel Com-
nenus (a. d. 1143 to 1180), who honoured him
•with the title of Sebastus, and promoted him to
the offices of praefect of the city and praefect of
the )3i7Ao, I. e. praefectus vigilum, or praefect of the
imperial guards. Camatenis is said to have been
a man of great intellect and a powerful speaker.
He is the author of several theologico-polemical
works, an extract from one of which is all that has
appeared in print. Among them we may mention
one entitled 'Avt i^p-qriKa, a dialogue against the
Latins. A portion of this work which relates to the
Processio SpirUus Sancti, was subsequently refu ted by
J. Veccus, and both the original and the refutiition
are printed in L. Allatius' Graecia Orlhodoar. ii.
p. 287, &.C. His other works are still extant in
MS. Andronicus Camatcrus was the father of
Joannes Ducas, to whom Eustathius dedicated his
commentary on Dionysius Periegetes. (Cave, Hist.
Lit. i. p, 675, with Wharton's Append, p. 24 ;
Fabric. Bibl. Graec. xi. p. 278.) [L. S.]

CAMATE'RUS, JOANNES (^Iwiwns Ka,uo-
TTjpds), patriarch of Constantinople from a. d. 1 198
to 1204. We have four iambic lines in praise of
him, which were written by Ephraemus, and are
printed in Leo Allutius, De Consensu^ &c. (i. p.
724.) Nicolaus Comnenus {Praeiiot. ]\[ystag. p.
251) mentions an oration of his on homicide, and
another, on the marriage of Consobrini, is printed
in Freher's Jtis Graecum (iv. p. 285). An epistle
of J. Camaterus addressed to Innocent III. is
printed in a Latin translation among the letters of
Innocent, with the reply of the latter. In this
letter Camaterus expresses his wonder at the Ro-
man church assuming the title of the universal
churdi. Among the other works of his which are
still extant in MS. there is an iambic poem in-
scribed to the emperor Manuel Comnenus, and en-
titled TTtpl ^wSio/cou kvkKov Koi tCov aKXu>v aizavTutv
Tuiv €v ovpavcf). (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 6J)3 ; Fabric.
Bibl. Graec. iv. p. 154, &c., xi p. 279, &c.) [L.S.]
CAMBAULES (Ka^ugauATjs), the leader of a
horde of Gauls before they invaded Greece in B. c.
279. The barbarians were at first few in number,
but when they reached Thrace their forces had
increased to such an extent, that they were divided
into three great armies, which were placed under
Cerethrius, Brennus, and Bolgius ; and Carabaules
is no longer heard of. (Paus. x, 19. § 4.) [L. S.J

CAMBYSES.

CAMBY'LUS (KauSOAos), commander of the
Cretans engaged in the service of Antiochus III.
in B. c. 214. He and his men were entrusted with
the protection of a fort near the acropolis of Sardis
during the v/ar against Achaeus, the son of Andro-
machus. He allowed himself to be drawn into a
treacherous plan for delivering up Achaeus to An-
tiochus, by Bolis, who received a large sum of
money from Sosibius, the agent of Ptolemj', for the
purpose of assisting Achaeus to escape. But the
money was divided between Bolis and Cambylus,
and instead of setting Achaeus free, they commu-
nicated the plan to Antiochus, who again rewarded
them richly for delivering Achaeus up to him.
(Polvb. viii. 17-23 ; comp. Achaeus.) [L. S.]

CAMBY'SES (Ka^gucrrjs). 1. The father of
Cyrus the Great, according to Herodotus and Xe-
nophon, the fonner of whom tells us (i. 107), that
Astyages, being terrified by a dream, refrained
from marrying his daughter Mandane to a Mede,
and gave her to Cambyses, a Persian of noble
l)!ood, but of an unambitious temper. (Comp. Just,
i. 4. ) The father of Cambyses is also called ' Cyrus'
by Herodotus (i. 111). In so rhetorical a passage
as the speech of Xerxes (Herod, vii. 11) we must
not look for exact accuracy in the genealogy. Xe-
nophon {Ctp-op. i. 2) calls Cambyses the Jdng of
Persia, and he afterwards speaks of him (fiyrop.
viii. 5) as still reigning after the capture of Baby-
lon, B. c. 538. But we cannot of course rest much
on the statements in a romance. The account of
Ctesias diflTers from the above. [Astyages.]

2. A son of Cyrus the Great, by Amytis accord-
ing to Ctesias, by Cassandane according to Hero-
dotus, who sets aside as a fiction the Egyptian
story of his having had Nitetis, the daughter of
Apries, for his mother. This same Nitetis appears
in another version of the tale, which is not very
consistent with chronology, as the concubine of
Cambyses ; and it is said that the detection of the
fraud of Amasis in substituting her for his own
daughter, whom Cambyses had demanded for his
seraglio, was the cause of the invasion of Egypt by
the latter in the fifth year of liis reign, b. c. 525.
There is, however, no occasion to look for any
other motive than the same ambition which would
have led Cyrus to the entei-prise, liad his life been
spared, besides that Egj'pt, having been conquered
by Nebuchadnezzar, seems to have formed a por-
tion of the Babylonian empire. (See Jerem. xliii.
xlvi. ; Ezek. xxix. — xxxii. ; Newton, On the Pro-
pliecies, vol. i. p. 357, &c.; comp. Herod, i. 77.) In
his invasion of the country, Cambyses is said by
Herodotus to have been aided hy Phanes, a Greek
of Halicarnassus, who had fled from the service of
Amasis ; and, by his advice, the Persian king ob-
tained the assistance of an Arabian chieftain, and
thus secured a safe passage through the desert, and
a supply of water for his army. Before the in-
vading force reached Egypt, Amasis died and was
succeeded by his son, who is called Psammenitus
by Herodotus, and Amyrtaeus by Ctesias. Ac-
cording to Ctesias, the conquest of Egypt was
mainly eflfected through the treachery of Comba-
pheus, one of the favourite eunuchs of the Egyp-
tian king, who put Cambyses in possession of the
passes on condition of being made viceroy of the
country. But Herodotus makes no mention either
of this intrigue, or of the singular stratagem by
which Polyaenus says (vii. 9), that Pelusium waa
taken almost without resistance. He tells us.

CAMBVSES.

hmevor, that a single battle, in which the Persians
were victorious, decided the fate of Egypt ; and,
though some of the conquered held out tor a while
in Memphis, they were finally obliged to capitu-
late, and the whole nation submitted to Cambyses.
He received also the voluntary submission of the
Greek cities, Cyrene and Barca [see p. 477, b.],
and of the neighbouring Libyan tribes, and pro-
jected fresh expeditions against the Aethiopians,
who were called the " long-lived," and also against
Carthage and the Ammonians. Having set out on
his march to Aethiopia, he was compelled by want
of provisions to return ; the army which he sent
against the Ammonians perished in the sands; and
the attack on Carthage fell to the ground in conse-
quence of the refusal of the Phoenicians to act
against their colony. Yet their very refusal serves
to shew what is indeed of itself sufficiently obvious,
how important the expedition would have been in
a commercial point of view, while that against the
Ammonians, had it succeeded, would probably
have opened to the Persians the caravan-trade of
the desert. (Herod, ii. 1, iii. 1-'2G ; Ctes. Pers. 9;
Just. i. 9; comp. Heeren's African Natims^ vol. i.
eh. 6.)

Cambyses appears to have ruled Egypt with a
stem and strong hand ; and to him perhaps we
may best refer the prediction of Isaiah : " The
Egyptians will I give over into the hand of a cruel
lord" (Is. xix. 4 ; see Vitringa, ad loc); and it is
possible that his tyranny to the conquered, together
with the insults offered by him to their national
religion, may have caused some exaggeration in
the accounts of his madness, which, in fact, the
Egyptians ascribed to his impiety. But, allowing
for some over-statement, it does appear that he had
been subject from his birth to epileptic fits (Herod,
iii. 33) ; and, in addition to the physical tendency
to insanity thus created, the habits of despotism
would seem to have fostered in him a capricious
self-will and a violence of temper bordering upon
frenzy. He had long set the laws of Persia at
defiance by marrying his sisters, one of whom he
is said to have murdered in a fit of passion because
she lamented her brother Smerdis, whom he hnd
caused to be slain. Of the death of this prince,
and of the events that followed upon it, different
accounts are given by Herodotus and Ctesias. The
former relates that Cambyses, alarmed by a dream
which seemed to portend his brother's greatness,
sent a confidential minister named Prexaspes to
Susa with orders to put him to death. Afterwards,
a Magian, who bore the same name as the deceased
prince and greatly resembled him in appearance,
took advantage of these circumstances to personate
him and set up a claim to the throne [Smerdis],
and Cambyses, while marching through Syria
against this pretender, died at a place named Ecba-
tana of an accidental wound in the thigh, b. c. 521.
According to Ctesias, the name of the king's mur-
dered brother was Tanyoxarces, and a Magian
named Sphendadates accused him to the king of an
intention to revolt. After his death by poison,
Cambyses, to conceal it from his mother Amytis,
lojide Sphendadates personate him. The fraud
succeeded at first, from the wonderful likeness be-
tween the Magian and the murdered prince ; at
length, however, Amytis discovered it, and died of
poison, which she had voluntarily taken, imprecat-
ing curses on Cambyses. The king died at Babylon
of an accidental wound in the thigh, and Sphenda-

CAMEMATA.

ana

dates continued to support the character of Tany.
oxarces, and maint-iined himself for some time on
the throne. (Herod, iii 27-38, 61-66; Ctes.Pe/v.
10-12; Diod. Euc. de Virt. et Vil. p. 556, ed.
Wess. ; Strab. x. p. 473, xvii. pp. 805, 816 ; Just,
i. 9.) Herodotus says (iii. 89), that the Persian*
always spoke of Cambyses by the name of SeoTrrfxT/s,
in remembrance of his tyranny. [E. E.]

CAMEIRUS (Ka/xejpos), a son of Cercaphus
and Cydippe, and a grandson of Helios. The to\ni
of Cameiros, in Rhodes, is said to have derived ita
name from him. (Diod. v. 57; Pind. 01. vii. 135,
with the SchoL; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 315.) [L. S.]

CAME'LIUS, one of the physicians of Augtis-
tus, who appears to have lived after Artorius, and
to have been succeeded by Antonius Musa. Pliny
in rather an obscure passage {H. N. xix. 38), tells
us, that he would not allow the emperor to eat
lettuce in one of his illnesses, from the use of which
plant afterwards, at the recommendation of Anto-
nius Musa, he derived much benefit. [W. A. G.J

CAME'NAE, not Camoenae^ were Roman divi-
nities whose name is connected with carmen (an
oracle or prophecy), whence we also find the forms
Casmenae, Carmenae^ and Carmentis. The Came-
nae were accordingly prophetic nymphs, and they
belonged to the religion of ancient Italy, although
later traditions represent them as having been in-
troduced into Italy from Arcadia. Two of the
Camenae were Antevorta and Postvorta. [Ante-
VORTA.] The third was Carmenta or Carmentis,
a prophetic and healing divinity, who had a temple
at the foot of the Capitoline hill, and altars near
the porta Carmentalis. Respecting the festival
celebrated in her honour, see Diet, of Ant. s. v.
Carmentalia. The traditions which assigned a
Greek origin to her worship at Rome, state that
her original name was Nicostrate, and that she
was called Carmentis from her prophetic powers.
(Serv. ad Aen. viii. 51, 336; Dionys. i. 15, 32.)
According to these traditions she was the mother
of Evander, the Arcadian, by Hermes, and after
having endeavoured to persuade her son to kill
Hermes, she fled with him to Italy, where she
gave oracles to the people and to Heracles. She
was put to death by her son at the age of 110
years, and then obtained divine honours, (Dionys.
i. 31, &c.) Hyginus {Fab. 277) further relates,
that she changed the fifteen characters of the Greek
alphabet, which Evander introduced into Latium,
into Roman ones. The fourth and most celebrated
Camena was Aegeria or Egeria, [Aegeria.] It
must be remarked here, that the Roman poets,
even as early as the time of Livius Andronicus,
apply the name of Camenae to the Muses. ( Hartung,
Die Reliq. d. Rom. ii. p. 198, &c.) [L. S.]

CAMENIA'TA, JOANNES {^lai.vvt]s Kafit-
vjoTo), cubuclesius, or bearer of the crosier, to the
archbishop of Thessalonica, was an eye-witness of
the capture of that town by the Arabs in A. D. 904
A. H. 189. Leo, a Syrian renegade, who held a
command under the Arabs, made a descent in that
year near Thessalonica, with a fleet of fifty-four
ships chiefly manned with negro slaves, surprised,
took, and plundered the town, then the second in the
Greek empire, and sailed off with a great number
of captives. Among these were Caraeniata and
several of his family, who would have been put to
death by the Arabs, had not Cameniata saved his
and their lives by shewing the victors a spot where
the inhabitants had buried part of their riches.

590

CAMERINUS.

The Arabs, however, did not restore him to liberty,
but carried him to Tarsus in Cilicia for the purpose
of exchanging him for Arab prisoners who had
been taken by the Greeks. At Tarsus, Cameniata
wrote a description of the capture of Thessalonica,
entitled 'ludvuov KKepiKOv Kal Kov§ouK\ei(Tiov tov
Ka/xevLaTov els tt)^ (xKuktiv tt/s QeaaaXoviKins,
which is commonly called by its Latin title " De
Excidio Thessalonicensi." It is divided into se-
venty-nine chapters, and is as important for the
plunder of Thessalonica by the Arabs as the work
of Joannes Anagnosta for the sack of the same town
by the Turks in 1430. The Greek text of this
elegant work was first published, with a Latin
translation, by Leo Allatius in hisSu/x^fCTo, 1653-
1658, where it is divided into forty-five sections.
The second edition is by Combefisius, who pub-
lished it with an improved Latin translation in his
" Historiae Byzantinae Scriptores post Theopha-
nem," P;iris, 1685, fol., which forms part of the
Parisian " Corpus Script. Hist. Byzant." Combe-
fisius divided it into seventy-nine chapters. The
third and last edition, in the Bonn Collection, was
published by Em.Bekker together with Theophanes
(continuatus), Symon Magister, and Georgius Mo-
nachug, Bonn, 1838, 8vo. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vii.
p. 683 ; Hanckius, De Script. Hist. Byzant. p. 403,
&c.; the"A\cDcris of loannes Cameniata.) [W.P.]
CAMERI'NUS, the name of an old patrician
family of the Sulpicia gens, which probably derived
its name from the ancient town of Cameria or Ca-
merium, in Latium. The Camerini frequently held
the highest offices in the state in the early times of
the republic ; but after B. c. 345, when Ser. Sulpi-
cius Camerinus Rufus was consul, we do not hear
of them again for upwards of 400 years, till Q.
Sulpicius Camerinus obtained the consulship in

A. D. 9. The family was reckoned one of the
noblest in Rome in the early times of the empire.
(Juv. vii. 90, viii. 38.)

\. Ser. Sulpicius P. f. Camerinus Cornutus,
consul B. c. 500 with M\ TuUius Longus in the
tenth year of the republic. Livy says, that no-
thing memorable took place in that year, but
Dionysius speaks of a formidable conspiracy to re-
store the Tarquins which was detected and crushed
by Camerinus. After the death of his colleague,
Camerinus held the consulship alone. Dionysius
puts a speech into the inouth of Camerinus respect-
ing a renewal of the league with the Latins in B.C.
496. (Liv. ii. 19 ; Dionys. v. 52, So, 57, vi. 20 ;
Cic. Brut. 16; Zonar. vii. 13.)

2. Q. Sulpicius Camerinus Cornutus, consul

B. c. 490 with Sp. Larcius Flavus. He was after-
wards one of the embassy sent to intercede with
Coriolanus Avhen the latter was advancing against
Rome. (Dionys. vii. 68, viii. 22.)

3. Ser. Sulpicius Ser. f. Ser. n. Camerinus
Cornutus, consul b. c. 461, when the lex Teren-
tillia was brought forward a second time for a re-
form in the laws. (Liv. iii. 10; Dionys. x. 1;
Diod. xi. 84 ; Plin. H. N. ii. 57.) This law,
however, was successfully resisted by the patri-
cians ; but when in B. c. 454 it was resolved to
send three ambassadors into Greece to collect in-
formation respecting the laws of the Greek states,
Ser. Camerinus was one of their number, according
to Dionysius (x. 52), though Livy calls him (iii.
31) Publius. The ambassadors remained three
years in Greece, and on their return Ser. Camerinus
was appointed a member of the decemvirate iu b. c.

GAMERS.
451. (Liv. iii. 33; Dionys. x. 56.) In B. c. 446
he commanded the cavalry under the consuls T.
Quinctius Capitolinus and Agrippa Furius Medul-
linus in the great battle against the Volsi and
Aequi fought in that year. (Liv. iii. 70.)

4. P. Sulpicius Camerinus. (Liv. iii. 31.)
See No. 3.

5. Q. Sulpicius Ser. f. Ser. n. Camerinus
Cornutus, son or grandson of No. 3, consular
tribune in b. c. 402 and again in 398. (Liv. v. 8,
14; Diod. xiv. 38,82.)

6. Ser. Sulpicius Q. f. Ser. n. Camerinus,
son of No. 5, consul b. c. 393, and military tribune
in 391, in the latter of which years he conducted
the war against the Salpinates, and carried off a
great quantity of booty from their territory. (Liv.
V. 29, 32 ; Diod. xiv. 99, 107.) He was one of
the three interreges in B.C. 387. (Liv. vi. 5.)

7. C. Sulpicius Camerinus, consular tribune
in B.C. 382, and censor in 380 with Sp. Postumius
Regillensis Albinus. But no census was taken in
this year, as Camerinus resigned his office on the
death of his colleague. (Liv. vi. 22 ; Diod. xv. 41 ;
Liv. vi. 27.)

8. Ser. Sulpicius Camerinus Rufus, consul
B. c. 345. (Liv. vii. 28 ; Diod. xvi. QQ.)

9. Q. Sulpicius Q. f. Q. n. Camerinus, was
consul in A. D. 9, the birth-year of the emperor
Vespasian. (Suet. Vesp. 3 ; Plin. //. N. vii. 48.
8. 49.)

10. Sulpicius Camerinus, was proconsul of
Africa together with Pomponius Silvanus, and on
their return to Rome in a. d. 59, they were both ac-
cused on account of their extortions in their province,
but were acquitted by the emperor Nero. (Tac. A nn.
xiii. 52.) Soon afterwards, however, Nero put
Camerinus and his son to death, according to Dion
Cassius (Ixiii. 18), for no other reason but because
they ventured to make use of the surname Pythicus,
which was hereditary in their family, and which
Nero claimed as an exclusive prerogative for him-
self. It appears from Pliny {Ep. v. 3), that they
were accused by M. Regulus.

CA^IERI'NUS, a Roman poet, contemporary
witli Ovid, who sang of the capture of Troy by
Hercules. No portion of this lay has been pre-
served, nor do we find any allusion to the work or
its author except in a single line of the Epistles
from Pontus. The supposition, that the Excidium
Trojae mentioned by Apuleius {de Orlhoyraph.
§ 16) is the production in question, seems to rest
on no evidence whatever. (Ov. Ep. ex. Font. iv.
16. 20.) [W. R.]

CAMERI'NUS, SCRIBONIA'NUS, the as-
sumed name of a runaway slave, whose real name
was afterwards found out to be Geta. He made
his appearance in the reign of Vitellius, and his
object seems to have been to upset the government
of Vitellius. He pretended to have been obliged
to quit Rome in the time of Nero, and to have
ever since lived concealed in Histria, because he
belonged to the family of the Crassi, who had large
possessions there. He succeeded in assembling
around him the populace, and even some soldiers,
who were misled by him or Avished for a revolu-
tion. The pretender, however, was seized and
brought before Vitellius ; and when his real origin
was discovered, he was executed as a common
slave. (Tac. Hist. ii. 72.) [L. S.]

GAMERS, the name of two mythical personages
in Virgil. {Aen. x. 562, xii. 224, &c.) [L. S.]

CAM ILL us.

CAMILLA, a daughter of king Metnbus of the
Volscian town of Privernuni. When her father,
expc-lled by Iiis subjects, came in his flight to the
river Amascnua, he tied his infant daughter, whom
he liad previously devoted to the service of Diana,
to a spear, and hurled it across the river. He
himself then swam after it, and on reaching the op-
posite bank he found his child uninjured, lie
took her with him, and had her suckled by a
mare. He brought her up in pure maidenhood,
and she became one of the swift-footed servants of
Diana, accustomed to the chase and to war. In
the war between Aeneas and Turnus she assisted
the iaiier, and was slain by Anms. Diana
avenged her death by sending Opis to kill Aruns,
and to rescue the body of Camilla. (Virg. Jen.
vii. 003, &c., xi. 432, iVic, 648, &c. ; Hygin. Fab.
2o2.) Servius {ad Am. xi. 543 and 558) remarks,
that she was cjilled Camilla because she was en-
gaged in the service of Diana, since all youthful
priestesses were called Camillae by the Etruscans.
That there were such Camillae as well as Camilli
at Rome is expressly stated by Dionysius. (ii. 21,
\c. ; Fest. s. V. Cami/lus.) [L. S.]

CAMILLUS, a Gallic chief. [Brutus, No. 17.]

CAMILLUS, the name of a patrician family of
the Furia gens.

1. M. FuRius Camillu.s, was, according to
Livy (v. 1), elected consular tribune for the first
time in B. c. 403. In this year Livy mentions
eight consular tribunes, a number which does not
occur any where else ; and we know from Plutarch
(Cam. 2), that Camillus was invested with the cen-
sorship before he had held any other office. From
these circumstances it has justly been inferred, that
the censorship of Camillus and his colleague Postu-
mius must be assigned to the year B. c. 403, and
that Livy, in his list of the consular tribunes of
that year, includes the two censors. (Comp. Val.
Max. i. 9. § 1.) Therefore, what is commonly called
the second, third, &c, consular tribunate of Camillus,
must be regarded as the first, second, &c. The
first belongs to b. c. 401; and the only thing that
is mentioned of him during this j-ear is, that he
marched into the country of the Faliscans, and, not
meeting any enemy in the open field, ravaged the
country. His second consular tribunate falls in the
year b. c. 398, in the course of which he acquired
great booty at Capena ; and as the consular tribunes
were obliged by a decree of the senate to lay down
their office before the end of the year, Q. Servilius
Fidenas and Camillus were successively appointed
iiiterreges.

In b. c. 396, when the Veientines, Faliscans,
and Fidenates again revolted, Camillus was made
dictator for the purpose of carrying on the war
against them, and he appointed P. Cornelius Scipio
his magister equitum. After defeating the Falis-
cans and Fidenates, and taking their camp, he
marched against Veii, and succeeded in reducing
the town, in the tenth year of the war. Here he
acquired immense booty, and had the statue of
Juno Regina removed to Rome, where it was set
up in a special temple on the Aventine, which was
consecrated in B.C. 391, the year in which he cele-
brated the great games he had vowed. On his
return from Veii, he entered Rome in triumph,
riding in a chariot drawn by white horses. In
B. c. 394 he was elected consular tribune for the
third time, and reduced the Faliscans. The story
ef the schoolmaster who attempted to betray the

CAMILLUS. 591

tovm of Falerii to Camillus, belongs to this cam-
paign. Camillus had him chained and sent back
to his fellow-citizens, who were so much affected
by the justice of the Roman general, that they sur-
rendered to the Romans. (Liv. v. 27; comp. Val.
Max. vi. 5. § 1, who calls Camillus consul on this
occasion, although, according to the express testi-
mony of Plutarch, he was never invested with the
consulship.)

In B. c. 391, Camillus was chosen interrex to
take the auspices, as the other magistrates were
attacked by an epidemic then raging at Rome, by
which he also lost a son. In this year he was ac-
cusL'd by the tribune of the plebs, L. Appuleius,
with having made an unfair distribution of the booty
of Veii ; and, seeing that his condemnation was
unavoidable, he went into exile, praying to the
gods that, if he was wronged, his ungrateful coun-
try might soon be in a condition to stand in need
of him. During his absence he was condemned to
pay a fine of 15,000 heavy asses. The time for
which he had prayed soon came ; for the Gauls
advanced through Etruria towards Rome, and the
city, with the exception of the capitol, was taken
by the barbarians, and reduced to ashes. In this
distress, Camillus, who was living in exile at Ar-
deas, was recalled by a lex curiata, and while yet
absent was appointed dictator a second time, B. c.
390. He made L. Valerius Potitus his magister
equitum, assembled the scattered Roman forces,
consisting partly of fugitives and partly of those
who had survived the day on the Allia, and march-
ed towards Rome. Here he took the Gauls by
surprise, and defeated them completely. He then
entered the city in triumph, saluted by his fellow-
citizens as alter Romulus, pater patriae, and con-
ditor alter urbis. His first care was to have the
temples restored, and then to rebuild the city. The
people, who were at first inclined to quit their de-
stroyed homes and emigrate to Veii, were prevailed
upon to give up this plan, and then Camillus laid
down his dictatorship.

In B. c. 389 Camillus was made interrex a se-
cond time for the purpose of electing the consular
tribunes ; and, as in the same year the neighbour-
ing tribes rose against Rome, hoping to conquer
the weakened city without any difficulty, Camillus
was again appointed dictator, and he made C. Ser-
vilius Ahala his magister equitum. He first de-
feated the Volscians, and took their camp ; and they
were now compelled to submit to Rome after a
contest of seventj' years. The Aequians were also
conquered near Bola, and their capital was taken
in the first attack. Sutrium, which had been occu-
pied by Etruscans, fell in like manner. After the
conquest of these three nations, Camillus returned
to Rome in triumph.

In B. c. 386 Camillus was elected consular tri-
bune for the fourth time, and, after having declined
the dictatorship which was oflered him, he defeated
the Antiates and Etruscans. In B. c. 384 he was
consular tribune for the fifth, and in 381 for the
sixth time. In the latter year he conquered the
revolted Volscians and the Praenestines. During
the war ag-ainst the Volscians L. Furius ^ledullinus
was appointed as his colleague. The latter disap-
proved of the cautious slowness of Camillus, and,
without his consent, he led his troops agjiinst the
enemy, who by a feigned flight drew him into a
perilous situation and put him to flight. But C.&.
millus now appeared, compelled the fugitives to

*02

CAMILLUS.

stand, led them back to battle, and gained a com-
plete victory. Hereupon Caraillus received orders
to make war upon the Tusculans for having assist-
ed the Volscians ; and, notwithstanding the former
conduct of Medullinus, Camillas again chose him
as his colleague, to afford him an opportunity of
wiping off his disgrace. This generosity and mo-
deration deserved and excited general admiration.

In B. c. 368, when the patricians were resolved
to make a last effort against the rogations of C.
Licinius Stolo, the senate appointed Camillas, a
faithful supporter of the patricians, dictator for the
fourth time. His magister equitum was L. Aemi-
lins Mamercinus. But Camillus, who probably
Baw that it was hopeless to resist any farther the
demands of the plebeians, resigned the office soon
after, and P. Alanlius was appointed in his stead.
In the following year, B. c. 367, when a fresh war
with the Gauls broke out, Camillas, Avho was now
nearly eighty years old, was called to the dictator-
ship for the fifth time. His magister equitam was
T. Quinctius Pennus. He gained a great victory,
for which he was rewarded with a triamph. Two
years later, B. c. 365, he died of the plague. Ca-
millus is the great hero of his time, and stands
forth as a resolute champion of his own order until
he became convinced that further opposition was of
no avail. His history, as related in Plutarch and
Livy, is not without a considerable admixture of
legendary and traditional fable, and requires a
careful critical sifting. (Plut. Life of Camillus;
Liv. v. 10, 12, 14, 17, 19, &c., 31, 32, 46, 49-55,
vi. 1-4, 6, &c., 18, &C., 22, &c., 38, 42, vii. I ;
Diod. xiv. 93; Eutrop. i. 20 ; Val. Max. iv. 1. § 2;
Gellius, xvii. 21; Cic. pro Dam. 32, de Re PubL i.
3, Tuscid. i. 37, Fragm. p. 462 ; Ascon. pro Scaur.
p. 30, ed. Orelli.)

2. Sp. Furius Camillus, a son of No. 1.
When the praetorship was instituted in B. c. 367,
Camillus was one of the two who were first in-
vested with it. (Liv. vii. 1; Suid. 5. v. Tlpahup.)

3. L. Furius M. f. Camillus, a son of No. 1.
In B. c. 350, when one of the consuls was ill, and
the other, Popillius Laenas, retunied from the Gal-
lic war with a severe wound, L. Furius Camillus
was appointed dictator to hold the comitia, and P.
Cornelius Scipio became his magister equitum.
Camillus, who was as much a patrician in his feel-
ings and sentiments as his father, did not accept
the names of any plebeians who offered themselves
as candidates for the consulship, and thus caused
the consulship to be given to patricians only. The
senate, delighted with this, exerted all its influence
in raising him to the consulship in b. c. 349. He
then nominated Appius Claudius Crassus as his
colleague, who however died during the prepara-
tions for the Gallic war. Camillus, who now re-
mained sole consul, caused the command against
the Gauls to be given to himself ejctra soriem.
Two legions were left behind for the protection of
the city, and eight others were divided between
him and the praetor L. Pinarius, whom he sent
to protect the coast against some Greek pirates,
who in that year infested the coast of Latiuni.
Camillus routed the Gauls in the Pomptine dis-
trict, and compelled them to seek refuge in Apu-
lia, This battle against the Gauls is famous in
Roman story for the single combat of M. Vale-
rius Corvus with a bold and presumptuous Gaul.
After the battle, Camillus honoured the gallantry
of Valerius with a present of ten oxen and a golden j

CAMISSARES.

crown. Camillus then joined the praetor Pinarius
on the coast ; but nothing of any importance was
accomplished against the Greeks, who soon after
disappeared. (Liv. vii. 24-26 ; Cic. De Senect. 12 ;
Gell. ix. 11.)

4. L. Furius Sp. p. M. n. Camillus, son of No.
2, consul in b. c. 338, together with C. Maenius.
He fought in this year successfully against the Ti-
burtines, and took their town Tibur. The two con-
suls united completed the subjugation of Latium ;
they were rewarded with a triumph, and eques-
trian statues, then a rare distinction, were erected
to them in the forum. Camillus further distin-
guished himself by advising his countrymen to
treat the Latins with mildness. In B. c. 325 he
was elected consul a second time, together with
D. Junius Brutus Scaeva. In this year war was
declared against the Vestinians, and Camillus ob-
tained Samnium for his province ; but while be
was engaged in the war, he was attacked by a se-
vere illness, and was ordered to nominate L. Papirius
Cursor dictator to continue the war. (Liv. viii. 13,
16, &c., 29; Plin. //. iV. xxxiii. 5.)

5. M. Furius Camillus, consul in a. d. 8 (Fast.
Cap.), and proconsul of Africa in the reign of Tibe-
rius, defeated in a. d. 17, the Numidian Tacfarinas,
together with a gn-at number of Numidians and
Alauretanians. It is expressly stated, that after
the lapse of several centuries, he was the first who
revived the military fame of the Furii Camilli.
The senate, with the consent of Tiberius, honoured
him with the insignia of a triumph, a distinction
which he was allowed to enjoy with impunity on
account of his imassuming character. (Tac. Atm.
ii. 52, iii. 20.)

6. M. Furius Camillus, sumamed Scriboxi-
ANUs, was consul in the reign of Tiberius, a. d.
32, together with Cn. Doraitius. At the begin-
ning of the reign of Claudius he was legate of
Dahnatia, and revolted with his legions, probably
in the hope of raising himself to the throne. But
he was conquered on the fifth day after the begin-
ning of the insurrection, A. D. 42, sent into exile
and died in a. d. 53, either of an illness, or, as
was conmionly reported, by poison. (Tac. Ainu
vi. 1, xii. 52,~ /list. i. 89, ii. 75 ; Suet. Claud. 13.)

7. Furius Camillus, likewise sumamed Scri-
BoxiANUS, was sent into exile by the emperor
Climdius, together with his mother Junia, a. d. 53,
for having consulted the Chaldaeans about the time
when Claudius was to die. (Tac. A7m. xii. 52,
Hist. ii. 75.) [L. S.]

C. CAMILLUS, a Roman jurist, and a parti-
cular friend of Cicero, who had a high opinion of
his worldly prudence and judgment, and often
consulted him on matters of business and law.
At Cicero's table he was a frequent guest, and was
remarkable for his love of news, and extreme per-
sonal neatness. His name often occurs in the
letters of Cicero (ad Att. v. 8, vi. 1, 5, xi. 16, 23,
xiii. 6, 33, ad Fam. ix. 20, xiv. 5, 14), from one
of which {ad Fain. v. 20) it appears, that Camillus
was consulted by Cicero upon a matter connected
with the jus praediatorium, which was a branch of
the revenue law of Rome, and was so difficult and
intricate that some jurists specially devoted them-
selves to its study. (Diet, of Ant. s. v. Praes.)[J.T.G.]

CAM I'SS ARES, a Carian, father of Datames,
was high in favour with Artaxerxes II.(Mnemon),
by whom he was made satrap of a part of Cilicia
bordering on Cappadocia. He fell in the war of

CANACIIUS.

Artaxerxes against the Cadusii, b. c. 385, and was
succeeded in his satrapy by his son. (Nep.£>a<, 1 ;
comp. Diod. xv. 8, 10 ; Plut. Artax. 24.) [E. E.]

CAMOENAE. [Camenae.]

CAMPA'NUS, one of the leaders of the Tungri
in the war of Civilis against the Romans, in a. d.
71. (Tac. //ts<. iv. 66.) [L. S.]

CAMPA'NUS, a Roman jurist, quoted in the
Digest, once by Valens (Dig. 38, tit. 1, s. 47), and
once by Pomponius. (Dig. 40, tit. 5, s. 34. § 1.)
As both Valens and Pomponius lived about the
time of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, Campanus
probably flourished about the commencement of
the second century. Both the passages quoted
from him relate to Juleicommissa.

A Cocceius Campanus, to whom was addressed
a rescript of the emperors Severus and Antoninus
(Dig. 36, tit. 1, s. 29), must have been of later
date, though he is confounded with the jurist by
Rcrtrandus. (Menag. Amoen. Jur. c. 38; Maian-
sius, ad 30 JCtos, ii p. 197.) [J. T. G.]

CAMPASPE, called Pancaste {TlayKacm])
by Aelian, and Pacate(naKaT7}) by Lucian, of La-
rissa, the favourite concubine of Alexander, and the
first with whom he is said to have had intercourse.
Apelles being commissioned by Alexander to paint
Ciimpaspe naked, fell in love with her, whereupon
Alexander gave her to him as a present. Accord-
ing to some she was the model of Apelles' cele-
brated picture" of the Venus Anadyomene, but
according to others Phryne was the original of this
painting. (Aelian, V. ' H. xii. 34 ; Plin. H. N.
XXXV. 10. s, 36. § 12 ; Lucian, Imag. 7 ; Athen.
xiii. p. 591 ; comp. Anadyomene.)

CAMPE (Kct^TTTj), a monster which was ap-
pointed in Tartanis to guard the Cyclops. It was
killed by Zeus when he wanted the assistance of
the Cyclops against the Titans. (Apollod. i. 2. § 1.)
Diodorus (iii, 72) mentions a monster of the same
name, which was slain by Dionysus, and which
Nonnus {Dionys. xviii. 237, &c.) identities with
the former. [L. S.]

CAMU'RIUS, a common soldier of the tenth
legion, who was the murderer of the emperor Galba
according to most authorities consulted bv Tacitus.
^Hist. i. 41.) [L. S.]

CAN A. [Can us, Q. Gellius.]

CANACE (Kara/cTj), a daughter of Aeolus and
Enarete, whence she is called Aeolis (Callim. Hymn,
in Cer. 100), who had several children by Poseidon.
(Apollod. i. 7. § 3, &c.) She entertained an un-
natural love for her brother Macareus, and on this
account was killed by her own father ; but accord-
ing to others, she herself, as well as Macareus,
put an end to her life. (Hvgin. Fab. 238, 242 ;
Ov.Her.W.) ' [L. S.]

CA'NACHUS (Kdvaxos). 1. A Sicyonian ar-
tist, about whose age the greatest uncertjiinty long
prevailed, as one work of his is mentioned which
must have been executed before 01. 75, and an-
other 80 years later, which seems to be, and indeed
is, impossible. The fact is, that there were two
artists of the name of Canachus, both of Sicyon,
and probably grandfather and grandson. This was
first suggested by Schoni ( Ueb. d. Stud. d. Griech.
K'tinstler, p. 199) and adopted by Thiersch {Epoch.
Anra. pp. 38-44), K. 0. Miiller, and Bockh. The
work which must have been finished B.C. 480, was
a colossal statue of Apollo Philesius at Miletus,
this statue having been carried to Ecbatana by
Xerxes after his defeat in Greece, B. c. 479. Mul-

C AND ACE.

593

ler {Kunslblatt, 1821, N. 16) thinks, that this sta-
tue cannot have been executed before a. c. 494, at
which time Miletus was destroyed and burnt by
Dareius ; but Thiersch (l. c.) shews that the colos-
sus might very well have escaped the general ruin,
and therefore needs not have been placed there
after the destruction of the city. Finding that all
indications point to the interval between 01. 60 and
68 (b. c. 540-508), he has given these 32 years as
the time during which Canachus flourished. Thus
the age of our artist coincides with that of Gallon,
whose contemporary he is called by Pausanias (vii.
18. § 6). He was likewise contemporary with
Ageladas, who flourished about 01. ()6 [Agkla-
das] ; for, together with this artist and with his
own brother, Aristocles, he executed three Muses,
who symbolically represented the diatonic, chro-
matic, and enharmonic styles of Greek music. Be-
sides these works, we find the following mentioned:
Riding (KeXrjTi^ovTes) boys (Plin. //. N. xxxiv. 8.
s. 19); a statue of Aphrodite, wrought in gold and
ivory (Paus. ii. 10. §4); one of Apollo Ismenius
at Thebes, made of cedar, and so very like the
Apollo Philesius of Miletus, which was of metal, that
one could instantly recognize the artist. (Paus. Z.c,
ix. 10. § 2.) For Cicero's judgment of Canachus's
perfonnances, see Calamis.

2. A Sicyonian artist, probably the grandson of
the former, from whom he is not distinguished by
the ancients. He and Patrocles cast the statues of
two Spartans, who had fought in the battle of Ae-
gospotamos, b. c. 405. (Paus. x. 9. § 4.) [W. I.]

CANA'NUS, lOANNES {'lu>dvyr,5 KavavSs),
lived in the first part of the fifteenth century, and
wrote a description of the siege of Constantinople,
by Sultan Miirad II. in a. D. 1422 (a. h. 826).
The title of it is An^yrjais Trtpl tov iv Kuucrravri-
vovTr6\€i yeyofOTOs iro\4iJLOv Kara ro (TvlX' ctos
(a. m. 6930), ore 6 'A/Mvpar Uffs (Bei) Trapeireae
TavTTi ixeToL Swafxews )3opeiay, &c. It was first
published with a Latin ti-anslation, by Leo Alla-
tius, together with Georgius Acropolita and Joel,
and accompanied with the notes by the editor and
by Theodore Douza, Paris, 1651, fol. The best
•edition is that of Immanuel Bekker, appended to
the edition of Phranzes, Bonn, 1838, with a new
Latin translation. (Fabric. Bibl. Grace, vii. pp.
773,774.) [VV. P.]

CANDA'CE (KavUKv), a queen of that portion
of Aethiopia which had Meroe for its metropolis.
In B. c. 22, she invaded Egypt, being encouraged
by supposing that the unsuccessful expedition of
Aelius Gallus against Arabia, in B. c. 24, had
Aveakened the Romans. She advanced. into the
Thebaid, ravaging the country, and attacked and
captured the Roman garrisons at Elephantine,
Syene, and Philae ; but Petronius, who had suc-
ceeded Gallus in the government of the province,
compelled her to retreat, and defeated her with
great loss in her own territory near the town of
Pselcha. This place he took, and also Premnis
and Nabata, in the latter of which the son of the
queen commanded. After he had withdrawn,
Candace attacked the garrison lie had left in Prem-
nis ; but Petronius hastily returned, and again de-
feated her. On this she sent jmibassadors to Au-
gustus, who was then at Samos, and who received
them favourably, and even remitted the tribute
which had been imposed on their country. Strabo,
who tells us that Candace was a woman of a
manly spirit, also favours us with the information

2 4

^94

CANDIDUS.

that she was blind of one eye. (Strab. xvii. pp.
819—821 ; Dion Cass. liii'. 29, liv. 5.) Her
name seems to have been common to all the qiieens
of Aethiopia (Plin. H. N. vi. 29; Joseph. AnL
viii. 6. § 5; Acts, viii. 27); and it appears from
Eusebius (//is/. Ecd. ii. 1. § 10), that it was cus-
tomary for the Aethiopians to be governed by
Avomen, though Oecumenius thinks (Comm. in
Ads^ I. c), that Candace was only the common
name of the queen-mothers, the nation regarding
the sun alone as their father and king, and their
princes as the sun's children. [E. E.]

CANDAULES {KavSaiiK-ns), known also
among the Greeks by the name of Myrsilus, was
the last Heracleid king of Lydia. According to
the account in Herodotus and Justin, he was ex-
tremely proud of his wife's beauty, and insisted
on exhibiting her Tinveiled charms, but without
her knowledge, to Gyges, his favourite officer.
Gyges was seen by the queen as he was stealing
from her chamber, and the next day she summoned
him before her, intent on vengeance, and bade him
choose whether he would undergo the punishment
of death himself, or would consent to murder Can-
daules and receive the kingdom together with her
hand. He chose the latter alternative, and be-
came the founder of the dynasty of the Mermna-
dae, about b. c. 715. In Plato the story, in the
form of the well-known fable of the ring of Gyges,
serves the purpose of moral allegory. Plutarch,
following in one place the story of Herodotus,
speaks in another of Gyges as making war against
Candaules with the help of some Carian auxilia-
ries. (Herod, i. 7—13; Just. i. 7; Plat, de
Jiepub. ii. pp. 359, 360 ; Cic. de Of. iii. 9 ; Plut,
Quaest. Grace, 45, SpnjMs. i. 5. § 1 ; comp. Thirl-
wall's Greece, vol. ii. p. 158.) Candaules is men-
tioned by PKny in two passages as having given
Bularchus, the painter, a large sum of money
(" pari rependit auro") for a picture representing
a battle of the Magnetes. (Plin. H. A^. vii. 38,
xxxv. 8 ; comp. Diet, of AnL p. 682.) [E. E.]

CA'NDIDUS {KdpSiSos), a Greek author, who
lived about the time of the emperors Commodus
and Severus, about a. d. 200, and wrote a work on^
the Hexameron, which is referred to by Eusebius.
{Hist. EccL V. 27 ; comp. Hieronym. De Scriptor.
Ecd. 48.) [L. S.]

CA'NDIDUS, an Arian who flourished about
the middle of the fourth century, the author of a
tract " De Generatione Divina," addressed to his
friend Marius Victorinus, who wrote in reply "De
Generatione Verbi Divini sive Confntatorium Can-
didi Ariani ad eundem." Mabillon published in
his Analocta (Paris, 1685, fol.) a " Fragmentum
Epistolae Candidi Ariani ad JNIarium Victorinum,"
which Oudin first pointed out to be in reality a
portion of the " De Generatione Divina." Both
are printed in the Bibliotheca Patrum of Galland,
vol. viii. [Victorinus] {Owd^n.^ De Script. Bed.
vol. i. p. 528 ; Schonemann, BiU. Patrum Latino-
rum, c. iv. 13 and 14, Lips. 1792.) [W. K]

CA'NDIDUS ISAURUS (Kai^SiSor "I jaupos),
a Byzantine historian, a native of Isauria, whence
his surname Isaurus. He lived in the reign of the
emperor Anastasius, and held a high public office
in his native country. He is called a man of great
influence and an orthodox Christian, which is in-
ferred from his advocating the decrees of the coun-
cil of Chalcedon. His history of the Byzantine
empire, in three books, which is now lost, began

CAN IN I A GENS.

with the election of the emperor Leo the Thracian,
and came down to the death of Zeno the Isaurian.
It therefore embraced the period from A. d. 457 to
491. A summary of its contents is preserved in
Photius (cod. 79), to whom we are also indebted
for tlie few facts concerning the life of Candidua
which we have mentioned, and who censures the
style of the historian for its affectation of poetical
beauties. A small fragment of the work is pre-
served by Suidas {s. v. x^ f>'T'^). The extant frag-
ments of Candidus are printed in the appendix to
" Eclogae Historicorum de Reb. Byz.," ed. Labbe,
wliich forms an appendix to " Excerpta de Lega-
tionibus, &c." ed. D. Hoeschelius, published by C.
A. Fabrotus, Paris, 1648. They are also contained
in the edition of Dexippus, Eunapius, &c. published
in the Bonn collection of Byzantine writers. (Comp.
Hanke, Byz. Rer. Script, ii. 3, p. 672, &c.; Fabric.
Bi(d. Graec. \ni. p. 543.) [L. S.]

CA'NDIDUS, VESPRO'NIUS, one of the
consular envoys despatched by Didius Julianus
and the senate in A. D. 192, for the purpose of in-
ducing the troops of Septimius Sevenis to abandon
their leader, who had been declareil a public ene-
my. Not only did Candidus fiiil in accomplishing
the object of his mission, but he very narrowly
escaped being put to death by the soldiers, who re-
collected the harshness he had formerly displayed
towards those under his command. We find him,
neveitheless, at a subsequent period (193) employ-
ed as a legate by Severus, first in Asia Minor,
against Pescennius Niger, and afterwards (194)
against the Arabians and other barbarous tribes on
the confines of Syria and Mesopotamia. On both
occasions he did good service ; for, by his exhorta-
tions and example, the fortune of the day was
turned at the great battle of Nicaea; and, acting
in conjunction with Lateranus, he reduced to sul)-
mission the turbulent chiefs of Adiabene and Os-
roene. (Dion Cass. Ixxiii. 16, Ixxiv. 6, Ixxv. 2;
Spartian. Julian. 5.) [W. R.]

CANDYBUS {Kdv5v€o5), a son of Deucalion,
from whom Candyba, a town in Lycia, was believed
to have received its name. (Steph. Byz. s.v.) [L.S.]
CANE'THUS (KoVtjSos), two mythical person-
ages, one a son of Lycaon, and the second the son
of Atlas and father of Canthus in Euboea, from
whom a mountain in Euboea near Chalcis derived
its name. (ApoUod. iii. 8. § 1; Apollon. Rhod. i.
78; Strab. x. p. 447.) [L. S.J

CANTDIA, whose real name was Gratidia, as
we learn from the scholiasts, was a Neapolitan
hetaira beloved by Horace ; but when she deserted
him, he revenged himself upon her by holding her up
to contempt as an old sorceress. This was the object
of the 5th and 17th Epodes, and of the 8th Satire
of the first book. The Palinodia in the 16th ode
of the 1st book is supposed to refer to these poems.
Horace attacks her by the name of Canidia because
her real name Gratidia conveyed the idea of what
was pleasing and agreeable, while the assumed one
was associated with gray hairs and old age. (Comp.
Hor. Sai. ii. 1. 48 ; Schol. Acr. and Cruqu. ad ioc.
and ad Sat. i. 8. 24.)

P. CANI'DIUS CRASSUS. [Crassus.]
CANI'NA, C. CLAU'DIUS, consul in b. c.
285 and 273. [Claudius.]

CANI'NIA GENS, plebeian, is not mentioned
in early Roman history. It came into notice at
the beginning of the second century before Chrisi.
C. Caninius Rebilus, praetor in b. c. 171, was the

CANOBUS.

first member of the gens who obtnined any of the
oirule offices ; but the first Caninius who was con-
sul was C. Caninius llebilus in B. c. 45. The chief
families .ire those of Gallus and Rkbilus : we
also meet with the surname of Satrius, and a
Caninius Sallustius is mentioned who was adopted
by some member of this gens. [Sallustius.]

C. CA'NIUS, a Roman knight, who defended
P. Rutilius Rufus, when he was accused by M.
Aemilius Scaurus in B. c. 107. Cicero relates an
amusing tale of how this Canius was taken in by
a banker at Syracuse, of the name of Pythius, in
the purchase of some property. (Cic. de Oral. ii.
69, rfe Of.'ni. 14.)

CA'NIUS RUFUS. [Rufus.]

CANNU'TIUS. [Canutius.]

CANO'BUS or CANO'PUS {KivwSos or Kci-
vuyiros)^ according to Grecian story, the helmsman
of Menelaus, who on his return from Troy died in
Egypt, in consequence of the bite of a snake, and
was buried by Menelaus on the site of the town of
Canobus, which derived its name from him. (Strab.
xvii. p. 801; Conon, Narrat. 8 ; Nicand. Ther. 309,
&c.; Schol. adAelian. V. H. xv. 13; Steph. Byz.
s. v.; Tac. Annal. ii. 60; Dionys. Perieg. 13; Amm.
Marcell. xxii. 16 ; Serv. ad Virg. Georg. iv. 287.)
According to some accounts, Canobus was worship-
ped in Egj'pt as a divine being, and was represent-
ed in the shape of a jar with small feet, a thin
neck, a swollen body, and a round back. (Epi-
phan. Ancomt § 108; Rufin. Hist. Eccles. ii. 26 ;
Suid. s. V. Kdvayrros.) The identification of an
Egj-ptian divinity with the Greek hero Canobus is
of course a mere fiction, and was looked upon in
this light even by some of the ancients themselves.
(Aristid. Orat. Aegypt. vol. ii. p. 359, &c. ed. Jebb.)
On the Egyptian monuments we find a number of
jars with the head either of some animal or of a
human being at the top, and adorned with images
of gods and hieroglyphics. {Dtsciiption de TEgi/pie,
L pi. 10, ii. pi. 36, 92 ; Montfaucon, VAntiquite
eapliq. vol. ii. p. 2, pi. 132-134.) Such jars are
also seen on Egyptian, especially Canobian, coins.
(Vaillant, //«,! I^iolem. p. 205.) They appear to
have been frequently used by the Egyptians in I
performing religious rites and sacrifices, and it may I

CANTACUZENUS.

5.95

be that some deities were symbolically represented
in this manner ; but a particular jar-god, as wor-
shipped at Canobus, is not mentioned by any wri-
ter except Rufinus, and is therefore exceedingly
doubtful. Modem critics accordingly believe, that
the god called Canobus may be some other divinity
worshipped in that place, or the god Serapis, who
was the chief deity of Canobus. But the whole
subject is involved in utter obscurity. (See Jablon-
sky, Panth. AegypL iii. p. 151 ; Hug, Urdersuch.~
unqen uher den Mythm, &c. ; Creuzer, Dionysitis,
p. 109, &c., SymM. i. p. 225, &c.) [L. S.]

CANTACUZE'NUS, the name of one of the
most illustrious of the Byzantine families. It ia
probable that the Cantacuzcni belonged to the
nobility at Constantinople long before the time of
its supposed founder, who lived in the latter part
of the eleventh and the early part of the twelfth
century. There are at present several Greek nobles
who style themselves princes Cantacuzeni, but it is
very doubtful whether they are descended from
the imperial Cantacuzeni, of whom, however, there
are probably descendants living in Italy, although
they have dropt the name of their ancestors.

1. The first Cantacuzenus who became distin-
guished in history was the commander of the Greek
fleet in the reign of Alexis I. Comnenus. He be-
sieged Laodiceia, and was victorious in Dalmatia
in the war with Bohemond in 1107-

2. Joannes Cantacuzenus, the son or grandson
of No. 1, married Maria Comnena, the daughter of
Andronicus Comnenus Sebastocrator and the niece
of the emperor Manuel Comnenus, and was killed
in a war with the Turks-Seljuks about 1174.

3. Manuel Cantacuzenus, son of No. 2,
blinded by the emperor flannel.

4. Joannes Cantacuzenus, perhaps the son of
No. 3, blinded by the em.peror Andronicus Com-
nenus, but nevertheless made Caesar by the em-
peror Isaac Angelus, whose sister Irene he had
married. He was killed in a war with the Bulga-
rians after 1195.

5. Theodorus, perhaps the brother of the pre-
ceding, was one of the most courageous opponents
of Andronicus I. Comnenus ; he was killed in
1183.

6. Manuel Cantacuzenus, dux under John Vatatzes, emperor of Nicaea ; died subsequently
to the year 1261 : his children probably were,

1. Cantacuzenus, praefect of the Peloponnesus ; died at 2. Cantacuzenus.
thirty years of age, during the reign of Andronicus j

II., the elder (1283 — 1328); married Theodora Pa- Nicephorus.

keologina (Tarchaniota), who died in 1 342.

1
3. A daughter

1. Joannes VI. Cantacuzenus, emperor in 1347.
[Joannes VI.] He married Irene, daugh-
ter of Andronicus Asan Protovestiarius, and
granddaughter of Joannes Asan, king of Bulgaria.

2. Nicephorus
Sebastocrator.

3. A daughter, mamed Con-
stantii us Acropolita.

Matthaeus Asanes Cantacu-
zenus, co-emperor in 1 355,
and abdicated in the same
year. [Matthaeus.] He
died before his father. He
married Irene Palaeologina.

I I I

2. Thomas.

3. Manuel, duke
of Sparta, died
1380.

4. Andronicus,
died 1348.

I.
5. Maria, mar-
ried Nicepho-
rus Ducas
Angelus,
despot of
Acarnania.

6. Theodora,
married
Urnhan,
sultan of
the TurVs-
Osmanlls.

Helena,

married

Joannes V

Palaeo-

logus,

emperor.

2q

590

CANULEIUS.

CANUSIUS.

I I . I I I.I.

I.Joannes, 2. Demetrius 3. George Such e- 4. Theodora, 5. Helena, married 6. Irene, married

despot. Sebasto- tai, a great a nun. David Coninenus, George Bnin-

crator. general and last emperor of kowicz, prince

admiraL Trebizond. of Servia.

Manuel, prince of Messene, submitted to Sultan Mohammed II. about 1460. He fled to Hungary,
where he died. He married Maria, surnamed Cluchia, but no issue is known.

There are several other Cantacuzeni conspicuous
in Byzantine history, whose parentage cannot be
correctlv established. (Du Cange, Familiae Dijzan-
/m«?, p'2n8, &c.) [VV. P.]

CA*NTH.\RUS {KavQapos), a comic poet of
Athens. (Suid. s. r.; Eudoc. p. 269.) The only
thing we have to guide us in determining his age is,
that the coraedy entitled Symniachia, which com-
monly went by the name of Plato, was ascribed
b}' some to Cantharus, whence we may infer, that
he was a contemporary of Plato, the comic poet.
Besides some fragments of the Symmachia, we
possess a few of two other comedies, viz, tlie Medeia
(Suid. find Midi. Apostol. s. v. 'Apd§ios avKrfr-qs-
Pollux, iv. 61), and Tereus. (Athen. iii. p. 81 ;
Mich. Apostol. s. V. 'A0r)vaia.) Of two other
comedies mentioned by Suidas, the MvpfMtjKfs and
the 'ATjJJi'fs, no fragments are extant. (Meineke,
i/iV/. CiiL Com. Grace, p. 251.) [L. S.]

CA'NTHARUS (KdvOapos), a statuary and
embosser of Sicyon, the son of Alexis and pupil of
Eutyciiides. (Pans. vi. 3. § 3.) According to Pliny
{H.N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19), there flourished an artist
Eutychides about B.c. 300. If this was the teacher
of Cantharus, as is probable, his father Alexis can-
not have been the artist of that name who is reck-
oned by Pliny (/. c.) amongst the pupils of the
older Polycletus, for this Polycletus was already
an old man at B. c. 420. Cantharus, therefore, flou-
rished about B. c. 268. He seems to have excelled
in athletes. (Paua. vi. 3. § 3, vi. 17. § 5.) [W. I.]

CANTHUS (Koj/^or), an Argonaut, is called a
son of Canethus and grandson of Abas, or a son of
Abas of Euboea. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 78; Orph.
Argtm. 139; Val. Place, i. 453.) He is said to
have been killed in Libya by Cephalion or Caphau-
riis. (Hvgin. Fub. 14; Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1495;
Val. Flacc. vi. 317, vii. 422.) [L. S.]

L. CANTl'LIUS, a scribe or secretary of one
Df the pontiffs, committed incest with a Vestal
virgin in the second Punic war, B. c. 216, and was
flogged to death in the comitium by the pontifex
maxiiiius. (Liv. xxii. 57.)

M. CA'NTIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 293,
accused L. Postuniius Megellus, who aToided a
trial by becoming the legiitus of Sp. Carvilius Max-
im us, the conqueror of the Samnites in this year.
(Liv. X. 46.)

CANULEIA GENS, plebeian. Persons of this
name occur occasionally in the early as well as the
latter times of the republic ; but none of them
ever obtained the consulship. The only surname
in the Gens is Dives : all the other Canuleii are
mentioned without any cognomen. [Canuleius.]

CANULEIUS. 1. C. Canuleius, tribune of
the plebs, b. c. 445, was the proposer of the
law, establishing connubium between the patricians
and plebs, which had been taken away by the laws
of the twelve tables. He also proposed a law

giving the people the option ot choosing the con-
suls from either the patricians or the plebs ; but to
preserve the consulship in their order, and at the
same time make some concessions to the plebs, the
patricians resolved, that three military tribunes,
with consular power, should be elected indifferently
from either order in place of the consuls. (Liv.
iv. 1—6 ; Cic. de Rep. ii. 37 ; Florus, i. 25 ;
Dionys. xi. 57, 58.)

2. M, Canuleius, tribune of the plebs,
b. c. 420, accused C. Sempronius Atratinus, who
had been consul in b. c. 423, on account of his
misconduct in the Volscian war. [Athati.nus,
No. 5.] Canuleius and his colleagues introduced
in the senate this year the subject of an assignmeiit
of the public land. (Liv. iv. 44.)

3. L. Canuleius, one of the five Roman le-
gates sent by the senate to the Aetolians, B. c.
174. (Liv. xli. 25.)

4. Canuleius, a Roman senator, who had
been one of the ambassadors sent into Egpyt pre-
viously to B. c. 160. (Polyb. xxxi. 18.)

5. C. Canuleius, tribune of the plebs, b. c.
100, accused P. Furius, who was so much detested
by the people, that they tore him to pieces before
he commenced his defence. (Appian, B. C. i. 33 ;
comp. Cic. pro Jiafnr. 9 ; Dion Cass. Frag. 105,
p. 43, ed. Reimar.)

6. L. Canuleius, one of the publicani, engaged
in farming the duties paid on imported and exported
goods at the harbour of Syracuse, when Verres was
governor of Sicily, B. c 73 — 71. (Cic. Verr. ii.
70, 74.)

7. M. Canuleius, defended by Hortensius and
Cotta, but on what occasion is unknown. (Cic.
Brut. 92.)

8. Canuleius, mentioned in one of Cicero's
letters in b. c. 49 (ad Ait. x. 5), is otherwise un-
known.

9. L. Canuleius, one of Caesar's legates in the
war with Pompey, b. c. 48, was sent by Caesar into
Epeirus in order to collect com. (Caes. Z^.C. iii. 4 _'.)

CAN US, Q. GELLIUS, a friend of T. Poni-
ponius Atticus, was struck out of the proscription
in B. c. 43 by Antony on account of the friendsiiip
of the latter with Atticus. (Nepos, Alt. 10; couip.
Cic. ad Ait. xiii. 31, xv. 21.) The Cana to whom
there was some talk of marrying young Q. Cicero,
was probably the daughter of this Gellius Canus.
{Ad Att. xiii. 41, 42.)

CANUS, JU'LIUS, a Stoic philosopher, who
promised his friends, when he was condemned to
death by Caliyula, to appear to them aftei his
death, and inform them of the stiite of the soul
after quitting the body. He is said to have fulhlled
this promise by appearing in a vision to one of his
friends named Antioclius. (Seiiec. de Anind
Tramju. 14 ; Plut. ap. Si/ncell. p. 330, d.)

CANU'SIUS or GANU'SIUS (Fai/owo-m), ap-

CAPANEUS.

parcntly a Greek historian, wlio socnis to liave
been a contemporary of Julius Caesar ; for it is on
the authority of Cinusius that PlutJirch {dies. 22)
relates, that when the senate decreed a supplication
on account of the successful proceedings of Caesar
in Ciaul, B, c. 55, Cato declared that Caesiir ought
to be delivered up to the barbarians, to atone for
his violation of the laws of nations. [L. S.]

P. CANU'TIUS, or CANNU'TIUS, was bom
in the same year as Cicero, B, c. 106, and is de-
scribed by the latter as the most eloquent orator
out of the senatorial order. After tlie death of P.
Sulpicius Rufus, who was one of the most celebra-
ted orators of his time, and who left no orations
behind him, P. Canutius composed some and pub-
lished them under the name of Sulpicius. Canu-
tius is frequently mentioned in Cicero's oration for
Cluentius as having been engiiged in the prosecu-
tion of several of the parties connected with that
disgraceful affair. (Cic. Brut. bQ^ pro Cluent. 10,
18 21 27 ^

TI CANU'TIUS or CANNU'TIUS, tribune
of the plebs in the year that Caesar was assassi-
nated, B. c. 44, was a violent opponent of Antony.
When Octavianus drew near to Rome towards
the end of October, Canutius went out of the city
to meet him, in order to learn his intentions ; and
upon Octavianus declaring against Antony, Canu-
tius conducted him into the cit}', and spoke to the
people on his behalf. Shortly afterwards, Octa-
vianus went into Etruria and Antony returned to
Rome ; and when the latter summoned the senate
on the Capitol on the 28th of November, in order
to declare Octavianus an enemy of the state, he
would not allow Canutius and two of his other
colleagues to approach the Capitol, lest they should
put their veto upon the decree of the senate.
After the departure of Antony from Rome to pro-
secute the war against Dec. Brutus in Cisalpine
Gaul, Canutius had full scope for indulging his
liostility to Antony, and constantly attacked him
in the most furious manner {ccniiinua ruble luce-
ruUtt^ Veil. Pat. ii. 64). Upon the establishment
of the triumvirate in the following year, b. c. 43,
Canutius is said by Velleius Paterculus (/. c.) to
have been included in the proscription and put to
death ; but this is a mistake, for he was engsiged
in the Perusinian war, b. c. 40. As Octavianus
had deserted the senatorial party, Canutius became
one of his enemies, and accordingly joined Fulvia
and L. Antonius in their attempt to crush him
in b. c. 40 ; but falling into his hands on the cap-
ture of Perusia, Canutius was put to death by his
orders. (Appian, JJ. C. in. 41 ; Dion Cass. xlv.
6, 12; Cic. ad Fam. xii. 3,23, P/dlipp. iii. 9;
Appian, B. C. v. 49; Dion Cass, xlviii. 14.)

The C. Canutius, whom Suetonius {de Clar.
lihet. 4) mentions, is in all probability the same as
this Ti. Canutius. Whether the Canutius spoken
of in the Dialogue " De Oratoribus" (c. 21) is the
same as either P. or Ti. Canutius, or a different
person altogether, is quite uncertain.

CA'PANEUS (Kmravivs), a son of Hipponous
and Astynome or Laodice, the daughter of Iphis.
(Hygin. Fah. 70; Schol. ad Eurip. Phocn. 101;
ud Find. Nam. ix. 30.) He was married to Euadne
or laneira, who is also called a daughter of Iphis,
and by whom he became the father of Sthenelus.
(Schol. ad Find. 01. vi. 46 ; ApoUod. iii. 10. § 8.)
He was one of the seven heroes who marched from
Argos against Thebes, where he had his station at

CAPELLA.

101

the Ogygian or Electrian gate. (Apollod. iii. 6. § 6;
Aeschyl. Sept. c. 'Iluih. 423 ; Pans. ix. 8. § 3.^
During the siege of Thebes, he was presumutuoiK
enough to say, that even the fire of Zeus should
not prevent his scaling the walls of the city ; but
when he was ascending the ladder, Zeus struck
him with a flash of lightning. (Comp. Eurip. I'liwn.
1172, &c.; comp. Soph. ./4w/iV/. 133; Apollod iii, 6.
§7; Ov. Met. ix. 404.) W'hile his body was burning,
his wife Euadne leaped into the ilames and des-
troyed herself. (Apollod. iii. 7. § 1 ; Eurip. Suppl.
983, &c. ; Philostr. Icon. ii. 31 ; Ov. Ars Am. iii.
21 ; Hygin. Fab. 243.) Capaneus is one of those
heroes whom Asclepius was believed to have called
back into life. (Apollod. iii. 10. § 3.) At Delphi
there was a statue of Capaneus dedicated by the
Argives. (Pans. x. 10. § 2.) [L. S.j

CAPELIA'NUS. [GoRDiANUS.]

CAPELLA, a Roman elegiac poet named by
Ovid, concerning whom we know nothing. (Ovid,
Ep. ex Font. iv. 16. 36.) [ W. R.j

CAPELLA, ANTI'STIUS, the preceptor of
the emperor Commodus. (Lamprid. c. 1.) [W'^.R.]

CAPELLA, MARTIA'NUS MINEIJS FE-
LIX, is generally believed to have flourished to-
wards the close of the fifth century of our era,
although different critics have fixed upon different
epochs, and some, in opposition to all internal evi-
dence, would place him as high as the reigns of
Maximinus and the Gordians. In MSS. he is
frequently styled Afer Carthaginiensis ; and since,
when speaking of himself, he employs the expres-
sion "Beata alumnum urbs Elissae quem videt," it
seems certain that the city of Dido was the place
of his education, if not of his birth also. The as-
sertions, that he rose to the dignity of proconsul,
and composed his book at Rome when far advanced
in life, rest entirely upon a few ambiguous and
probably corrupt words, which admit of a very dif-
ferent interpretation. (Lib. ix. § 999.) Indeed,
we know nothing whatever of his personal histoiy,
but an ancient biography is said to exist in that
portion of Earth's Adversaria which has never yet
been published. (Fabric. Bibl. Lai. iii. c. 17)

The great work of Capella is composed in a med-
ley of prose and various kinds of verse, alter the fa-
shion of the Satyra Menippea of Varro and the iraty-
ricon of Petronius Arbiter; while, along with these,
it probably suggested the form into which Boethuis
has thrown his Consolatio Philosophiae. It is a
voluminous compilation, forming a sort of encyclo-
paedia of the polite learning of the middle ages,
and is divided into nine books. The first two,
which may be regarded as a mystical introduction
to the rest, consist of an elaborate and comi)licated
allegory, entitled the Nuptials of Piiilology and
Mercury, while in the remaining seven are ex-
pounded the principles of the seven liberal arts,
which once were believed to embnice the whole
circle of philosophy and science. Thus, the third
book treats of Grammar ; the fourth of Dialectics,
divided into Metaphysics and Logic ; the fifth of
Rhetoric ; the sixth of Geometry, consisting chiefly
of an abstract of Geography, to which are appended
a few simple propositions on lines, surfaces, and so-
lids; the seventh of Arithmetic, devoted in a great
measure to the properties of numbers ; the eighth of
Astronomy ; and the last of Music, including Poetr\ .
We find here an immense mass of leaniing, but
the materials are ill-selected, ill-arranged, and
ill-digested ; though from amidst much that is dull

598

CAPELLA.

and frivolous, we can occasionally extract curious
and valu<able information, derived without doubt
from treatises which have long since perished.
Thus, for example, in one remarkable passage (viii.
§ 857) we detect a hint of the true constitution of
the solar sj'stem. It is here so distinctly main-
tained that the planets Mercur}^ and Venus revolve
round the sun, and not round the earth, and their
position with regard to these bodies and to each
other is so correctly described, that the historians
of science have considered it not improbable that
Copernicus, who quotes Martianus, may have de-
rived the first germ of his theory from this source.
The style is in the worst possible taste, and looks
like a caricature of Apuleius and Tertullian. It is
overloaded with far-fetched metaphors, and has all
the sustained grandiloquence, the pompous preten-
sion, and the striving after false sublimity, so cha-
racteristic of the African school, while the diction
abounds in strange words, and is in the highest
degree harsh, obscure, and barbarous. Some al-
lowance must be made, however, for the circum-
stances under which the book has been transmitted
to us. It was highly esteemed during the middle
ages, and extensively employed as a manual for
the purposes of education. Hence it was copied
and re-copied by the monks, and being of course
in many places quite unintelligible to them, cor-
iniptions crept in, and the text soon became in-
volved in inextricable confusion. The oldest MSS.
are those in the Bodleian library, in the British
Museum, in the public librarj- of the University of
Cambridge, and in the library of Corpus Christi
College in the same university. A MS>. exposi-
tion of Capella, written by Jo. Scotus, who died in
075, is mentioned by L'Abbe (BiU. Nov. iMSS.
p. 45) ; another, the work of Alexander Neckam,
who belongs to the thirteenth century, is described
by Leland (Commentar. de Script. Drit. p. 214);
and Perizonius possessed a commentary drawn up
by Remigius Antissiodorensis about the year 888.
In modem times, Ugolctus had the merit of first
bringing CapeUa to light ; and the editio princeps
was printed at Vicenza by Henricus de S. Urso, in
fol. 1499, under the care of Franciscus Bodianus,
who in a prefatory letter boasts of having corrected
2000 errors. This was followed by the editions of
Mutina, 1500, fol. ; of Vienna, with the notes of
Dubravius, 1516, fol.; of Basle, 1532, fol.; of
Lyons, 1539, 8vo.; of Basle, with the scholia, &c.,
of Vulcanius, 1577, fol. in a vol. containing also
the Origines of Isidorus. But all these were
thrown into the shade by that of Leyden, 8vo.
1599, with the remarks of Hugo Grotius, who
wrote his commentary when a boy of fourteen,
with the assistance probably of Joseph Scaliger, by
whom he was advised to undertake the task. This
edition was with justice considered the best, until
the appearance of that by U. F. Kopp, 4to. Francf.
1836, which is immeasurably superior, in a critical
point of view, to all preceding ones, and contains
also a copious collection of the best notes. The
last book was included by Meibomius in his "Auc-
tores Vet. Musicae," Amst. 4to. 1652; the first
two were published separately by Walthard, Bern,
1763, 8vo., and by J. A. Goetz at Nuremberg, 8vo.
1794, with critical and explanatory remarks. The
poetical passages are inserted in the Collectio Pi-
saurensis, vol. vi. p. Qd.

The popularity of Capella in the middle ages is
attested by Gregorius Turonensis, Joannes Saris-

CAPITO.

buriensis, Nicolaus Clemangius, and others. A
number of clever emendations will be found in the
notes of Heinsius upon Ovid ; and !Munker, in his
commentary on Hyginus, has given several impor-
tant readings from a Leyden MS. There is an
interesting analysis of the work by F. Jacobs in
Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopadie. [W. R.]

CAPELLA, STATI'LIUS, a Roman eques,
who at one time kept Flavia Domitilla, afterwards
the wife of Vespasian. (Suet. Vesp. 3.) [L. S.]

CAPER (KoTrpos), of Elis, the son of one Pytha-
goras, who acquired great renown from obtaining
the victory in wrestling and the pancratium on the
same day, in the Olympic games. (01. 142, b. c.
212.) He is said to have been the first after
Hemcles, according to Pausanias, or the second,
•according to Africanus, who conquered in these
two contests on the same day. (Pans. v. 21. § 5,
vi. 15. §§ 3, 6; Euseb. 'E\A. oK. p. 42, ed. Scali-
ger; Krause, Olympia.^ p. 306.)

CAPER, FLA'V^IUS, a Roman grammarian of
uncertain date, whose works "de Latinitate," &c.,
are quoted repeatedly with the greatest respect by
Charisius, Rufinus, Servius, and others, but especi-
ally by Priscian. "We possess two very short tracts
entitled " Flavii Capri grammatici vetustissimi de
Orthographia libellus," and " Caper de Verbis me-
diis." Barthius {Advers. xxi. 1, xxxv. 9) has con-
jectured, with much plausibility, that these are not
the original works of Caper, but meagre abridge-
ments by a later hand. Servius {ad Virg. Aeti. x.
344) cites "Caper in libris enucleati sermonis,"
and (ad Aen. x. 377) "Caper in libris dubii gene-
ris." St. Jerome (Adv. Riifin. ii.) speaks of his
grammatical " commentarii " as a book in common
use ; and Agroetus, who wrote a supplement to the
" Libellus de Orthographia et Proprietate ac Diffe-
rentia Sermonum," refers to his annotations on
Cicero as the most celebrated of his numerous pro-
ductions. He is also frequently ranked among the
scholiasts upon Terence, but apparently on no good
grounds. (Schopfen, de Terentio^ &c., 15onn, 1821.)

Caper was first published among a collection of
Latin grammarians printed at Venice about 1476,
and reprinted in 1480, 1491, and often afterwards.
The best edition is that contained in the " Gram-
mat. Latin. Auct. Antiqu." by Putschius (pp.
2239—2248), Hanov. 1605. [W. R.]

CA'PETUS SI'LVIUS. [Silvius.]

CAPHA. [Theodosia.]

CAPHO. [Cafo.]

CA'PITO, the father of Betilienus Bassus, or
Cassius Betillinus as Dion Cassius calls him, was
compelled to be present at the execution of his sou
by order of Caligula, and was then put to death
himself. (Dion Cass. lix. 25.) [Bassus, p.471,b.]

CA'PITO (KaTTiTwj/). 1. Of Alexandria, is
called by Athenaeus (x. p. 425) an epic poet, and
the author of a work 'EpwriKoi, which consisted of
at least two books. In another passage (viii. p.
350) he mentions a work of his entitled irpds *jAo-
Tramrov d.irofjLvt)fxovcvixaTa^ from which he quotes a
statement. It is not improbable that the Capito
of whom there is an epigram in the Greek Antho-
logy (v. 67, ed. Tauchn.) may be the same person
as the epic poet.

2. A native of Lycia, is called by Suidas (s. v.
KairiTuv) and Eudocia (p. 267) an historian, and
the author of a work on Isauria ('IcravpiKa.), which
consisted, according to Suidas, of eight books, and
is frequently referred to by Stephanus of Byzan-

CAPITO.

tiurn. The latter writer (s. v. ^l/xa^a\ quotes the
fifteenth book of it ; but the reading in that pas-
sage seems to be incorrect, and one MS. has € in-
stead of ircvrtKatSfKciTev. This Caplto also made
a Greek translation of the sketch of Roman history
which Eutropius had drawn up from Livy. The
translation, which is mentioned by Suidas (/. c.)
and Lydus (De Mcu/istr. Prooem.), is lost, and his
work or works on Lycia and Pamphylia have like-
wise perished. (Comp. Tschucke's preface to his
edition of Eutropius, p. Ixvi. &c.) [L. S.]

CA'PITO (KaTrj'Tcuf), a physician, who probably
lived in the first or second century after Christ,
and who appears to have given particular attention
to diseases of the eyes. His prescriptions are
quoted by Galen {De Compos. Medicam. sec. Loc.
iv. 7. vol. xii. p. 731) and Aetius (ii. 3. 77, p. 332).
He may perhaps be the same person as Artemidorus
Capito [Artemidorus], but this is quite un-
certain. [W. A. G.]

CAPITO, C. ATEIUS, was tribune of the peo-
ple in B. c. 55, and with his colleague, Aquillius
Gallus, opposed Pompey and Crassus, who were
consuls that year. Capito in particular opposed a
bill, which the tribune Trebonius brought forward,
concerning the distribution of the provinces, but in
vain. Capito and Gallus afterwards endeavoured
to stop the levy of the troops and to render the
campaigns, which the consuls wished to undertake,
impossible ; and when Crassus, nevertheless, con-
tinued to make preparations for an expedition
against the Parthians, Capito announced awful
prodigies which were disregarded by Crassus.
Appius, the censor, afterwards punished Capito
with a nota censoria, as he was charged with hav-
ing fabricated the prodigies by which he had
attempted to deter Crassus from his undertaking.
Dion Cassius (xxxix. 34) says, that Capito, as tri-
bune, also counteracted the measures adopted by
the consuls in favour of Caesar ; but some time
afterwards Cicero (ad Famil. xiii. 29), who speaks
of him as his friend, says that he favoured the
party of Caesar, though it may be inferred
from the whole tone of the letter of Cicero
just referred to, that Capito had made no public
declaration in favour of Caesar, as Cicero is at so
much pains to induce Plancus to interfere with
Caesar on behalf of Capito. It is not improbable
that our Capito, whom Tacitus (Ann. iii. 45) calls
a praetorian, is the same as the one whom Appian
(B. C. V. 33, 50) mentions as a legate of Antony.
(Comp. Dion Cass. xxxi. 42, xxxix. 33 — 39 ;
Appian, B.C. ii. 18; I'lut. Crass. 19; Cic. de
Divmat.i.]6.) [L. S.]

CA'PITO, C. ATE'IUS, an eminent Roman
jurist, was the son of the preceding. He be-
came a disciple of the jurist Ofilius, who is said
by Pomponius to have been more learned than
Trebatius. Labeo, too, his elder contemporary
and subsequent rival, had studied under Ofilius,
but had received his elementary education from
Trebatius, and had listened to all the other
eminent jurists of the day. Labeo and Ca-
pito became the highest legal authorities at
Rome, and were reckoned the ornaments of their
profession. Differing in opinion on many impor-
tant points, they were the founders of two legal
schools, analogous to the sects of philosophers.
They were men of very opposite dispositions and
political principles — Labeo, a sturdy and heredi-
tary republican ; Capito, a time-serving adherent

CAPITO.

599

to the new order of things. The complaisance of
Capito found favour with Augustus, who accele-
rated his promotion to the consulship, in order,
says Tacitus (Ann. iii. 75), that he might obtain
precedence over Labeo. It may be that Capito
was made consul before the proper age, that is, be-
fore his 43rd year. He was consul suffectus with
C. Vibius Postumus in a. d. 5. Several writers
erroneously confound the jurist with C. Fonteius Ca-
pito, who was consul with Germanicus in A. D. 12.

Pomponius says (as we interpret his words), that
Labeo refused the offer of Augustus to make him
the colleague of Capito. " Ex his Ateius consul
fuit : Labeo noluit, quum offerretur ei ab Augusto
consulatus, ei honorem suscipere." (Dig. 1. tit. 2.
s. 2. § 47.) We cannot agree with the commenta-
tors who attempt to reconcile the statement of
Pomponius with the inference that would naturally
be drawn from the antithesis of Tacitus : " Illi
[Labeoni], quod praeturam intra stetit, commen-
datio ex injuria, huic [CapitoniJ quod consulatum
adeptus est, odium ex invidia oriebatur."

In A. D. 13, Capito was appointed to succeed
Messalla in the important office of " curator aqua-
rum publicarum," and this office he held to the
time of his death. (Frontinus, de Aquaed. 102, ed
Diederich.)

Capito continued in favour under Tiberius. In
A. D. 15, after a formidable and mischievous inun-
dation of the Tiber, he and Arruntius were in-
trusted with the task of keeping the river within
its banks. They submitted to the senate whether
it would not be expedient to divert the course of
the tributary streams and lakes. Deputies from
the coloniae and municipal towns, whose interests
would have been affected by the change, were heard
against the plan. Piso led the opposition, and the
measure was rejected. (Tac. ^??k. i. 7t), 79.)

The graramaiian, Ateius Philologus, who was a
freedman, was probably (if we may conjecture
from his name and from some other circumstances)
the freedman of Capito. [Ateius, p. 392, b.J

The few recorded incidents of Capito 's life tend
to justify the imputation of servility which has
been attached to his name ; while Labeo, as if
for the sake of contrast, appears to have fallen into
the opposite extreme of superfluous incivility. Ti-
berius, in an edict relating to new years' gifts
(jpid. of Ant. s. V. Stre7ia) had employed a word,
which recurred to his memory at night, and struck
him as of doubtful Latinity, In the morning he
summoned a meeting of the most celebrated verbal
critics and grammarians in Rome, among whom
Capito was included, to decide upon the credit of
the word. It was condemned by M. Pomponius
Marcellus, a rigid purist, but Capito pronounced
that " it was good Latin, or if not, that it would
become so." " Capito does not speak the truth,"
rejoined the inflexible Marcellus, " You have the
power, Caesar, to confer a citizenship on men but
not on words." (Suet, de III. Gram. 22 ; Dion.
Cass. Ivii. 17.) We agree with Van Eck in holding
that in Capito 's conduct on this occasion there is
nothing that deserves blame. There was a faint
condemnation lurking in his prophecy as to the
future, and, peradventure he spoke the truth, for
the authority of an emperor so fastidious in his
diction as Tiberius, might fairly be expected to
confer on a word, if not full citizenship, at least a
limited ^'ms Latii.

In the story of the (unknown) word, we dia-

600 CAPITO.

cem the spirit of a courtier, without anything to
call for serious blame, but Tacitus relates an inci-
dent which exhibits Capito in the shameful cha-
racter of a hypocrite playing the game of a hypo-
crite— of a lawyer perverting his high authority,
and using the pretence of adherence to constitu-
tional freedom in order to encourage cruel tyranny.
L. Ennius, a Roman knight, was accused by some
informer of treason, for having melted down a
small silver statue of the emperor, and converted it
into common plate. Tiberius employed his right
of intercession to stop the accusation. Capito
complained of such an interference with the juris-
diction of the senate, and deprecated the impunity
of such an atrocious delinquent as L. Ennius.
**• Let the emperor,'' said he, " be as slow as he
likes in avenging his merely private griefs, but let
his generosity have some limits— let it stop short
of giving away the wrongs of the state." The
men understood each other. The mock magnani-
mity of the emperor was proof against the mock
remonstrance of the lawyer. (Tac. Ann. iii. 70.)
Shortly after this disgraceful scene Capito died,
A. D. 22.

It is remarkable that, notwithstanding the great
legal reputation of Capito, not a single ;9Mre extract
from any of his works occurs in the Digest, though
there are a few quotations from him at second hand.
His works may have perished before the time
of Justinian, though some of them must have ex-
isted in the fifth century, as they are cited by
Macrobius. It may be that he treated but little
of private law, and that his public law soon be-
came superaimuated.

Capito is quoted in the Digest by his contempo-
rary Labeo : Dig. 23, tit. 3, s. 79, % 1 ; 32, s. 30,
§ 6 ; by Proculus, 8, tit. 2, s. 13, 5 I ; by Javole-
nus, 34. tit. 2, s. 39, ^ 32 ; by Ulpian, 23, tit. 2,
s. 29 (where mention is made of Capito 's consul-
ship), by Paulus, 39, tit. 3, s. 2, § 4 ; 39, tit. 3, s.
] 4 ; though, in this last-mentioned passage, the
Florentine manuscript has Antaeus, but there is no
where else the slightest record of a jurist named
Antaeus. In Dig. 23, tit. 2, s. 79, ^ 1, and 34,
tit. 2, s. 39, ^ 2, Capito is quoted as himself quo-
ting Servius Sulpicius, who thus appears at third
hand. There are judicial fragments of Capito
preserved in other authors (Gellius, Festus, Nonius,
Macrobius). A collection of such fragments is
given by Dirksen in his Bruchstuckc aus dtr
Schriflen der Roinisclien Juriste7i, pp. 83 — 92.

Capito was learned in every department of law,
public, private, and sacred. He wrote 1. Conjectanea,
which must have been exceedingly voluminous,
as the 259th book is cited by Gellius. (xiv. 8.)
Each book seems to have had a separate title. At
least, the 9th book is said by Gellius (iv. 14) to
have been inscribed de judiciis publicis, and it is
undoubtedly the same book which is cited (x 6),
as if it were a separate treatise, by the name
Coiymentarius de Judiciis Publicis. Possibly the
Conjectaneorum libri were composed of all the se-
parate works of Capito, collected and arranged
under proper heads and subdivisions. The books
of the ancient jurists, so far as we can judge by
remaining specimens, were not long. Labeo left
400 behind him. 2. A treatise De Fontijicio Jure,
of which the 5th book is quoted by Gellius (iv. 6),
and the 6th by Festus (s. v. Mundm). It is
probably the same treatise, or a part of the same
treatise, which is cited by Macrobius {Satuni. iii.

CAPITO.

10) under the name De Jure Sacrlfiiiorum. 3. A
treatise, De Officio Senaiorio. (Gell. iv. 10.)

Frontinus {De Aquacduct. 97) cites Capito on
the law of the public waters of Rome, and it is
very likely that he wrote specially on a subject
with which his official duties connected him.

We have already seen Capito in the character of
a verbal critic. The meaning and proper usage of
words constitute a branch of study of considerable
importance to a jurist, who has to interpret wills
and other private dispositions of property, and to
construe laws. There is a title de Significatione
Verborum in the Digest. The subject engaged the
attention of Labeo, and we are strongly disposed
to believe that it ^vas treated of by Capito. In
Pliny {H. N. xiv. 15), Capito is cited as agreeing
with the jurist Scaevola, and with Laelius (Aelius ?)
in holding (as Plautus, Pseud, ii, 4. 51, seems to
have held), that the word myrrhina comprehended
sweets {dulcia\ as well as wines. In another
passage of Pliny {H. N. xviii. 28), we find Capito
tracing the variations in meaning of the words
coquus luid pisior. In Servius {ad Virg. Aen. v.
45), Varro and Ateius are cited as holding a pe-
culiar opinion on the distinction between Divus
and Deus. We take Ateius here to be the jurist
Capito, for Ateius is the name by which he is ge-
nerally denoted in the Digest ; but it is not im-
possible that the freedman Ateius Philologus may
be meant.

AymaiTis Rivallius, one of the earliest writers
on the history of Roman law (v. 2) says, that
Capito wrote commentaries on the 12 Tables, but
no authority is produced for this assertion, which,
however, is followed by Val. Forster (in i. Zileti
Traciatus TrackUuum p. 48), and Rutilius. {De
Jurisp. c. 48.)

Gellius (xiii. 12) cites a certain epistle of
Capito, the authenticity of which has been called
in question. It speaks in the past tense of Labeo,
who died in the beginning of the reign of Tiberius.
It commends the great legal learning of Labeo,
while it charges him with a love of liberty so ex-
cessive, that he set no value upon anything " nisi
quod justum sanctumque esse in Romanis antiqui-
tatibus legisset." It then relates an instance of
Labeo's refusing to obey the summons of a tribune,
while he admitted the right of a tribune to arrest.
Gellius thereupon takes occasion to shew, very
clearly and satisfactorily, from Varro, why it was
that tribunes, having power to arrest, had not the
apparently minor and consequential power of sum-
mons. That Capito should charge Labeo with ad-
herence to the strict letter of constitutional law
seems to be at variance with the character of the
two jurists as drawn by Pomponius : '* Capito kept
to that which he received from his instructors ;
Labeo, who possessed an intellect of a different
order, and had diligently cultivated other depart-
ments of human knowledge besides law, introduced
many innovations." (Dig. 1. tit. 2, s. 2. $ 47.)
For the purpose of reconciling these apparently
conflicting testimonies, it has been supposed that
Capito was a follower of the Old in private law,
and Labeo in public law ; while, on the contrary,
in public law, Capito was an advocate of the New ;
in private law, Labeo.

Capito and Labeo became the founders of two
celebrated schools of Roman law, to which most of
the distinguished jurists belonged. Their respec-
tive followers, mentioned by Pomponius, are —

CAPITO.

OfAntislitis Labeo. 0/ C. Ateius CfipUo.

M. Cocceius Nerva Masurius Sabiiius.

pater. C. Cassius Longinus.

Serapronius Proculus. Longinus,

Nerva filius. Caelius Sabinus.

Pegasus. Priscus Javolenus.

P. Juventius Celsus Aburnus Valeus.

pater. Tuscianus.

Celsus filius. Salvias Julianus.

Neratius Priscus.

To the list of Capito's followers may be added
with certainty. Gaius ; with the highest probability,
Pomponius ; and, with more or less plausible con-
jecture, a few others, as T. Aristo.

The schools, of which Capito and Labeo were the
founders, took their respective names from distin-
guished disciples of those jurists. The followers
of Capito were called from Masurius Sabi-
nus, Sabiniani ; and afterwards, from Cassius
Longinus, Cissiani. The followers of Labeo took
from Proculus (not Proculeius), the ill-fonncd
name Proculeiani (so spelt, not Proculiani, in all
old manuscripts wherever it occurs). From a mis-
understanding of the phrase Pegasianum jus,
(meaning, the legal writings of Pegasus,) in the
scholiast on Juvenal (iv. 77), some have supposed
that the followers of Labeo were also c;dled from
Pegasus, Pegasiani. {Diet, of Aiit.s.v.Jurisconsulii.)

The controversy as to the characteristic differ-
ences between these schools has been endless, and
most writers on the subject have endeavoured to
refer those differences to some general principle.
When continental jurists were disputing about the
relative importance of equity, as compared with
strict law, the Roman schools were supposed to be
biised upon a disagreement between the admirers of
equity and the admirers of strictness. Those who
thought Labeo the better man were anxious to en-
list him upon their side of the question. Accord-
ing to Mascovius and Horamel, Labeo was the ad-
vocate of sound and strict interpretation ; accor-
ding to Bach and Tydemann, Capito was an oppo-
nent of that enlightened equity which seeks to
penetrate beyond the literal husky rind. When
modem jurists were divided into the philosophical
(dyslogistically, unhistorical), and the historical
(dyslogistically, unphilosophical), schools, Capito
and L;ibeo were made to belong to one or other of
these parties. Dirksen {lieitrdge zur Kcntniss des
Romischen IiecIiis,TpTp. 1-139) and Zimmern (Ji.R. G.
\. $ 66) think, that the schools differ chiefl}' in
their mode of handling legal questions ; that the
votaries of Sabinus look for something extenial to
hang their reasoning upon, whether it be ancient
practice, or the text of a law, or the words of a
private disposition, or analogy to a positive rule,
and only at last, in default of all these, resort to
the general principles of right and the natural
feelings of equity : whereas the votaries of Procu-
lus on the other hand, looking, in the first instance,
more freely to the inner essence of rules and insti-
tutions, and anxious to construct law on the un-
changing basis of morality, sometimes by an appa-
rent deviation from the letter, arrive at results
more con-espondent with the nature of the subject.
Puchta {Inst. 1. § 98) refers the on'ginal divergence
to the personal characters of the founders, the ac-
quiescence of Capito in received doctrines, the
liberal and comprehensive intellect of Labeo, urging
philosophical progress and scientific developcment.
Whether the original differences rested on

CAPITO.

601

general pnnciples, or whether they consisted in
discordant opinions upon isolated particular points,
it is clear that the political opjjosition between
Capito and Labeo had not long any important in-
fluence on their respective schools, for Cocceius
Nerva, the immediate successor of Labeo, did not
adopt the political opinions of his master, which,
as the empire became consolidated, must have soon
grown out of fashion, the more especially, since
jurists now began to receive their authorization
from the prince. Proculus was a still stronger im-
perialist than Nerva. Even in private law, the
subsequent leaders on either side modified, per-
haps considerably, the original diflferences, and
introduced new matters of discussion. The dis-
tinction of the schools is strongly manifested in
Gaius, who wrote under Antoninus Pius, but soon
after that time it seems to have worn out from the
influence of independent eclecticism. Even in
earlier times, a jurist was not necessarily a bigoted
supporter of every dogma of his school. Thus,
we find a case in Gaius (iii. 140) where Cassius
approves the opinion of Labeo, while Proculus
follows that of Ofilius, the master of Capito. 'Not
every question, on which the opinions of Roman
jurists were divided, was a school question.
When Justinian found it necessary to settle fifty
disputed questions in the interval between the first
and second editions of his Constitutionum Codex,
he was obliged to look back to ancient contro-
versies, and sometimes to annul by express sanc-
tion that which was already antiquated in practice.
The consideration of this fact alone shews that,
from his L. Decisiones, it would be wrong to infer,
as some have done, that the old separation of the
schools existed in his time ; but further, there is
no proof that any of the questions he settled were
ever party questions of the schools.

Though the distinctions of the schools gradually
wore out, as eminent and original men arose, who
thought for themselves, there is no proof that there
was ever a distinct middle school. A school of
Miscelliones has been imagined in consequence of a
passage of Festus, which, however, has nothing to
do with the profession of the law : " Miscelliones
appellantur, qui non certae sunt sententiae, sed
variorum mixtorumque judiciorum." Cujas, from
a false reading of Servius {ad Virg. Aen. iii. 68),
imagined the existence of an eclectic sect of Her-
ciscundi. Servius, speaking of the opinions of the
ancients concerning the soul, says tliat some be-
lieved that consciousness ceased with death ; others,
that the soul was inunortal ; while the Stoics, pur-
suing a middle course, held that it was buiied in
Vie earth, and lived as long as the body endured.
*' Stoici vero, terris cotidi, i. e. medium secuti, tam
diu durare dicunt, quamdiu durat et corpus."
Cujas, for terris condi, deciphered, as he thought,
in his nearly illegible copj', herciscundi, a technical
word, which appears in the Familiae herciscundae
causa. (Dig. 10. tit. 2.) The error of Cujas, in
referring a name so strangely gotten to an eclectic
sect of Roman jurists, gained genei-al reception
among the civilians of his day, on account of bin
great learning and authority.

Though Capito is little quoted — not once by his
own follower, Gaius — though there are many (60)
more citations bearing the name of Labeo in the
Digest, and a vast number of citations of Labeo in
fragments bearing the name of other jurists — the
conclusions of Capito's school seem, in a majority of

602

CAPITO.

cases, to have prevailed in practice. This proceeded
partly, perhaps, from the great authority acquired
by Masurius Sabinus, and from the numerous com-
mentators who wrote libri ad Sabinum. Among
these, indeed, were some of the opposite party.
According to Blume's celebrated hypothesis, first
suggested by Jac. Godefroi, one of the great
divisions in most of the titles of the Digest con-
sisted of extracts from the writings of annotations
on Sabinus. Some Sabinian influence may also
have been exerted upon Roman jurisprudence
through the labour of the Sabinian Salvius Ju-
lianus in recasting the praetor's edict. But there
never was any general determination in favour of
either school. In some points, Proculus and his
party were preferred. For example, Gains (ii. 21 )
mentions a rescript of Hadrian, and(ii. 195) another
of Antoninus Pius, against certiiin theoretical con-
clusions of the Sabinians (' nostri praeceptores')
and in favour of the " diversae scholae auctores."
The agreement of the majority of the jurists autho-
rized by the emperor jura condere, rather than
the creed of this or that sect, became under the
empire the test of legal orthodox}'. (Plin. //. A^.
xiv. 15 ; Rutilius, c. 48, in Franckii Viiae Tripar-
titae JCtorum, contains several questionable state-
ments, without giving his authorities. He enters
into conjectures as to the fomily of the jurist, and
treats of several Romans of the name of Capito.
Bertrand, ii. 51. 3 ; Guil. Grot. i. 12. 6 ; Ant.
Augustinus, de Nomiiiibus Propriis Pandectanim,
in Otto's Thesaunis, i. 226; Chr. Thomasii, Com-
paraiio Antistii Lcdteonis et Aieii Capttonis, 4 to.
Lips. 1683 ; Com. Van Eck, de Vita^ Moribus, et
Siudiis M. Antistii Labeonis et C. Aieii Capitonis,
ed. Oelrichs, Thes. Nov. Diss. i. 825—856 ;
And. M. Molleri, Selecta quaedam, ^'c, ib. vol. ii.
tom. ii. pp. Ill— 126; Maiansius, ad XXX
JCtos, ii. 167—186 ; Zimmem. R. R. G. i.
§§ 82, 83.) [J. T. G.]

CA'PITO, CLAU'DIUS, a Roman orator, a
contemporary of the younger Pliny. {Ep. vi. 13.)

CA'PITO, COSSUTIA'N US, a Roman advo-
cate in the reigns of Claudius and Nero, who ap-
pears to have used his profession as a mere means for
enriching himself. For this reason he and some of
his profession opposed a law by which advocates were
to be forbidden to accept any fees from their clients.
In A. D. 56 he obtained Cilicia as his province, and
there he acted with the same avarice and impu-
dence as he had done before at Rome. In the year
following, the Cilicians accused him of extortion,
and he was condemned, in consequence of which
he lost his senatorial rank. But this he afterwards
received back, through the mediation of Tigellinus,
his father-in-law; and shortly after, a. d. 62, he
accused the praetor Antistius Sosianus of high
treason. In a. d. 66, Annaeus Mela, the brother
of the philosopher Seneca, and father of the poet
Annaeus Lucan, left a large legacy to Tigellinus and
Cossutianus Capito, the latter of whom came forward
in the same year as the accuser of Thrasea Paetus,
for Thrasea had formerly supported the cause of
the Cilicians against him, and had been instru-
mental in bringing about his condemnation. Ca-
pito was rewarded by Nero for this base act with
an immense sum of money. (Tac. Ann. xi. 6, &c.,
xiii. 33, xiv. 48, xvi. 17, 21, 22, 26, 28, 33; Juv.
Sat. viii. 93, &c.) [L. S.]

CA'PITO, FONTEIUS. 1. T. Fonteius Ca-
pito, was praetor in B. c. 178, and obtained the

CAPITO.

command in Hispania Ulterior, which was left to
him also for the year following, with the title of
proconsul. (liiv. xl. 59, xli. 2, 19.)

2. P. Fonteius Capito, was praetor in b. c.
169, and obtained Sardinia as his province. (Li v.
xliii. 13, 17.)

3. C. Fonteius Capito, a friend of M. Antony,
accompanied Maecenas, in b. c. 37, when he was
sent by Octavianus to Antony to restore friend-
ship between Octavianus and Antony. Capito
remained with Antony, and was soon after sent
by him to Egypt, to fetch Cleopatra to Syria. He
is probably the same person as the C. Fonteius
Capito who was appointed consul suffectus, in b. c.
33, together with M\ Acilius. There is a coin of
his extant with the heads of Antony and Cleopa-
tra, and on which Capito is called propraetor, and
bears the praenomen Caius. (Horat. Sat. \.. 5.
32 ; Plut. Anton. 36 ; Eckhel, Docir. Num. v.
p. 219.)

4. C. Fonteius Capito, a son of C. Fonteius
Capito, the friend of M. Antony. [No. 3.] He
was consul in A. D. 12, together with Gernianicus,
and afterwards had, as proconsul, the administra-
tion of the province of Asia. Many years later,
in A. D. 25, he was accused by Vibius Serenus,
apparently on account of his comluct in Asia; but,
as no sufficient evidence was adduced, he was ac-
quitted. (Fasti Cap.; Suet. Cal. 8; Tac. ^««.iv. 36.)

5. C. Fonteius Capito, consul in a. d. 59 to-
gether with C. Vipsanius. (Tac. Ann. xiv. I ;
Plin. //. N. ii. 72, vii. 20 ; Solin. 6.)

6. L. Fonteius Capito, consul in a. d. 67 to-
gether with C. Julius Rufus, as we learn from the
Fasti Siculi and the Chronicon of Cassiodorus ; but
whether he is the same as the Fonteius Capito
who was put to death in Germany in the reign of
Galba, a. d. 68, on the ground of having attempted
to excite an insurrection, is uncertain. (Tac. Hist.
i. 7, 37, 52, iii. 62, iv. 13; Suet. Galb. 11; Plut.
Galb. 15, where ^povr/fios should be changed into
^6vr-f{ios. )

It is uncertain to which of the Capitos the two
following coins belong : the praenomen Publius
would lead us to refer them to No. 2. The former
contains on the obverse a head of Mars with a trophy
behind it and the inscription P. Fonteivs P. F.
Capito III. Vir., and on the reverse a man riding
on horseback at full gallop, with two men below
fighting, and the inscription Man. Font. Tr. Mir..

The latter coin contains on the obverse the head of
Concordia with the inscription P. Fonteivs Ca-
pito III. Vir. Concordia, and on the reverse
a double portico with the inscription T. Didi. Imp.
ViL. Pvbl. [L. S.]

CAPITOLTNUS.

CA'PITO, INSTEIUS, a centurion in the Ro-
man army whicli carried on the war under Domi-
tius Corbulo against the Parthian Vologeses, a. d.
54. The king, after being defeated, sent hostages
who were delivered up to Capito. He is probably
the same whom we meet with three years later, in
those same regions as praefectus castrorum, to
whom Corbulo entrusted some of the smaller fort-
resses in Armenia. (Tac. ^KM. xiii. 9,39.) [L. S.]

CA'PITO, LUCI'LIUS, procurator of Asia in
A. D. 23, was accused by the provincials of malver-
sation, and was tried by the senate. (Tac. Ann.
iv. 15 ; Dion Cass. Ivii. 23.) [L. S.]

CA'PITO, C. MA'RIUS, occurs on several
coins of the Maria gens, a specimen of which is
given below, but this Marius Capito is not men-
tioned by any ancient writer. The obverse re-
presents the head of Ceres, the reverse a man
ploughing.

CAPITOLINUS.

eon

CA'PITO, VIROrNIUS. During the war
between the supporters of Vitellius and Vespasian,
A. D. 69, Virginius Capito sent a slave to L. Vitel-
lius, the emperor's brother, promising to surrender
to him the citadel of Terracina, if he would receive
tlie garrison. The slave was afterwards hanged
for having assisted in carrying out a treacherous
design. (Tac. Bist. iii. 77, iv. 3.) [L. S.]

CAPITOLl'NUS, a family-name in several
Roman gentes, which was no doubt originally
given to a person who lived on the hill Capitolinus.
In the same way Aventinensis, Caeliomontanus,
Esquilinus, frequently occur as the names of families
at Rome. [L. S.]

CAPITOLl'NUS, JU'LIUS. We possess a
volume containing the biographies of various Ro-
man emperors and pretenders to the purple, com-
piled by writers who flourished towards the end of
the third and the beginning of the fourth centurj',
dedicating their works for the most part to Diocle-
tian or Constantine. The number of pieces is in
all thirty-four. They reach from Hadrian to the
death of Carinus, that is, from a. D. 117 to A. D.
284, extending over a space of 167 years, and
forming a sort of supplement to the Caesars of
Suetonius, which terminate with Domitian. No
immediate connexion, however, is established with
the last-named work, since Nerva and Trajan are
passed over ; nor is the series absolutely complete,
even within its own proper limits, for there is a
gap of nine years, from the third Gordian to Vale-
rianus, that is, from a. d. 244 to a. d. 253, includ-
ing the reigns of Philippus, Decius, Callus, and
Aemilianus. It is by no means unlikely, indeed,
that these, as well as Nerva and Trajan, may ori-
ginally have formed a part of the whole, and that
the existing blanks are owing to the mutilation of
the MS. which formed the archetype ; but this is
merely a probable conjecture. The authors of the
collection are commonly classed together under the
title " Historiae Augustae Scriptores sex," their
names being Aelius Spartianus, Julius Capitolinus,
Vulcatius Galhcanus, Aelius Lampridius, Trebellius

Pollio, and Flavins Vopiscns. In consequence of
the confusion which prevails in the MSS. it is im-
possible to assign each section with absolute cer-
tainty to its real owner, and no trustworthy con-
clusion can be drawn from comparing the styles of
the different portions, for the lives do not exhibi-
the well-digested result of careful and extensive re-
search, but are in many instances evidently made up
of scraps derived from different sources and possess-
ing different degrees of merit, loosely tacked toge-
ther, and often jumbled into a rough mass destitute
of form and symmetry. Hence we find numerous
repetitions of frivolous details, a strange mixture of
what is grave and valuable with the most puerile
and worthless rubbish, and a multitude of irrecon-
cileable and contradictory statements freely admit-
ted without remark or explanation. We have his-
tory here presented to us in its lowest and cnidest
shape — a total want of judgment in the selection
and classification of facts ; an absence of all unity
of purpose, no attempt being made to establish a
relation between the circumstances recorded and
the character of the individual under discussion;
and a total disregard of philosophical combination
and inference. The narratives have all the bare-
ness and disjointed incoherence of a meagre chro-
nicle without possessing simplicity and methodical
arrangement. These strictures may perhaps be
slightly modified in favour of Vopiscus, who ap-
pears to have had access to valuable public records,
and to have taken some pains to extract what was
most interesting, although he often exhibits as lit-
tle discretion as the rest in working up his raw
materials. But, notwithstanding all these defects,
this compilation is of no small importance in ena-
bling us to form a just conception of an important
period of Roman history. We have no reason to
question the general accuracy of the great events
recorded, although blended with idle rumours and
false details ; nor the general fidelity of the por-
traits of the leading men, although the likenesses
may be in some instances flattered and in others
caricatured, according to the predilections of the
artist. The antiquarian, above all, will here dis-
cover a mass of curious statements with regard to
the formal administration of public affairs and the
history of jurisprudence, together with a multitude
of particulars illustrating the state of literature and
the arts, the social usages and modes of thought
and feeling which prevailed among the different
classes of the community during this stormy period.
Nay, the verj' frivolous minuteness with which these
writers descant upon matters connected with the
private life and habits of the personages who pass
under review, although unworthy of the dignity of
history, opens up to us a very singular region for
observation and inquiry, the more interesting be-
cause usually inaccessible. In these departments
also we may receive the information conveyed
without suspicion, for upon such topics there could
be no conceivable motive for falsehood or misrepre-
sentation ; and the worst we have to fear is, that
the love of the marvellous may occasionally have
given rise to exaggeration in describing the fantas-
tic extravagance and profusion so characteristic of
that epoch.

Nine biographies bear the name of Capitolinus :
1. Antoninus Pius, 2. Marcus Aurelius Antoninus,
3. L. Verus, 4. Pertinax, 5. Clodius Albinus,
6. Opilius Macrinus, 7. the two Maximini, 8. the
three Gordiani, 9. Maximus and Balbinus. Of

604 CAPITOLIXUS.

tliese Antoninus Pius and L. Vcrus are inscrib-
ed to Diocletian, who is also addressed in M. Au-
relius (c. 19); Pertinax and Maximus with Balbi-
uus bear no inscription ; the rest are inscribed
to Constantine. Siilmasius, following the au-
thority of the Palatine MSS., assigns the first
five to Spartianus, and acknowledges the sixth,
seventh, and 8th only, as the genuine productions
of Capitolinus ; but these are points on which it is
foolish, in the absence of all satisfactory evidence,
internal or external, to hazard even an opinion.

The editio princeps of the Ilistoriae Augustae
Scriptores was printed at Milan in 1475 by Philip
de Lavagna, in a folio volume divided into three
parts, of which the first contains Suetonius ; the
second a piece entitled de ejcordio Nervae, followed
by the Augustan Historians ; the third Eutropius
and Paulas Diaconus. It is excessively rare, and
bears a high price. It was reprinted at Venice by
Bernardinus, fol. 1489, and by Rubeus, fol. 1490.
1'hese lives are also to be found in various miscel-
lanies containing the history of the Caesars wliich
appeared during the 16th century; but they were
first brought out in an independent form at
Paris, 4to. 1603, under the inspection of Isaac
Casaubon ; this was followed by the edition of
Salmasius, fol. Par. 1620, which exhibits a text
greatly improved by a careful examination of MSS.
and copious notes containing a prodigious but ill-
digested mass of erudition. The most useful edi-
tion is that by Schrevelius (Lugd. Bat. 1671); but
much remains to be done, for palpable corruptions
appear in everj- page.

(Dodwell, Praeled. Academ. 8vo, Oxford, 1692;
lleyne, Opusc. Academ. voL vi. p. 52, «S:c.; Gu. de
iMoulines, Memoires sur les Kcrivains de ITlistoire
A tujuste^ in Minioires de rA cademie de Berlin, 1750;
Godofred. Muscovius, Oratio de Usu et I'ruestantia
J list. August, in Jure Civili^ in his Qpusc. Juridica
ct Fhilolog. 8vo. Lips. 1776; H. E. Dirksen, Die
Script. Histor. August. 8vo. Lips. 1842.) [W. R.]

CAPITOLI'NijS, P. MAE'LIUS, twice con-
sular tribune, in b. c. 400 and 396. (Li v. v. 12,
18.) [L. S.]

CAPITOLI'NUS, MA'NLIUS. 1. M. Man-
Lius Capitolinus, consuhir tribune in B. c. 434.
(Liv. iv. 23.)

2. L. Manlius Capitolinus, consular tribune
in B. c. 422. (Liv. iv. 42.)

3. A. Manlius a. f. Cx. n, Capitolinus Vul-
so, thrice consular tribune, in B. c. 405, 402, and
397. In B. c. 390 he was one of the ambassadors
whom the senate sent to Delphi, to dedicate there
the golden crater which Camillus had vowed. In
the straits of Sicily the ambassadors fell in with
pirates of Lipara and were made prisoners, but
they were restored to freedom and treated with
distinction at Lipaiu, when it became known who
they were. (Liv. iv. 61, v. 8, 16, 28.)

4. M. Manlius T. f. A. n. Capitolinus, the
famous deliverer of the Capitol from the Gauls,
was consul in B. c. 392 with L. Valerius Potitus.
An insignificant war was carried on in that year
against the Aequians, for which Manlius was
honoured with an ovation, and his colleague with a
triumph. Rome was visited at the time by a pes-
tilence, and as the two consuls were seized with
it, they were obliged to abdicate, and an interreign
ftillowed. In B. c. 390, when the Gauls one night
endeavoured to ascend the Capitol, Manlius, wliose
n.-sidcucc was on the Capitol, was roused from his

CAPITOLINUS.

sleep by the cackling of the geese, and on discover-
ing the cause of it, he and as many men as he could
collect at the moment hastened to the spot where
the Gauls were ascending, and succeeded in repel-
ling them. This gallant and successful deed was
rewarded the next day by the assembled people
with all the simple and rude honours and distinc-
tions which were customary at the time. He is
said to have received the surname of Capitolinus
from this circumstance ; but this is probably a rnis-
tiike, as it had become a regular family-name in
his gens before his time, and he would thus have
inherited it from his father. In b. c. 387 he was
appointed interrex, but two years later, B. c. 385,
he abandoned the cause of the patricians, to whom
he belonged, and placed himself" at the head of the
plebeians, who were suffering severely from their
debts and the harsh and cruel treatment they ex-
perienced from their patrician creditors. The
motive, however, from which iManlius came for-
ward to support them was not pure ; it appears
that after his delivery of the Capitol he was so in-
toxicated with his exploit, that he could not bear
seeing any man placed on an equality with or
raised .ibove himself, and it is even believed that
he harboured the scheme of making himself tyrant
or king of Rome. With such or similar intentions
he excited the plebeians against their oppressors,
who became so alarmed that they resolved upon
the appointment of a dictator, A. Cornelius Cossus.
While the dictator was absent from Rome, Manlius
had recourse to ^^olence to rescue the plebeians
from the hands of their creditors, and conducted
himself iUtogether like a complete demagogue.
When the dictator returned to the city in order to
put a stop to the proceedings of Manlius, he sum-
moned Manlius to appear before him. The rebel
came accompanied by a host of plebeians ; but the
dictator had him arrested by one of his viators and
consigned to prison as a seditious citizen. The
plebeians, though they did not venture anything
against the orders of the dictator, displayed their
grief by putting on mourning for their champion,
and gathering around his prison. The attempts of
the senate to allay the indignation of the plebeians
by assignments of land, only irritated them the
more, as they regarded these favours as bribes to
betray their patron, and the insurrection rose to
such a height, that the senate and patricians s;iw
themselves obliged to liberate Manlius. By this
step, however, nothing was gained ; the plebeians
now had a leader, and the insurrection instead of
decreasing spread further and further. In the
year following, b. c. 384, the Romans had not to
fight against any foreign enemy, and as Manlius
did not scruple to instigate the plebs to open
violence, the consular tribunes of the year received
orders, viderent ne quid res publica detrimenti ca-
peret. Manlius was charged with high-treason,
and brought before the people assembled in the
campus Martins, but as the Capitol which had once
been saved by him could be seen from this place,
the court was removed to the Poetelinian grove
outside the porta Nomentana. Here Manlius was
condemned, notwithstanding his former military
glory and his appeals to the gratitude of the peo-
ple, and the tribunes threw him down the Tarpeian
rock. The members of the Manila gens considered
that he had brought disgrace upon them, and ac-
cordingly resolved that none of them should ever
have in future the praenomen of Marcus. (Liv. v.

CAPITOLINUS.

31, 47, vi, 5, 11, 14— 20; Cic. de Re Paid. ii. 27,
PhUipp. i. 13, ii. 44 ; Cell. xvii. 21 ; Dion Cass.
Fray. 31, p. 15, ed. Reimar, xlv. 32 ; Aurel. Vict.
de Vir. III. 24.)

5. A. Manlius a. f. a. n. Capitolinus, four
times consular tribune, in B. c. 389, 38o, 383, and
370. In his first tribuneship Rome was attacked
by several enemies at once, and A. Manilas ob-
tained the command of one of the three armies
then raised for guarding the city. In the second
tribuneship he persuaded the senate to appoint a
dictator to carry on the war against the Volscians,
Latins, and Heniicans. (Liv. vi. 1, 11, 21, 36.)

6. C. Manlius Capitolinus, consular tribune
in B. c 385. (Liv. vi. 30.)

7. P. Manlius A. f. A. n. Capitolinus, con-
sular tribune in b. c. 379. He was created dic-
tator in B. c. 368, as the successor of M. Furius
Camillus, for the purpose of restoring peace be-
tween the two orders, and during his government
the Licinian laws were carried. In the year fol-
lowing he was elected consular tribune a second
time. (Liv. vi. 30, 38, &c. ; Pint. Camill. 39, 42.)

8. L. Manlius A. f. A. n. Capitolinus Im-
PERiosus, was dictator in B. c. 363 clavi jigendi
catua. (Liv. vii. 3.)

9. Cn. Manlius L. f. A. n. Capitolinus Im-
PERiosus, was consul in B. c. 359 with M. Popil-
lius Laenas, and carried on a war with the Tibur-
tines. Two years later, B. c. 357, he was again
called to the consulship, during which he had to
carry on a war against the f\aliscans and Tarqui-
nienses. In B. c. 351 he was censor with C.
Marcius Rutilus, and during the war with the
Auruncans in 345, he was magister equitura to
the dictator L. Furius Camillus. (Liv, vii. 12,
16, 22, 28.) [L. S.]

CAPITOLI'NUS, PETI'LLIUS, was accord-
ing to the Scholiast on Horace (^Sat. i. 4. 94) en-
trusted with the care of the temple of Jupiter on
the Capitol, and was accused of having stolen the
crown of Jupiter, but was acquitted by the judges
in consequence of his being a friend of Augustus.
The Scholiast states that Petillius received the
surname of Capitolinus from his being placed over
the Capitol ; but whether this be so, or whether it
was a regular family-name of the gens, so much is
certain, that the annexed coin of the gens refers to
the connexion of one of the Petillii with the temple
of Jupiter Capitolinus, for the obverse represents
the hejid of Jupiter, and the reverse the temple.

CAPITOUNUS.

605

CAPITOLI'NUS, QUI'NCTIUS. 1. T.
QuiNCTXUS Capitolinus Barbatus, was consul
in b. c. 471 with App. Claudius Sabinus Regil-
lensis. During the disputes about the Publilian
law, ho opposed his colleague and conciliated the
plebeians, and the law was carried. He then con-
ducted the war agjiinst the Aequians, and his
great popularity with the soldiers enabled him to
conquer the enemy, who did not venture to meet
the Romans, but allowed them to ravage the coun-

trj'. The immense booty acquired in this campaign
was all distributed among the soldiers. He ob-
tained the consulship a second time in B. c. 468,
during which year he again carried on a war against
the Volscians and Aequians, and by his presence of
raind saved the Roman camp, which was attacked
by the enemy during the night. After this war
he was honoured with a triumph. In «. c. 365 he
was made consul a third time. The war against
the Aequians and Volscians was still continued, and
Capitolinus, who was stationed on mount Algidus
and there heard of the ravaging inroads of the
Aequians in the Roman territory, returned to
Rome and delivered his fellow-citizens from their
terror. The senate proclaimed a justitium, and
the consul again marched out to protect the Roman
frontier ; but as he did not meet with the enemy,
who had in the meantime been defeated by his
colleague Q. Fabius, Capitolinus returned to Rome
four days after he had left it. The consulship was
given him for the fourth time in B. c. 446, together
with Agrippa Furius. During the quarrels which
were then going on at Rome between the patri-
cians and plebeians, the Aequians and Volscians
again took up arms, began ravaging Latiuni, and
advanced up to the very walls of the city. The
people of Rome were too distracted among them-
selves to take the field against the enemy, but
Capitolinus succeeded in allaying the discontent of
the plebs, and in rousing the nation to defend
itself with all energy. The supreme command of
the Roman army was given him with the consent
of his colleague, and he routed the enemy in a
fierce contest. In B. c. 443 he obtained his fifth
consulship. In this year the censorship was in-
stituted at Rome as an oflice distinct from the con-
sulship. While his colleague M. Geganius Mace-
rinus was engaged in a war against Ardea, Capito-
linus gained equal laurels at home by acting as
mediator between the patricians and plebeians,
with both of whom he had acquired the highest
esteem. The extraordinary wisdom and modera-
tion he had shewn on all occasions, obtained for
him the sixth consulship in b. c. 439, together
with Agrippa Menenius. Rome was at that time
visited by a famine, and when he pointed out the
necessity of appointing a dictator under the cir-
cumstances, the dignity was offered him, but he
declined it on account of his advanced age, recom-
mending L. Quinctius Cincinnatus, who was ac-
cordingly raised to that dignity. In B. c. 437, he
accompanied the dictator Mam. Aemilius Mamcr-
cinus as legate in his campaign against Fidenac,
and a few years later he came forward as a sup-
pliant for the son of the dictator Cincinnatus, who
was tried before the comitia, and the prayer of the
aged Quinctius procured his acquittal. After this
time we hear no more of him. (Liv. ii, 6Q — 60,
64, iii. 2, &c., 66, &c„ iv. 8, 1 0, 1 3, 1 7, 4 1 ; Dionys.
ix. 43, &c., 57, 61, xi. 63 ; Zonar. vii. 19.)

2. T. Quinctius Capitolinus Barbatus, a
son of No. 1, was consul in B. c. 421, together
with N. Fabius Vibulanus. (Liv. iv. 43.)

3. T. Quinctius T. f. T. n. Capitolinus Par-
BATUS, a son of No. 2, consular tribune in b. c,
405. (Liv. iv. 61 ; Zonar. vii. 20.)

4. T. Quinctius Capitolinus, consular tribune
in a c. 385, and magister equitum in the same year
to the dictator Q. Cornelius Cossus. (Liv. vi. U.)

5. T. Quinctius Cincinnatus Capitolinus,
consular tribune in B. c. 388. [Cincinnatus.]

606 CAPRARIUS.

6. T. QuiNCTius CixciNNATUs Capitolinus,
consular tribune in B. c. 368. [Cincinnatus.]

7 T. QuiNCTius T. F. Pennus Capitolinus
Crispin us, was appointed dictator in b. c. 361, to
conduct the war against the Gauls, as Livy thinks,
who is supported by the triumphal fasti, which
ascribe to him a triumph in this year over the
Gauls. In the year following he was magister
equitum to the dictator, Q. Servilius Ahala, who
likewise fought against the Gauls. In B. c. 354 he
was consul with M. Fabius Ambustus, and in that
3'ear the Tiburtines and Tarquinienses were sub-
dued. In B. c. 351, he was appointed consul a se-
second time, and received the conduct of the war
against the Faliscans as his province, but no battle
was fought, as the Romans confined themselves to
ravaging the country. (Liv. vii. 9, 11, 18, 22.)

8. T. QuiNCTius Pknnus Capitolinus Cris-
pin us. In B. c. 214, when M. Claudius Marcellus
went to Rome to sue for his third consulship, he
left Capitolinus in Sicily in command of the Roman
fleet and camp. In b. C. 209, he was elected prae-
tor, and obtained Capua as his province. The year
after, b. c. 208, he was elected consul together with
M. CLiudius Marcellus, and both consuls were
commissioned to carry on the war against Hannibal
in Italy. In a battle which was fought in tlie
neighbourhood of Tarentum, Capitolinus was se-
verely wounded and retreated. He was afterwards
carried to Capua and thence to Rome, where he
died at the close of the year, after havmg pro-
claimed T. Manlius Torquatus dictator. (Liv.
xxiv. 39, xxvii. 6, 7,21, 27, 28, 33 ; Polyb. x. 32.)

9. T. QuiNCTius T. F. Pennus Capitolinus
Crispinus, consul in B. c. 9. (Fast. Cap.) [L. S.]

CAPITOLI'NUS, P. SE'XTIUS, surnamed
VATICANUS, was consul in a c. 452 with T.
Menenius Agrippa. In this year the ambassadors
who had been sent to Athens for the purpose of
consulting its laws and institutions, retui'ned to
Rome, and in the year following P. Sextius was
one of the decemvirs appointed to draw up a new
code of laws. Festus (s. v. jKculatns) mentions a
lex multaticia wliich was carried by P. Sextius and
his colleague during their consulship. (Liv. iii. 32,
&c. ; Dion vs. x. 64.) [L. S.]

CAPITOLI'NUS, SP. TARPE'IUS MON-
TA'NUS, consul in b. c. 454 with A. Aternius
Varus. A lex de multae sacrame7iio which was
carried in his consulship, is mentioned by Festus
(s. V, peculatus^ comp. Cic. de lie Publ. ii. 35 ; Liv.
iii. 31 ; Dionys. x. 48, 50). After the close of
their office both consuls were accused by a tribune
of the people for having sold the booty which they
had made in the war against the Aequians, and
giving the proceeds to the aerarium instead of dis-
tributing it among the soldiers. Both were con-
demned notwithstanding the violent opposition of
the senate. In b. c. 449, when the Roman army
advanced towards Rome to revenge the murder of
Virginia, and had taken possession of the Aven-
tine, Sp. Tarpeius was one of the two ambassadors
whom the senate sent to the revolted army to re-
monstrate with them. In the year following, he
and A. Aternius, though both were patricians, were
elected tribunes of the plebs by the cooptation
of the college to support the senate in its opposi-
tion to the rogation of the tribune L. Trebonius.
(Liv. iii. 50, 55.) [L. S.]

CAPRA'RIUS, a surname of Q. Caecilius Me-
tellus, consul b. c. 113. [Metellus.]

CAPTA.

CAPRATINA, a surname of Juno at Rome, of
which the origin is related as follows : — When the
Roman state was in a very weak condition, after
the ravages of the Gauls, tlie neighbouring people
under Postumius Livius advanced from Fidenae
before the gates of Rome, and demanded Roman
women in marriage, threatening to destroy Rome
completely unless their demand was complied with.
AVhile the Roman senate was yet deliberating as
to what was to be done, a slave of the name of
Tutela or Philotis, offered to go with her fellow-
slaves, in the disguise of free women, to the camp
of the enemy. The stratagem succeeded, and when
the Latins in their camp, intoxicated with wine,
had fallen asleep, the slaves gave a signal to the
Romans from a wild fig-tree {vaprificus). The
Romans now broke forth from the city, and de-
feated the enemy. The senate rewarded the
generosity of the female slaves by restoring them
to freedom, and giving to each a dowry from the
public treasury. The day on which Rome had
thus been delivered, the 7th of July, was called
nonae Caprotinae, and an annual festival was cele-
brated to Juno Caprotina in all Latiura, by free
women as well as by female slaves, with much
mirth and merriment. The solemnity took place
under the ancient caprificus, and the milky juice
flowing from the tree was offered as a sacrifice to
the goddess. (Macrob. Sat. i. 11 ; Varro, DeLing.
Lat. vi. 18; Pint. Rovml 29, Camil. 33.) [L.S.J

CAPRE'OLUS, succeeded Aurelius in the epis-
copal see of Cai-thage in the year 430, at the period
when all Africa was overrun and ravaged by the
Vandals. The state of the country rendering it
impossible to send a regular deputation to the
council of Ephesus, summoned in 431 for the pur-
pose of discussing the doctrines of Nestorius, Ca-
preolus despatched thither his deacon Besula, with
an epistle, in which he deplores the circumstances
whicli compelled his absence, and denounces the
tenets of the patriarch of Constantinople. Capreolus
is believed to have died before 439, the year ia
which Carthage was stormed by the Vandals.

We possess, 1. Epistola ad Synodum Ephesinaniy
written, as we have seen above, in 431. It is ex-
tant both in Greek and Latin.

2. Epistola de una Chrisli veri Dei et Hominis
Persona contra recens damnatum Haeresim Nestoiiiy
a long and learned letter, addressed to two persons
named Vitalis and Constantius, or Tonantius, who
had written from Spain to consult Capreolus con-
cerning the controversy which was then agitating
the church. It is contained in the Varior. Opusc.
of Sirmond, vol. i. Paris, 1G75, 8vo.

Both of the above works, together with the epis-
tle of Vitalis and Tonantius to Capreolus, will be
found in the Bibliotheca Patrum of Galland, vol.
ix. p. 490.

3. A fragment in reply to the letter addressed by
Theodosius to Augustin with regard to the council
of Ephesus, is preserved by Ferrandus in his
" Epistola ad Pelagium et Anatolium," and quoted
by Galland.

4. Tillemont believes Capreolus to be the author of
the Sermo de Tempore Bai'harico^ on the invasion
of Africa by the Vandals, usually included among
the works of St. Augustin. Galland, Bibl. Patrum.
vol. ix. Prolegg. p. 31 ; Schoenemann, Bibl. Pa-
trum Lalinorum^ c. v. 32, who enumerates all the
editions. [W. R.]

CAPTA or CAPITA, a surname of the Minerva

TARACALLA.

worshipped on the Caelian hill at Rome. Its
origin was not known. Ovid (Fa*/, iii. 837, &c.)
proposes various conjectures about it. [L. S.]

CAPUSA, the son of Oesalces, who was the
uncle of Masinissa. While the latter was in
Spain fighting on behalf of the Carthaginians, his
father Gala died, and was succeeded in the so-
vereignty by his brother Oesalces. Oesalces
also dying shortly afterwards, his son Capusa ob-
tained the throne ; but as he had not much influ-
ence among his people, one Mezetulns laid claim
to the kingdom, and defeated and killed Capusa in
battle. (Liv. xxix. 29.)

CAPYS (Kdirvs). 1. A son of Assaracus and
Hieromnemone, and father of Anchises. (ApoUod.
iii. 12. §2; Horn. 11. xx. 239; Virg. Jen. \i.
768 ; Diod. iv. 75.)

2. One of the companions of Aene,a8, from whom
the town of Capua was said to have derived its
name. (Virg. Jen. x. 145.) This Capys was a
Trojan, and is mentioned by Virgil among those

CARACALLA.

607

who were of opinion that the wooden horse should
be thrown into the water. (AeM. ii. 35.) Livy
(iv. 37) states, that according to some traditions
the town of Capua, which was previously called
Vulturnum, derived its name from a Samnite chief
of the name of Cap vs. [L. S.]

CAPYS SI'LVIUS. [SiLvius.]

CAR (Kap), a son of Phoroneus, and king of
Megara, from whom the acropolis of this town de-
rived its name Caria, (Paus. i. 39. § 4, 40. § 5.)
His tomb was shewn as late as the time of Pausa-
nias, on the road from Megara to Corinth, (i. 44.
§ 9.) Another mythical personage of the name of
Car, who was a brother of Lydus and Mysus, and
was regarded ;is the ancestral hero of the Carians,
is mentioned bv Herodotus, (i. 171.) [L. S.]

CARACALLA or CARACALLU5. The
genealogy of this emperor and of many other his-
torical personages will be readily understood from
the following table. An account of each individual
is given in its proper alphabetical place.

Basflianus.

Julia Domna Augusta, second wife of
L. Septimius Severus Augustus.

Julia Maesa Augusta, wife
of Julius Avitus.

I

M. Aurelius Antoninus
Augustus, commonly
called Caracalla.

L.(vel. P.) Septi-
mius Geta Au-
gustus.

CaracaUa or Caracallus, son of Septimius Seve-
rus and his second wife Julia Domna, was born
at Lyons on the 4th or 6th of April, a. d. 188.
while his father was governor of Gallia Lugdu-
nensis. The child was originally called Bas-
sianus after his maternal grandfather, but when
Severus thought fit to declare himself the adopted
offspring of M. Aurelius, he at the same time
changed the name of his boy to M. Aurelius Anto-
ninus^ a designation retained by him ever after.
CaracaUa or Caracallus^ which never appears on
medals or inscriptions, was a nickname derived
from a long tunic or great coat with a hood, worn
by the Gauls, which he adopted as his favourite
dress after he became emperor, and introduced into
the army. These vestments found great favour,
especially among the lower orders, and were known
as Antoninianae CaracaUae.

Young Bassianus is said to have been remark-
able in early life for a gentle and pleasing address.
At this period he was beloved alike by his parents
and the people, and displayed no indication of that
ferocious temper which subsequently rendered Wm
the scourge of the world. At the age of eight (196)
he received the title of Caesar and Princeps Juven-
tutis, in Maesia, while his father was marching
from the East to encounter Albinus, and the year
following (197) he was admitted an extraordinary
member of the pontifical college. After the over-
throw of Albinus, we find him styled Destinatus
Imperator; and in 198, when ten years old, he
was invested with the tribunician power, and cre-
ated Augustus. He accompanied Severus in the
expedition against the Parthians, sharing his victo-

Julia Soemias Au-
gusta, wife of Sex.
Varius Marcellus.

M. Aurelius Antoninus
Augustus, commonly
called Elagabalus.

Julia Mamaea Augusta,
wife of Gessius Mar-

M. Aurelius Severn*
Alexander Augus-
tus.

ries and honours, put on the manly gown at An-
tioch in 201, entered upon his first consulship in
202, and, returning through Egypt to Rome, was
married in the course of a few months to Plautilla,
daughter of Plautianus, the praetorian praefect.
The political events from this date until the death
of Severus, which took place at York, on the 4th
of February, a. d. 211, are given in the life of that
prince, whose acuteness and worldly knowledge
w-ere so conspicuous, that he could not, under any
circumstances, have failed to fathom the real cha-
racter of his son, who assuredly was little of a hy-
pocrite. But, although the youth was known to
have tampered with the troops, and once, it is said,
was detected in an open attempt to assassinate his
father, no punishment was inflicted, and parental
fondness prevented the feeble old man from taking
any steps which might save the empire from being
cursed with such a ruler. Geta, however, was
named joint heir of the throne, having been pre-
viously elevated to the rank of consul and dignified
with the appellations of Caesar and Augustus.

The great object of CaracaUa was now the de-
struction of this colleague, towards whom he enter-
tained the most deadly hatred. Having failed in
persuading the ai-my to set aside the claims of his
rival, he, on various occasions, sought his life se-
cretly while they were journeying from Britain to
Rome with the ashes of their father; but these
treacherous schemes were all frustrated by the vi-
gilance of Geta, who was well aware of his danger,
and fear of the soldiery prevented open violence.
A pretended reconciliation now took place : they
entered the city together, together bestowed a d;>-

60S

CAR AC ALL A.

native on the guards and the people, and a nego-
tiation was commenced for a peaceful partition of
the empire. But the passions of Caracalla could
no longer be restrained. During an interview held
in the chamber of Julia, soldiers, who had been
craftily concealed, rushed forth and stabbed the
younger son of the empress in his mother's arms,
while the elder not only stood by and encouraged,
but with his own hands assisted in completing the
deed. The murderer sought to appease the irri-
tated troops by pretending that he had only acted
in self-defence ; but was eventually compelled to
purchase their forbearance bj' distributing among
them the whole wealth accumulated during his fa-
ther's reign. The senate he treated with well-
merited contempt, and, feeling now secure, pro-
ceeded to glut his vengeance by massacring all
whom he suspected of having favoured the preten-
Rions or pitied the fate of Geta, whose name was
forthwith erased from the public monuments. The
number of persons sacrificed is said to have amount-
ed to twenty thousand of both sexes, among the
number of whom was Papinianus, the celebrated
jurist. But these crimes brought their own retri-
bution. From this moment Caracalla seems never
to have enjoyed tranquillity for a single hour.
Never were the terrors of an evil conscience more
fearfully displayed. After endeavouring in vain
to lianish remorse by indulgence in all the dissolute
pleasures of Rome, by chariot- racing jind gladiato-
rial shows and wild beast hunts, to each of which
in turn he devoted himself with frantic eagerness ;
after grinding the citizens to the earth by taxes
and extortions of every description ; and after plun-
dering the whole world to supply the vast sum*
lavished on these amusements and on his soldiers,
he resolved if possible to escape from himself by
change of place. Wandering with restless activity
from land to land, he sought to drown the recollec-
tion of his past guilt by fresh enormities. Gaul,
Germany, Dacia, Thrace, Asia, Syria, and Egypt,
were visited in succession, and were in succession
the scene of varied and complicated atrocities.
His sojourn at Alexandria was marked by a gene-
ral slaughter of the inhabitants, in order to avenge
certain sarcastic pleasantries in which they had in-
dulged against himself and his mother; and the
numbers of the slain were so great, that no one
ventured to make known the amount, but orders
were given to cast the bodies instantly into deep
trenches, that the extent of the calamity might be
more effectually concealed. The Greeks now be-
lieved that the furies of his brother pursued him
with their scourges. It is certain that his bodily
health became seriously affected, and his intellects
evidently deranged. He was tormented by fearful
visions, and the spectres of his father and the
murdered Geta stood by him, in the dead of night,
with swords pointed to his bosom. Believing him-
self spell-bound by the incantations of his foes, he
had recourse to strange rites in order to evoke the
spirits of the dead, that from them he might seek
a remedy for his tortures; but it was said that
none would answer to his call except the kindred
soul of Commodus. At last, he sought the aid of
the gods, whom he importuned by day and night
with prayers and many victims ; but no deity
would vouchsafe a word of comfort to the fraticide.
While in this excited and unhappy condition,
he demanded in marriage the daughter of Artaba-
mis, the Parthian king ; but the negotiation having j

CARACTACUS.
been abruptly broken off, he suddenly' passed the
Euphrates in hostile array. The enem}' were lo-
talh' unprepared to resist an invasion so unexpect-
ed, and could offer no effectual resistance. Meso-
potamia was wasted with fire and sword, Arbela
was captured, and the emperor, after digging up the
sepulchres of the Parthian kings and scattering their
bones, returned to winter at Edessa. Having trea-
cherously gained possession of the person of Abga-
rus, king of the Osroeni, he seized upon his terri-
tory, and took the field in spring with the intention
of carrying his arms beyond the Tigris. His course
was first directed towards Carrhae, that he might
offer homage at a celebrated shrine of the Moon-
deity in that neighbourhood ; but during the march
he was assassinated, at the instigation of Macrinus,
the praetoiian praefect, by a veteran named Mar-
tialifi, on the 8th of April, 217, in the thirtieth
year of his age and the seventh of his reign.

The chronology of the last years of Caracalla is
ftill of difficulty, and it is almost impossible to ar-
range the different events recorded in their proper
order with anything like certainty. We hear of
an expedition against the Alemanni and another
ag-ainst the Getae. The former, commemorated by
the epithet Gernianicus, terminated in a purchased
peace ; the latter appears to have been partially
successful. The portion of Dion Cassius which
refers to this period consists of disjointed and im-
perfect chapters, between which we can seldom
estiiblish any connexion. They contain, however,
much curious information, to which considerable
additions have been made by the fragments re-
cently discovered by Mai. Dion tells us, that after
death Caracalla was usually spoken of under the
insulting name of Taraiiius^ taken from a gladiator
remarkable from his short stature, ugly features,
and sanguinary disposition. The historian himself,
having explained this tenn (Ixxviii. 9), invariably
employs it in the subsequent portions of his work.

We must not omit to observe, that Gibbon, fol-
lowing Spanheim and Burmann, ascribes to Cara-
calla the important edict which communicated to
all free inhabitants of the empire the name and
privileges of Roman citizens, while several ancient
authors attribute this document to M. Aurelius.
The truth seems to be, that M. Aurelius was the
author of a vcrj- broad and liberal measure in favour
of the provincials, clogged, however, by certain
conditions and restrictions which were swept away
by Caracalla, in order that he mght introduce an
uniform system of taxation and extort a larger
revenue in return for a worthless privilege.

(Dion Cass. Ixxvii. Ixxviii.; Herodian. iv.; Spar-
tian. Vit. Caraca/l. ; Aurel. Vict. Epit. xxi.. Cues,
xxi.; Eutrop. xxi. ; Gruter, C0/7). /»scr. pp. cxci.
cclxvii. ccc. mIxxxv. ; Gibbon, chap. vi. ; Joh. P.
Mahneri, Comm. de Marc. Aur. Antonino Consti-
tution, de Civitaie Universo Orbi Romanae data,
Hall. 1772, quoted by Wenck ; comp. Milman's
Gibbon, vol. i. p. 281.) A coin of Caracalla's,
which has been accidentally omitted here, is given
under his brother Geta. [W. R. ]

CARA'CTACUS (or, as Dion Cassius calls him,
KapdraKos or Karapct/caTos), was a king of the
British tribe of the Silures, and by various pros-
perous enterprises had raised himself above all the
other British chiefs. He appears to have been a
most formidable enemy of the Romans. When
they made their last attack upon him, he trans-
ferred the war into the country of the Ordovices,

C ARAN us.

and there took a position which was as favourable
to himself as it appeared detrimental to the Ro-
mans. When Cai-actacus, in addition to this, had
also fortified himself with artificial means, he ex-
horted his men either to die or to conquer in the
approaching battle. The Roman propraetor, P.
Ostorius, who saw the disadvantages under which
the Romans were labouring, would not have ven-
tured upon an engagement, had not the courage of
his soldiers and officers demanded it. The superior
military skill of the Roman legions overcame all
tiie difficulties, and a splendid victory was gained :
the wife and daughters of Caractacus fell into the
hands of the Romans, and his brothers surrendered.
Caractacus himself sought the protection of Carti-
mandua, queen of the Brigantes ; but she betrayed
him, and he was delivered up to the Romans, and
carried to Rome, A. D. 51, after the war in Britain
had lasted for nine years, as Tacitus says. The
emperor Claudius wished to exhibit to the people
this old and formidable foe in his humiliation, and
ordered Caractacus and the members of his family,
with their clients and ornaments, to be led in a
sort of triumph before an assembly of the people
and an array of soldiers. The emperor himself was
present. The relatives of Caractacus walked by
his side cast down with grief, and entreated the
mercy of the Romans; Caractacus alone did nei-
ther of these things, and when he approached the
seat of the emperor, he stopped and addressed him
in so noble a manner, that Claudius pardoned him
and his friends. They appear, however, not to
have returned to Britain, but to have spent the
remainder of their life in Italy. (Tac. Ann. xii.
33-38 Hist. iii. 45 ; Dion Cass. Ix. 20.) [L. S.]
CARA'NUS {Kdpavos or Kapavos). 1. A He-
racleid of the family of the Temenidae, and accord-
ing to some accounts, the founder of the Argive
dynasty in Macedonia, about the middle probably
of the eighth century b. c, since he was brother to
Pheidon, the Argive tyrant. The legend tells,
that he led into Macedonia a large force of Greeks,
and, following a flock of goats, entered the town of
Edessa in the midst of a heavy storm of rain and
a thick mist, unobserved by the inhabitants. Re-
membering the oracle which had desired him " to
seek an empire by the guidance of goats," he fixed
here the seat of government, and named the place
Aegae in commemoration of the miracle. Herodo-
tus gives a different tradition of the origin of the
dynasty, and his account seems to have been adopt-
ed by Thucydides, who speaks of Archelaus I. as
tlie ninth king, and therefore does not reckon Cara-
nus and the other two who come before Perdiccas I.
in the lists of Dexippus and Eusebius. Miiller
thinks that the two traditions are substantially the
same, the one in Herodotus being the rude native
legend, while the other, of which Caranus is the
hero, was the Argive story ; and he further sug-
gests that Kdpauos is perhaps only another form of
Koipauos. (Diod. Fragm. ix. p. 637, ed. Wess.;
Plut. Jfer. 2; Just.vii. 1, xxxiii. 2; Clinton, Fas^.
ii. p. 221 ; Miiller, Dor. i. 7. § 15, App. i. § 15,
and the authorities there referred to ; Herod, viii.
137-139; Thuc. ii. 100.) Pausanias, in mention-
ing that the Macedonians never erected trophies
when victorious, records the national tradition by
which they accounted for it, and which related,
that a trophy set up by Caranus, in accordance
with Argive custom, for a victory over his neigh-
bour Cisseus, was thrown down and destroyed by

CARAUSIUS. 609

a lion from Olympus ; whereby, it was said, the
king loarnt that its erection had been of evil coun-
sel, as deepening the enmity of the conquered.
(Pans. ix. 40.)

2. Mentioned by Justin (xi. 2) as a son of Phi-
lip and a half-brother of Alexander the Great. The
latter suspected him of aiming at the throne, and
put him to death soon after his accession, b. c. 336.

3. A Macedonian of the body called fraipoi or
guards (comp. Polyb. v. 53, xxxi. 3), was one of
the generals sent by Alexander against Satibarzanes
when he had a second time excited Aria to revolt.
Caranus and his colleagues were successful, and
Satibarzanes was defeated and slain, in the winter
of B. c. 330. (Arrian, Jnalt. iii. 25,28 ; Curt. vi. 6.
§ 20, &c., vii, 3. § 2, Freinsheim, ad he, vii. 4.
§ 32, &c. ; comp. Diod. xvii. 81.) In B. c. 329,
Caranus was appointed, together with Androma-
chus and Menedemus, under the command of the
Lycian Pharnuches, to act against Spitamenes, the
revolted satrap of Sogdiana. Their approach com-
pelled him to raise the siege of Maracanda ; but,
in a battle which ensued, he defeated them with
the help of a body of Scythian cavalry, and forced
them to fall back on the river Polytimetus, the
wooded banks of which promised shelter. The
rashness however or cowardice of Caranus led him
to attempt the passage of the river with the cavalry
under his command, and the rest of the troops
plunging in after him in haste and disorder, they
were all destroyed by the enemy. (Arr. Anab. iv.
3, 5 ; comp. Curt. vii. 6. § 24, 7. § 31, &c.) [E.E.J

CARAU'SIUS, M. AURE'LIUS VALE'-
RIUS. Maximianus Herculius having equipped
a naval force at Boulogne for the purpose of re-
pressing the outrages of the Franks, who cruising
from place to place in their light sloops were de-
vastating the coasts of Holland, Gaul, and Spain,
gave the command of the armament to a certiiin
Carausius, a man of humble extraction, bom in Me-
napia, a district between the Scheldt and Meuse,
who had been bred a pilot and had distinguished
himself as a soldier in the war against the Bagaudae.
Carausius was by no means deficient in zeal and
energy, but after a time his peculiar tactics and
rapidly increasing wealth gave rise to a suspicion,
probably not ill founded, that he permitted the
pirates to commit their ravages unmolested, and
then watching for their return, seized the ships
laden with plunder and appropriated to his own
use the greater portion of the spoils thus captured.
Herculius accordingly gave orders for his death,
but the execution of this mandate was anticipated
by the vigilance of the intended victim, who having
crossed the channel with the fleet, which was de-
voted to his interests, and having succeeded in
gaining over the troops quartered in Britain, estab-
lished himself in that island and assumed the title
of Augustus. His subsequent measures were
cliaracterised by the greatest vigour and prudence.
A number of new galleys was constructed with all
speed, alliances were formed with various barbarous
tribes, who were carefully disciplined as sailors, and
the usurper soon became master of all the western
seas. After several ineffectual attempts to break
his power, Diocletian and Maximianus found it
necessary to acknowledge him as their colleague in
the empire, an event commemorated by a medal
bearing as a device three busts with a[)propriate
emblems and the legend caravsivs. kt. fhatrks.
svi., while on the reverse we read the words pax.

2 R

610

CARAUSIUS.

AVGGO., or, in some cases, laktitia. avggg., or
HiLARiTAR. AVGGG. On a second coin we find a
laurelled head with imp. c. caravsivs. p. f. avg.,
and on the reverse Jovi. kt. hkrcvli. cons, avg.,
indicating Jovius Diocletianus and Herculius Maxi-
minianus, and to a third we are indebted for the
name M. Aurelius Valerius, an appellation
probably borrowed from his recently adopted
brother. Thr.ie transactions took place about a. d.
287, and for fix years the third Augustus main-
tained his authority without dispute ; but upon the
elevation of Constantius the efforts of the new
Caesar were at once directed to the recovery of
Britain. Boulogne fell after a protracted siege,
and Constantius was making active and extensive
preparations for a descent upon the opposite coast,
when Carausius was murdered by his chief officer,
Allectus. This happened in 293. Such are the
only facts known to us with regard to this remark-
able man. Of his private character and domestic
policy we are unable to speak, for the abusive
epithets applied to him so liberally by the panegj'-
rists indicate nothing except the feelings entertained
at the imperial court, which could have been of no
friendly description. (Eutrop. ix. 21; Aurel. Vict.
Caes. xxxix., Epit. xxxix., who calls this emperor
Ckarausio; Oros. vii. 25; Panegyr. Vet. ii. 12,

CARBO.

iv. 6—8, 12, V. 4, 11, vi. 5, 8, vii. 9, viii. 25;
Genebrier, fHistoire de Carausius prouvee par lea
MtdaiUes, Paris, 4to. 1740; Stukely, Medallic
History of Carausius, London, 4to. 1757-59, full
of the most extravagant conjectures and inven-
tions.) [W. R.1

COIN OF CARAUSIUS.

CARAVA'NTIUS, the brother of Gentius,
king of the Illyrians, against whom the praetor L.
Anicius Gallus was sent in b. c. 168. Caravan-
tius fell into the hands of Gallus, and with his
brother Gentius and the rest of the royal family
walked before the chariot of Gallus in his triumph
in the following year. (Liv. xliv. 30, 32, xlv. 43.)

CARBO, the name of a plebeian family of the
Papiria gens.

STK.MMA CaRBONUM.

1. C. Papirius Carbo, Pr. B. c. 168.

2. C. Papirius Carbo,
Cos. B. c. 120.

I
6. C. Papirius Carbo Arvina,
Trib. Pleb. B. c. 90.

3. Cn. Papirius Carbo,
Cos. a c. 113.

7. Cn. Papirius Carbo, Cos.
B. c. 85, 84, 82.

4. M. Papirius
Carbo.

5. P. Papirius
Carbo.

1. C. Papirius Carbo, praetor in b. c. 168,
when he obt^iined the province of Sardinia ; but
he appears not to have gone into his province, as
the senate requested him to remain at Rome and
there to exercise jurisdiction in cases between
citizens and peregrini. (Liv. xliv. 17, xlv. 12.)

2. C. Papirius Carbo, bom about b. c. 164,
a son of No. 1, and a contemporary and friend of
the Gracchi ; but though he apparently followed
in the footsteps of Tib. Gracchus, yet his motives
widely differed from those of his noble friend, and
towards the end of his life he shewed how little
he had acted upon conviction or principle, by de-
serting his former friends and joining the ranks of
their enemies. After the death of Tiberius Grac-
chus he was appointed his successor as triumvir
agrortim dividendorum^ and shortly after, in B. c.
3 31, he was elected tribune of the people. During
the year of his tribuneship he brought forward
two new laws : I. That a person should be allowed
to be re-elected to the tribuneship as often as
might be thought advisable : this law, which was
strenuously opposed by P. Cornelius Scipio Afri-
canus the younger, was supported by C. Gracchus ;
and 2. A lex tabcllaria, which ordained that the peo-
ple should in future vote by ballot in the enactment
and repeal of laws. In his tribuneship he continued
to hold the office of triumvir agrorum dividen-
dorura. The difficulties connected with carrying
out the division of land according to the Sempro-
nian agrarian law created many disturbances at
Rome, and Scipio Afncanus, the champion of the

aristocratical party, was found one morning dead in
his bed. Among the various suspicions then afloat
as to the cause of his death, one was that Carbo
had murdered hini, or at least had had a hand in
the deed ; and this report may not have been
wholly without foundation, if we consider the
tliaracter of Carbo. After his tribuneship, Carbo
continued to act as the friend and supporter of the
Gracchi. Upon the death of C. Gracchus, L.
Opimius, his murderer, who was consul in B. c.
121, put to death a great number of the friends of
the Gracchi : but at the expiration of his consul-
ship he was accused of high treason by the tribune
Q. Decius, and Carbo, who was now raised to the
consulship himself (b. c. 120), suddenly turned
round, and not only undertook the defence of Opi-
mius, but did not scruple to say, that the murder
of C. Gracchus had been an act of perfect justice.
This inconsistency drew upon him the contempt of
both parties, so that, as Cicero says, even his re-
turn to the aristocratical party could not secure
him their protection. The aristocracy could not
forget that he was suspected of having murdered
Scipio, and seem to have been waiting for an op-
portunity to crush hini. In B. c. 1 1 9 the young
orator L. Licinius Crassus brought a charge against
him, the exact nature of which is not known,
but as Carbo foresaw his condemnation, he put an
end to his life by taking canthaiides. Valerius
Maximus (iii. 7. § 6) states, that he was sent into
exile. Carbo was a man of great talents, and his
oratorical powers aie mentioned by Cicero with great

CARBO.

praise, although he otherwise abominates the man.
There can be no doubt that Carbo was a per-
son of no principle, and that he attached himself to
the party from which he hoped to derive most ad-
vantages. (Liv. Epit. 59, (51 ; Appian, B. C. i.
18, 20 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 4 ; Cic. De Amicit. 25, De
Leg. iii. 16, Ad Fam. ix. 21, De Orat. ii. 2, 25,
39, 40, i. 10, iii. 7, 20, Brut. 27, 43, 62, TuscuL
i. 3 ; Tacit. Orat. 34.)

3. C.v. Papirius Cahbo, a son of No. 1, was
consul in B. c. 11 3, together with C. Caecilius Me-
tellus. He was according to Cicero {ad Fain. ix.
21) the father of Cn. Papirius Carbo, who was
thrice consul [No. 7], whereas this latter is called
by Velleius Paterculus (ii. 26 ) a brother of No. 6.
This difficulty may be solved by supposing that
our Cn. Papirius Carbo and C. Papirius Carbo [No.
2] were brothers, so that the word /rater in Vel-
leius is equivalent to frater patruelis or cousin.
(Perizon. Animadv. Hist. p. 96.) In his consul-
ship the Cimbrians advanced from Gaul into Italy
and Illyricum, and Carbo, who was sent against
them, was put to flight with his whole army. He
was afterwards accused by M. Antonius, we know
not for what reason, and put an end to his own
life by taking a solution of vitriol (atramentum
siitorium., Cic. ad Fain. ix. 21; Liv. Epit. 63).

4. M. Papirius Carbo, a son of No. l,is men-
tioned only by Cicero {ad Fam. ix. 21) as having
fled from Sicily.

5. P. Papirius Carbo, a son of No. 1, is like-
wise mentioned only by Cicero {ad Fam. ix. 21)
as having been accused by Flaccus and condemned.

6. C. Papirius Carbo, with the surname Ar-
VI NA, was a son of No. 2 (Cic. Brut. 62), and
throughout his life a supporter of the aristocracy,
whence Cicero calls him the only good citizen in
the whole family. He was tribune of the people
in B. c. 90, as we may infer from Cicero {Brut.
89), though some writers place his tribuneship a
year earlier, and others a year later. In his tri-
buneship Carbo and his colleague, M. Plautius
Silvanus, carried a law {lex Plautia et Papiria),
according to which a citizen of a federate state,
who had his domicile in Italy at the time the law
was passed, and had sent in his name to the prae-
tor within sixty days after, should have the Roman
franchise. Carbo distinguished himself greatly as
an orator, and though according to Cicero he was
wanting in acuteness, his speeches were always
weighty and carried with them a high degree of
authority. We still possess a fragment of one of
his orations which he delivered in his tribuneship,
and which Orelli {Onom. TuU. ii. p. 440) errone-
ously attributes to his father. [No. 2.] In this
fragment (Cic. Orat. 63) lie approves of the death
of M. Livius Drusus, who had been murdered the
year before, B. c. 91. Cicero expressly states, that
he was present when the oration was delivered,
which shews incontrovertibly, that it cannot belong
to C. Papirius Carbo, the father, who died long
before Cicero was born. He was murdered in b, c.
82, in the curia Hostilia, by the praetor Brutus
Damasippus [Brutus, No. 19], one of the leaders
of the Marian party. (Cic. pro Arch. 4, Br id.
62, 90, Ad Fam. ix. 21, De Orat. iii. 3 ; Schol.
Bobiens. p. 353, ed. Orelli ; Veil. Pat. ii. 26 ; Ap-
pian, B. a i. 88.)

7. Cn. Papirius Cn. p. C. n. Carbo, a son of
No. 3 and cousin of No. 6, occurs in history for
the first time in b. c. 92, when the consul Appius

CARBO.

614

Claudius Pulcber made a report to the senate about
his seditious proceedings. (Cic. De Legg. iii. 19.)
He was one of the leaders of the Marian party,
and in B. c. 87, when C. Marius returned from
Africa, he commanded one of the four armies with
which Rome was blockaded. In B. c. 86, when
L. Valerius Flaccus, the successor of Marius in his
seventh consulship, was killed in Asia, Carbo was
chosen by Cinna for his colleague for b. c. 85.
These two consuls, who felt alarmed at the reports
of Sulla's return, sent persons into all parts of
Italy to raise money, soldiers, and provisions, for
the anticipated war, and they endeavoured to
strengthen their party, especially by the new citi-
zens, whose rights, they said, were in danger, and
on whose behalf they pretended to exert them-
selves. The fleet also was restored to guard the
coasts of Italy, and in short nothing was neglected
to make a vigorous stand against Sulla. "When
the latter wrote to the senate from Greece, tho
senate endeavoured to stop the proceedings of the
consuls until an answer from Sulla had arrived.
The consuls declared themselves ready to obey the
commands of the senate, but no sooner had the
ambassadors to Sulla quitted Rome, than Cinna
and Carbo declared themselves consuls for the year
following, that they might not be obliged to go to
Rome to hold the comitia for the elections. Legions
upon legions were raised and transported across
the Adriatic to oppose Sulla ; but great numbers
of the soldiers began to be discontented and refused
fighting against their fellow-citizens. A mutiny
broke out, and Cinna was murdered by his own
soldiers. Carbo now returned to Italy with the
troops which had already been carried across the
Adriatic, but he did not venture to go to Rome,
although the tribunes urged him to come in order
that a successor to Cinna might be elected. At
length, however, Carbo returned to Rome, but the
attempts at holding the comitia were frustrated by
prodigies, and Carbo remained sole consul for the
rest of the year.

In B. c. 83, Sulla arrived in Italy. Carbo, who
was now proconsul of Gaul, hastened to Rome,
and there caused a decree to be made, which de-
clared Metellus and all the senators who supported
Sulla, to be enemies of the republic. About the
same time the capitol was burnt down, and there
was some suspicion of Carbo having set it on fire.
While Sulla and his partizans were carrying on
the war in various parts of Italy, Carbo was elect-
ed consul a third time for the year b. c. 82,
together with C. Marius, the younger. Carbo's
army was in Cisalpine Gaul, and in the spring of
82 his legate, C. Carrinas, fought a severely con-
tested battle with Metellus, and was put to flight.
Carbo himself, however, pursued Metellus, and
kept him in a position in which he was unable to
do any thing ; hearing of the misfortunes of his
colleague Marius at Praeneste, he led his troops
back to Ariminum, whither he was followed by
Pompey. In the mean time Metellus gained
another victory over an army of Carbo. Sulla,
after entering Rome and making some of the most
necessary arrangements, marched out himself
against Carbo. In an engagement on the river
Glanis, several of the Spaniards, who had joined
his army a little while before, deserted to Sulla,
and Carbo, either to avenge himself on those who
remained with him, or to set a fearful example,
ordered all of them to be put to death. At

2r2

612

CARCINUS.

length a great battle was fought at Clusium be-
tween Carbo and Sulla : it lasted for a whole day,
but the victory was not decided. Pompey and
Crassus were engaged against Carrinas in the
neighbourhood of Spoletium, and when Carbo
sent out an army to his relief, Sulla, who was in-
formed of the route which this army took, attacked
it from an ambuscade and killed nearly 2000 men.
Carrinas himself however escaped. Marcius, who
was sent by Carbo to the relief of Praeneste, was
likewise attacked from an ambuscade by Pompey,
and lost many of his men. His soldiers, who con-
sidered him to be the cause of their defeat, desert-
ed him, with the exception of a few cohorts, with
which he returned to Carbo. Shortly after Carbo
and Norbanus made an attack upon the camp of
Metellus near Faventia, but time and place were
unfavourable to them, and they were defeated :
;ibout 10,000 of their men were slain, and 6000
deserted to Metellus, so that Carbo was obliged to
withdraw to Arretium with about 1000 men.

The desertion and treachery in the party, which
had hitherto supported the cause of Marius, in-
creased every day : Norbanus despairing of suc-
cess fled to Rhodes, where he put an end to his
life soon afterwards ; and when Carbo found that
the relief of Praeneste, whither he had sent two
legions under Damasippus, was hopeless, he too
resolved to quit Italy, dthough he had still large
forces at his command, and his generals, Carrinas,
Marcius, and Damasippus, were continuing the
war in Italy. Carbo fled to Africa. After his
party in Italy had been completely defeated, Pom-
pey was sent against the remains of it in Sicily,
whither Carbo then repaired. From thence he
went to the island of Cossyra, where he was taken
prisoner by the emissaries of Pbmpey. His com-
panions were put to death at once, but Carbo him-
self was brought in chains before Pompey at Li-
lybaeum, and after a bitter invective against him,
Pompey had him executed and sent his head to
Sulla, B. c. 82. (Appian, B. C. i. %^—^^ ; Li v.
Ej>U. 79, 83, 88, 89 ; Plut. SidL 22, &c.. Pomp.
10, &c. ; Cic. c. Verr. i. 4, 13; Pseudo-Ascon.
in Verr. p. 129, ed. Orelli ; Cic. ad Fain. ix. 21 ;
Eutrop. v. 8, 9 ; Oros. v. 20 ; Zonar. x. 1.)

8. Papirius Carbo, a son of Rubria, who is
mentioned only by Cicero {ad Fam. ix. 21), and
is ironically called there a friend of Cicero. Who
he was is unknown. [ L. S.]

CARCI'NUS, the father of Agathocles. [Aga-

THOCLES.]

CARCINUS (KapKtvos). 1. Suidas mentions
three distinct poets of this name. The first he
calls a native of Agrigentum in Sicily ; the second
an Athenian, and son of Theodectes or Xenocles ;
and the third simply an Attic poet. The first of
these poets is not mentioned any where else, and
his existence is more than doubtful. The investi-
gations of Meineke on the poets of the name Car-
cinus have shewn incontrovertibly that we have to
distinguish between two tragic poets of this name,
both of whom were natives of Athens. The first,
or elder one, who was a very skilful scenic dancer
(Athen. i. p. 22), is occasionally alluded to by
Aristophanes (Nub. 1263, Paa-, 794, with the
Schol.); but his dramas, of which no fragments
have come down to us, seem to have perisiied at
an early time.

The younger Carciuus was a son either of Theo-
dectes or of Xenocles ; and if the latter statement

CARFULENUS.

be true, he is a grandson of Carcinus the elder.
(Comp. Harpocrat. s. v. KapKlvos.) He is in all
probability the same as the one who spent a great
part of his life at the court of Dionysius II. at
Syracuse. (Diog. Laert. ii. 7.) This supposition
agrees with the statement of Suidas, according to
whom Carcinus the son of Xenocles lived about
B. c. 380 ; for Dionysius was expelled from Syra-
cuse in B. c. 356. (Comp. Diod. v. 5, where Wes-
seling is thinking of the fictitious Carcinus of Agri-
gentum.) The tragedies which are referred to by
the ancients under the name of Carcinus, probably
all belong to the younger Carcinus. Suidas attributes
to him 160 tragedies, but we possess the titles and
fragments of nine only and some fragments of uncer-
tain dramas. The following titles are known : Alope
(Aristot Eihic. Nicom. vii. 7), Achilles (Athen. v.
p. 189), Thyestes (Aristot. Poet. 16), Semele
(Athen. xiii. p. 559), Amphiaraus (Aristot. Poet.
17), Medeia (Aristot. Rhet. ii. 23), Oedipus (Aris-
tot. Rhel. iii. 15), Tereus (Stobaeus, Serm. ciii. 3),
and Orestes. (Phot. Lex. p. 132.) As regards the
character of the poems of Carcinus, it is usually
inferred, from the phrase KapKivov ttojij^luito, used
to designate obscure poetry (Phot. Lejc. s. r.), and
is also attested by other authorities (Athen. viii.
p. 351), that the style of Carcinus was of a studied
obscurity ; though in the fragments extant we can
scarcely perceive any trace of this obscurity, and
their style bears a close resemblance to that of
Euripides. (Meineke, Hist. Crit. com. Gruec. p.
505, &c.)

2. Of Naupactus, is mentioned by Pausanias (x.
38. § 6) among the cyclic poets ; and Charon of
Lampsacus, before whose time Carcinus must have
lived, attributed to him the epic poem NauTra/cTjo,
which all others ascribed to a Milesian poet.

3. A Greek rhetorician, who is referred to by
Alexander (Z)e Fu/. Diet.), but of whom nothing
further is known. [L. S.]

CA'RCIUS, the commander of a portion of the
fleet of Octavianus in the war against Sext. Pom-
peius, B. c. 36. (Appian, B. C. v. 11 1.) [L. S.]

CA'RDEA, a Roman divinity presiding over
and protecting the hinges of doors (carJo). What
Ovid {Fast. vi. 101, &c.) relates of Carna belongs
to Cardea : the poet seems, in fact, in that
passage to confound three distinct divinities —
Carna, Cardea, and Crane, the last of whom he
declares to be merely an ancient form of Carna.
Cardea was beloved by Janus, and after yielding
to his embraces, the god rewarded her by giving
her the protection of the hinges of doors, and the
power of preventing evil daemons from entering
houses. She especially protected little cluldren in
their cradles against formidable night-birds, which
witches used to metamorphose themselves into, and
thus to attack children by night time, tearing them
from their cradles and sucking the blood out of
them. Cardea exercised this power by means of
white thorn and other magic substances, and is
said to have done so first in the case of Procas, prince
of Alba. (Tertull. de Cor. 13.) [L. S.]

CARDIA'NUS HIERO'NYMUS. [Hiero-

NVMUS.]

CARE'NES or CARRHE'NES, a general of
the Parthians who was defeated in a battle with
Gotarzes in a. d. 49. (Tac. An7i. xii. 12-14.) [L. S.]

D. CARFULE'NUS, called Carsuleius by Ap-
pian, served under Julius Caesar in the Alexan-
drine war (B. c. 47), in which he is spoken of as

CARINUS.

a man of great rrilitary skill. (Hirt. B, Alex. 31.)
He was tribune of the plcbs at the time of Cae-
sar's death (b. c. 44) ; and as he was a supporter
of the aristocratical party, and an opponent of An-
tony, was excluded from the senate by the latter
on the 28th of November. (Cic. Philipp. iii. 9.)
[Ti. Canutius.] He took an active part in the
war against Antony in the following year, and fiiU
in the battle of Mutina, in which Antony was de-
feated. (Appian, B. C. iii. 66, &c.; Cic. ad Fum.
X. 33, XV. 4.)

CARI'NAS. [Carrinas.]

CARI'NUS, M. AURE'LIUS, the elder of
the two sons of Cams. Upon the departure of his
father for the Persian war (a. d. 282), he was ap-
pointed supreme governor of all the Western pro-
vinces, and received the titles of Caesar and Im-
perator. After the death of Cams in 283, he
assumed the purple conjointly with his brother,
and upon receiving intelligence of the untimely
fate of Numerianus and the elevation of Diocletian
to the throne by the army of Asia, he set forth in
all haste from G.iul to encounter his rival. The
opposing hosts met in Maesia, several engagements
followed, and at length a decisive battle was fought
near Margum, in which Carinus gained the vic-
tory, but, in the moment of triumph, was slain
by some of his own officers, whose honour he had
wounded in the course of his profligate indulgences.
Historians agree in painting the character of this
emperor in the darkest colours. When roused he
was xmquestionably not deficient in valour and
militar}^ skill, as was proved by the vigour with
which he repressed certain seditious movements in
Gaul, and by the successful conduct of his last
campaign. But during the greater part of his
short career he abandoned himself to the gratifica-
tion of the most brutal passions, .and never scrupled
at any act of oppression or cruelty. State affairs
were totally neglected — the most upright of those
by whom he was surrounded were banished or put
to death, and the highest offices bestowed upon
degraded ministers of his pleasures. Nine wives
were wedded and repudiated in quick succession,
and the palace, filled with a throng of players,
dancers, harlots, and panders, presented a constant
scene of riot and intemperance. It was bitterly
observed, that in this prince the sensual enormities
of Elagabalus were seen combined with the cold
ferocity of Domitian. His only claims upon the
affection of the populace consisted in the prodigal
magnificence displayed in the celebration of games
in honour of his brother and himself. These ap-
pear to have transcended in fantastic splendour all
previous exhibitions, and the details transmitted
to us by Vopiscus are of a most strange and mar-
vellous description.

Chronologers are at variance with regard to the
precise date of the death of Carinus. Eckhel seems
inclined to fix it at the close of the year 284, but it
is generally referred to the May following. (Vopisc.
Ciirin. ; Aurel. Vict. Coe.t. xxxviii., Eptf. xxxviii. ;
Zonar. xii. 30 ; Eutrop. ix. 12.) [W. R.]

CARNA.

613

T. CARI'SIUS, defeated the Astures in Spain,
and took their chief town, Lancia, about B. c. 25 ;
but in consequence of the cruelty and insolence of
Carisius, the Astures took up arms again in B. c.
22. (Florus, iv. 12. § 55, &c. ; Oros. vi. 21 ;
Dion Cass. liii. 25, liv. 5.) There are several
coins bearing the name of Carisius upon them, two
specimens of which Jire given below. The former
has on the obverse the head of a woman, and on
the reverse a sphinx, with the inscription T. Ca-
Risivs III. Vir: the latter has on the obverse

the head of Augustus, with the inscription Imp.
Caesar Avgvst., and on the reverse the gate
of a city, over which is inscribed Imirita, and
around it the words P. Carisivs Leg. Propr.
There is nothing in the former coin except the

praenomen Titus to identify it with the subject of
this article ; but the latter one would appear to
have been struck by the conqueror of the Astures,
and perhaps Dion Cassius has made a mistake in
calling him Titus. The word Imirita, which
is also written Emerita and Iimiirita on some
of the coins, seems to refer to the fact mentioned
by Dion Cassius (liii. 26), that after the conquest
of the Cantabri and Astures, Augustus dismissed
many of his soldiers who had served their time
(emeriti)^ and assigned them a toAvn in Lusitania,
to which he gave the name of Augusta Emerita.
(Eckhel, V. p. 162, &c.)

CA'RIUS (Kaptos), the Carian, a surname of
Zens, under which he had a temple at Mylassa in
Caria, which belonged to the Carians, Lydians,
and Mysians in common, as they were believed to
be brother nations. (Herod, i. 171, v. 66 ; Strab.
xiv. p. 659.) In Thessaly and Boeotia, Zeus was
likewise worshipped under this name. (Phot.
Leer. s. V.) [L. S.]

CARMA'NOR (Kap/xdvup), a Cretan of Tarrha,
father of Eubulus and Chrysothemis. He was
said to have received and purified Apollo and
Artemis, after they had slain the monster Python,
and it was in the house of Carmanor that Apollo
formed his connexion with the nj-raph Acacallis.
(Pans. ii. 7. § 7, 30. § 3, x. 16. § 2, 7. § 2 ;
comp. Miiller, Dor. ii. 1. § 5, 8. § 1 1.) [L. S.]

CARME (Kdpnv)', a daughter of Eubulus, who
became by Zeus the mother of Britomartis. (Pans,
ii. 30. § 2.) Antoninus Liberalis (40) describes
her as a grand-daughter of Agenor, and daughter
of Phoenix. [L. S.]

CARMENTA, CARMENAE, CARMENTIS.
[Camenae.]

CARNA or CARNEA, a Roman divhiity,

614

CARNEADES.

whose name is probably connected with caro^
flesh, for slie was regarded as the protector of the
physical well-being of man. It was especially the
chief organs of the human body, without which
man cannot exist, euch as the heart, the lungs,
and u\e liver, that were recommended to her pro-
tection, Junius Brutus, at the beginning of the
commonwealth, was believed to have dedicated to
her a sanctuary on the Caelian hill, and a festival
was celebrated to her on the first of June, which
day was called fahrariae calendae, from beans
ifahae) and bacon being offered to her. (Macrob.
S<it. i. 12; Varro, ap. Nonium^ s. r. Afaclare ;
Ovid, Fast. vi. 101, &c., who however confounds
Cardea with Cama.) [L. S.]

CARNE'ADES (Kap»/6({57js). 1. The son of
Epicomus or Philocomus, was bom at Cyrene about
the year B. c. 213. He went early to Athens,
and attended the lectures of the Stoics, and learnt
there logic from Diogenes. His opinions, how-
ever, on philosophical subjects differed from those
of his master, and he was fond of telling him, " if
I reason right, I am satisfied ; if wrong, give
back the mina," which was the fee for the logic
lectures. He was six years old when Chrysippus
died, and never had anj' personal intercourse with
hnn ; but he deeply studied his works, and exerted
all the energy of a very acute and original mind in
their refutation. To this exercise he attributed his
own eminence, and often repeated the words

Ei /xi) yap ^c Xpvaiinros, ovk &v f^v iyd.

He attached himself as a zealous partizan to the
Academy, which had suffered severely from the
attacks of the Stoics ; and on the death of Hegesi-
nus, he was chosen to preside at the meetings of
Academy, and was the fourth in succession from
Arcesilaus. His great eloquence and skill in argu-
ment revived the glories of his school ; and, defend-
ing himself in the negative vacancy of asserting
nothing (not even that nothing can be asserted),
carried on a vigorous wjir against every position
that had been maintained by other sects.

In the year B. c. 155, when he was fifty-eight
years old, he was chosen with Diogenes the Stoic
and Critolaus the Peripatetic to go as ambassador
to Rome to deprecate the fine of 500 talents which
had been imposed on the Athenians for the destruc-
tion of Oropus. During his stay at Rome, he at-
tracted great notice from his eloquent declamations
on philosophical subjects, and it was here that, in
the presence of Cato the Elder, he delivered his
famous orations on Justice. The first oration was
in commendation of the virtue, and the next day
the second was delivered, in which all the argu-
ments of the first were answered, and justice was
proved to be not a virtue, but a mere matter of
compact for the maintenance of civil society. The
honest mind of Cato was shocked at this, and he
moved the senate to send the philosopher home to
his school, and save the Roman youth from his
demoralizing doctrines.

Carneades lived twenty-seven years after this at
Athens, and died at the advanced age of eighty-
five, or (according to Cicero) 90, B. c. 129. He is
described as a man of unwearied industry-. He
was so engrossed in his studies, that he let his hair
and nailb grow to an immoderate length, and was
so absent at his own table (for he would never
dine out), that his servant and concubine, Melissa,
was constantly obliged to feed him. In his old

CARNEADES.

age, he suffered from cataract in his eyes, which
he bore with great impatience, and was so little
resigned to the decay of nature, that he used to
ask angrily, if this was the way in which nature
undid what she had done, and sometimes expressed
a wish to poison himself.

Carneades left no writings, and all that is known
of his lectures is derived from his intimate friend
and pupil, Cleitomachus ; but so true was he to his
own principles of witholding assent, that Cleitoma-
chus confesses he never could ascertain what his
master really thought on any subject. He, how-
ever, appears to have defended atheism, and con-
sistently enough to have denied that the world
was the result of anything but chance. In ethics,
which more particularly were the subject of his
long and laborious study, he seems to have denied
the conformity of the moral ideas with nature.
This he particularly insisted on in the second ora-
tion on Justice, in which he manifestly wished to
convey his own notions on the subject; and he
there maintains that ideas of justice are not deriv-
ed from nature, but that they are purely artificial
for purposes of expediency.

All this, however, was nothing but the special
application of his general theory, that man did not
possess, and never could possess, any criterion of
truth.

Carneades argued that, if there were a criterion,
it must exist either in reason {K6yos), or sensation
{atffOTfais), or conception {(pavraaia). But then
reason itself depends on conception, and this again
on sensation ; and we have no means of judging whe-
ther our sensations are true or false, whether they
correspond to the objects that produce them, or
carry wrong impressions to the mind, producing false
conceptions and ideas, and leading reason also into
error. Therefore sensation, conception, and reason,
are alike disqualified for being the criterion of truth.
But after all, man must live and act, and must
have some rule of practical life ; therefore, although
it is impossible to pronounce anything as absolutely
true, we may yet establish probabilities of various
degrees. For, although we cannot say that any
given conception or sensation is in itself true, yet
some sensations appear to us more true than others,
and we must be guided by that which seems the
most true. Again, sensations are not single, but
generally combined with others, which either confirm
or contradict them ; and the greater this combina-
tion the greater is the probability of that being
true which the rest combine to confirm ; and the
case in which the greatest number of conceptions,
each in themselves apparently most true, should
combine to affirm that which also in itself appears
most true, would present to Carneades the highest
probability, and his nearest approach to truth.

But practical life needed no such rule as this,
and it is difficult to conceive a system more barren
of all help to man than that of Carneades. It is
not, indeed, probable that he aspired to any such
designs of benefiting mankind, or to anything be-
yond his own celebrity as an acute reasoner and
an eloquent speaker. As such he represented the
spirit of an age when philosophy was fast losing
the earnest and serious spirit of the earlier schools,
and was degenerating to mere purposes of rhetori-
cal display. (Diog, Laert. iv. 62— 6G ; Orelli,
Onom. Tull. ii. p. 1 30, &c., where are given all the
passages of Cicero, in which Carneades is men-
tioned ; Sextus Empiricus, Adv. Math. vii. 159,

CARPINATITJS.

&c. ; Hitter, Gesch. Phil. xi. 6 ; Bnicker, //«/. Phii.
i. p. 759, &c., vi. p. 237, &c.)

2. An Athenian philosopher and a disciple of
Anaxagoras. (Suidas, s. v. KapvfdS-qs.)

3. A Cynic philosopher in the time of ApoUonius
Tyanaeus. (Eunapius, Prooem.)

4. A bad elegiac poet mentioned by Diogenes
Laertius (iv. 66). [A. G.J

CARNEIUS (Kapvftos), a surname of Apollo
under which he was worshipped in various parts
of Greece, especially in Peloponnesus, as at Sparta
and Sicvon. and also in Thera, Cyrene, and Magna
Graecia.' (Paus. iii. 13. § 2, Sec, ii. 10. §2,
11. § 2; Pind. Pyth. v. 106 ; Plut. Sympos. viii.
1 ; Paus. iii. 24. § 5, i v. 31. § 1, 33. § 5.) The
origin of the name is explained in different ways.
Some derived it from Carnus, an Acarnanian sooth-
sayer, whose murder by Hippotes provoked Apollo
to send a plague into the anny of Hippotes while
he was on his march to Peloponnesus. Apollo
Avas afterwards propitiated by the introduction of
the worship of Apollo Cameius. (Paus. iii. 13.
§ 3 ; Schol. ad Theocnt. v. 83.) Others believed
that Apollo was thus called from his favourite
Carnus or Cameius, a son of Zeus and Europa,
whom Leto and Apollo had brought up. (Paus.
/. c. ; Hesych. s. v. Kapv€7os.) Several other
attempts to explain the name are given in Pausa-
nias and the Scholiast on Theocritus. It is evident,
however, that the worship of the Carneian Apollo
was very ancient, and was probably established in
Peloponnesus even before the Dorian conquest.
Respecting the festival of the Carneia see Did. of
Ant. s. V. Kdpvfia. [L. S.]

CARNEIUS (Kapvuos), a Cynic philosopher,
who is sumamed Cynukus (KvvovXkos), that is,
the leader of dogs or Cynics, or, in other words,
the leader and teacher of Cj-nic philosophers. He
was a native of Megara, but nothing further is
known of him. (Athen. iv. p. 156.) [L. S.]

CARNU'LIUS, was accused, in the reign of
Tiberius, of some crime not now known, and put
an end to liis own life to escape the cruel tortures
inflicted by Tiberius upon other victims. When
Tiberius heard of his death, he was grieved at
losing an opportunity of killing a man in his own
way, and exclaimed Car7tulizis me evasit. (Suet,
Tcb.6\.) [L.S.]

CARPA'THIUS, JOANNES {^looiwns Kap-
vdBios), a bishop of the island of Carpathos, of un-
certain date. At the request of the monks of India
he wrote to them a consolatoiy work in 1 00 chap-
ters, entitled 7rp3s tous diro ttjs 'IvStos trporperpavras
fiovaxods ■napaKKii]TiK6v. (Phot. Cod 201.) This
work is still extant, and a Latin translation of it
by J. Pontanus is printed at the end of his "Diop-
trae Philippi Solitarii," Ingolstadt, 1654, 4to.,
and in the " Bibliotheca Patrum," xii. p. 535, &c,,
The Greek original, as well as some other ascetic
M-orks of his, are still extant in MS. (Fabric.
IHbl. Graec. x. p. 738, &c.. xi. p. 173.) [L. S.]

CARPA'THIUS PHILO. [Phii.o.]

CARPHY'LLIDES {Kap<pv\Kih-ns\ a Greek
poet, of whom there are extiiiit two elegant epi-
grams in the Greek Anthology, (vii. 260, ix. 52.)
The name of the author of the second epigram is
sometimes written Carpyllides; but whether this
is a mere mistake, or whether Carpyllides is a dif-
ferent person from Carphyllides, cannot be ascer-
tained. [L. S.]

L. CARPINA'TIUS, the pro-magister or de-

CARRINAS. 615

puty-mannger of the company of publicani, who
farmed the script ura (see Diet, of Ant. s. f.) in
Sicily during the government of Verres, with whom
he was verj' intimate. He is called by Cicero a
second Timarchides, who was one of the chief
agents of Verres in his robberies and oppressions.
(Cic. Verr. 70, 76, iii. 71.)

CA'RPIO, an architect, who, in company with
Ictinus, wrote a book concerning the Parthenon.
(Vitr. vii. praef. 12.) [W. I.]

C ARPO'PHORI (Kapiro(^(^poi), the fruitbearers,
a surname of Demeter and Cora, under which they
were worshipped at Tegea. (Paus. viii. 53. § 3.)
Demeter Carpophoros appears to have been wor-
shipped in Paros also. (Ross, lieisen auf den
Griech. Inseln, i. p. 49.) [L. S.]

CARRHE'NES. [Carrenes.]

CARRI'NAS or CARI'NAS, the name of a
Roman family, but the gens to which it belonged
is nowhere mentioned : Havercamp ( l^hes. Morell.
p. 497) supposes it to be a cognomen of the Albia
gens.

]. C. Carrinas, is mentioned first as the com-
mander of a detachment of the Marian party, with
which he attacked Pompey, who was levying
troops in Picenum to strengthen the forces of
Sulla in b. c. 83, immediately after his arrival in
Italy. In the year after, B. c. 82, Can-inas was
legate of the consul Cn. Papirius Carbo [Carbo,
No. 7.], and fought a battle on the river Aesis, in
Umbria, against Metellus, in which however he was
beaten. He was attacked soon after in the neigh-
bourhood of Spoletium, by Pompey and Crassus,
two of Sulla's generals, and after a loss of nearly
3000 men, he was besieged by the enemy, but
found means to escape during a dark and stormy
night. After Carbo had quitted Italy, Carrinas
and Marcius continued to command two legions ;
and after joining Damasippus and the Samnites,
who were still in arms, they marched towards the
passes of Praeneste, hoping to force their way
through them and relieve Marius, who was still
besieged in that town. But when this attempt
failed, they set out against Rome, which they
hoped to conquer without difficulty, on account of
its want of provisions. They encamped in the
neighbourhood of Alba. Sulla, however, hastened
after them, and pitched his camp near the Colline
gate. A fearful battle was fought here, which
began in the evening and lasted the whole night,
until at last Sulla took the camp of the enemy.
Carrinas and the other leaders took to flight, but
he and Marcius were overtaken, and put to death
by command of Sulla. Their heads were cut off
and sent to Praeneste, where they were carried
round the walls to inform Marius of the destruc-
tion of his friends. ( Appian, B. C. i. 87, 90, 92,
93; Plut. Pomp. 7 ; Oros. v. 21 ; Eutrop. v. 8.)

2. C. Carrinas, a son of No. 1, was sent by
Caesar, in b. c. 45, into Spain against Sext. Poni-
peius, but as he did not accomplish anything, he
was superseded by Asinius Pollio. In 43, after
the establishment of the triumvirate, Carrinas was
appointed consul for the remainder of the year,
together with P. Ventidius. Two years later,
b. c. 41, he received from Octavianus the admi-
nistration of the province of Spain, where he haS
to carry on war with the Mauretanian Bocchus.
In 36, he was sent with three legions against Sext
Pompeius in Sicily; and about 31, we find him
as proconsul in Gaul, where he was successful

616

CARTHALO.

against the Morini and other tribes, and drove the
Suevi across the Rhine back into Germany. For
those exploits he was honoured with a triumph in
29. (Appian, D. C. iv. 83, v. 26, 112; Dion
Cass, xlvii. 15, li. 21,22.)

3. Carrinas, whom Cicero speaks of in b. c.
45, as an unpleasant person, who visited him in
his Tusculanura. (Cic. ad Att. xiii. 33.)

4. Carrinas Secundus, a rhetorician of the
time of Caligula, by whom he was expelled from
Rome for having, by way of exercise, declaimed
against tyrants on one occasion. (Dion Cass. lix.
20; Juven. vii. 204.) He is probably the same
as the Secundus Carinas whom Nero, in b. c. Qb^
sent to Asia and Achaia to plunder those coun-
tries, and carry the statues of the gods from thence
to Rome. (Tacit Ann. xv. 45.) [L. S.]

CARSIGNA'TUS (Kap<rr7i/oTos). a Galatian
prince, who was at one time allied with Phamaces.
When the latter threatened to invade Galatia, and
Carsignatus had in vain endeavoured to maintain
peace, he and another Galatian, Gaezotoris, marched
against him, but the war was prevented by a Ro-
man embassy. (Polyb. xxv. 4.) [L. S.J

CARSULEIUS. [Carfulknus.]

L. CARTEIUS, a friend of C. Cassius, who
was with him in Syria in b. c. 43. (Cass. ap. Cic.
ad Fam. xii. 11.)

CA'RTHALO {Kaped\<av). 1. A commander
of the Carthaginian fleet in the first Punic war,
who was sent by his colleague Adherbal, in B. c.
24.9, to bum the Roman fleet, which was riding
at anchor off Lilybaeum. While Carthalo was
engaged in this enterprise, Himilco, the governor
of Lilybaeum, who perceived that the Roman
army on land was anxious to afford their support
to the fleet, sent out his mercenaries against the
Roman troops, and Carthalo endeavoured to draw
the Roman fleet into an engagement. The latter,
however, withdrew to a town on the coast and
prepared themselves for defence. Carthalo was
repulsed with some loss, and after having taken a
few transports, he retreated to the nearest river,
and watched the Romans as they sailed away
from the coast. When the consul L. Junius Pul-
lus, on his return from Syracuse, had doubled
Pachynum, he ordered his fleet to sail towards
Lilybaeum, not knowing what had happened to
those whom he had sent before him. Carthalo
informed of his approach, immediately sailed out
against him, in order to meet him before he could
join the other part of the fleet. Pullus fled for
refuge to a rocky and dangerous part of the sea,
where Carthalo did not venture to attack him ;
but he took liis station at a place between the
two Roman fleets to watch them and prevent their
joining. Soon after a fearful storm arose which
destroyed the whole of the Roman fleet, while the
Carthaginians, who were better sailors, had sought
a safe place of refuge before the storm broke out.
(Polyb. i. 53, 54.)

2. The Carthaginian commander of the cavalry
in the army of Hannibal. In b. c. 217, he fought
against L. Hostilius Mancinus, in the neighbour-
hood of Casilinum, and put him to flight. The
B'Omans, under Mancinus, who were merely a re-
connoitering band which had been sent out by
the dictator, Q. Fabius, at last resolved to make
a stand against the enemy, but nearly all of them
were cut to pieces. This Carthalo is probably
the noble Carthaginian of the same name, whom

CARTIMANDUA.

Hannibal, after the battle of Cannae, in B. c. 216,
sent to Rome with ten of the Roman prisoners to
negotiate the ransom of the prisoners, and to treat
about peace. But when Carthalo approached
Rome, a lictor was sent out to bid him quit the
Roman territory before sunset. In b. c. 208,
when Tarentum was re-conquered by the Ro-
mans, Carthalo was commander of the Cartha-
ginian garrison there. He laid down his arms,
and as he was going to the consul to sue for mer-
cy, he was killed by a Roman soldier. (Liv. xxii.
15, 58, xxvii. 16; Appian, de Bell. Annib. 49;
Dion Cass. Fmgm. 152, ed. Reimar.)

3. One of the two leaders of the popular party
at Carthage after the close of the second Punic
war. He held an ofiice which Appian calls boe-
tharchus, and which seems to have been a sort of
tribuneship ; «and wiiile in his official capacity he
was travelling through the country, he atUicked
some of the subjects of Masinissa, who had
pitched their tents on controverted ground. He
killed several of them, made some booty, and ex-
cited the Africans against the Numidians. These
and other acts of hostility between the Cartha-
ginians and Masinissa called for the interference
of the Romans, who however rather fostered the
hostile feeling, than allayed it. The result was an
open war between the Carthaginians and Masi-
nissa. When at length the Romans began to
make preparations for the third Punic war, the
Carthaginians endeavoured to conciliate the Ro-
mans by condemning to death the authors of the
war with Masinissji ; and Carthalo was accordingly
executed. (Appian, de Beit. Pun. 63, 74.) [L. S.J

CARTPLIUS, an eariy Roman jurist, who
probably lived not later than the time of Caligula,
as in Dig. 28, tit. 5, s. 69, he is cited by Proculus,
who adopts his opinion in the aise in question in
preference to that of Trebatius. The ctise was
this — Let A or B, whichever wishes, be my heir.
They both wish. Cartilius says. Both take : Tre-
batius, Neither. In Dig. 13, tit. 6, s. 5, § 13, he
is cited by TJlpian. It was Ant. Augustinus who
(Eviend. 3, 9) first brought these passages into
notice, and rescued the name of Carlilius from ob-
livion. In the former passage the Haloandrine edi-
tions of the Digest have Carfilius, and, in the
latter, an early corrector of the Florentine manu-
script, not being familiar with the name Cartilius,
enclosed it in brackets as a mark of condemnation.

The jurist Cartilius is evidently different from
the Catilius, not Cartilius Severus, who was prae-
positus Syriae, praefectus urbi, and great-grand-
father of the emperor M. Antoninus. (Plin. Ep.
i. 22 ; iii. 12 ; Spart. Iladr. 5, 15, 22 ; Capitol.
Anton. Pius2 ; M. A?it. 1 ; Dion Cass. ix. 21.) The
name of this Catilius appears in the Fasti, a. d.
121, as consul for the second time, three years after
the death of Trajan. His first consulate does not
appear in the Fasti, and therefore it may be in-
ferred that he was consid suffevtus. If the rescript
of Trajan, cited Dig. 29, tit. 1, s. 24, were ad-
dressed, according to the Haloandrine reading, to
Catilius Severus, it is probably referable to the
time of the proconsulate succeeding his first consul-
ship. (Bertrandus, 2, 22, 1. Maiansius, ii. p.
273—287.) [J. T. G.]

CARTIMANDUA, or CARTISMANDUA,
queen of the Brigantes in Britain, about a. d. 50,
in which year she treacherously delivered up to
the Romans Caractacus, who had come to seek her

CARUS.

piotcction. By this act of treachery towards her
own countrymen, she won the favour of the Ro-
m.'ins, and increased her power. Hence, says
Tacitus, arose wealth and luxury, and Cartimandua
repudiated her own husband Venutius to share her
bed and throne with Vellocatus, the arm- bearer of her
husband. This threw her state into a civil war, n
portion of herpeople supporting Venutius against the
adulterer. Venutius collected an army of auxiliaries,
defeated the Brigantes, and reduced Cartimandua
to the last extremity. She solicited the aid of the
Romans, who rescued her from her danger ; but
Venutius remained in possession of her kingdom,
A. D. 69. (Tac. Ann. xii. 36, 40, Hist. iiL 45.) [L.S.]

CARVI'LIA GENS, plebeian, came into dis-
tinction during the Samnite wars. The first mem-
ber of the gens who obtained the consulship was
Sp. Carvilius in B. c. 293, who received the sur-
name of Maxim us, which was handed down as a
regular family-name. For those whose cognomen
is not mentioned, see Carvilius.

The following coin is referred to this gens, and
the three names upon it. Car. Ogvl. Ver., are
those of three triumvirs of the mint.

CARUS.

617

CARVI'LIUS. 1. and 2. L. Carvilius and
Sp. Carvilius, tribunes of the plebs b. c. 212,
accused M. Postumius. [Postumius.] (Liv.xxv. 3.)

3. Sp. Carvilius, was sent by Cn. Sicinius to
Rome in b. c. 171, when Perseus despatched an
embassy to the senate. When the senate ordered
the ambassadors to quit Italy within eleven days,
Carvilius was appointed to keep watch over them,
till they embarked on board their ships. (Liv. xlii.
36.)

4. C. Carvilius of Spoletium, negotiated on
behalf of the Roman garrison the surrender of
Uscana, a town of the Penestae, to Perseus in B. c.
169. (Liv. xliii. 18, 19.)

CARUS, a Roman poet, and a contemporary of
Ovid, who appeai'8 to have written a poem on
Hercules. (Ovid, Epist. ex Pont. iv. 16. 7.)

CARUS, M. AURE'LIUS, according to Victor,
whose account is confirmed by Sidonius Apolli-
naris and Zonaras, was a native of Nai'bonne in
Gaul ; but Vopiscus professes to be unable to speak
with certainty either of his lineage or birth-place,
and quotes the conflicting statements of older
authorities, who variously represented that he was
born at Milan ; or in Ulyria, of Carthaginian ances-
tors ; or in the metropolis, of Illyrian parents. He
himself undoubtedly claimed Roman descent, as
appears from a letter addressed by him when pro-
«;onsul of Cilicia to his legate Junius, but this is
not inconsistent with the supposition that he may
have belonged to some city which was also a
colony. After passing through many different
stages of civil and military preferment, he was ap-
pointed praefect of the praetorians by Probus, who
entertained the highest respect for his talents and
integrity. When that prince was murdered by
the soldiers at Slrmium in a. d. 282, Cams was
unanimously hailed as iiis successor, and the choice

of the troops was confirmed by the senate. The
new ruler, soon after his accession, gained a victory
over the Sannatians, who had invaded Illyricum
and were threatening Thrace and even Italy itself.
Having conferred the title of Caesar upon both his
sons, he nominated Carinus, the elder, governor of
all the Western provinces, and, accompanied by
Numerianus, the younger, set out upon an expedi-
tion against the Persians which had been planned
by his predecessor. The campaign which followed
was most glorious for the Roman anns. The
enemy, distracted by internal dissensions, were
unable to oppose a vigorous resistance to the in-
vaders. All Mesopotamia was quickly occupied,
— Seleucia and Ctesiphon were forced to yield.
But the career of Cams, who was preparing to
push his conquests beyond the Tigris, was suddenly
cut short, for he perished by disease, or treachery,
or, as the ancient historians commonly report, by
a stroke of lightning, towards the close of 283,
after a reign of little more than sixteen months.
The account of his death, transmitted by his secre-
tary Junius Calphurnius to the praefect of the
city, is so confused and mysterious that we can
scarcely avoid the surmise that his end was has-
tened by foul play, and suspicion has rested upon
Arrius Aper, who was afterwards put to death by
Diocletian on the charge of having murdered Nu-
merianus.

According to the picture drawn by the Augustan
historian, Cams held a middle rank between those
preeminent in virtue or in vice, being neither very
bad nor very good, but rather good than bad.
His character undoubtedly stood high before his
elevation to the throne : no credit is to be attached
to the rumour that he was accessary to the death
of his benefactor, Probus, whose murderers he
sought out and punished with the sternest justice,
and the short period of his sway was unstained
. by any great crime. But the atrocities of Carinus
! threw a shade over the memory of his father,
whom men could not forgive for having bequeathed
his power to such a son. ( Vopisc. Car?ts; Aurel.
Vict. Cues, xxxviii., Epit. xxxviii. ; Zonar. xii. 30 ;
Eutrop. ix. 12.) [W. R.1

CARUS, JU'LIUS, one of the murderers of T.
Vinius when Galba was put to death in a. d. 69.
(Tac. Hist. i. 42.)

CARUS, ME'TIUS, one of the most infamous
informers under Domitian. (Tac. Agric. 45 ; Juv.
i. 36 ; Martial, xii. 25 ; Plin. Ep. i. 5, vii. 19, 27.)

CA'RUS, SEIUS, son of Fascianus, at one
time praefectus urbi, was put to death by Elaga-
balus under the pretext that he had stirred up a
mutiny among some of the soldiers quartered in
the camp under the Alban Mount, but in reality
because he was rich, elevated in station, and high
in intellect. He was brought to trial in the palace
and there executed, no one appearing to give evi-
dence against him except his accuser the emperor.
(Dion Cass. Ixxix. 4.) [W. R.]

G18

CASCA.

GARY A'TIS (Kapvaris), a surname of Artemis,
derived from the town of Carj'ae in Laconia.
Here the statue of the goddess stood in the open
air. and maidens celebrated a festival to her every
year with dances. (Pans, iii, 10. § 8, iv. 16. § 5 ;
*Serv. ad Virq. Edog. viii. 30.) [L. S.J

CARY'StlUS, ANTI'GONUS. [Antigonus
of C A ay ST us]

CARY'STIUS(Kopu<rTios), a Greek grammarian
of Pergamus, who lived after the time of Nicander
(Athen. xv. p. 684), and consequently about the
end of the second century B. c. He is mentioned as
the author of several works : 1. 'laropiKa. vno/x-
vn/jLara, sometimes also called simply vTrofjunifxaTa,
an historical work of which great use was made by
Athenaeus, who has preserved a considerable num-
ber of statements from it. (i. p. 24, x. p. 434, &c.,
xi pp. 506, 508, xii. pp. 542, 548, xiii. p. 577, xiv.
p. 6u9 ; comp. Schol. ad Aristoph. Av. blb^ ad
Tlieocrit. xiii. 22.) It must have consisted of at
least three books, as the third is referred to by
Athenaeus. 2. Tlipi 5iSaa-Ka\i(av^ that is, an ac-
count of the Greek dramas, of the time and place
of their performance, of their success, and the like.
(Athen. vi. p, 235 ; the Greek Life of Sophocles,)
3. Utpl 2a>T<i5ou, or a commentary on the poet
Sotades. (Athen. xiv. p. 620.) All these works
are lost. [L. S.]

CARYSTUS (KdpvcTTos), a son of Cheiron and
Chariclo, from whom the town of Carystus in
Kiiboea was believed to have derived its name.
(Schol. ad Find. Pt/th. iv. 181 ; Eustoth. ad Horn.
p. 281.) [L. S.]

CASCA, the name of a plebeian family of the
Servilia gens.

1. C. Servilius Casca, was tribune of the
plebs in b. c. 212. In that year M. Postumius,
a farmer of the public revenue, and a relation of
Casca, was accused of having defrauded the
republic, and his only hope of escaping condemna-
tion was Casca, who, liowever, was either too
honest or too timid to interpose on his behalf.
(Liv. XXV. 3.)

2. P. Servilii'r Casca, one of the conspirators
against Caesar, who aimed the first stroke at his
assassination, B. c. 44. He was in that year tribune
of the plebs, and soon afterwards fled from Rome,
as he anticipated the revenge which Octavianus
was going to take. His leaving Rome as tribune
was against the constitution, and his colleague,
P. Titius, accordingly carried a decree in the as-
sembly of the people, by which he was deprived of
his tribuneship. He fought in the battle of Phi-
lippi, and died shortly afterwards. (Appian B. C.
ii. 113, 115, 117 ; Dion Cass. xliv. .52, xlvi. 49;
Cic. Philipp. xiii. 15, ad Att. i. 17, ad Brut, i. 18;
V\ni.Brut. 17,45.)

3. C. Servilius Casca, a brother of the pre-
ceding, and a friend of Caesar, notwithstanding
which he was likewise one of the conspirators
against the life of the dictator. (Appian, B. C.
ii. 113; Plut. Caes. GQ; Suet. Caes. 82; Dion
Cass. xliv. 52; Cic. Philipp. ii. 11.)

CASCELLIUS.
The foregoing coin of the Servilia gens belongs
either to No. 2 or No. 3 ; it contains on the obverse
the head of Neptune, and on the reverse a figure
of Victory. [L. S.]

A. CASCE'LLIUS, an eminent Roman jurist,
contemporary with Trebatius, whom he exceeded
in eloquence, though Trebatius surpassed him in
legal skill. Their contemporary, Ofilius, the dis-
ciple of Servius Sulpicius, was more learned than
either. Cascellius, according to Pliny the Elder
(//. N. viii. 40), was the disciple of one Volcatius,
who, on a certain occasion, was saved by a dog
from the attack of robbers. Pomponius (Dig. I,
tit. 2, s. 2, § 45), according to the Florentine ma-
nuscript, writes thus — " Fuit Cascellius, Mucius,
Volusii auditor: denique in illius honorem testa-
mento P. Mucium nepotem ejus reliquit heredem."
This may be understood to mean that, at the end
of a long life, Cascellius made the grandson of his
fellow-pupil his heir, but a man is more likely to
honour his praeceptor than his fellow-pupil, and, on
this construction, the Latinity is harsh, both in
the use of the singular for the plural, and in the
reference of the word illius to the former of the
two names, Mucius and Volusius, which are con-
nected merely by collocation. Hence the con-
jectural reading of Balduinus adopted by Bertran-
dus {de Vitis Jurisp. 2, 19), viz. " Fuit Cascellius
Mucii et Volcatii auditor," has gained the approba-
tion of many critics.

Cascellius was a man of stem republican princi •
pies : pf Caesar's proceedings he spoke with the
utmost freedom. Neither hope nor fear could
induce him, B. c. 41, to compose legal forms for the
donations of the triumvirs, the fruits of their pro-
scriptions, which he looked upon as wholly irregu-
lar and illegal. His independence and liberty of
speech he ascribed to two things, which most men
regarded as misfortunes, old age and childlessness.
In offices of honour, he never advanced beyond the
first step, the quaestorship. though he survived to
the reign of Augustus, who offered him the con-
sulship, which he declined. (Val. Max. vi. 2, §
12, Dig. /.c.)

Cascellius is frequently quoted at second hand in
the Digest, especially by Javolenus. In Dig. 35,
tit. 1, s. 40, 8. 1, and 32, s. 100, ^ 1, we find him
differing from Ofilius. In the latter passage, the
case proposed was this : — A man leaves by will
two specific marble statues, and all his marble.
Do his other marble statues pass? Cascellius
thought not, and Labeo agreed with him, in oppo-
sition to Ofilius and Trebatius.

In Dig. 38, tit. 5, s. 17, § 5, the following
words occur in a quotation from Ulpian, " Labeo
quarto Posteriorum scripsit, nee Aristo, vel Aulus,
utpote probabile, notant." For Aulus here it is
not unlikely that Paulus ought to be read, for Cas-
cellius is no where else in the Digest called Aulus
simplJ^ Moreover, he was of older standing than
Labeo, and the only work of Cascellius extant in
the time of Pomponius (who was anterior to Ul-
pian), was a book of legal Ions mots {benedictorum
liber).

In conversation, Cascellius was graceful, amusing,
and witty. Several of his good sayings are pre-
served. When a client, wishing to sever a part-
nership in a ship, said to him, " Navem dividere
volo," his answer was, " You will destroy your
ship." He probably remembered the story of the
analogous quibble on the words of a treaty, which,

CASPKRIUS.

to tlie disgrace of the Romans, deprived Aiitioclms
the Great of his whole fleet. Vatinius, an un-
popular personage, for whom it is to be presumed
that Cascellius had no great liking, had been pelted
with stones at a gladiatorial show, and consequently
got a clause inserted in the edict of the aediles,
"■ ne quis in arenam nisi pomum mitteret." About
this time, the question was put to Cascellius, whe-
ther a nux pinea were a pomum, it being a legal
doubt whether fruits with hard as well as with
soft external rind, were included in the term. " Si
in Vatiniura missurus es, pomum est." (Quintil.
vi. 3 ; Macrob. Saturn, ii. 6.)

Horace (Ars Poet. 371, 372) pays a compliment
to the established legal reputation of Cascellius —

" nee scit quantum Cascellius Aulus,

Et tJimen in pretio est."

The old scholiast on this passage remarks, that
Gellius mentions Cascellius with praise, but this
seems to be a mistake, iniless the lost portions of
Gellius should bear out the scholiasfs assertion.
He probably confounds the jurist with Caesellius
Vindex, the grammarian, who is frequently cited
by Gellius. The name of the jurist is often cor-
ruptly spelt Caesellius, Ceselius, &o.

When an interdictum recuperandae possessionis
was followed by an action on a sponsio, if the
claimant were successful in recovering on the
sponsio, he was entitled as a consequence to the
restitution of possession by what was called the
Cascellianum or secutorium judicium. (Gains, iv.
16G, 169.) It is likely that this judicium w^s de-
vised by A. Cascellius.

Cicero {proBalbo,20) and Val. Maximus (viii.
12, § 1) say, that Q. Mucins Scaevola, the augur,
H most accomplished lawyer, when he was consulted
concerning jus praedmtorium, used to refer his
clients to Furius and Cascellius, who, being them-
selves praediatores, and consequently personally in-
terested in that part of the law, had made it their
peculiar study. The quotations from our Cascellius
in the Digest, do not point to praediatorian law,
and a consideration of dates goes far to prove, that
Cascellius praediator, was not our jurist, but per-
haps his father. The old augur died when Cicero
was verj' young, but our Cascellius might still have
been his disciple.

(Amm. Marc. xxx. 6 ; Rutilius, Vitae JCiorum,
36 ; Bertrandus, ile Jurisp. ii. 19; Guil. Grotius, i.
1 0 ; Strauch. Vitae aliquot JCtorum, p. 62 ; Mena-
gius, Amoen, Jur. c. 8 ; D'Arnaud, Vitae Scaevola-
rum, § 4, p. 14 ; Heineccius, Hist. Jur. Rom. §§ 190,
191 ; Edelmann, [Stockmann,] De Be7iedictis A.
Cascellii, Lips. 1803 ; Bynkershoek, Praetermissa
ud Pomponiuin, p, .57 ; Lagemans, de Aulo Cas-
cellioJCto. Lug. Bat. 1823 ; Zimmern, R. R. G. i.
pp. 299, 300.) ^ [J. T. G.]

CA'SIUS (Kacrtoy), a surname of Zeus, derived
from mount Casion not far from Pelusium, on
which the god had a temple. (Strab. xvi. p. 760 ;
Plin. //. N. iv. 20, v. 14.) [L. S.]

CA'SMILUS. [Cadmilus.]

CASPE'RIUS, a centurion who served under
the praefect Caelius Pollio, and commanded the
garrison of a stronghold called Gorneae in a. d. 52,
during a war between the Armenians and Hibe-
rians. Caelius Pollio acted the part of a traitor
towards the Armenians, but found an honest oppo-
nent in Casperius, who endeavoured, though in
vain, to induce the Hiberians to raise the siege.
In A. D. 62 we find him still serving as centurion

CASSANDER.

619

in Arraeniii, and Corbulo sent him as ambassador
to Vologeses to expostulate with liim respecting
his conduct. (Tac. Ann. xii. 45, xv. 5.) [L. S.J
CASPE'RIUS AELIA'NUS. [Aelianus.]
CASSANDA'NE {Kaaaavhavr)), a Persian
lady of the family of the Achaemenidae, daughter
of Phamaspes, who married Cyrus the Great, and
became by him the mother of Cambyses. She
died before her husband, who much lamented her
loss, and ordered a general mourning in her
honour. (Herod, ii. 1, iii. 2.) [E. E.]

CASSANDER (Kaortrai/Spos). 1. King of Mace-
donia, and son of Antipater, was 35 years old before
his father's death, if we may trust an incidental
notice to that effect in Athenaeus, and must, there-
fore, have been born in or before B. c. 354.
(Athen. i. p. 18, a.; Droysen, Gesch. der Nacltr
folger Aleocanders, p. 256.) His first appearance
in history is on the occasion of his being sent from
Macedonia to Alexander, then in Babylon, to
defend his father against his accusers : here,
according to Plutarch {Alex. 74), Cassander was
so struck by the sight, to him new, of the Persian
ceremonial of prostration, that he could not restrain
his laughter, and the king, incensed at his rude-
ness, is said to have seized him by the hair and
dashed his head against the wall. Allowing for
some exaggeration in this story, it is certain that
he met with some treatment from Alexander which
left on his mind an indelible impression of terror
and hatred, — a feeling which perhaps nearly as
much as ambition urged him afterwards to the
destruction of the royal family. The story which
ascribed Alexander's death to poison [see pp. 201,
320], spoke also of Cassander as the person who
brought the deadly water to Babylon. With
respect to the satrapy of Caria, which is said by
Diodorus, Justin, and Curtius to have been given
to Cassander among the arrangements of B. c. 323,
the confusion between the names Cassander and
Asander is pointed out in p. 379, a. (Comp.
Diod. xviii. 68.) On Polysperchon's being ap-
pointed to succeed Antipater in the regency, Cas-
sander was confirmed in the secondary dignity of
Chiliarch (see Wess. ad Diod. xviii. 48 ; PhUolog.
Mus. i. 380), — an office which had previously
been conferred on him by his father, that he might
serve as a check on Antigonus, when (b. c. 321)
the latter was entnisted by Antipater with the
command of the forces against Eumenes. Being,
however, dissatisfied with this arrangement, he
strengthened himself by an alliance with Ptolemy
Lagi and Antigonus, and entered into war with
Polysperchon. For the operations of the contend-
ing parties at Athens in B. c. 318, see p. 125, b.
The failure of Polysperchon at Megalopolis, in the
same year, had the efiect of bringing over most of
the Greek states to Cassander, and Athens also
surrendered to him, on condition that she should
keep her city, territory, revenues, and ships, only
continuing the ally of the conqueror, who should
be allowed to retain Munychia till the end of the
war. He at the same time settled the Athenian
constitution by establishing 10 minae (half the
sum that had been appointed by Antipater) as the
qualification for the full rights of citizenship (see
Bockh, Pull. Econ. of Athens, i. 7, iv.. 3) ; and
the union of clemency and energy which his gene-
ral conduct exhibited, is said to have procured him
many adherents. While, however, he was suc-
cessfully advancing his cause in the south, intelli-

620

CASSAXDER.

gence reached him that Eurydice and her husband
Arrhidaeus had fallen victims to the vengeance of
Olympias, who had also murdered Cassander's
brother Nicanor, together with 100 of his princi-
pal friends, and had even torn from its tomb the
corpse of loUas, another brother of his, by whom
bje asserted (the story being now probably propa-
gated for the first time), that Alexander had been
poisoned. Cassander immediatelj' raised the siege
of Tegea, in which he was engaged, and hastened
with all speed into Macedonia, though he thereby
left the Peloponnesus open to Polysperchon's son
[Alexander], and cutting otf from Olympias
all hope of aid from Polysperchon and Aeacides
[Galas, Atarrhias], besieged her in Pydna
throughout the winter of B. c, 317. In the spring
of the ensuing year she was obliged to sun-ender,
and Cassander shortly after caused her to be put
to death in defiance of his positive agreement.
The way now seemed open to him to the throne
of Macedon, and in furtherance of the attainment
of this object of his ambition, he placed Roxana
and her young son, Alexander Aegus, in custody
at Amphipolis, not thinking it safe as yet to mur-
der them, and ordered that they should no longer
be treated as royal persons. He also connected
himself with the regal family by a marriage with
Thessalonica, half-sister to Alexander the Great, in
whose honour he founded, probably in 316, the
town which bore her name ; and to the same
time, perhaps, we may refer the foundation of
Cassandreia in Pallene, so called after himself.
(Strab. Eic. e JAb. vii. p. 330.) Returning now
to the south, he stopped in Boeotia and began the
restoration of Thebes in the 20th year after its
destruction by Alexander (b. c. 315), a measure
highly popular with the Greeks, and not least so
at Athens, besides being a mode of venting his
hatred against Alexander's memory. (Comp.
Paus. ix. 7 ; Pint. Polit. Praec. c. 17; for the
date see also Polem. ap. Athcn. i. p. 19, c; Ca-
bjiub. cui. loc.; Clinton, /Wi, ii. p. 174.) Thence
advancing into the Peloponnesus, he retook most
of the towns which the son of Polysperchon had
gained in his absence ; and soon after he succeed-
ed also in attaching Polysperchon himself and
Alexander to his cause, and withdrawing them
from that of Antigonus, against whom a strong
coalition had been formed. [See pp. 126, a, 187,
h.] But in B.C. 313, Antigonus contrived, by
holding out to them the prospect of independence,
to detach from Cassander all the Greek cities
where he had g-arrisons, except Corinth and
Sicyon, in which Polysperchon and Cratesipolis
(Alexander's widow) still maintained their
ground ; and in the further operations of the war
Cassander's cause continued to decline till the
hollow peace of 311, by one of the terms of which
he was to retain his authority in Europe till Alex-
ander Aegus should be grown to manhood, while
it was likewise provided that all Greek states
should be independent. In the same year Cassan-
der made one more step towards the throne, by
the unirder of the young king and his mother
Roxana. In B. c. 310, the war was renewed, and
Polysperchon, who once more appears in opposition
to Cassander, advanced against him with Hercules,
the son of Alexander the Great and Barsine,
whom, acting probably under instructions from
Antigonus, he had put forward as a claimant to
the crown ; but, being a man apparently with all the

CASSANDER.

unscrupulous cruelty of Cassander without his
talent and decision, he was bribed by the latter,
who promised him among other things the govern-
ment of the Peloponnesus, to murder the young
prince and his mother, B. c. 309. [Barsine,
No. 1.] At this time the only places held by
Cassander in Greece were Athens, Corinth, and
Sicyon, the two latter of which were betrayed to
Ptolemy by Cratesipolis, in B. c. 308 ; and in
307, Athens was recovered by Demetrius, the son
of Antigonus, from Demetrius the Phalerean, who
had held it for Cassander from B. c. 318, with the
specious title of " Guardian" (fTrj/ieATjTrfs). In
B. c. 306, when Antigonus, Lysimachus, and
Ptolemy took the name of king, Cassander was
saluted with the same title by his subjects, though
according to Plutarch {Demctr. 18) he did not
assume it himself in his letters. During the siege
of Rhodes by Demetrius in 305, Cassander sent
supplies to the besieged, and took advantage of
Demetrius being thus employed to assail again the
Grecian cities, occupying Corinth with a garrison
under Prepelaus, and laying siege to Athens.
But, in B. c. 304, Demetrius having concluded a
peace with the Rhodians, obliged him to raise the
siege and to retreat to the north, whither, having
made himself master of southern Greece, he ad-
vanced against him. Cassander first endeavoured
to obtain peace by an application to Antigonus,
and then failing in this, he induced Lysimachus
to effect a diversion by carrying the war into Asia
against Antigonus, and sent also to Seleucus and
Ptolemy for assistance. Meanwhile Demetrius,
with far superior forces remained unaccountably
inactive in Thessaly, till, being summoned to his
father's aid, he concluded a hasty treaty with Cas-
sander, providing nominally for the independence
of all Greek cities, and passed into Asia, B c. 302.
In the next year, 301, the decisive battle of Ipsus,
in which Antigonus and Demetrius were defeated
and the former slain, relieved Cassander from his
chief cause of apprehension. After the battle, the
four kings (Seleucus, Ptolemy, Cassander, and
Lysimachus) divided among them the dominions
of Antigonus as well as what they already pos-
sessed ; and in this division Macedonia and
Greece were assigned to Cassander. (Comp.
Daniel, viii. ; Polyb. v. 67 ; App. Bdl. Syr. p.
122, ad fin,) To B. c. 299 or 298, we must refer
Cassander's invasion of Corcyra, which had re-
mained free since its deliverance by Demetrius,
B. c. 303, from the Spaitan adventurer Cleonymus
(comp. Liv. X. 2 ; Diod. xx. 105), and which may
perhaps have been ceded to Cassander as a set-off
against Demetrius' occupation of Cilicia, from
which he had driven Cassander's brother Pleistar-
chus. The island, however, was delivered by Aga-
thocles of Syracuse, who compelled Cassander to
withdraw from it. In b. c. 298, we find him car-
rying on his intrigues in southern Greece, and
assailing Athens and Elatea in Phocis, which were
successfully defended by Olympiodorus, the Athe-
nian, with assistance from the Aetolians. Not
being able therefore to succeed by force of arms,
Cassander encouraged Lachares to seize the
tyranny of Athens, whence however Demetrius
expelled him ; and Cassander's plans were cut
short by his death, which was caused by dropsy
in the autumn of b. c. 297, as Droysen places it ;
Clinton refers it to 296. (Diod. xviii. — xx. xxL
Exc. 2 ; Plut. Phocion^ Pi/rr/ms, Demetrius;

CASSANDRA.

JiisL xii.-XY. ; Arrian, Anab. vii. 27; Pans. i. 2.5,
26, X. 34 ; Droysen, Gesch. der Nachf. Aleauti-
ders ; ThirhvalPs Greece., vol. vii.) It will have
appeared from the above account that there was no
act, however cruel and atrocious, from which Cas-
sander ever shrunk where the objects he had in
view required it ; and yet this man of blood, this
ruthless and unscrupulous murderer, was at the
same time a man of refinement and of cultivated
literary tastes, — one who could feel the beauties
of Homer, and who knew his poems by heart.
(Caryst. ap. At/ten. xiv. p. 620, b.) For a sketch
of his character, eloquently drawn, see Droysen,
pp. 2.56, 257. The head on the obverse of the
annexed coin of Cassander is that of Hercules.

CASSIA GENS.

621

2. A Corinthian, who with his countryman
Agathynus, having unsuspiciously entered the
port of Leucas with four ships of Taurion's squa-
dron, was treacherously seized there by the Illy-
rians, and sent to Scerdilaidas the Illyrian king.
The latter had thought himself wronged by
Philip V. of Macedonia, in not receiving the full
sum agreed on for his services in the social war,
and had sent out 15 cutters to pay himself by
piracy, B. c. 218. (Polyb. v. 95.)

3. An Aeginetan, who, at the Achaean con-
gress, held at Megalopolis, b. c. 186, followed
Apollonides in dissuading the assembly from ac-
cepting the 120 talents proffered them as a gift
by king Eumenes II. [See p. 237, a.] He re-
minded the Achaeans, that the Aeginetans, in con-
sequence of their adherence to the league, had
beon conquered and enslaved by P. Sulpicius
(b. c. 208), and that their island, having been
given up by Rome to the Aetolians, had been sold
by them to Attalus, the father of Eumenes. He
called on Eumenes to shew his good- will to the
Achaeans rather by the restoration of Aegina than
by gifts of money, and he urged the assembly not
to receive presents which would prevent their ever
attempting the deliverance of the Aeginetans.
The money of the king of Pergamus was refused
by the congress. (Polyb. xi, 6, xxiii. 7, 8 ; comp.
Liv. xxvii. 33; Plut. Arat. 34.)

4. An ofticer in the service of Philip V. of
Macedon, whom the king, exasperated by the
Romans calling on him to give up Aenus and Ma-
roneia in Thrace, employed as his chief instru-
ment in the cruel massacre of the Maronites, b. c.
185. Being desired by the Romans to send Cas-
sander to Rome for examination before the senate
on the subject of the massacre, he caused him to
be poisoned on his way, in Epeirus, to prevent any
untoward revelations. (Polyb. xxiii. 13, 14;
Liv. xxxix. 27, 34.) [E. E.]

CASSANDRA {KacradySpa), hIso called Alex-
andra (Pans. iii. 19. § 5, 26. § 3), was the fairest
among the daughters of Priam and Hecabe. There
are two points in her story whicli have furnished
the ancient poets with ample materials to dilate
upon. The first is her prophetic power, concerning
which we have the following traditions : Cassandra

and Hcllenu'», when yet children, were left by
their parents in the sanctuary of the Thymbraean
Apollo, The next morning they were found en-
twined by serpents, which were occupied with
purifying the children's ears, so as to render them
capable of understanding the divine sounds of
nature and the voices of birds, and of thereby
learning the future. (Txetz. Argum. ad Li/coph.;
Eustath. ad Horn. p. 663.) After Cassandra had
grown up, she once again spent a night in the
temple of the god. He attempted to surprise her,
but as she resisted him, he punished her by caus-
ing iier prophecies, though true, to be disbelieved
by men. (Hygin. Fah.93.) According to another
version, Apollo initiated her in the art of prophecy
on condition of her yielding to his desires. The
maiden promised to comply with his wishes, but did
not keep her word, and the god then ordained that
no one should believe her prophecies. (Aeschyl.
Acjam. 1207 ; Apollod. iii. 12. § 5 ; Serv. ad Aen.
ii. 247.) This misfortune is the cause of the tragic
part which Cassandra acts during the Trojan war :
she continually announces the calamities which
are coming, without any one giving heed to what
she says ; and even Priam himself looks upon her
as a mad woman, and has her shut up and guarded.
(Tzetz. I. c. ; Lycoph. 350 ; Serv. ad Aen.n. 246.)
It should, however, be remarked, that Homer
knows nothing of the confinement of Cassandra,
and in the Iliad she appears perfectly free. {II.
xxiv. 700 ; comp. Od. xi. 421, &c.) During the
war Othryoneus of Cabesus sued for her hand, but
was slain by Idoraeneus (//. xiii. 363); afterwards
Coroebus did the same, but he was killed in the
taking of Troy. (Paus. x. 27. § 1; Virg. Aen. ii.
344, 425.)

The second point in her history is her fate at
and after the taking of Troy. She fled into the
sanctuary of Athena, and embraced the statue of
the goddess as a suppliant. But Ajax, the son of
Oileus, tore her away from the temple, and ac-
cording to some accounts, even ravished her in the
stinctuary. (Strab. vi. p. 264 ; comp. Ajax.)
When the Greeks divided the booty of Troy, Cas-
sandra was given to Agamemnon, who took her
with him to Mycenae. Here she was killed by
Clytaemnestra, and Aegisthus put to death her
children by Agamemnon, Teledamus, and Pelops.
(Aeschyl. A</am. 1260; Paus. ii. 16. § 5 ; Hom.
//. xiii. 365, xxiv. 699 ; Od. xi. 420.) She had
a statue at Amyclae, and a temple with a statue at
Leuctra in Laconia. (Paus. iii. 19. § 5, 26. § 3.)
Her tomb was either at Amyclae or Mycenae
(ii. 16. § 5), for the two towns disputed the pos-
session of it.

There is another mythical heroine Cassandra,
who was a daughter of lobates, king of Lycia.
(Schol. ad Hum. II. vi. 155; comp. Bkllkro-
PHON.) [L. S.l

CA'SSIA GENS, originally patrician, after-
wards plebeian. We have mention of only one
patrician of this gens, Sp. Cassius Viscellinus, con-
sul in B. c. 502, and the proposer of the first
agrarian law, who was put to death by the patri-
cians. As all the Cassii after his time are plebeians,
it is not improbable either that the patricians ex-
pelled them from their order, or that they aban-
doned it on account of the murder of Viscellinus.
The Cassia gens was reckoned one of the noblest
in Rome ; and members of it are constantly men-
tioned under the empire as well as during the re-

822 CASSIANUS.

public. (Comp. Tac Ann. vi, 15.) Tho. chief
family in the time of the republic bears the name
of LoNGiNUS : the other cognomens during that
time are Hemina, Parmexsis, Ra villa, Sahaco,
Varus, Viscellinus. Under the empire, the
surnames are very numerous : of these an alpha-
i ,^tical list is given below. The few persons of
this gens mentioned without any cognomen are
given under Cassius.

CASSIA'NUS (Kao-o-jai/o'y), a Christian writer
who was, according to Clemens of Alexandria (ap.
Hieron. Caial. Script. Ecdes. 38), the author of a
chronological work (xpo>'07po(/)fa). He may be the
same as the Julius Cassianus from whose work
" De Continentia" a fragment is quoted by Eusebius
{^Hist. Ecdes. vi. 1 3), and is perhaps also no other
person than the Cassianus whose first book of a
work entitled f^rryr]TtKd is quoted by Clemens of
Alexandria. (Strom, i. p. 138.) [L. S.]

CASSIA'NUS, otherwise called JOANNES
MASSILIENSIS and JOANNES EREMITA,
is celebrated in the history of the Christian church
as the champion of Semipelagianism, as one of the
first founders of monastic fraternities in Western
Europe, and as the great lawgiver by whose codes
such societies were long regulated. The date of
his birth cannot be determined with certainty, al-
though A. D. 360 must be a close approximation,
and the plfice is still more doubtful. Some have
fixed upon the shores of the Euxine, others upon
Syria, others upon the South of France, and all
alike appeal for confirmation of their views to par-
ticular expressions in his works, and to the general
character of his phraseology. Without pretending
to decide the question, it seems on the whole most
probable that he was a native of the East. At a
very early age he became an inmate of the monas-
tery of Bethlehem, where he received the first
elements of religious instruction, and fonned with
a monk named Germanus an intimacy which
exercised a powerful influence over his future
career. In the year 390, accompanied by his friend,
he travelled into Egypt, and after having passed
seven years among the Ascetics who swarmed in
the deserts near the Nile, confoiming to all their
habits and practising all their austerities, he re-
turned for a short period to Bethlehem, but very
soon again retired to consort with the eremites of
the Thebaid. In 403 he repaired to Constantino-
ple, attracted by the fame of Chrysostom, and
received ordination as deacon from his hands.
When that great prelate was driven by persecution
from his see, Cassianus and Germanus were em-
ployed by the friends of the patriarch to lay a
statement of the case before Pope Innocent I., and
since Pelagius is known to have been at Rome
about this period, it is highly probable that some
personal intercourse may have taken place between
him and his future opponent. From this time
there is a blank in the history of Cassianus until
the year 415, when we find him established as a
presbyter at Marseilles, where he passed the re-
mainder of his life in godly labours, having
founded a convent for nuns and the celebrated
abbey of St. Victor, which while under his controul
is said to have numbered five thousand inmates.
These two establishments long preserved a high
reputation, and served as models for many similar
institutions in Gaul and Spain. The exact year
of his death is not known, but the event must be
placed after 433, at least the chronicle of Prosper

CASSIANUS.

represents him as being alive at that epoch. He
was eventually canonized as a saint, and a great
religious festival used to be celebrated in honour
of him at Marseilles on the 25th of July.
The writings of Cassianus now extant are —

1. " De Institutis Coenobiorum Libri XII.,"
composed before the year 418 at the request of
Castor [Castor], bishop of Apt, who was desirous
of obtaining accurate information with regard to the
rules by which the cloisters in the East were go-
verned. This work is divided into two distinct
parts. The first four books relate exclusively to
the mode of life, discipline, and method of perform-
ing sacred offices, pursued in various monasteries ;
the remainder contain a series of discourses upon
the eight great sins into which mankind in general
and monks in particular are especially liable to fall,
such as gluttony, pride, passion, and the like.
Hence Photius (Cod. cxcvii.) quotes these two sec-
tions as two separate treatises, and this arrange-
ment appears to have been adopted to a certain
extent by the author himself. (See Praef. Collatt.
and CoUat. xx. 1.) The subdivision of the first
part into two, proposed by Gennadius, is unneces-
sary and perplexing.

2. " Collationes Patrum XXIV.," twenty-four
sacred dialogues between Cassianus, Germanus,
and Egyptian monks, in which are developed the
spirit and object of the monastic life, the end
sought by the external observances previously de-
scribed. They were composed at different periods
between 419 and 427. The first ten are inscribed
to Leontius, bishop of Frejus, and to Helladius,
abbot of St. Castor, the following seven to Hono-
ratus, afterwards bishop of Aries, the last seven to
Jovinianus, Minervius, and other monks. In the
course of these conversations, especially in the 13th,
we find an exposition of the peculiar views of Cas-
sianus on certain points of dogmatic theology, con-
nected more especially with original sin, predesti-
nation, free-will, and grace, constituting the system
which has been termed Semipelagianism because it
steered a middle course between the extreme posi-
tions occupied by St. Augustin and Pelagius ; for
while the former maintained, that man was by
nature utterly corrupt and incapable of emerging
from his lost state by any efforts of his own, the
latter held, that the new-born infant w.as in the
state of Adam before the fall, hence morally pure
and capable in himself of selecting between virtue
and vice ; while Cassianus, rejecting the views of
both, asserted, that the natural man was neither
morall}' dead nor morally sound, but morally sick,
and therefore stood in need of medical aid, that aid
being the Grace of God. Moreover, according to
his doctrine, it is necessary for man of his own free
will to seek this aid in order to be made whole,
but at the same time the free-will of man cannot
set limits to the Grace of God which may be
exerted on behalf of those who seek it not, as in
the case of the Apostle Paul and others. Cas-
sianus certainly rejected absolute predestination
and the limitation of justification to the elect, but
his ideas upon these topics are not very clearly ex-
pressed. Those who desire full information with
regard to Semipelagian tenets will find them fully
developed in the works enumerated at the end of
this article.

3. " De Incamatione Christi Libri VII.," a con-
troversial tract in confutation of the Nestorian
heresy, drawn up about 430 at the request of Leo,

CASSIA N us.

at that time archdeacon and afterwards bishop of
Rome.

The following essays have been ascribed erro-
neously, or at all events upon insufficient evidence,
to Cassianus : — '* De spirituali Medicina Monachi
seu Dosis medica ad exinaniendos Animi Affec-
tus ;" " Theologica Confessio et De Conflictu
Vitionira et Virtutum ;" " Vita S. Victoris Mar-
lyris," &c. There are no grounds for believing
tlaat he wrote, as some have asserted, a Regula
Monastiai, now lost.

The attentive reader of this father will soon per-
ceive that he was thoroughly engrossed with his
subject, and paid so little attention to the graces of
btyle, that his composition is often careless and
slovenly. At the same time his diction, although
it bears both in words and in construction a bar-
baric stamp deeply impressed, is far superior to
that of many of his contemporaries, since it is
plain, simple, unaffected, and intelligible, devoid of
the fantastic conceits, shabby finery, and coarse
paint, uuder which the literature of that age so
often strove to hide its awkwardness, feebleness,
and deformity.

The earliest edition of the collected works of
Cassianus is that of Basle, 1559, fol., in a volume
containing also Joannes Damascenus. It was re-
printed in 15(^9 and 1575. These were followed
by the edition of Antwerp, 1578, 8vo. The most
complete and best edition is that printed at Frank-
fort, 1722, fol., with the commentaries and pre-
liminary dissertations of the Benedictine Gazaeus
(Gazet), and reprinted at Leipzig in 1733, fol.
The edition superintended by Gazet himself was
published at Douay in 1618, 3 vols, fol., and again
in an enlarged form at Arras in 1628.

The Institationes appeared at Basle in 1485 and
1 497, fol., and at Ley den, 1516, fol. The existence
of the Venice edition of 1481, mentioned by Fa-
bricius, is doubtful.

The Institutioiies and Collufio7ies appeared at
Venice, 1491, fol.; at Bologna, 1521, 8vo. ; at
Leyden, 1525, 8 vo., at Rome, 1583 and 1611, 8vo.

The De Incarnatione, first published separately
at Basle in 1534, and reprinted at Paris in 1545
and 1569, is included in Simler's " Scriptores
veteres Latini de una Persona et duabus Naturis
Christi," Zurich, 1572, fol.

There is a translation of the InslUutiones into
Italian by Buffi, a monk of Camaldoli, Venice,
1563, 4to., of the CoUationes into French by De
Saligny, Paris, 1663, 8vo., and of the Instituiiones^
also by De Saligny, Paris, 1667, 8vo.

For a full and elaborate disquisition on the life,
writings, and doctrines of Cassianus, consult the
two essays by Dr. G. F. Wiggei-s, De Joanne Cas-
siatio Massiliensi, qui Seviipelatfianismi A uctor vulgo
perhibetur, Rostochii, 1824, 1825, 4to., and his
article " Cassianus" in the Encyclopaedia of Ersch
and Gruber. See also GelFken, Historia Semi-
pelagianismi antiquissima, Gottingae, 1826. Be-
sides these, we have among the older writers
(hmme7itarius de Joanne Cassiano, by Cuper, in
the Acta SS. m. Jul. v. p. 488 ; also S. Joannes
Cassia7ius illusiraius, by Jo. Bapt. Guesnay, Ley-
den, 1652, 4to.; and Di<seHatio de Vita, Sciiptis
et Dodrina Joannis Cassiani, Abbatis Massiliensis,
Semipi'lagianorum Principis, by Ouden, in his
Comment, de Script. Ecd. vol. i. p. 1113. See also
Tillemont, xiv. 157; Schroeck, A'/rc^cw^esc^ viii.
383; Schoenemann, Dibliotheca Patrum iMtinorum

CASSIODORUS.

62.?

cap. V. 26 (Lips. 1792); Baehr, Geschichie der
H'umischen Literature Suppl. Band, ii. Abtheil. p.
328. [W. R.J

CASSIA'NUS BASSUS. [Bassus.]
CASSIEPEIA or CASSIOPEIA (Ka^ro-t^Trcia
or KaaaiSinia), the wife of Cepheus in Aethiopia,
and mother of Andromeda, whose beauty she ex-
tolled above that of the Nereids. This pride be-
came the cause of her misfortunes, for Poseidon
sent a monster into the country which ravaged the
land, and to which Andromeda was to be sacrificed.
But Perseus saved her life. (Hygin. Fah. 64 ;
comp. Andromeda.) According to other accounts
Cassiepeia boasted that she herself surpassed the
Nereids in beauty, and for this reason she was re-
presented, when placed among the stars, as turning
backwards. (Arat Pha^n. 187, &c. ; Manil.
Astron. i. 355.) [L. S.]

CASSIQDO'RUS, MAGNUS AURE'LIUS,
or CASSIODO'RIUS, for the MSS. vary be-
tween these two forms of the name, although the
former has been generally adopted, was bom about
A. D. 468, at Scylaceum (Squillace), in the country
of the Bruttii, of an ancient, honourable, and
wealthy Roman family. His father was at one
period secretary to Valentinian the Third, but re-
tired from public life upon the death of that prince
and the extinction of the Western Empire. Young
Cassiodorus was soon discovered to be a boy of
high promise, and his talents were cultivated with
anxious assiduity and care. At a very early age
his genius, accomplishments, and multifarious learn-
ing, attracted the attention and commanded the
respect of the first barbarian king of Italy, by whom
he was chosen Comes rcrum privatarum, and eventu-
ally Comes sacrarum largitionuw, an appointment
whicli placed him at the head of financial affairs.
But when Odoacer ^fter a succession of defeats
was shut up in Ravenna by Theodoric, Cassiodorus
withdrew to his estates in the south, and hastened
to recommend himself to the conqueror by persuad-
ing his countrymen and the Sicilians to submit
without resistance. Hence, after the murder of his
fonner patron, he was received with the greatest
distinction by the new sovereign, was nominated
to all the highest offices of state in succession, and
under a variety of different titles (for the parade
and formality of the old court were studiously
maintained), regulated for a long series of years
the administration of the Ostrogothic power with
singular ability, discretion, and success, possessing
at once the full confidence of his master and the
affection of the people. Perceiving, however, that
Theodoric, enfeebled by age, was beginning to
yield to the selfish suggestions of evil counsellors
and to indulge in cruelty towards his Italian sub-
jects, Cassiodorus wisely resolved to seek shelter
from the approaching storm, and, resigning all his
honours, betook himself to the country in 524,
thus avoiding the wretched fate of Boethius and
Symmachus. Recalled after the death of Theo-
doric, he resumed his position, and continued to
discharge the duties of chief minister under Ama-
lasontha, Athalai-ic, Theodatus, and Vitiges, ex-
erting all his enei^ies to prop their tottering
dominion. But when the triumph of Belisarius
and the downfall of the Ostrogoths was no longer
doubtful, being now 70 years old, he once more re-
tired to his native province, and having founded
the monastery of Viviera (Coenobium Vivariensea.
Castellcnse), passed the remainder of his life, which

094

CASSrODORUS.

was prolonged until he had nearly completed a
century, in the seclusion of the cloister. Here his
activity of mind was no less conspicuous than
when engaged in the stirring business of the world,
and his eflforts were directed towards the. accom-
plishment of designs not less important. The great
object which he kept steadilj' in view and prose-
cuted with infinite labour and unflagging zeal, was
to elevate the standard of education among ecclesi-
astics by inducing them to study the models of
classical antiquity, and to extend their knowledge
of general literature and science. To accomplish
this he formed a library, disbursed large sums in
the purchase of MSS., encouraged the monks to
copy these with care, and devoted a great portion
of his time to labour of this description and to the
composition of elementary treatises on history,
metaphysics, the seven liberal arts, and divinity,
which have rendered him not less celebrated as an
author and a man of learning than as a politician
and a statesman. The leisure hours which re-
luained he is said to have employed in the con-
struction of philosophical toys, such as sun-dials,
water-clocks, everlasting lamps, and the like. The
benefit derived from his precepts and example was
by no means confined to the establishment over
which he presided, nor to the epoch when he
flourished. The same system, the advantages of
which were soon perceived and appreciated, was
gradually introduced into similar institutions, the
transcription of ancient works became one of the
regiUar and stated occupations of the monastic life,
and thus, in all probability, we are indirectly in-
debted to Cassiodorus for the preservation of a
large proportion of the most precious relics of an-
cient genius. The following is a list of all the
writings of Cassiodorus with which we are ac-
quainted : —

1. *' Variarum (Epistolanira) Libri XII,,"" an
assemblage of state papers drawn up by Cassiodorus
ill accordance with the instructions of the so-
vereigns whom he served. In the first ten books
the author always speaks in the person of the ruler
for the time being ; in the last two, in his own.
The first five contain the ordinances of Theodoric,
the sixth and seventh regulations (formulae) with
regard to the chief offices of the kingdom, the
eighth, ninth, and tenth, the decrees promulgated
by the immediate successors of Theodoric, the
eleventh and twelfth the edicts published by Cas-
siodorus himself during the years 534 — 538, when
praefect of the praetoriura. This collection is of
the greatest historical importance, being our chief
and most trustworthy source of information in re-
gard to everything connected with the constitution
and internal discipline of the Ostrogothic dominion
in Italy. We must not, however, expect to find
much that is attractive or worthy of imitation in
the style of those documents. While we cannot
help admiring the ingenuity displayed in the selec- j
tion and combination of phrases, moulded for the
most part into neat but most artificial forms,
and polished with patient toil, we at the same
time feel heartily wearied and disgusted by the
sustained affectation and declamatory glitter which
disfigure every page. The language is full of
strange and foreign words, and little attention is
paid to the delicacies of syntax, but Funccius is
too harsh when he designates it as a mere mass of
Gothic solecisms. Periiaps the best description j
which can be given of the general effect produced ;

CASSIODORUS.

upon the reader by these compositions is containwl
in the happy expression of Tiraboschi, who charac-
terises the diction of Cassiodorus as " barbara
eleganza."

The Editio Princeps of the " Variarum ^ was
printed under the inspection of Accursius by Henr.
Sileceus, at Augsburg, in the month of Maj,
1533 (fol.), the disquisition " De Anima" being
included in the same volume.

2. " Chronicon," a dull, pompous, clumsy sum-
mary of Universal History, extending from the
creation of the world down to a. i). 519, derived
chiefly from Eusebius, Hieronymus, Prosper, and
other authorities still accessible. It was drawn up
in obedience to the orders of Theodoric, and by no
means deserves the respect with which it was re-
garded in the middle ages, since it is carelessly
compiled and full of mistakes.

3. " Historiae Ecclesiasticae Tripartitae ex tri-
bus Graecis Scriptoribus, Sozomeno, Socrate, ac
Theodoreto ab Epiphanio Scholastico Versis, per
Cassiodorum Senatorem in Epitomen redactae
Libri XII." The origin of this work is sufficiently
explained by the title. It contains a complete
survey of ecclesiastical history from Constautine
down to the younger Theodosius. This, like the
Chronicon, is of little value in the present day,
since the authorities from which it is taken are still
extant, and are infinitely superior both in matter
and manner to the epitomizer. Prefixed we have
an introduction, in which Cassiodorus gives full
scope to his taste for inflated grandiloquence. The
editio princeps of the Ecclesiastical History was
printed by Johannes Schussler, at Augsburg, 147*2,
fol.

4. " Computus Paschalis sive de Indictionibus,
Cyclis Solis et Lunae," &c., containing the calcula-
tions necessary for the correct determination of
Easter. This treatise belongs to the date 5fj2,
and this is the latest year in which we can prove
the author to have been alive.

5. " De Orthographia Liber," compiled by Cas-
siodorus when 93 years old from the works of nine
ancient grammarians, — Agnaeus Cornutus, Velius
Lonpus, Curtius Valerianus, Papirianus, Adaman-
tius Martyrius, Eutyches, Caesellius, Lucius Cae-
cilius Vindex, and Priscianus, in addition to whom
we find quotations from Varro, Donatus, and
Phocas.

6. " De Arte Grammatica ad Donati Mentem,"
of which a fragment only has been preserved.

This tract, together with the preceding, will be
found in the " Grammaticae Latini Auctores an-
tiqui" of Putschius, Hanov. 1605, p. 2275 and
p. 2322.

7. " De Artibus ac Disciplinis Liberaliura Lite-
rarum," in two books, a compilation from the b(;st
authorities, much esteemed and studied during the
middle ages. It contains a compendium of the
seven liberal arts which were at one time supposed
to embrace the whole circuit of human knowledge,
— Gramiaar, Rhetoric, Dialectics, Arithmetic, Geo-
metry, Asrranomy, Music.

Angelo Mai has recently published from a Vati-
can MS. some chapters, hitherto unedited, which
seem to have formed the conclusion of the work.
{C/asstcorum Auctorum e Vat. Codd. vol. iii. p. 349.)

8. " De Anima," on the name, origin, nature,
qualities, abode, and future existence of the soul,
together with speculations upon other topics con-
nected with the same subject.

CASSIODORUS.

9. " De Institutione Divinarum Literarum," an
introduction to the profitable reading of the Holy
Scriptures, intended for the use of the monks.
This is perhaps the most pleasing of all our author's
works. His profound and varied knowledge is
here displayed to the best advantage, his instruc-
tions are conveyed in more plain and simple phrase-
ology than he elsewhere employs, while a truly
Christian tone and spirit pervades the whole.

10. " Expositio in Psalmos sive Commenta
Psaltcrii," extracted chiefly from the " Enarra-
tiones" of St. Augustin, although we gather from
internal evidence that the exegetical treatises of
Hilarius, Ambrosius, Hieronymus, and others upon
the same subject, had been carefully consulted.
As a matter of course we detect in the copy the
same features which distinguish the original, the
same love of overstrained allegorical interpretation,
the same determination to wring from the plainest
and least ambiguous precepts some mystical and
esoteric doctrine.

11. The " Expositio in Cantica Canticorum,"
although breathing a spirit similar to the commen-
tary just described, and set down in all MSS. as
the production of Cassiodorus, is throughout so
different in style and language from all his other
dissertations, that its authenticity has with good
reason been called in question.

12. " Complexiones in Epistolas Apostolorum,
iu Acta et in Apocalypsim.". Short illustrations of
the apostolic Epistles, the Acts, and Revelations,
first brought to light by Scipio Maffei, published
by him at Florence from a Verona MS. in 1721,
and reprinted at London with the notes of Chan-
dler in 1722, and at Rotterdam in 1723, all in 8vo.
These annotations are not considered by theolo-
gians of any particular value.

In addition to the above we frequently find two
tracts included among the writings of Cassiodorus,
one a rhetorical essay entitled " De Schematibus
et Tropis," and the other " De Araicitia Liber." Of
these the former is now generally ascribed to the
venerable Bede, while the latter is believed to have
been composed by Petrus Blesensis, archdeacon of
London, an ecclesiastic of the twelfth century.

Among his lost works we may name, 1. " Libri
XII De Rebus Gestis Gothorum," known to us
only through the abridgement of Jomandes ; 2.
" Liber Titulorum s. Memorialis," short abstracts,
apparently, of chapters in holy writ ; 3. " Exposi-
tio Epistolae ad Romanos," in which the Pelagian
heresy was attacked and confuted. The last two,
together with the " Complexiones" and several
other treatises already mentioned, are enumerated
in tlie preface to the " De Orthographia Liber."

The first edition of the collected works of Cas-
siodorus is that published at Paris in 1584, 4to.,
with the notes of Fomerius; the best and most
complete is that published by D. Garet at Rouen,
1679, 2 vols, fol., and reprinted at Venice in 1729.

On his life we have Vita Cassiodori, prefixed to
the edition of Garet ; La Vie de Cassidore avec un
Abriye de VHistoire des Princes qu'il a servi et des
Rcmurqties sur ses Ouvrages, by F. D. de Sainte
Marthe, Paris, 1694, Bvo, ; and Leben Cassiodor\
by De Buat, in the first volume of the transactions
of the Royal Academy of Munich, p. 79. There
is frequently much confusion in biographical dis-
quisitions between Cassiodorus the father and Cas-
siodorus the son, the former having been supposed
by many to be the individual who held office under

CASSIUS.

625

Odoacer,and the latter not to have been bom until
479. But the question seems to be set at rest by
the 4th epistle of the Ist book of the Variaiuniy
where the father and son are clearly distinguished
from each other ; and since the latter unquestion-
ably enjoyed a place of trust under Odoacer, whose
downfall took place in 490, the young secretary,
although still " adolescens,'' could not by any pos-
sibility have been bom so late as 479. Some re-
marks upon this point will be found in Osann,
Beitr'dge zur Gr. und Rom. Literaiur Geschichte,
vol. iL p. 160, Cassel. 1839. The different digni-
ties with which he was invested are enumerated,
and their nature fully explained, in Manso, Ges-
chichte des Ostgothischen Reichs. [W. R.]

CASSI'PHONE {Ka<Tai(p6u-n), a daughter of
Odysseus by Circe, and sister of Telegonus. After
Odysseus had been restored to life by Circe, when
he had been killed by Telegonus, he gave Cassi-
phone iu marriage to Telemachus, whom, however,
she killed, because he had put to death her mother
Circe. (Schol. ad Lycopk. 795^ Sec.) [L. S.]

CASSIVELAUNUS, a British chief, who
fought against Caesar in his second campaign
against Britain, b. c. 54. He ruled over the
country north of the river Tamesis (Thames), and
as by his perpetual wars with his neighbours he
had acquired the reputation of a great wanior, the
Britons gave him the supreme command against
the Romans. After the Britons and Romans had
fought in several engagements, the former abstain-
ed from attacking the Romans with their whole
forces, which emboldened Caesar to march into the
dominions of Cassivelaunus : he crossed the
Thames, though its passage had been rendered
almost impossible by artificial means, and put the
enemy to flight ; but he continued to be much
harassed by the sallies of the Britons from their
forests. The Trinobantes, however, with whom
Cassivelaunus had been at war, and some other
tribes submitted to the Romans. Through them
Caesar became acquainted with the site of the
capital of Cassivelaunus, which was not far off,
and surrounded by forests and marshes. Caesar
forthwith made an attack upon the place and took
it. Cassivelaunus escaped, but as one or two
attacks which he made on the naval camp of the
Romans were unsuccessful, he sued for peace,
which was granted to him on condition of his pay-
ing a yearly tribute and giving hostages. (Caes.
B. G. V. 11-23; Dion Cass. xl. 2, 3; Polyaen.
Sirat. viii. Caes. 5 ; Beda, Eccles. Hist. Gent. AnyL
i. 2.) [L. S.]

CA'SSIUS. 1. C. Cassius, tribune of the
soldiers, B. c. 168, to whose custody the Illyrian
king Gentius was entrusted by the praetor Ani-
cius, when he fell into the hands of the latter iu
the Illyrian war. (Liv. xliv. 31.)

2. L. Cassius, proconsul in Asia in B. c 90,
which province he probably received after his
praetorship with the title of proconsul, as we
know that he never obtained the consulship itself.
In conjunction with M'. Aquillius he restored
Ariobarzanes to Cappadocia, and Nicomedes to
Bithynia; but when Ariobarzanes was again
driven out of his kingdom by Mithridates in the
following year, Cassius made preparations to carry,
on war against the latter. He was, however,
obliged to retire before Mithridates, and fled to
Rhodes, where he was when Mithridates laid
siege to the place. He afterwards fell into the

2b

626

CASSIUS.

hands of the king of Pontus, though on -what oc-
casion is not mentioned, but was restored to free-
dom at the end of the first Mithridatic war.
(Appian, MUhr. 11, 17, 24, 112.)

3. L. Cassius, tribune of the plebs, b. c. 89,
at the time of the Marsic war, when the value of
landed property was depreciated, and the quantity
of money in circulation was comparatively small.
Debtors were thus unable to pay the money they
owed, and as the praetor A. Sempronius Asellio
decided against the debtors in accordance with the
old laws, the people became exasperated, and L.
Cassius excited them still more against him, so
that he was at length murdered by the people
while offering a sacrifice in the forum. (Val.
Max. ix. 7. § 4 ; comp. Liv, Epit. 74.)

4. Q. Cassius, legate of Q. Cassius Longinus
in Spain in b. c. 48, and probably the same to
whom Antony gave Spain at the division of the
provinces at the end of B. c. 44. (Ilirt. B. Alex.
52, 57; Cic. PhUipp. iii. 10.)

CA'SSIUS (Ka«ro-jos), a Sceptic philosopher,
who wrote against Zeno the Stoic. (Diog. llaert.
vii. 32, 34 ; Galen, Hi/pothes. Empir. 3.) [L. S.]

CA'SSIUS, AGRIPPA, is called a most learned
writer; He lived about a. d. 132, in the reign of
the emperor Hadrian, and wrote a very accurate
refutation of the heresies of Basilidcs the Gnostic
and his son Isidorus. A fragment of this work
is preserved in Eusebius. {Hist. lu^dcs. iv. 7; comp.
Hieron. Script. Eccles. 2\y Indie. Ilaeres, 2 ; Theo-
doret, De Haeret. Fab. i. 4.) [L. S.]

CA'SSIUS APRONIA'NUS. [Aproma-
Nus, No. 2.]

CA'SSIUS ASCLEPIO'DOTUS. [A.scLE-

PIODOTUS.]

CA'SSIUS, AVI'DIUS, one of the most able
and successful among the generals of M. Aurelius,
was a native of Cyrrhus in Syria, son of a certain
Heliodorus, who in consequence of his eminence
as a rhetorician had risen to be praefect of Egypt
While Verus was abandoning himself to all man-
ner of profligacy at Antioch, the war against the
Parthians was vigorously prosecuted by Cassius,
who closed a most glorious campaign by the capture
of Seleuceia and Ctesiphon. He subsequently
quelled a formidable insurrection in Egypt, orga-
nized by a tribe of marauders who dwelt among
the fens ; and having been appointed governor of
nil the Eastern provinces, discharged his trust for
several years with fidelity and firmness. The
history of his rebellion and his miserable death are
narrated under 'M. Aurelius. If we can believe
in the authenticity of the documents produced by
Gallicanus, the conduct of Cassius excited the sus-
picion of Verus at a very early period, but Anto-
ninus refused to listen to the representations of his
colleague, ascribing them doubtless, and with good
cause, to jealousy. (In addition to the notices
contained in Dion Cassius Ixxi. 2, 21, &c., we have
a formal biography from the pen of one of the Au-
gustan historians, named Vulcatius Gallicanus, but
the style of this production is not such as to in-
spire much confidence in its author.) [W. R.]

CA'SSIUS BARBA. [Barba.]

CA'SSIUS BETILLI'NUS. [Bassus, Be-

TILIKNUS.]

CA'SSIUS CHAEREA. [Chaerea.]
CA'SSIUS CLEMENS. [Clemens.]
CA'SSIUS DION. [Dion Cassius.]
CA SSIUS, DION Y'SIUS {Aioviaios Kdaaio^),

CASSIUS.

a native of Utica, lived about b. c. 40. He trans-
lated the great work of the Carthaginian Mago on
agriculture from the Punic into Greek, but in such
a manner that he condensed the twenty-eight books
of the original into twenty, although he made nu-
merous additions to it from the best Greek writers
on agriculture. He dedicated this work to the
praetor Sextilius. Diophanes of Bithynia, again,
made a useful abridgement of the work in six books,
which he dedicated to king Deiotarus. The work
of Dionysius Cassius is mentioned among those
used by Cassianus Bassus in compiling the Geopo-
nica at the command of Constantinus Porphyroge-
neta. (Varro, De Be Riist. i. 1 ; Columella, i. 1 ;
Athen. xiv. p, 648 ; Plin. H. N. xx. 44; Geoponica,
i. 11.) Cassius 'also wrote a work pi^orofiiKa.
(Schol. ad Nicand. 520; Steph. Byz. s.v. 'iTiiiaj.)
With the exception of the extracts in the Geopo-
nica, the works of Cassius have perished. [L. S.J

CA'SSIUS lATROSOPHISTA, or CA'SSIUS
FELIX, the author of a little Greek medical work
entitled 'larpiKal 'Airopiai koI UpoSKi^fiaTa ^vcriKa,
Quaestiones Medicae et Problemata Naturalia, No-
thing is known of the events of his life, nor is it
possible to identify him with certainty with any of
the individuals of this name. With respect to his
date, it can only be said that he quotes Asclepiades,
who lived in the first century B. c, and that he is
generally supposed to have lived himself in the
first century after Christ. His title latrosophista
is explained in the Did. of Ant. His work con-
sists of eighty-four questions on medical and physi-
cal subjects, with the solutions, and contains ranch
curious matter. It was first published in Greek
at Paris, 1541, r2mo,, and translated into Latin
the same year by Hadrianus Junius, Paris, 4to.
A Greek and Latin edition appeared in 1653, 4to.
Lips., together with the work of Theophylactiis
Simoiatta ; and the Greek text alone is inserted in
the first volume of Ideler's Physici et Medici Graeci
Minores., Berol. 1841, 8vo. The work is also to
be found in various old editions of Aristotle.
(Fabric. BVA. Grace, vol. ii. p. 169, ed. vet.; Chou-
lant, Handbuch der Bucherkunde fur die Aeltere
Medicin.) [W. A. G.]

CA'SSIUS LONGUS. [Longus.]

CA'SSIUS PARMENSIS, so called, it would
appear, from Parma, his birth-place, is in most
works upon Roman literature styled C. Cassius
Severus Parmensis, but erroneously, since there is
no authority whatsoever for assigning the praeno-
men of Caius or the cognomen of Severus to this
writer.

Horace (Serm. i. 10. 61), when censuring care-
less and rapid compositions, illustrates his observa-
tions, by referring to a Cassius Einiscus, whom he
compares to a river in flood rolling down a turbid
torrent, and adds, that the story ran that this poet,
his works, and book-boxes, were all consigned to-
gether to the flames. Here Aero, Porphyrio, and
the Scholiast of Cruquius agree in expressly declar-
ing that the person spoken of is Cassius Parmensisy
and the latter makes mention of a tragedy by him,
called Thyestes, as still extant.

Again, Horace {Ep. i. 4. 3), when writing to
Albius, who is generally believed to be Tibullus,
questions him with regard to his occupations, and
asks whether he is writing anything " quod Cassii
Parmensis opuscula vincat." Here the old com-
mentators quoted above again agree in asserting
that this Cassius served as tribune of the soldiers

CASSIUS.

in the army of Brutus and Cassius, that he return-
ed to Athens after their defeat, that L. Varus was
despatched by Augustus to put him to death,
and, after executing the order, carried off his port-
folio ; whence a report became current, that the
Thyestes published by Varus was really the work
of Cassius stolen and appropriated by his execu-
tioner. To this narrative Aero and the Scholiast
of Cruquius add, that he composed in various styles,
and that his elegies and epigrams were especially
admired.

These two passages and the annotations upon
them have been the foundation of a lengthened
controversy, in which almost all writers upon Ro-
man literature have taken part. A variety of opi-
nions have been expressed and hypotheses pro-
pounded, many of them supported with great learn-
ing and skill. A full account of these will be
found in the essay of Weichert " De Lucii Varii
pt Cassii Parmensis Vita et Carminibus," (Grimae,
1 836,) who, after patient examination, has shewn
by many arguments, that the following conclusions
are the most probable which the amount and na-
ture of the evidence at our disposal will enable us
to form :

1. Cassius Etruscus and Cassius Parmensis were
two separate personages. It is the intention of
Horace to hold up the first to ridicule, while his
words imply a compliment to the second.

2. Cassius Parmensis was one of the conspirators
who plotted the death of Caesar. He took an ac-
tive part in the war against the triumvirs, and,
after the defeat and death of Brutus and Cassius,
carried over the fleet which he commanded to
Sicily, and joined Sextus Pompeius, with whom
he seems to have remained up to the period of the
great and decisive sea-fight between Mylae and
Naulochus. He then surrendered himself to An-
tonius, whose fortunes he followed until after the
battle of Actium, when he returned to Athens,
and was there put to death by the command of
Octavianus. These facts are fully established by
the testimony of Appian {B. C. v. 2) and of Vale-
rius Maximus (i. vii. § 7), who tells the tale of the
vision by which Cassius was forewarned of his ap-
proaching fate, and of Velleius (ii. 88), who dis-
tinctly states, that as Trebonius was the first, so
Cassius Parmensis was the last, of the murderers
of Caesar who perished by a violent end. The
death of Cassius probably took place about B. c. 30 ;
and this fact alone is sufficient to prove that Cas-
sius Parmensis and Cassius Etruscus were different
persons ; the former had held a high command in
the stniggle in which Horace had been himself
engaged, and had perished but a few years before
the publication of the epistles ; the former is spoken
of as one who had been long dead, and almost if
not altogether forgotten.

3. We liave seen that two of the Scholiasts on
Horace represent that Cassius composed in different
styles. We have reason to believe that he wrote
tragedies, that the names of two of his pieces were
Thyestes and Brutus, and that a line of the latter
has been preserved by Varro {L. L. vi. 7, ed. Mliller).
In like manner, a single line of one of his epigrams
is quoted by Quintilian (v. 2. § 24), and a single
sentence from an abusive letter addressed to Octa-
vianus is to be found in Suetonius {Aug. 4); in
addition to which we hear from Pliny of an epistle
to Antonius. (Plin. H. N. xxxi. 8.) Many per-
B'^-ns, and among these Drumann, believe that the

CASTICUS. 627

letter to be found in Cicero {ad Fam. xii. 1 3) is
from the pen of Cassius Parmensis, and strong argu-
ments may be adduced in support of this opinion ;
but, on the whole, we are led to conclude from its
tone, that it proceeded from some person younger
and holding a less distinguished position than
Cassius Parmensis at that time occupied.

We have a little poem in hexameters, entitled
Orpheus, in which it is set forth, that the Thrar
cian bard, although at first an object of ridicule
to his contemporaries, by assiduous study and un-
deviating perseverance, at length acquired that
heavenly skill by which he was enabled to charm
the ears of listening rocks and woods, and draw
them in his train. These verses were first pub-
lished by Achilles Statins in his edition of Suetonius,
" de Clar, Rhetor." and we are there told by the
editor that they were found among the Bruttii
and communicated to him by a very learned
youth, Suetonius Quadrimanus ; they were pub-
lished again by Fabricius in liis notes to Senec.
Here. Oet. 1034, as having been discovered anew
at Florence by Petrus Victorius, and are to be
found in Burraann's Anthologia (i. 112, or n.
112, ed. Meyer), in Wemsdorf's Poetae Latini
Minores (vol. ii. p. 310), and many other collec-
tions. Various conflicting opinions were long en-
tertained with regard to the author of this piece,
which commonly bears prefixed the name of Cassius
Parmensis or Cassius Severus, but is now proved
to have been written by Antonius Thylesius, a
native of Cosenza in Calabria, a distinguished poet
of the sixteenth century. See the edition of his
works by F. Daniele, Naples, 1762, and the autho-
rities quoted by Meyer in his edition of the Antho-
logia. An edition in a separate form was printed
at Frankfort, 1585, 8vo., and two years afterwards
"Cassius of Paraia his Orpheus with Nathan
Chitraeus his commentarie abridged into short
notes translated by Roger Rawlins of Lincoln's
Inn, 8vo. Lond. 1587." [W. R.]

CA'SSIUS SCAEVA. [Scaeva.]

CA'SSIUS SEVE'RUS. [Severus.]

CASSO'TIS {KacawTis)., a Parnassian nymph,
from whom was derived the name of the well Cas-
sotis at Delphi, the water of which gave the
priestess the power of prophecy. (Pans. x. 24.
§5.) [L. S.]

CASTA'LIA (Kao-raxra), the nymph of the
Castalian spring at the foot of mount Parnassus.
She was regarded as a daughter of Achelous (Pans.
x. 8.§ 5), and was believed to have thrown herself
into the well when pursued by Apollo. (Lutat.
ad Stat. Theb. i. 697.) Others derived the name
of the well from one Castalius, who was either a
simple mortal, or a son of Apollo and father of
Delphis, who came from Crete to Crissa, and there
founded the worship of the Delphinian Apollo.
(Ilgen, ad Horn. hymn, in Apoll. p. 341.) A third
account makes Castalius a son of Delphus and father
of Thyia. (Paus. vii. 18. § 6, x. 6. § 2.) [L. S.]

CASTA'LIDES (KatrraAfSfs), the Castalian
nymphs, by which the Muses are sometimes desig-
nated, as the Castalian spring was sacred to them.
(Theocrit. vii. 148 ; Martial, vii. 11.) [L. S.]

CASTA'LIUS. [Castalia.]

CA'STICUS, the son of Catamantaledes, a Se-
quanan, seized the government in his own state,
which his father had held before him, at the in-
stigation of Orgetorix, about B. c. 50. (Caes.jB.C?.
i.3.)

2s2

«28

CASTOR.

CASTINUS, a general of the emperor Hono-
rius, who was sent, in a. d. 422, with an army
into Spain against the Vandals. At the same
time Bonifacius, another general of Honorius, was
likewise engaged against the Vandals in Spain,
but Castinus offended him so much by his arro-
gant and imprudent conduct, that he withdrew
from the war. After the death of Honorius, in
A. D. 423, Castinus was believed to be supporting
secretly the usurper Joannes ; and accordingly
when the usurper was put to death in a. d. 425,
Castinus was sent into exile. (Prosp. Aquit.
Chron. Integr. p. 651, ed. Roncall.) [L. S.]
CASTOR, brother of Poly deuces. [Dioscuri.]
CASTOR, grandson of Deiotarus. [Deiota-

RUS.]

CASTOR (KatTTwp), either a native of Rhodes,
of Massilia, or of Galatia, was a Greek grammarian
and rhetorician, who was sumamed ^i^opwuaios,
and is usually believed to have lived about the
time of Cicero and Julius Caesar. He wrote, ac-
cording to- Suidas (if we adopt the readings of
Bemhardy, th*e last editor): 1. 'Avayptufni rwv
^aXaaffoKpaTrjadvTwv, in two books. 2. XpoviKoL
dyuoi^lxaTa, which is also referred to by ApoUodonis
(ii. 1. § 3). 3. Tlepl emxftpVt'^dTui', in nine books.
4. Ilepl TTfidovs, in two books. 5. Uffii tov Nt /Xou.
6. T^x''!? ('VfopiKri, of which a portion is still ex-
tant and printed in Walz's Ifhetores O'raeci (iii. p.
712, &c.). To these works Clinton (Fasf. Hell.
iii. p. 546) adds a great chronological work (xpo-
vik6l or xfx^f'oAoyia), which is referred to several
times by Eusebius {Chron. ad Ann. 989, 161, 562,
&c.), though it is not quite certain whether this is
not the same work as the xpofifd dyvorinara men-
tioned above. He is frequently referred to as an
authority in historical matters, though no historical
work is specified, so that those references may al-
lude to any of the above-mentioned works. (Euseb.
Praej). Evawj, x. 3, Chron. i. 1 3, p. 36 ; Justin
Mart Paraen. ad Graec. p. 9.) His partiality to
the Romans is indicated by his surname ; but in
what manner he shewed this partiality is unknown,
though it may have been in a work mentioned by
Plutarch {Qitaest. Rom. 10, 76, comp. De Is. et Os.
31), in which he compared the institutions of the
Romans with those of Pythagoras. Suidas de-
scribes the grammarian and rhetorician Castor as a
son-in-law of the Galatian king Deiotarus (whom,
however, he calls a Roman senator ! ), who not-
withstanding afterwards put to death both Castor
and his wife, because Castor had brought charges
against him before Caesar, — evidently alluding to
the affair in which Cicero defended Deiotarus. The
Castor whom Suidas thus makes a relative of Deio-
tarus, appears to be the same as the Castor men-
tioned by Strabo (xii. p. 568 ; comp. Caes. B. C.
iii. 4) who was sumamed Saocondarius, was a son-
in-law of Deiotarus, and was put to death by him.
But it is, to say the least, extremely doubtful whe-
ther the rhetorician had any connexion with the
family of Deiotarus at all. The Castor who brought
Deiotarus into peril is expressly called a grandson
of that king, and was yet a young man at the time
(b. c. 44) when Cicero spoke for Deiotarus. (Cic.
pro Deiot. 1, 10.) Now we have seen above that
one of the works of Castor is referred to in the
BiUioiheca of ApoUodorus, who died somewhere
about B. c. 140. The conclusion, therefore, must
be, that the rhetorician Castor must have lived at
or before the time of ApoUodorus, at the latest,

CASTORION.

about B. c. 1 50, and can have had no connexion
with the Deiotarus for whom Cicero spoke. (Ct>m-
pare Vossius, De Hist. Graec. p. 202, ed. Wester-
mann ; Oreili, Onomast. Tull. ii. p. 138, in both of
which there is much confusion about Castor.) [L.S.]
CASTOR (Kao-Twp), a distinguished citizen of
Phanagoria, who had once been ill treated by
Tryphon, a eunuch of Mithridates the Great.
When the king, after his defeat by Pompey,
came to Phanagoria, Castor avenged himself by
murdering Tn.'phon. Pompey afterwards honour-
ed him with the title of friend of the Roman peo-
ple. (Appian, Mithrid. 108, 114.) [L. S.]

CASTOR, the chamberlain and confidential
adviser of Septiniius Severus. Being the most
upright of all the courtiers, he became an object of
suspicion and hatred to Caracalla, who upon as-
cending the throne immediately put him to death,
having failed in an attempt, during the lifetime of
Sererus, to destroy him by treachery. (Dion
Cass. Ixxvi. 14, Ixxvii. 1.) [W. R.]

CASTOR, bishop of Apt, was bom at
Nismes about the middle of the fourth century,
and married an heiress, by whom he had a daugh-
ter. The family being fired with holy zeal, agreed
to separate, in order that they might devote their
wealth to the endowment of religious establish-
ments, and their lives to seclusion and sanctity.
Accordingly, they founded an abbey and a convent
in Provence ; the husband retired to the foraier,
the wife and her daughter took the veil in the lat-
ter. There is still extant a letter addressed by
Castor to Cassianus [Cassianus], soliciting infor-
mation with regard to the rules observed in the
monasteries of Palestine and Egypt. This request
was speedily complied with, and produced the
work " Institutiones Coenobioram," dedicated to
Castor, which was followed by the "Collationes
Patrum," addressed to his brother, Leontius. The
death of Castor took place in September, 4 1 9. ^^'e
are told by Vincent St. Laurent, in the "Biographic
Universelle," that at a recent period the archives
of the cathedral of Apt contained a MS. life of its
canonized prelate, in which were enumerated with
circumstantial details all the miracles ascribed to
him.

The letter above-mentioned, which is composed
in a very nide and harsh style, was first discovered
by Gazet, was prefixed to the "Institutiones" in
his edition of Cassianus, and republished in a more
correct fonn, from a MS. in the Royal Library at
Paris, by Baluze in his edition of Salvianus and
Vincentius Lirinensis, Paris, 1663, 8vo., and in
the reprint at Bremen, 1688, 4to. ; it is also found
in the edition of Vincentius, Paris, 1669. (Schoene-
mann, Bill. Patrum Latin, v. 27.) [W. R.]

CASTOR, ANTO'NIUS, an eminent botanist
at Rome in the first century after Christ, who is
several times quoted and mentioned by Pliny. He
enjoyed a great reputation, possessed a botanical
garden of his own (which is probably the earliest
on record), and lived more than a hundred years,
in perfect health both of body and mind. (Plin.
H.N.xxy.5.) [W.A.G.]

CASTOR, TARCONDA'RIUS, of Galatia, with
Dorylaus, gave 300 horsemen to Pompey 's army in
B. c. 49. (Caes. B. C. iii. 4.)

CASTO'RION (Ka^TTopluv), of Soli, is men-
tioned by Athenaeus (x. p. 454) as the author of
a poem on Pan, of which he quotes a fragment :
but nothing further is known about hinu [L. S.]

CATILINA.

CASTRI'CIUS. 1. M. Castricius, the chief
magistrate of Placemia, who refused to give hos-
tages to Cn. Papirius Carbo, when he appeared
before the tcwn in b. c. 84. (Val. Max. vi, 2. §
10.)

2. M. Castricius, a Roman merchant in Asia,
who received a public funeral from the inhabitants
of Smyrna. (Cic. pro Flacc. 23, 31.) He is pro-
bably the same person as the M. Castricius men-
tioned in the Verrine Orations (iii. 30), but must
be different from the one spoken of in a c. 44
{ad Att. xii. 28), as the speech for Flaccus, in
which the death of the former is recorded, was
delivered as early as b. c. 59.

3. Castricius gave information to Augustus
respecting the conspiracy of Murena. (Suet. Aug.
56.)

4. T. Castricius, a rhetorician at Rome, con-
temporary with A. Gellius, by whom he is fre-
quently mentioned. (GelL i. 6, xi. 13, xiii. 21 ;
comp. Front. Epist. ii, 2, p. 210.)

L. CASTRI'NIUS PAETUS. [Paetus.]

L. CASTRO'NIUS PAETUS. [Paetus.]

CATAE'BATES ( KarajgaTTjs), occurs as a
surname of several gods. 1. Of Zeus, who is
described by it as the god who descends in thuuder
and lightning. Under this name he had an altar
at Olympia. (Paus. v. 14. ^ 8; Lycophr. 1370.)
Places which had been struck by lightning, i. e. on
which Zeus Cataebates had descended, were sixcred
to him. (Pollux, ix. 41 ; Suid. and Hesych. s. v.)
2. Of Acheron, being the first river to which the
shades descended in the lower world. 3. Of
Apollo, who was invoked by this name to grant a
iiappy return home (KaToiSacris) to those who were
travelling abroad. (Eurip. Bucch. 1358; Schol.
ad Eurip. Phoen. 1416.) 4, Of Hermes, who con-
ducted the shades into Hades. {^c\io\. ad Aristo}yh.
Pac. 649.) [L. S.]

CATAMANTA'LEDES, king of the Sequani
in the former half of the first century B. c, had
received the title of friend from the senate mid
tlie Roman people. (Caes. B. CI. i. 3.)

CATAMITUS, the Roman name for Gany-
medes, of which it is only a corrupt form. (Plaut.
Menaech. i. 2. 34 ; Fest. s. t\ Ckitamitum.) [L. S.]

CATHA'RSIUS (Ka0op(no$), the purifyer or
atoner, a surname of Zeus, under which he in con-
junction with Nice had a temple at Olympia.
(Paus. v. 14. $ 6.) [L. S.]

T. CATIE'NUS, described by Cicero as a low
and mean fellow, but of equestrian rank, who was
angry with Q. Cicero. ( Cic. ad Qu. Fr. i. 2. § 2.)

CATILI'NA, L. SE'RGIUS, the descendant
of an ancient patrician fanuly which had sunk
into poverty, first appears in history as a zealous
piirtizan of Sulla. During the horrors of the great
proscription, among many other victims, he killed,
with his own liand, his brother-in-law, Q. Caecilius,
described as a quiet inoffensive man, and having
seized and tortured the well-known and popular
M. Marius Gratidianus, the kinsman and fellow-
townsman of Cicero, cut off his head, and bore it
in triumph through the city. Plutarch accuses him
in two places (.y«//. 32, Cic. 10) of having mur-
dered his own brother at the same period, under
circumstances of peculiar atrocity, but there is pro-
bably some confusion here between the brother and
tlie brother-ir.-law, for Sallust, when enumerating
the crimes of Catiline, would scarcely have failed
tu add such a monstrous deed as this to the black

CATILINA.

629

catalogue. Although his youth was spent in the
most reckless extravagance, and in the open indul-
gence of every vice ; although he was known to
have been guilty of various acts of the foulest and
most revolting debauchery ; although he had incurred
the suspicion of an intrigue with the Vestal Fabia,
sister of Terentia; and although it was said and be-
lieved that he had made away with his first wife
and afterwards with his son, in order that he might
wed the fair and rich but worthless Aurelia Ores-
tilla, who objected to the presence of a grown-up
step-child, yet this complicated infamy appears to
have formed no bar to his regular political advance-
ment,— for he attained to the dignity of praetor in
B. c. 68, was governor of Africa during the follow-
ing year, and returned to Rome in 66, in order
to press liis suit for the consulship. The election
for 65 was carried by P. Autronius Paetus and
P. Cornelius Sulla, both of whom were soon after
convicted of bribery, and theii* places supplied
by their competitors and accusers, L. Aurelius
Cotta and L. Manlius Torquatus, Catiline, who
was desirous of becoming a candidate, having been
disqualified in consequence of an impeachment for
oppression in his province, preferred by P. Clodius
Pulcher, afterwards so celebrated as the implacable
enemy of Cicero. Exasperated by their disappoint-
ment, Autronius and Catiline forthwith formed a
project along with a certain Cn. Calpumius Piso, a
young man of high family, but turbulent, needy,
and profligate, to murder the new consuls upon the
first of January, when offering up their vows in
the Capitol, after which Autronius and Catiline
were to seize the fasces, aiid Piso was to be des-
patched with an army to occupy the Spains. Some
rumours of what was in contemplation having been
spread abroad, such precautions were taken that
the conspirators were induced to delay the execu-
tion of their plan until the 5th of Februarj', re-
solving at tiie same time to include many of the
leading men of the state in the proposed massacre.
This extraordinary design is said to have been
frustrated solely by the impatience of Catiline,
who, upon the appointed day, gave the signal pre-
maturely, before the whole of the armed agents had
assembled, and thus confounded the preconcerted
combinations. The danger being past, certain re-
solutions v/ere proposed in the senate with regard
to the authors of this abortive attempt ; but the
proceedings were quashed by the intercession of a
tribune. The plot was, however, a matter of com-
mon discussion, and no one seems to have enter-
tiiined any doubt of its reality, while many did
not scruple to assert that M. Crassus, and Julius
( 'aesar, who was then aedile, were deeply involved.
(Q. Cic. t/e pet. Com. 2, &c. ; Asconius in Tog.
cand. and in Cornel; Sail. Caiif. 15 — 18 ; Li v.
Epit. 101 ; Dion Cass, xxxvi. 27 ; Siietou. Jul. 9 ;
Cic. pro Snlluy 1 — 24, /)ro Muren. 38, /)ro Cael. 4,
in Caiil. i. 6.) [Comp. p. 540, b.]

Encouraged rather than disheartened by a failure
which had so nearly proved a triumph, and which
had so distinctly demonstrated the practicability of
such a project, if conducted with common prudence
and caution, Catiline was soon after (b. c 65),
left completely unfettered by his acquittal upon
trial for extortion, a result secured, it was alleged,
by the liberal bribes administered to the accuser as
well as to the jury. From this time he seems to have
determined to proceed more systematically ; to en-
list a more numerous body of supporters ; to extend

630

CATILINA.

the sphere of operations, and to organize a more
comprehensive and sweeping scheme of destruction.
Accordingly, about the beginning of June, B.C. 64,
probably soon after the successful termination of
his second trial, when called to account for the
blood which he had shed during the proscription of
Sulla (Dion Cass, xxxvii. 10), he began, while
canvassing vigorously for the consulship, to sound
the dispositions of various persons, by pointing
out the probable success of a great revolu-
tionary movement, and the bright prospect of
power and profit opened up to its promot-
ers. After having thus ascertained the temper
of different individuals, he called together those
who from their necessities, their characters, and
their sentiments, were likely to be most eager and
most resolute in the undertaking. The meeting,
according to Sallust, was attended by eleven sena-
tors, by four members of the equestrian order,
and by several men of rank and influence from
the provincial towns. The most conspicuous were
P. Cornelius Lentulus Sura, who had been consul
in B. c. 71; but having been passed over by the
censors had lost his seat in the senate, which he
was now seeking to recover by standing a second
time for the praetorship (Dion Cass, xxxvii. 30) ;
C Cornelius Cethegus, distinguished throughout
by his impatience, headstrong impetuosity, and
sanguinary violence (Sail. Col. 43 ; Cic. pro Sidl.
19) ; P. Autronius spoken of above ; L. Cassius
Longinus, at this time a competitor for the consul-
ship, dull and heavy, but bloodthirsty withal (Cic.
in Cat. iii. 4 — 6 ; Pro Sulla, 13) ; L. Vargunteius,
who had been one of the colleagues of Cicero in
the quaestorship, and had subsequently been con-
demned for bribery (Fro Sull. 5, 6, 18) ; L. Cal-
purnius Bestia, tribune elect ; Publius and Servius
Sulla, nephews of the dictator; M. Porcius Laeca
(Cic. in Cat. i. 4, ii. 6, Pro Sull. 2, 18); Q.
Annius ; Q. Curiiis ; M. Fulvius Nobilior ; L.
Statilius ; P. Gabinius Capito ; C. Cornelius. In
addition to these, a great body of the younger no-
bility were known to be favourably inclined although
they had not openly committed themselves, and now,
as on the former occasion, rumour included Crassus
and Caesar, although the report does not appear to
have gained general belief. [Comp. p. 541, b.]

At this assembly Catiline, after expatiating upon
a number of topics calculated to rouse the indigna-
tion and stimulate the cupidity of his audience,
proceeded to develop his objects and resources. He
proposed that all debt.s should be cancelled, that the
most wealthy citizens should be proscribed, and that
all offices of honour and emolument should be di-
vided among the associates, while for support he
counted upon Piso in Hither Spain, P. Sittius
Nucerinus with the army in IMauritania, and at
home confidently anticipated the co-operation of C.
Antonius, whom he expected to be chosen consul along
with himself for the following year, having formed
a coalition with hira for the purpose of excluding
Cicero. The votes of the people, however, in some
measure deranged these calculations. Cicero and
C. Antonius were returned, the former nearly unani-
mously, the latter by a small majority over Catiline.
This disappointment, while it increased if possible
the bitterness of his animosity towards the dominant
party among the aristocracy and the independent
portion of the middle ranks, rendered him more
vigorous in the prosecution of his designs. Large
sums of money were raised upon his own security,

CATILINA.

or on the credit of his friends ; magazines of arms
and other warlike stores were secretly formed ; troops
were levied in various parts of Italy, especially in
the neighbourhood of Faesulae, under the superin-
tendence of C. Manlius, an experienced commander,
one of the veteran centurions of Sulla (Dion Cass,
xxxvii. 30), and numerous adherents were enrolled
from the most desperate classes, including not a few
women of mined reputation ; attempts also were
made in various quarters to gain over the slaves ;
and it was determined, when the critical moment
should arrive for an open demonstration, to set fire
to the city in many different places at the same
instant, and to slaughter the well-disposed portion
of the population in the tumult. Meanwhile, in
the midst of these extensive preparations, Catiline
again (63) stood candidate for the consulship, and
used every effort to get rid of Cicero, who met him
at every turn and thwarted all his best-contrived
machinations. Nor was this wonderful, for he was
countermined from a quarter Avhence he apprehend-
ed no danger. One of the most high-born, aban-
doned, but at the same time, weak and vacillating,
among the conspirators, was a certain Q. Curius,
who had been expell.ed from the senate by the cen-
sors on account of the infamy of his life. This
man had long consorted with a noble mistress named
Fulvia, who appears to have acquired complete con-
troul over his mind, and to have been made the de-
positary of all his secrets. Fulvia, alarmed by the
intelligence obtained from her lover, divulged what
she had learned to several of her acquaintances and,
through them, opened a correspondence with Cicero,
to whom she regularly communicated all the parti-
culars she could collect, and at length persuaded
Curius himself to turn traitor and betray his com-
rades. Thus the consul was at once put in pos-
session of every circumstance as soon as it occurred,
and was enabled to keep vigilant watch over the
conduct of every individual from whom danger
was to be apprehended. By imparting to a certain
extent his fears and suspicions to the senators and
monied men, he excited a general feeling of distrust
and suspicion towards Catiline, and bound firmly
together, by the tie of common interest, all who
having property to lose looked forward with dread
to confusion and anarchy ; Antonius, whose good
faith was more than doubtful, he gained over by at
once resigning to him the province of Macedonia,
while he protected his own person by a numerous
body of friends and dependants who surrounded
him whenever he appeared in public. These pre-
liminary measures being completed, he now ventured
to speak more openly; prevailed upon the senate to
defer the consular elections in order that the state
of public aftairs might be fully investigated; and at
length, on the 21st of October, openly denounced
Catiline, charged him broadly with treason, pre-
dicted that in six days from that time Manlius
would take the field in open war, and that the 28th
was the period fixed for the murder of the leading
men in the commonwealth. Such was the conster-
nation produced by these disclosures that many of
those who considered themselves peculiarly obnox-
ious instantly fled from Rome, and the senate being
now thoroughly roused, passed the decretum ulti-
mum, in virtue of which the consuls were invested
for the time being with absolute power, both civil
and militar}'. Thus supported, Cicero took such
precautions that the Coraitia passed off without any
outbreak or even attempt at violence, although an

CATILINA.

attack upon the magistrates had been meditated.
Catiline was again rejected ; was forthwith im-
peached of sedition, under the Plautian law, by L.
Aemilius Paullus ; was forced to abandon the ex-
pectation he had entertained of surprising the strong
fortress of Praeneste, which would have formed an
admirable base for his warlike operations ; and
found himself every hour more and more closely
confined and pressed by the net in which he was
entangled through the activity of Cicero. Driven
to despair by this accumulation of disappointments
and dangers he resolved at once to bring matters to
a crisis, and no longer to waste time by persevering
in a course of policy in which he had been so re-
peatedly foiled. Accordingly, while he still en-
deavoured to keep up appearances by loud protesta-
tions of innocence, and by offering to place himself
under the controul and surveillance of M. Lepidus,
of Q. Metellus, the praetor, or of M. Marcellus, in
whose house he actually took up his abode, or even
of Cicero himself ; on tlie night of the Gth of No-
vember he met the ringleaders at the dwelling of
M. Porcius Laecii, and after complaining of their
backwardness and inactivity, infonned them that he
had despatched Manlius to Etruria, Septimius of
Camers, to Picenum, C. Julius, to Apulia, and
others of less note to diflferent parts' of Italy to
raise open war, and to organize a general revolt of
the slave population. He added that he was desi-
rous to place himself at the head of his troops, but
that it was absolutely necessary in the fust place to
remove Cicero, whose vigilance was most injurious
to their cause. Upon this L. Vargunteius, a sena-
tor, and C. Cornelius, a knight, undertook to repair
at an early hour the following morning to the house
of the consul, to make their way into his chamber
as if for the purpose of paying their respects, and
then to stab him on the spot. The whole of these
proceedings were instantly reported to their intended
victim; the assassins, when they presented them-
selves, were refused admission, and certain intelli-
gence having been now received that the rebellion
had actually broken out on the 27th of October in
Etruria, Cicero, on the 8th of November, went
down to the senate which, for greater security, had
been summoned to meet in the temple of Jupiter
Stator, and there delivered his celebrated oration,
" Quousque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia
nostra?" which paralysed the traitor, not so much by
the vehemence of the invective, as by the intimate
acquaintance which it displayed with all his most
hidden contrivances. Catiline, who upon his en-
trance had been avoided by all, and was sitting alone
upon a bench from which every one had shrunk, rose
to reply with downcast countenance, and in humble
accents implored the fathers not to listen to the ma-
lignant calumnies of an upstart foreigner against
the noblest blood in Rome ; but sciu-cely had he
commenced when his words were drowned by the
shouts of *' enemy " and " parricide " which burst
from the whole assembly, and he rushed forth with
threats and curses on his lips. On his return home
perceiving that there was now no hope of destroy-
ing his hated foe, and that the strict watch kept
throughout the city rendered tumult and fire-raising
difficult if not impossible for the present ; he re-
solved to strike some decisive blow before troops
could be levied to oppose him, and accordingly
leaving the chief controul of affaii-s at Rome in the
bunds of Lentulus and Cethegus, with the promise
at the same time to march with all speed to their

CATILINA.

991

support at the head of a powerful army, set forth
in the dead of night (8th — 9th November),
and after remaining for a few days with his ad-
herents in the neighbourhood of Arretium, where
he assumed the fasces and other ensigns of lawful
military command, proceeded to the camp of Man-
lius, having previously addressed letters to the
most distinguished consulars and others, solemnly
protesting his innocence, and declaring that unable
to resist the cabal formed among his enemies he had
determined to retire to Marseilles that he might
preserve his country from agitation and disturb-
ance.

On the 9th, when the flight of Catiline was
known, Cicero delivered his second speech, which
was addressed to the people in the forum, the
senate proceeded to declare Catiline and Manlius
public enemies, despatched officers of high stand-
ing to Etruria, Picenum, Campania, Apulia, and
the different districts from which danger was ap-
prehended, directed the consuls to hold a levy
with all speed, decreed that Antonius should go
forth to the war, and that Cicero should remain to
guard the city ; offering at the same time an
amnesty to all who should quit the rebels, and free
pardon and great rewards to any who should give
such information as might lead to the discovery
and conviction of the conspirators within the walls.
It is a remarkable fact, and one which indicates
most strongly the disaffection of the lower classes
to the existing order of things, that not one man
could be found to take advantage of this proclama-
tion, and that not a single soldier deserted from
the rebel standard. This circumstance threatened
to prove a source of most serious embarrassment.
Although the existence of the conspiracy and the
names of the leading conspirators were known, not
only to the magistrates, but to the public at large,
yet there was no legal evidence against any indi-
vidual, for Curius, while he faithfully supplied
secret intelligence, could not come forward openly
without blasting himself for ever, a!id at the same
time depriving the government of its most power-
ful auxiliary. But such steadfastness of purpose
did not extend to certain foreigners belonging to a
race proverbial in ancient times for the lightness
of their faith. There was at Rome at this period
a party of Allobroges, deputies despatched by their
nation to seek relief from certain real or alleged
grievances. Their suit, however, had not pros-
pered, and their complaints of the cupidity of the
magistrates and of the indifference of the senate
were open and loud. Lentulus, conceiving that
their discontent might be made available for his
own purposes, opened a negotiation through the
medium of P. Umbrenus, a freedman, who, in the
course of mercantile transactions, had become ac-
quainted with most of the Gaulish chiefs, and
who now assuming a tone of warm sympathy with
their wrongs, undertook to point out an easy
method by which they might obtain ample re-
dress. Finding that these mysterious hints were
greedily caught up, he gradually disclosed the
nature of the plot, and invited them to co-operate
by stimulating their coiuitrymen to insurrection.
The men for a long while hesitated, but prudence
prevailed. After calculating and balancing the
chances, they resolved to secure a certain and im-
mediate recompense, rather than to speculate upon
doubtful and distant advantages. Accordingly, they
revealed all to Q. Fabius Sanga, the patron of their

632 CATILINA.

state, who in his turn acquainted Cicero, and by
the instructions of the latter enjoined the ambassa-
dors to affect great zeal in the undertaking, and
if possible to gain possession of some tangible do-
cumentary proof. The Gauls played well the part
assigned to them. A written agreement, signed
by Lentulus, Cethegus, and Statilius, was placed
in their hands, and they quitted Rome soon after
midnight on the 3rd of December, accompanied by
T. Volturcius, of Crotona, who was charged with
despatches for Catiline, it being arranged that the
Allobroges were to visit his camp on their way
homewards for the double purpose of receiving his
orders and obtaining a ratification of the pledges
given by his agents. The whole cavalcade was
surrounded and seized as it was crossing the Mil-
vian bridge, by two of the praetors who had been
stationed in ambush to intercept them. The
(Jauls quietly surrendered ; Volturcius, after hav-
ing vainly endeavoured to resist, was overpowered
and forced to yield.

Cicero, when informed of the complete success
of his plan instantly summoned Lentulus, Cethe-
gus, Statilius, and Gabinius to his presence. Len-
tulus being praetor, the consul led him by the
hand to the fane of Concord where the senate was
already met ; the rest of the accused followed
closely guarded. The praetor Flaccus was also in
attendance, bearing the portfolio with the papers
still sealed. Volturcius finding escape impossible,
agreed, upon his own personal safety being in-
sured, to make a full confession. His statements
were confirmed by the Allobroges, and the chain
of testimony was rendered complete and conclu-
sive, by the signatures in the handwriting of the
ringleaders, which they were unable to deny.
The guilt of Lentulus, Cethegus, and seven others
being thus established beyond a doubt, Lentulus
was forced to abdicate his office, and then along
with the rest was consigned to the charge of cer-
tain individuals of high station who became res-
ponsible for their appearance.

Thpse circumstances as they had occurred hav-
ing been fully detailed by Cicero in his third ora-
tion delivered in the forum, a strong reaction took
place among the populace, who all now joined in
execrating Catiline and demanding vengeance,
from the well-founded conviction, that although
they might have derived profit from riot or even
from civil war, yet the general conflagration,
which had always formed a leading feature in
the schemes of the conspirators, must have
brought ruin upon the humblest mechanics as
well as upon the wealthiest of the aristocracy.
On the other hand, a vigorous effort was made by
the clients of Lentulus to excite the dregs of the
multitude to attempt his rescue. The danger ap-
pearing imminent, the senate was called together
on the nones (5) of December, the day so fire-
quently referred to by Cicero in after times with
triumphant pride, and the question was put, what
was their pleasure with regard to those who were
now in custody. After an animated debate, of
which the leading arguments are strongly and
pointedly expressed in the two celebrated orations
assigned by Sallust to Caesar and to Cato, a decree
was passed, that the last punishment should be in-
flicted according to ancient usage upon the con-
victed traitors. Thereupon the consul led away
Lentulus to the subterranean prison on the slope I
of the capitol, and the others were conducted |

CATILINA.

thither b}- the praetors. On the selfsame night
the high-bom patrician Lentulus, a member of the
noble Cornelia gens, was strangled in that loath-
some dungeon by the common executioner, and
the rest of his associates shared his fate. The
legality of this proceeding, which was afterwards
so fiercely impugned, is discussed in the life of
Cicero.

While these things were going on at Rome,
Catiline had gradually collected a force amounting
to two legions, although not above one-fourth part
of the whole, or about 5000 men, were fully
equipped, the rest being armed with pikes, clubs,
and other rude weapons which chance presented.
On the approach of Antonius, Catiline fearing to
encounter regular troops with this motley crowd,
threw himself into the mountains and by con-
stimtly shifting his ground and moving rapidly
in different directions, contrived to avoid a colli-
sion, while at the same time he exercised and
disciplined his followers, whose numbers daih'
increased, although he now refused to enrol
slaves, multitudes of whom flocked to his banner,
deeming that it might prove injurious to his pros-
pects were he to identify their interests with what
he termed the cause of Roman freedom. But when
the news arrived of the disclosures that had taken
place in the city, of the complete suppression of
the plot, and of the execution of the leading con-
spirators, many who had joined his standard, from
the love of excitement and the hope of plunder,
gradually slunk away. Those who remained firm
he led into the territory of Pistoria with the design
of crossing the Apennines and taking refuge in
Gaul. But this movement was anticipated by the
vigilance of Metellus Celer, who guarded Picenuin
with three legions, and had marched straight to
the foot of the hills that he might intercept the in-
surgents on their descent.

Catiline, therefore, at the beginning of the year
62, finding that escape was cut off in front, while
Antonius was pressing on his rear, turned fiercely
on his pursuers and detennined as a last resource
to hazard an engagement, trusting that, if success-
ful, all Etruria would be thrown open for the
maintenance of his soldiers, and that he would be
able to keep his ground in the disaffected districts
until some diversion in his favour should be made
in the metropolis. The battle, in which the legions
of the republic were commanded by M. Petreius,
in consequence of the real or pretended illness of
the proconsul Antonius, was obstinate and bloody.
The rebels fought with the fury of despair, and
long kept at bay the veterans by whom they were
assailed. Catiline, in this his last field, nobly dis-
charged the duties of a skilful general and a gal-
lant soldier ; his eye and his hand were every-
where ; he brought up columns to support those
who were most hotly pressed ; withdrew the
wounded and the wear}', and supplied their place
with the sound and fresh ; flew from rank to rank
encouraging the combatants, and strove by re-
peated feats of daring valour to turn the fortune of
the day. But at length, perceiving that all was
lost, he charged headlong where the foes were
thickest, and fell sword in hand fighting with re-
solute courage, worthy of a better cause and a
better man. His body was found after the strug-
gle was over far in advance of his own ranks in
the midst of a heap of his enemies ; he was yet
breathing, and his features in the agonies of death

CATILINA.

still wore their habitual expression of reckless
daring. His adherents, to the number of 3000,
I imitated the example of their leader. Each
perished at his post, and not one freeborn citizen
was taken alive either in the fight or in the pur-
suit. The victory cost the consular army dear,
for all the bravest were slain or grievously
wounded.

Although we possess only a one-sided history
of this famous conspiracy ; although much that has
been recorded seems so marvellous and incredible,
that many have regarded the whole narrative as
little better than a fabric of misrepresentation and
falsehood, built up by violent political animosity,
and resting on a very slender basis of truth ;
although it cannot be denied that some of the par-
ticulars, set down by Dion Cassius (xxxvii. 30)
and alluded to by others (e. g. Sail. Cat. 32) of
the revolting rites by which the compact between
the associates was ratified, are evidently vulgar
exaggerations ; although little reliance can be
placed on the self-panegyrics of Cicero, who would
studiously seek to magnify the danger in order to
enhance the merits of his own exertions ; yet
upon a careful and dispassionate investigation, we
shall discover no reasonable ground for entertain-
ing any doubts with regard to the general accuracy
of the facts as presented to us by Sallust, whose
account is throughout clear and consistent, and is
corroborated in all the most important details by
the information transmitted from other sources.
Nor, upon a close examination into the circum-
stances of the individuals concerned, of the times,
and of the state of public feeling and public morals,
shall we have much difficulty in forming a distinct
idea of the character of Catiline himself, of the
motives by which he was stimulated, and of the
calculations by which he was encouraged to anti-
cipate success.

Trained in the wars of Sulla, he was made fami-
liar from his earliest youth with civil strife,
acquired an indifference to human suffering, and
imbibed an utter contempt for the constitutional
forms and government of his country, which had
been so freely neglected or violated by his patron.
The wealth quickly acquired was recklessly squan-
dered in the indulgence of coarse sensuality ; and,
although his shattered fortunes may have been to
a certain extent repaired by a wealthy marriage,
and by the plunder of a province, yet the relief
was but temporary; his pleasures were too costly;
a considerable portion of his ill-gotten gains would
be expended in bribing the different juries who
pronounced his innocence, and his necessities soon
became pressing. The remorse too produced by
his frightful vices and crimes — remorse which was
betrayed by the haggard cheek, the bloodshot eye,
the wild glance, and the unsteady step, so graphi-
cally depicted by the historian — must have given
rise to a frame of mind which would eagerly desire
to escape from reflection, and seek relief in fierce
excitement. On the other hand, the consciousness
of those great mental and physical powers, from
which even his most bitter enemies could not with-
hold a tribute of admiration, combined with the
extensive popularity which he had acquired among
the young by his agreeable address, varied accom-
plishments, and unwearied zeal in ministering to
their pleasures, must have tended to augment his
natural self-confidence, to foster his pride, and to
stimulate his ambition. How soon the idea of

CATILINA.

633

destroying the liberties of his country may have
entered his thoughts it is impossible to discover,
but we can readily believe that the career of Sulla
was ever present to his imagination, that his grand
aim was to become what the dictator had been,
and that, provided this end was accomplished, he
felt little scrupulous about the means employed.
And, in truth, when he looked abroad, the moment
seemed most propitious for the advancement of a
man of daring and powerful intellect uncontrolled
by principle. The leading statesmen were divided
into factions which eyed each other with the bitter
jealousy engendered during the convulsions in
which they had played an active part some twenty
years before. The younger nobility, as a class,
were thoroughly demoralized, for the most part
bankrupts in fortune as well as in fame, eager for
any change which might relieve them from their
embarrassments, while it held out the promise of
unrestrained licence. The rabble were restless and
discontented, filled with envy and hatred against
the rich and powerful, ever ready to follow at the
bidding of any seditious demagogue. Thus, at
home, the dominant party in the senate and the
equites or capitalists alone felt a deep interest in
the stability of the government. Moreover, a
wide-spread feeling of disaffection extended over
the whole of Italy. Many of the veterans of
Sulla, accustomed to riotous living and profuse ex-
penditure, had already squandered their hoards,
and looked forward with anxiety to the renewal of
these scenes of blood which they had found by ex-
perience so profitable ; while the multitudes whose
estates had been confiscated, whose relations had
been proscribed, and who themselves were suffer-
ing under civil disabilities in consequence of their
connexion with those who had thus perished, were
eagerly watching for any movement which might
give them a chance of becoming oppressors, robbers,
and murderers in their turn.

Never was the executive weaker. The senate
and magistrates were wasting their energies in
petty disputes, indifferent to the great interests of
the commonwealth ; Pompey, at the head of all
the best troops of the republic, was prosecuting a
long-protracted and doubtful war in the East ; there
was no army in Italy, where all was hushed in a
treacherous calm. If then, Catiline, surrounded as
he was by a large body of retainers all devotedly
attached to his person, and detached from society
at large by the crimes which he had suggested or
promoted, had succeeded in striking his first great
blow, had he assassinated the consuls and the most
able of the senators, the chances were, that the
waverers among the higher ranks would have at
once espoused his cause, that the populace would
have been intimidated or gained over, and that
thousands of ruined and desperate men would have
rushed from all quarters to his support, enabling
him to bid defiance to any force which could liave
been brought to bear upon the city until the return
of Pompey from the East. But Pompey might
never return, or might not return victorious, or, at
all events, a long period must elapse, and ample
time would be given for negotiations or resistance.
Such were the probabilities which led on Catiline
to hazard all upon one great throw ; — but the For-
tune of Rome prevailed, the gambler was ruined,
and the state saved.

(Sail. Catilin. ; Dion Cass, xxxvi. 27, xxxvii.
10, 29—42; Li v. Epit. 101, 102; Cic. in Catilin,

634

CATIUS.

L ii. iii. iv., pro Sulla, pro Murena, 25, 26, in Pison.
2, pro Place. 40, pro Plane. 37, ad Att. i. 19, ii. 1,
xii. 21, xvi. 14, ckZ Fam. i. 9 ; Sueton. Jul. 14 ;
Plut. Cic. 10-22, Cat.Min. 23. Muretus, ad Cic.
Cat. i. 1, has collected from ancient authorities the
names of forty persons connected with the conspi-
racy. Dion Cassius is very confused in his chro-
nology'. His account would lead us to suppose,
that the first efforts of Catiline were confined in a
great measure to the destruction of Cicero and
those senators who supported the TuUian law
against bribery, which he believed to be levelled
against himself individually, and that he did not
form the project of a general revolution until after
his second defeat, at the election in 63. But this
is manifestly impossible ; for in that case the whole
of the extensive preparations for the plot must have
been devised and completed within the space of a
few days.) [W. R.]

L. CATI'LIUS SEVE'RUS. [Severus.]

CATIVOLCUS, king of half of the country of
the Eburones, a people between the Meuse and
the Rhine, united with Ambiorix, the other king,
in the insurrection against the Romans in b. c. 54 ;
but when Caesar in the next year proceeded to
devastate the territories of the Eburones, Cativol-
cus, who was advanced in age and unable to endure
the labours of war and flight, poisoned himself,
after imprecating curses upon Ambiorix. (Caes.
B. G. v. 24, vi. 31.)

CA'TIUS, a Roman divinity, who was invoked
under the name of divus Catius pater to grant pru-
dence and thoughtfulness to children at the time
when their consciousness was beginning to awaken.
(Augustin. De Civil. Dei, iv. 21.) [L. S.]

CA'TIUS. 1. Q. Catius, plebeian aedile B.C.
210 with L. Porcius Licinus, celebrated the games
with great magnificence, and with the money
arising from fines erected some brazen statues near
the temple of Ceres. He served as legate in the
army of the consul C. Claudius Nero in the cam-
paign against Hasdrubal in b. c. 207, and was one
of the envoys sent to Delphi two years afterwards
to present to the temple some offerings from the
booty obtained on the conquest of Hasdrubal.
(Liv. xxvii. 6, 43, xxviii. 45.)

2. C. Catius, a Vestinian, tribune of the sol-
diers in the army of Antony, B. c. 43. (Cic. ad
Fam. X. 23.)

CA'TIUS, an Epicurean philosopher, was a na-
tive of Gallia Transpadana (Insuber), and composed
a treatise in four books on the nature of things and
on the chief good (de Rerum Natura et de summo
Bono). Cicero, in a letter written B.c. 45 (ad Fam.
XV. 16), speaks of him as having died recently, and
jests with his correspondent about the "spectra
Catiana," that is, the c5f5wAa or material images
which were supposed by the disciples of the garden
to present themselves to the mind, and thus to call
up the idea of absent objects, Quintilian (x. 1.
§ 124) characterises him briefly as "in Epicureis
levis quidem sed non injucundus auctor." The old
commentators on Horace all assert, that the Catius
addressed in the fourth satire of the second book,
and who is there introduced as delivering a grave
and sententious lecture on various topics connected
with the pleasures of the table, is Catius the Epi-
curean, author of the work whose title we have
given above. It appears certain, however, from
the words of Cicero, that the satire in question
could not have been written until several years

CATO.

after the death of Catius ; and therefore it is
probable that Horace may intend under thia
nickname to designate some of the gourmands of
the court. [W. R.]

CATO, DIONY'SIUS. We possess a small
volume which commonly bears the title " Dionysii
Catonis Disticha de Moribus ad Filium." It
commences with a preface addressed by the au-
thor to his son, pointing out how prone men are
to go astray for want of proper counsel, and invit-
ing his earnest attention to the instructive lessons
about to be inculcated. Next come fifty-six pro-
verb-like injunctions, very briefly expressed, such
as " parentem ama," " diligentiam adhibe," "jus-
jurandum serva," and the like, which are followed
by the main body of the work, consisting of a se-
ries of sententious moral precepts, one hundred and
forty-four in nimiber, each apophthegm being enun-
ciated in two dactylic hexameters. The collection
is divided into four books; to the second, third,
and fourth of these are attached short metrical
prefaces, and the whole is wound up by a couplet
containing a sort of apology for the form in which
the materials are presented to the reader.

It is amusing to take a survey of the extraordi-
nary number of conflicting opinions which have
been entertained by scholars of eminence with re-
gard to the real author of this work, the period
when it was composed, its intrinsic merits, and
indeed every circumstance in any way connected
with it directly or indirectly. It has been assigned
with perfect confidence to Seneca, to Ausonius, to
Serenus Samonicus, to Boethius, to an Octavius, to
a Probus, and to a variety of unknown personages.
The language has been pronounced worthy of the
purest era of Latin composition, and declared to be
a specimen of the worst epoch of barbarism. The
adages themselves have been extolled by some as
the dignified exposition of high philosophy ; by
others they have been contemptuously characterised
as, with few exceptions, a farrago of vapid trash.
One critic, at least, has discovered that the writer
was undoubtedly a Christian, and has traced nearly
the whole of the distichs to the Bible ; while others
find the clearest proofs of a mind thoroughly im-
bued with Pagan creeds and rites. In so far as
the literary merits of the production are concerned,
if we distrust our own judgment, we can feel little
hesitation in believing that what such men as
Erasmus, Joseph Scaliger, Laurentius Valla, and
Pithou concurred in admiring warmly and prais-
ing loudly, cannot, although its merits may have
been exaggerated, be altogether worthless ; and
any scholar, who examines the book with an im-
partial eye, will readily perceive that, making al-
lowance for the numerous and palpable corruptions,
the style is not unworthy of the Silver Age. As
to the other matters under discussion, it will be
sufficient to state what facts we can actually prove.
The very circumstance that every one of the sup-
positions alluded to above has been ingeniously
maintained and ingeniously refuted, would in it-
self lead us to conclude, that the evidence which
admits of such opposite interpretations must be
both scanty and indistinct.

Tlie work is first mentioned in an epistle ad-
dressed by Vindicianus, Comes Archiatrorura, to
Valentinian, in which he states that a certain sick
man used often to repeat the words of Cato —
"Corporis exigiui (leg. auxilium) medico committQ
fideU"—

CATO.

a line which is found in ii. D. 22 ; the next allu-
sion is in Isidorus, who quotes Cato as an autho-
rity for the rare word officiperda (see iv. D. 42) ;
and the third in order of time is in Alcuin, con-
temporary with Charlemagne, who cites one of the
Distichs (ii. D. 31) as the words of the "philoso-
pher Cato." In our own early literature it is fre-
quently quoted by Chaucer. It is clear, therefore,
that these saws were familiarly known in the mid-
dle of the fourth century, and recognized from
that time forward as the composition of some
Cato. So, in like manner, all the MSS. agree in
presenting that name; while for the addition of
Dionysius we are indebted to a single codex once
in the possession of Simeon Bos, which was
inspected by Scaliger and Vinet, and pronounced
by them of great antiquity. We must remark,
however, that the combination Dionysius Cato is
exceedingly suspicious. Dionysius was a name
frequently borne by slaves of Greek extraction ;
but when combined with a Roman name, accord-
ing to the fashion among libertiui, it was added
as a cognomen to the gentile appellation of the
patron. Thus, C. Julius Dionysius appears in
an inscription as a freedman of Augustus ; so we
find P. Aelius Dionysius, and many others ; but it
does not occur prefixed to a Roman cognomen, as
in the present case. Names purely Greek, such
as Dionysius Socrates, Dionysius Philocalus, and
the like, do not of course bear upon the question.

No one now imagines that either of the Catos
celebrated in history has any connexion with this
metrical system of ethics. Aulus Gellius (xi. 2),
it is true, gives some fragments of a Carmen de
jMoribus in prose by the elder; and Pliny (H. N.
xxix. 6) has preserved a passage from the precepts
delivered by the same sage to his son ; but these
were both works of a totally different description,
and no hint has been given by the ancients that
anything such as we are now discussing ever pro-
ceeded from Cato of Utica,

In truth, we know nothing about this Cato or
Dionysius Cato, if he is to be so called ; and, as
we have no means of discovering anything with
regard to him, it may be as well to confess our ig-
norance once for all.

Perhaps we ought to notice the opinion enter-
tained by several persons, that Cato is not intended
to represent the name of the author, but is merely
to be regarded as the significant title of the work,
just as we have the Brutus, and the Laelius, and
the Cato Major of Cicero, and the treatise men-
tioned by Aulus Gellius, called Cato, aut de Liberis
educandis.

Lastly, it has been inferred, from the introduc-
tion to book second, in which mention is made of
Virgil and Lucan, that we have here certain proof
that the distichs belong to some period later than
the reign of Nero ; but even this is by no means
clear, for all the prologues have the air of forgeries;
and the one in question, above all, in addition to a

CATO. 6Sfi

false quantity in the first syllable of Macer, con-
tains a most gross blunder, such as no one but an
illiterate monk was likely to commit, — for the
Punic wars are spoken of as the subject of Lucan 's
poem.

This Catechism of Morals, as it has been called,
seems to have been held in great estimation in the
middle ages, and to have been extensively employ-
ed as a school-book. This will account for the
vast number of early editions, more than thirty
belonging to the fifteenth century, which have
proved a source of the greatest interest to bibliogra-
phers. One of these, on vellum, of which only a
single copy is known to exist, is in the Spenser
collection, and is believed by Dibdin to be older
than the Gottenburg Bible of 1465. The title in
the earlier impressions is frequently Cato Moralir-
satus, Cato Moralissimus, Cato Carmen de MoriOuSy
and so forth.

The best edition is that of Otto Amtzenius, 8vo.
Amsterdam, 1754, which contains an ample collec-
tion of commentaries ; the Greek paraphrases by
Maximus Planudes and Joseph Scaliger; the dis-
sertations of Boxhom, written with as much extra-
vagant bitteniess as if the author of the Distichs
had been a personal enemy ; the learned but ram-
bling and almost interminable reply of Cannegieter;
and two essays by Withof. These, together with
the preliminary notices, contain everything that is
worth knowing.

One of the oldest specimens of English typogra-
phy is a translation of Cato by Caxton through the
medium of an earlier French version : The Booke
CALLYD Cathon, Translated oute of Frenclie irito
Englyssh by William Caxton in t/iabby of West-
mystre the yere of our lorde Mcccclxxxiij and the
fyrst yere of the regne of Kyng Rychard the thyrde
xxiij day of Decembre. From the preface to this
curious volume we learn, that the same task had
previously been accomplished in verse. " Here
beginneth the prologue or proheme of the book
called Caton, which book hath been translated out
of Latin into English, by Maister Benet Burgh,
late Archdeacon of Colchester, and high canon of
St. Stephen at Westminster; which full craftily
hath made it, in ballad royal for the erudition of
ray Lord Bousher, son and heir at that time to my
lord the Earl of Essex." The Cato we have been
discussing is frequently termed by the first English
printers Cato Magnus, in contradistinction to Cato
Parvus, which was a sort of supplement to the for-
mer, composed originally by Daniel Church (Eccle-
siensis), a domestic in the court of Henry the Se-
cond, about 1180, and also ti-anslated by Burgh.
The two tracts were very frequently bound up to-
gether. (See Ames, Typographical Antiquities, vol.
i. pp. 195 — 202; Warton's History of English
Poetry, vol. ii. section 27.) [W. R.J

CATO, PO'RCIUS. Cato was the name of a
family of the plebeian Porcia gens, and was first
given to M. Cato, the censor. [See below, No. 1.]

Stsmma Catonum.

1. M. Porcius Cato Censorius, Cos. b. c. 195, Cens. a c. 184,
married 1. Licinia. 2. Salonia.

2. M. Porcius Cato Licinianus, Pr. design. B. c
152, married Aemilia.

3. M. Porcius Cato Salonianua,
Pr.

€d€

CJ

ITO. CATO.
a

1

b

1

4. M. Poa-ius Cato,
C08.B.C. 118.

1
8. M, Porcius Cato,

Pr.

5. C. Porcius Cato, 6. M. Porcius Cato, Tr.
Cos. B. c. 11 4. PI. married Livia.

7. L. Porcias Cato,
Cos. B. c. 89.

9. M. Porcius Cato Uticensis, Pr. B. c. 54,
married 1. Atilia.
2. Marcia.

1

10. Porcia, married
L. Domitius
Ahenobarbus.

1 1 . Porcia, married

1. M. Bibulus.

2. M. Enitus.

12. M. Porcius 13. Porcius 14. Porcia.
Cato, died Cato.
B, c. 42.

15. A son or
daughter.

16. C. Porcius Cato, Tr. PI. b. c. 56.

1. M. Porcius Cato Cknsorhts, was born at
Tusculura, a municipal town of Latiura, to which
his ancestors had belonged for some generations.
His father had earned the reputation of a brave
soldier, and his great-grandfather had received an
honorary compensation from the state for five horses
killed under him in battle. The haughtiest patri-
cian of Rome never exulted in the splendour of the
purest nobility with a spirit more proud than Cato's
when he remembered the warlike achievements and
the municipal respectability of his family, to which
he ascribed extreme antiquity. Yet the Tusculan
Porcii had never obtained the honours of the Roman
magistracy. Their illustrious descendant, at the
commencement of his career in the great city, was
regarded as a novus homo, and the feeling of his
unmeet position, working along with the conscious-
ness of inherent superiority, contributed to exas-
perate and stimulate his ambitious soul. Early in
life, he so far eclipsed the previous glimmer of his
race, that he is constantly spoken of, not only as
the leader, but as the founder, of the Porcia Gens.

His ancestors for three generations had been
named M. Porcius, and it is said by Plutarch
{Cato Maj. 1), that at first he was known by the
additional cognomen Priscus, but was afterwards
called Cato — a word denoting that practical wis-
dom which is the result of natural sagacity, com-
bined with experience of civil and political affairs.
However, it may well be doubted whether Priscus,
like Major, were not merely an epithet used to dis-
tinguish him from the later Cato of Utica, and we
have no precise information as to the date when he
first received the appellation of. Cato, which may
have been bestowed in childhood rather as an omen
of eminence, than as a tribute to past desert.
The qualities implied in the word Cato were ac-
knowledged by the plainer and less archaic title of
Sapiens, by which he was so well known in his
old age, that Cicero {Amic. 2) says, it became his
quasi cognomen. From the number and eloquence
of his speeches, he was styled orator (Justin,
xxxiii. 2 ; Gell. xvii. 21), but Cato the Censor, or
Cato Censorius, is now his most common, as well
his most characteristic appellation, since he filled
the office of censor with extraodinar}' repute, and
was the only Cato who ever filled it.

In order to ascertain the date of Cato's birth,
M'e have to consider the testimony of ancient wri-
tiM'3 as to his age at the time of his death, which is
known to have happened b. c. 149, How far we

are to go back from this date is a question upon
which the authorities are not unanimous. Accord-
ing to the consistent chronology of Cicero (Senect.
4), Cato was bom B. c. 234, in the year preceding
the first consulship of Q. Fabius Maximus, and
died at the age of 85, in the consulship of L, Mar-
cius and M. Manilius. Pliny (H. N. xxix. 8)
agrees with Cicero. Other authors exaggerate the
age of Cato. According to Valerius Maximus
(viii. 7. § 1) he survived his 86th year; according
to Livy (xxxix. 40) and Plutarch (Cat. Maj. 15)
he was 90 years old when lie died. The exagge-
rated age, however, is inconsistent with a statement
recorded by Plutarch (Cat. Maj. 1) on the assert-
ed authority of Cato himself.

Cato is represented to have said, that he served
his first campjiign in his 17th year, when Hannibal
was over-running Italy. Plutarch, who had the
works of Cato before him, but was careless in dates,
did not observe that the reckoning of Livy would
take back Cato's 17 th year to b. c. 222, when there
was not a Carthaginian in Italy, whereas the
reckoning of Cicero would make the truth of Cato's
statement reconcileable with the date of Hannibal's
first invasion.

When Cato was a very young man, the death of
his father put him in possession of a small heredi-
tary estate in the Sabine territory, at a distance
from his native town. It was here that he passed
the greater part of his boyhood, hardening his body
by healthful exercise, superintending and sharing
the operations of the farm, learning the manner in
which business was transacted, and studying the
rules of rural econom5\ Near his estate was an
humble cottage which had been tenanted, after three
triumphs, by its owner M. Curius Dentatus, whose
warlike exploits and rigidly simple character were
fresh in the memory of the old, and were often
talked of with admiration in the neighbourhood.
Tile ardour of the youthful Cato was kindled.
He resolved to imitate the character, and hoped to
rival the glor}% of Dentatus. Opportunity was not
wanting : in the school of Hannibal he took his
first militar}' lessons, namely in the campaign of
b. c. 217. There is some discrepancy among his-
torians as to the events of Cato's early military life.
In b. c. 214 he served at Capua, and Drumann
{Gesch. Roms^ v. p. 99) imagines that already, at
the age of 20, he was a military tribune. Fabius
Maximus had now the command in Campania,
during the year of his fourth consulship. The old

CATO.

general admitted the young soldier to the honour of
intimate acquaintance. While Fabius communi-
cated the valued results of military experience, he
omitted not to instil his own personal and political
partialities and dislikes into the ear of his attached
follower. At the siege of Tarentum, b. c. 209,
Cato was again at the side of Fabius. Two years
later, Cato was one of the select band who accom-
panied the consul Claudius Nero on his northern
march from Lucania to check the progress of Has-
drubal. It is recorded tjiat the services of Cato
contributed not a little to the decisive victory of
Sena on the Metaurus, where Hasdrubal was
slain.

In the intervals of war, Cato returned to his
Sabine farm, using the plainest dress, and working
and faring like his labourers. Young as he was,
the neighbouring farmers liked his hardy mode of
living, relished his quaint and sententious sayings,
and recognized his abilities. His own active tem-
perament made him willing and anxious to employ
his powers in the service of his neighbours. He
was engaged to .ict, sometimes as an arbiter of dis-
putes, and sometimes as an advocate, in local causes,
which were probably tried before recuperatores in
the country. Thus was he enabled to strengthen
by practice his oratorical faculties, to gain self-
confidence, to observe the manners of men, to dive
into the springs of human nature, to apply the rules
of law, and practically to investigate the principles
of justice.

In the vicinity of Cato's Sabine farm was the
estate of L. Valerius Flaccus, a young nobleman of
considerable influence, and high patrician family.
Flaccus could not help remarking the energy of
Cato, his military talent, his eloquence, his frugal
and simple life, and his old-fashioned principles.
Flaccus himself was one of that old-fashioned party
who professed their adherence to the severer vir-
tues of the ancient Roman character. There was
now in progress a transition from Samnite rusticity
to Grecian civilization and oriental voluptuousness.
The chief magistracies of the state had become al-
most the patrimony of a few distinguished families,
whose wealth was correspondent with their illus-
trious birth. Popular by lavish expenditure, by
acts of graceful but cornipting munificence, by
■winning manners, and by the chanii of hereditary
honours, they united with the influence of office
the material power conferred by a numerous reti-
nue of clients and adherents, and the intellectual
ascendancy which the monopoly of philosophical
education, of taste in the fine arts, and of acquain-
tance with elegant literature, could not fail to be-
stow. Nevertheless, the reaction was strong. The
less fortunate nobles, jealous of this exclusive oli-
garchy, and keenly observant of the degeneracy
and disorder which followed in the train of luxury,
placed themselves at the head of a party which
professed its determination to resort to purer mo-
dels and to stand upon the ancient ways. In their
eyes, rusticity, austerity, and asceticism were the
marks of Sabine hardihood and religion, and of the
old Roman unbending integrity and love of order.
Marcellus, the family of Scipio, and the two Fla-
minini, may be taken as types of the new civiliza-
tion ; Cato's friends, Fabius and Flaccus, were
leading men in the party of the old plainness.

Flaccus was one of those clear-sighted politicians
who seek out and patronize remarkable ability in
young and rising men. He had observed Cato's

CATO.

687

martial spirit and eloquent tongue. He knew how
much courage and eloquence were prized at Rome.
He knew that the distinctions of the battle-field
opened the way to the successes of the gown ; and
that, for a municipal stranger like Cato, forensic
success was almost the only possible avenue to
magisterial honours. Accordingly, he recommended
Cato to transplant his ambition to the fitter soil
and ampler field of Rome. The advice was eagerly
followed. Invited to the town-house of Flaccus,
and countenanced by his support, Cato began to
distinguish himself in the forum, and became a
candidate for office.

We have dwelt upon the accidents of his early
history, since they affected the whole tenor of
Cato's life. We have seen a youth, indomitably
active and strong-minded — the fellow- workman
and oracle of rustics — not suffered to droop from
want of practice or encouragement, but befriended
by opportunity and always equal to the exigencies
of his position, disciplined in the best school of
arms, the favourite of his general, listened to with
applause in the courts of Rome, and introduced at
once into a high political circle. What wonder if,
in such scenes, the mind of Cato received a better
training for wide command and worldly success
than could have been supplied by a more regular
education ? What wonder if his strength and
originality were tinged with dogmatism, coarse-
ness, harshness, vanity, self-sufficiency, and pre-
judice,— if he had little sympathy with the pursuits
of calm and contemplative scholars, — if he disdain-
ed or hated or disparaged the accomplishments
which he had no leisure to master, — if he railed
and rebelled against the conventional elegancies of
a more polished society to which he and his party
were opposed, — if he confounded delicacy of sen-
timent with unmanly wealcness, and refinement of
manners with luxurious vice ?

In B. c. 205, Cato was designated quaestor, and
in the following year entered upon the duties of
his office, and followed P. Scipio Africanus to
Sicily. When Scipio, acting on the permission
which, after much opposition, he had obtained from
the senate, transported the army from the island
into Africa, Cato and C. Laelius were appointed to
convoy the baggage-ships. There was not that
cordiality of co-operajion between Cato and Scipio
which ought to subsist between a quaestor and his
proconsul. Fabius had opposed the permission
given to Scipio to carry the attack into the enemy's
home, and Cato, whose appointment was intended
to operate as a check upon Scipio, adopted the
views of his friend. It is reported by Plutarch,
that the lax discipline of the troops under Scipio's
command, and the extravagant expense incurred by
the general, provoked the remonstrance of Cato ;
that Scipio thereupon retorted haughtily, saying
he would give an account of victories, not of pelf ;
that Cato, returning to Rome, denounced the pro-
digality of his general to the senate ; and that, at
the joint instigation of Cato and Fabius, a com-
mission of tribunes was despatched to Sicily to in-
vestigate the conduct of Scipio, who was acquitted
upon the view of his extensive and judicious pre-
parations for the transport of the troops. (Plut.
Cat. Maj. 3.) This account is scarcely consistent
with the narrative of Livy, and would seem to
attribute to Cato the irregularity of quitting his
post before his time. If Livy be correct, the com-
mission was sent upon the complaint of the in-

638

CATO.

habitants of Locri, who had been cruelly oppressed
by Plerainius, the legate of Scipio. Livy says not
a word of Cato''s interference in this transaction,
but mentions the acrimony with which Fabius ac-
cused Scipio of corrupting militan,' discipline, and
of having unlawfully left his province to take the
VcNvn of Locri. (Liv. xxix. 19, &c.)

The author of the abridged life of Cato which
commonly passes as the work of Cornelius Nepos,
states that Cato, upon his return from Afi-ica,
touched at Sardinia, and brought the poet Ennius
in his own ship from the island to Italy ; but Sar-
dinia was rather out of the line of the voyage to
Rome, and it is more likely that the first ac-
quaintance of Ennius and Cato occurred at a sub-
sequent date, when the latter was praetor in
Sardinia. (Aur. Vict, de Vir. Ill 47.)

In B. c. 199, Cato was aedile, and with his col-
league Helvius, restored the plebeian games, and
gave upon that occasion a banquet in honour of
.Jupiter. In the following year he was made prae-
tor, and obtained Sardinia as his province, with the
command of 3,000 infantry and 200 cavalry. Here
he took the earliest opportunity of illustrating his
principles by his practice. He diminished official
expenses, walked his circuits with a single atten-
dant, and, by the studied absence of pomp, placed
his own frugality in striking contrast with the op-
pressive magnificence of ordinary provincial magis-
trates. The rites of religion were solemnized with
decent thrift ; justice was administered with strict
impartiality ; usury was restrained with unsparing
severity, and the usurers were banished. Sar-
dinia had been for some time completely subdued,
but if we are to believe the improbable and unsup-
ported testimony of Aurelius Victor {de Vir. III. 47),
an insurrection in the island was quelled by Cato,
during his praetorship.

Cato had now established a reputation for pure
morality, and strict old-fashioned virtue. He was
looked upon as the living type and representative
of the ideal ancient Roman. His very faults bore
the impress of national character, and humoured
national prejudice. To the advancement of such a
man opposition was vain. In b. c. 195, in the
i59th year of his age, he was elected consul with his
old friend and patron L. Valerius Flaccus.

During this consulship a stiange scene took place,
peculiarly illustrative of Roman manners. In B. c.
215, at the height of the Punic war, a law had been
passed on the rogation of the tribune Oppius, that
no woman should possess more than half an ounce
of gold, nor wear a garment of divers colours, nor
drive a carriage with horses at less distance than a
mile from the city, except for the purpose of at-
tending the public celebration of religious rites. Now
that Hannibal was conquered ; that Rome abound-
ed with Carthaginian wealth ; and that there was
no longer any necessit}' for women- to contribute
towards the exigencies of an impoverished treasury
the savings spared from their ornaments and plea-
sures, the tribunes T. Fundanius and L. Valerius,
thought it time to propose the abolition of the
Oppian law ; but they were opposed by their col-
leagues, M. Brutus and T. Brutus. The most im-
portant affairs of state excited far less interest and
zeal than this singular contest. The matrons poured
forth into the streets, blockaded every avenue to the
forum, and intercepted their husbands as they ap-
proached, beseeching them to restore the ancient
ornaments of the Roman matrons. Nay, they had

CATO.

the boldness to accost and implore the praetors and
consuls and other magistrates. Even Flaccus wa-
vered, but his colleague Cato was inexorable, and
made an ungallant and characteristic speech, the
substance of which, remodelled and modernized, is
given by Livy. Finally, the women carried the day.
Worn out by their importunity, the recusant tri-
bunes withdrew their opposition. The hated law
was abolished by the suffrage of all the tribes, and
the women evinced their exultation and triumph by
going in procession throjigh the streets and the
forum, bedizened with their now legitimate finery.

Scarcely had this important affair been brought
to a conclusion when Cato, who had maintained
during its progress a rough and sturdy consistency
without, perhaps, any very serious damage to his
popularity, set sail for his appointed province, Ci-
terior Spain.

In his Spanish campaign, Cato exhibited military
genius of a very high order. He lived abstemiously,
sharing the food and the labours of the common
soldier. With indefatigable industry and vigilance,
he not only gave the requisite orders, but, where-
ever it was possible, personally superintended their
execution. His movements were bold and rapid,
and he never was remiss in reaping the fruits and
pushing the advantages of victory. The sequence
of his operations and their harmonious combination
with the schemes of other generals in other parts
of Spain appear to have been excellently contrived.
His stratagems and manoeuvres were original,
brilliant, and successful. The plans of his battles
were arranged with consummate skill. He managed
to set tribe against tribe, availed himself of native
treachery, and took native mercenaries into his pay.

The details of the campaign, as related by Livy
(lib. xxxiv.), and illustrated by the incidental anec-
dotes of Plutarch, are full of horror. We read of
multitudes who, after they had been stript of their
arms, put themselves to death for very shame ; of
wholesale slaughter of surrendered victims, and the
frequent execution of merciless razzias. The poli-
tical elements of Roman patriotism inculcated the
maxim, that the good of the state ought to be the
first object, and that to it the citizen was bound to
sacrifice upon demand natural feelings and indivi-
dual morality. Such were the principles of Cato.
He was not the man to feel any compunctious
visitings of conscience in the thorough performance
of a rigorous public task. His proceedings in Spain
were not at variance with the received idea of the
fine old Roman soldier, or with his own stem and
imperious temper. He boasted of having destroyed
more towns in Spain than he had spent days in that
countr3^

When he had reduced the whole tract of land
between the Iberus and the Pyrenees to a hollow,
sulky, and temporary submission, he turned his at-
tention to administrative reforms, and increased the
revenues of the province by improvements in the
working of the iron and silver mines. On account
of his achievements in Spain, the senate decreed a
thanksgiving of three days. In the course of the
year, b. c. 194, he returned to Rome, and was re-
warded with a triumph, at which he exhibited an
extraordinary quantity'- of captured brass, silver,
and gold, both coin and bullion. In the distribu-
tion of prize-money to his soldiery, he was more
liberal than might have been expected from so
strenuous a professor of parsimonious economy.
(Liv. xxxiv. 46.)

CATO.

The return of Cato appears to have been accele-
rated by the enmity of P. Scipio AfricanuB, who
w^s consul, B. c. 194, and is said to have coveted
the command of the province in which Cato was
reaping renown. There is some variance between
Nepos (or the pseudo-Nepos), and Plutarch (Cat.
Maj. 11), in their accounts of this transaction.
The former asserts that Scipio was unsuccessful in
his attempt to obtain the province, and, offended by
the repulse, remained after the end of his consul-
ship, in a private capacity at Rome. The latter
relates that Scipio, who was disgusted by Cato's
severity, was actually appointed to succeed him,
but, not being able to procure from the senate a vote
of censure upon the administration of his rival,
passed the time of his command in utter inactivity.
From the statement in Livy (xxxiv. 43), that
B. c. 194, Sex. Digitiuswas appointed to the pro-
vince of Citerior Spain, it is probable that Plutarch
was mistaken in assigning that province to Scipio
Africanus. The notion that Africanus was ap-
pointed successor to Cato in Spain may have arisen
from a double confusion of name and place, for P.
Scipio Nasica was appointed, B. c. 194, to the Ul-
terior province.

However this may be, Cato successfully vindi-
cated himself by his eloquence, and by the pro-
duction of detailed pecuniary accounts, against the
attacks made upon his conduct while consul ; and
the existing fragments of the speeches, (or the same
speech under different names,) made after his re-
turn, attest the vigour and boldness of his defence.

Plutarch {Cat Maj. 12), states that, after his
consulship, Cato accompanied Tib. Senipronius
Longus as legatus to Thrace, but here there seems
to be some error, for though Scipio Africanus was
of opinion that one of the consuls ought to have
Macedonia, we soon find Sempronius in Cisalpine
Gaul (Liv. xxxiv. 43, 46), and in B. c. 193, we
find Cato at Rome dedicating to Victoria Virgo a
small temple which he had vowed two years before.
(Liv. XXXV. 9.)

The military career of Cato was not yet ended.
In B. c. 191, he was appointed military tribune
(or legatus ? Liv. xxxvi. 17, 21), under the con-
sul M\ Acilius Glabrio, who was despatched to
Greece to oppose the invasion of Antiochus the
Great, king of Syria. In the decisive battle of
Thermopylae, which led to the downfall of Antio-
chus, Cato behaved with his wonted valour, and en-
joyed the good fortune which usually waits upon
genius. By a daring and difficult advance, he sur-
prised and dislodged a body of the enemy's Aeto-
lian auxiliaries, who were posted upon the Calli-
dromus, the highest summit of the range of Octa.
He then commenced a sudden descent from the
hills above the royal camp, and the panic occasioned
by this unexpected movement at once turned the
day in favour of the Romans. After the action,
the general embraced Cato with the utmost warmth,
and ascribed to him the whole credit of the victory.
This fact rests on the authority of Cato himself,
who, like Cicero, often indulged in the habit, offen-
sive to modem taste, of sounding his own praises.
After an interval spent in the pursuit of Antiochus
and the pacification of Greece, Cato was despatched
to Rome by the consul Glabrio to announce the
successful result of the campaign, and he performed
his journey with such celerity that he had com-
menced his report in the senate before the arrival of
L. Scipio, (the subsequent conqueror of Antiochus,)

CATO.

63J>

who had been sent off from Greece a few days b*"-
fore him. (Liv. xxxvi. 21.)

It was during the campaign in Greece under
Glabrio, and, as it would appear from the account
of Plutarch, (rejected by Drumann,) before the
battle of Thermopylae, that Cato was commissioned
to keep Corinth, Patrae, and Aegium, from siding
with Antiochus. It was then too that he visited
Athens, and, to prevent the Athenians from listen-
ing to the overtures of the Syrian king, addressed
them in a Latin speech, which was explained to
them by an interpreter. Already perhaps he had a
smattering of Greek, for, it is said by Plutarch,
that, while at Tarentum in his youth, he became
intimately acquainted with Nearchus, a Greek phi-
losopher, and it is said by Aurelius Victor that
while praetor in Sardinia, he received instruction
in Greek from Ennius. It was not so much, per-
haps, on account of his still professed contempt for
everj'thing Greek, as because his speech was an
affair of state, that he used the Latin language, in
compliance with the Roman custom, which was ob-
served as a diplomatic mark of Roman majesty.
(Val. Max. ii. 2. § 2.)

After his arrival at Rome, there is no certain
proof that Cato was eter again engaged in w^ar.
Scipio, who had been legatus under Glabrio, was
consul B. c. 190, and the province of Greece was
awarded to him by the senate. An expression
occurs in Cicero {pro Muren. 14), which might
lead to the opinion that Cato returned to Greece,
and fought under L. Scipio, but, as to such an event,
history is silent. "Nunquam cum Scipione esset
profectus [M. Cato], si cum mulierculis bellandum
esse arbitraretur." That Cicero was in error seems
more likely than that he referred to the time when
Cato and L. Scipio served together under Glabrio,
or that the words " cum Scipione," as some critics
have thought, are an interpolation.

In B. c. 189, M. Fulvius Nobilior, the consul,
obtained Aetolia as his province, and Cato was
sent thither after him, as we learn from an extract
(preserved by Festus, s. v. Oraiores), from his
speech " de suis Virtutibus contra Thennum." It
seems that his legation was rather civil than mili-
tary, and that he was sent to confer with Fulvius
on the petition of the Aetolians, who were placed
in an unfortunate situation, not sufficiently pro-
tected by Rome if they maintained their fidelity,
and yet punished if they were induced to assist her
enemies.

We have seen Cato in the character of an emi-
nent and able soldier : we have now to observe him
in the character of an active and leading citizen.
If Cato were in B. c. 190 with L. Scipio Asiaticus
(as Cicero seems to have imagined), and in B. c
189 in Aetolia with Fulvius, he must still have
passed a portion of those years in Rome. We find
him in b. c. 190 most strenuous in resisting the
claims of Q. Minucius Thermus to a triumph.
Thermus had been displaced by Cato in the com-
mand of Citerior Spain, and was afterwards en-
gaged in repressing the incursions of the Ligurians,
whom he reduced to submission, and now demanded
a triumph as his reward. Cato accused him of
fabricating battles and exaggerating the numbers of
the enemy slain in real engagements, and declaimed
against his cruel and ignominious execution of ten
magistrates (decemviri) of the Boian Gauls, with-
out even the forms of justice, on the pretext that
they were dilatory in furnishing the required sup-

G40

CATO.

plies. (Gell. xiii. 24, x. 3.) Cato's opposition was
successful ; but the passage of Festus already re-
ferred to shews that, after his return from Aetolia
in 189, he had to defend his own conduct against
Thermus, who was tribune B. c. 189, and died in
battle, B. c. 188.

In B. c. 189, Cato and his old friend L. Valerius
Flaccus were among the candidates for the censor-
ship, and, among their competitors, was their
former general ^I'. Acilius Glabrio. Glabrio, who
did not possess the advantage of nobility, deter-
mined to try what the influence of money could
effect. In order to counteract his endeavours, he
was met by an accusation of having applied the
treasures of Antiochus to his own use, and was ul-
timately obliged to retire from the contest. Cato
was active in promoting the opposition to his old
general, and declared that he had seen vessels of
gold and silver among the royal booty in the camp,
but had not seen them displayed in the parade of
Glabrio's triumph. Neither Cato nor Flaccus was
elected. The choice fell upon two of the opposite
party, T. Flamininus and M. Marcellus.

Cato was not to be daunted by a failure. In
B. c. 187, M. Fulvius Nobilior returned from
Aetolia, and sought the honour of a triumph.
Again, Cato was found at his post of opposition.
Fulvius was indulgent to his soldiers. He was a
man of literary taste, and patronized Ennius, who
was his companion in hours not devoted to military
duty. All this was repugnant to the old Roman
principles of Cato, who, among other charges,
found fault with Fulvius for keeping poets in his
camp (Cic. Tusc. i. 2), and impairing military dis-
cipline, by giving crowns to his soldiers for such
mighty ser\-ices as digging a well with spirit, or
valorously throwing up a mound. (Gell. v. 6.)
Again, Cato was unsuccessful, and Fulvius ob-
tained the triumph he sought for.

When P. Scipio Africanus was charged with
having received sums of money from Antiochus,
which had not been duly accounted for to the
state, and with having allowed the unfortunate
monarch to come off too leniently, Cato is said
to have been the instigator of the accusation.
(Liv. xxxviii. 54.) Every one has read how the
proud conqueror of Africa tore with his own
hands the books of account which his brother
Lucius was producing to the senate ; and how, on
the day of his own trial, he bade the people fol-
low him from the rostra to the Capitol to return
thanks to the immortal gods on the anniversary of
the battle of Zama. Unused to submit to ques-
tion, and conscious of hjs great benefits to the
state, he deemed himself almost above the law.
Though Cato devolved upon others the obloquy of
accusing Africanus, he hesitated not openly to
speak in favour of a proposition which was calcu-
lated to prepare the way for the successful prose-
cution of a similar charge against L. Scipio Asia-
ticus. By his influence a plebiscitum was carried,
referring it to the senate to appoint a commissioner
to inquire into the charge concerning the money
of Antiochus. The result was, that Lucius and
others were condemned. As to the dates and de-
tails of these transactions, there is the utmost
variance in the early authorities. [Scipio.]

Cato was now again a candidate for the censor-
ship, with his old friend L. Valerius Flaccus and
six others, among whom were the patricians P.
and L. Scipio, and the plebeian L. Fulvius Nobi-

CATO.

Hor. He was loud in his promises or threats of
reform, and declared that, if invested with power,
he would not belie the professions of his past life.
The dread of his success alarmed all his personal
enemies, all who were notorious for their luxury,
and all who derived profit from the mismanage-
ment of the public finances. Notwithstanding
the combined opposition of the six other candi-
dates, he obtained the censorship, B. c. 184, bring-
ing in by his own influence L. Valerius Flaccus
as his colleague.

This was a great epoch in Cato's life. He ap-
plied himself strenuously to the duties of his office,
regardless of the enemies he was making. He
repaired the watercourses, paved the reservoirs,
cleansed the drains, destroyed the communications
by which private individuals illegally drew off the
public water to supply their dwellings and irrigate
their gardens, raised the rents paid by the publi-
cani for the fkrm of the taxes, and diminished the
contract prices paid by the state to the undertakers
of public works. It may be doubted whether he
did not go too far in his reforms, from considering
rather the cheapness of an offer than the security
which was afforded by the character and circum-
stances of the applicant ; but there can be no doubt
that great abuses existed, with which nothing but
the undaunted courage and extraordinary adminis-
trative faculties of Cato could have successfully
grappled. He was disturbing a nest of hornets,
and all his future life was troubled by their buzz
and their attempts to sting. After his censorship,
he was prosecuted by some of the tribunes, at the
instigation of T. Flamininus, for misconduct in
this department of his office, and condemned to
pay a fine of two talents (Plut. Cat. MaJ. 10), or in
Roman money 12,000 asses. Though he was ac-
cused no fewer than forty-four times during the
course of his life, this is the only recorded in-
stance in which his enemies prevailed against him.

The provisions against luxury, contained in his
censoriiU edict, were severe and stringent. He
directed unauthorized statues erected to the ho-
nour of unworthy men to be removed from the
public places, and declaimed against the uncere-
monious indecency and want of religious feeling
with which the images of gods taken from the
temples of conquered countries were used, like
ordinary household furniture, to ornament the
mansions of the nobles. In the lustral census,
young slaves, purchased at 10,000 asses and up-
wards, were valued at ten times their cost, and
then taxed, upon this fictitious value at the rate of
three, instead of one, per 1000 — a circuitous mode
of imposing a rate of three per cent. The same
course was pursued in rating the dress, furniture,
and equipage of the women, when their real value
amounted to 15,000 asses. (Liv. xxxix. 44.)
Whether or not the rating were anciently or
usually confined to res mancipi, such was clearly
not the case upon the present occasion. In the
exercise of the tremendous power of the nota cen-
soria, he was equally uncompromising. He most
justly degraded from the senate L. Quintius Fla-
mininus (the brother of Titus, his former success-
ful opponent in the canvas for the censorship), for
having committed (whatever version of the story
we accept) an act of the most abominable cruelty,
accompanied by circumstances of the most disgust-
ing profligacy (Liv. xxxix. 42, 43 ; Plut. Cat. MaJ. 1 7 ;
Cic. Sened. 12) ; yet such was already the low

CATO.

state of morals at Rome, that a mob could be pro-
cured to invite the degraded wretch to resume his
former place at t!ie theatre in the seats allotted to
the consulars. Ho degraded Manilius, a man of
praetorian rank, for having kissed his wife in his
daughter's presence in open day. Whether Cato's
strange statement as to his own practice (Plut.
CcUo^ 17) is to be taken as a hyperbolical recom-
mendation of decent reserve, or to be explained as
Balzac (cited by Bayle, s. v. Porcius) explains it,
we cannot stop to inquire. He degraded L. Na-
sica (or, as some conjecturally read, L. Porcius
Laeca) for an unseasonable and irreverent joke in
answer to a solemn question. (Cic. de Oral. ii.
64.) In order to detect that celibacy which it
was the duty of the censors to put an end to or to
punish, men of marriageable age were asked,
** Ex tui animi sententia, tu uxorem habes ?"
" Non hercule," was the answer of L. Nasica,
*' ex mei animi sententia." At the muster of the
knights, he deprived L. Scipio Asiaticus of his
liorse for having accepted the bribes of Antiochus.
L. Scipio was a senator, but senators, not beyond
tlie age of service, still retained the public horse
of the knight, and took their place at the muster.
{^Dict. Ant. s. V. Equites.) He deprived L. Vetu-
rius of his horse for having omitted a stated sacri-
tice, and for having grown too corpulent to be of
use in battle. (Fest. s. v. Staia.) Several others
he degraded and deprived of their horses, and, not
content with this, he publicly exposed, with bitter
vehemence, the vices of his victims.

It does not appear that, in the exercise of the
theoretically exorbitant and anomalous power of
the censorship, Cato acted unfairly, although per-
sonal motives and private enmities or party dis-
likes may sometimes have conspired with his
views of political and moral duty.

The remarkable censorship of Cato was rewarded
by a public statue, with a commemorative and
laudatory inscription.

Henceforward the public life of Cato was spent
chiefly in forensic contests, senatorial debates, and
speeches to the people. The fragments of his
o:-ations shew his unceasing activity, and the gene-
ral consistency of his career. He pursued his po-
litical opponents with relentless animosity, for with
him, tme Italian as he was, revenge was a virtue.
In his own words, the most honourable obsequies
which a son could pay to the memory of his father
were the condemnation and tears of that father's
foes. With greenish-gray eyes and sandy hair, an
iron frame, and a stentorian voice, be gave utterance
to such bitter invectives as to provoke the pungent
Greek epigram recorded by Plutarch. {Cato, 1)

Uvppov, vavdaKerrji; yXauKouuaTov, ov5e Qav6i'ra
Hopiaov fjs diSrjj/ Ufpaetpour} d^x^rai.

His resistance to luxury continued. In B. c.
181, he urged the adoption of the Lex Orchia for
restricting the number of guests at banquets. In
B. c. 1G9 (according to Cicero, Senect. 5, or several
years earlier, according to the epitomizer of Livy
JEpit. xli.) he supported the proposal of the Lex
Voconia, the provisions of which were calculated to
prevent the accumulation of wealth in the hands of
women.

In some questions of foreign policy we find him
taking the side of the oppressed. The proconsular
governors of both Spain s compelled the provincial
inhabitants to pny their com-assessments in money

CATO.

G-lI

at a high arbitrary commutation, and then forced the
provincial farmers to supply the Romans with com
at a greatly reduced price. When the Spanish depu-
ties came to Rome, B. c. 171, to complain of such
imjust exaction, Cato was chosen advocate of hia
foi-mer province, Citerior Spain, and conducted the
prosecution with such spirit as to draw down upon
himself powerful enmity, although the guilty go-
vernors, M. Matienus and P. Furius Philus, es-
caped condemnation by voluntary exile. (Lir.
xliii. 2.)

Again, when the Rhodians besought the senate
not to punish the whole island for the unauthorized
acts of a few factious individuals, on the charge of
general disatfcction towards the Roman arms in the
wars with Antiochus and Perseus, Cato pleaded
the cause of Rhodes before the senate in an able
and effective speech. The minute and artificial cri-
ticisms of Tiro, the freedman of Cicero, upon parts
of this speech, are reported and refuted by Gellius
(vii. 3). Cicero himself speaking by the mouth of
Atticus {Brutus, 85), was scarce^ able sufficiently
to appreciate the sturdy, rugged, sententious, pas-
sionate, racy, oratory of Cato. It was tinged with
some affectations of striking expressions — with
quaintnesses, vulgarisms, archaisms, and neologisms,
but it told — rt worked — it came home to men's
business and bosoms. If we may judge of Cato
by his fragments, he possessed the living fiery
spirit and intense earnestness of Demosthenes,
without the elevation of thought, the harmony of
language, and the perfection of form which crowned
the eloquence of the Athenian.

The strong national prejudices of Cato appear to
have diminished in force as he grew older and
wiser. He applied himself in old age to the study
of Greek literature, with which in youth he had
no acquaintance, although he was not ignorant of
the Greek language. Himself an historian and
orator, the excellences of Demosthenes and Thucy-
dides made a deep impression upon his kindred
mind. In many important cases, however, through-
out his life, his conduct was guided by prejudices
against classes and nations, whose influence he
deemed to be hostile to the simplicity of the old
Roman character. It is likely that he had some
part in the senatusconsultum which, upon the ap-
pearance of Eumenes, king of Pergamus, at Brun-
disium, B. c. 166, forbade kings to enter Rome, for
when Eumenes, upon his former visit, after the war
with Antiochus, was received with honour by the
senate, and splendidly entertained by the nobles,
Cato was indignant at the respect paid to the mo-
narch, refused to go near him, and declared that,
" kings were naturally carnivorous animals." He
had an antipathy to physicians, because they were
mostly Greeks, and therefore unfit to be trusted with
Roman lives, inasmuch as all Greeks looked upon
the barbarians, including the Romans, as natural
enemies. He loudly cautioned his eldest son against
physicians, and dispensed with their attendance. He
was not a bad physician himself in recommending as
a peculiarly salutary diet, ducks, geese, pigeons, and-
hares, though hares, he tells us, are apt to produce
dreams. With all his antipathy, there is no ground
in ancient authors for the often-repeated statement
that he carried a law for the expulsion of physi
cians from the city. When Athens sent Cameades,
Diogenes, and Critolaus to Rome in order to nego-
tiate a remission of the 500 talents which the
Athenians had been awarded to pay bv way of

•ix

642

CATO.

compensation to the Oropians, Cameades excited
great attention by his philosophical conversation
and lectures, in which he preached the pernicious
doctrine of an expediency distinct fix)m justice, and
illustrated his doctrine by touching on a dangerous
and delicate subject — the example of Rome herself.
"If Rome were stript of all that she did not just-
ly gain, the Romans might go back to their huts."
Cato, offended with these principles, and jealous of
the attention paid to this Greek, gave advice which
the senate followed — " Let these deputies have an
answer, and a polite dismissal as soon as possible."
Upon the conquest of Perseus, the leading men of
the Achaian union, to the number of nearly 1,000,
including the historian Polybius, were brought to
Rome, B. a 167, as hostages for the good behaviour
of the Achaians, and, afterwards, without any
proof of disaffection, were detained in exile from
their country, and distributed among the coloniae
and municipia of Italy. When their numbers
were reduced to about 300, by an exile of 16 years,
the intercession of the younger Africanus, the
friend of Polybius, pre\TiiIed with Cato to vote
that they should be permitted to return to their
country. The conduct of the old senator — he was
now eighty-three — was kinder than his words. He
did not interpose until the end of a long debate,
and then assented to the proposal on the ground,
that it was a matter of perfect indifference. " Have
Ave nothing better to do than to sit here all day
long debating whether a parcel of worn-out Greeks
bhall be carried to their graves here or in Achaia ?"
\Mien tlie exiles further besought the senate that
they might be restored to their former status and
honours in their own country, Cato intimated that
they were fools for going home, and were much
better off as they were. He said with a smile,
that Polybius was like Ulysses returning to the
cave of the Cyclops for his hat and sash. The ac-
tive powers of Cato had been so much more edu-
cated than his aft'ections, that he appears to have
been nearly devoid of sj'mpathy with fine and
tender feelings, though some allowance may be
made for a little assumed ungraciousness of demea-
nour, in order to keep up his Catonian character.
Nowhere in his writings or his speeches do we
meet with generous and elevating sentiments. His
strong will and powerful passions of anger and
unibition were guided by a keen and cold intellect,
and a practical, utilitarian, common sense.

Even in the closing years of his protracted life,
Cato had no repose. In his 81st year, b. c. 153,
he was accused by C. Cassius of some capitale
crimen (the nature of which is not recorded), and
defended himself in person with unbroken
strength, with unfaltering voice, and with un-
shaken memory. " How hard it is," he said,
" for one whose life has been past in a preceding
generation, to plead his cause before the men of
the present!" (Val. Max. viii. 7. § 1 ; Plut.
Cato, 15.)

In the verj- year before his death, he was one
of the chief instigators of the third Punic war.
The anxiety of the senate had been excited by the
jeport that a large army, under Ariobarzanes, was
assembled on tlie Carthaginian territory. Cato re-
commended an instant declaration of war against
the Carthaginians, on the ground that their real
object in procuring the assistance of the Numi-
dians was hostility to Rome, although their no-
minal object was the defence of their frontier

-CATO.

against the claim of Masinissa to part of their
dominions. Scipio Nasica thought that no casus
belli had arisen, and it was arranged that an em-
bassy should be sent to Africa to gain information
as to the real state of affairs. When the ten de-
puties, of whom Cato was one, came to the dis-
puted territory, they offered their arbitration,
which was accepted by Masinissa, but rejected by
the Carthaginians, who had no confidence in Ro-
man justice. The deputies accurately observed
the warlike preparations, and the defences of the
frontier. They then entered the city, and saw
the strength and population it had acquired since
its conquest by the elder Africanus. Upon
their return hcMne, Cato was the foremost in assert-
ing that Rome would never be safe, as long as
Caithage was so powerful, so hostile, and so near.
One day he drew a bunch of early ripe figs from
beneath his robe, and throwing it upon the floor
of the senate-house, said to the assembled fathers,
who were astonished at the freshness and fineness
of the fruit, " Those figs were gathered but three
days ago at Carthage ; so close is our enemy to
our walls." From that time forth, whenever he
was called upon for his vote in the senate, though
tlie subject of debate bore no relation to Carthage,
his words were " I vote that Carthage no longer
be," or, according to the more accepted version of
Florus (ii. 15) " Delenda est Carthago." Scipio
Nasica, on the other hand, thinking that Car-
thage in its weakened state was rather a useful
check than a formidable rival to Rome, always
voted to " let Carthage be." (Liv. Epit. xlviii.
xlix.; Appian, de Bdl. Pun. 69 ; Plin. H. N. xv.
17.) This story must appear strange to those who
know not that, during the republic, it was a Roman
custom for senators, when called upon for their
votes, to express — no matter what the question —
any opinion which they deemed of great import-
ance to the welfare of the state. (Tac Ann. ii. 33.)

In the ver^' last year of his life, Cato took a
conspicuous part in the righteous but unsuccessful
prosecution of S. Sulpicius Galba. This pei-fidious
general, after the surrender of the Lusitanian
army, in flagrant breach of faith, put to deatli
some of the soldiers, and sold others as slaves in
Gaul, while a few escaped by flight, among whom
was Viriathus, the future avenger of his nation.
Galba pretended to have discovered that, under
cover of the surrender, the Lusitanians had con-
certed an attack ; but he obtained his acquittal
chiefly through the compassion excited by the
theatrical parade of his young weeping sons and
orphan ward. Cato made a powerful speech
against Galba, and inserted it in the 7th book of
liis Origines, a few days or months before his
death, B. c. 149, at the age of 85. (Cic. Brutus.
23.)

Cato was twice married ; first to Licinia, a lady
of small property but noble birth, who bore a son,
M. Porcius Cato Licinianus, the jurist, and lived
to an advanced age. After her death he secretly
cohabited with a female slave ; for, though he was
a faithful husband, and as a widower was anxious
to preserve his reputation, the well-known "sen-
tentia. dia Catonis" proves that he set but little
value upon the virtue of chastity. When his
amoiu* was discovered by his son, he determined to
marry again, and chose the young daughter of his
scribe and client, M. Salonius. The way in which
a patron could command his client, and a *"ather

CATO.

dispose of his daughter, is disagreeably exemplified
in Plutarch's graphic account of the interview be-
tween Cato and Salonius which decided the match.
The vigorous old man had completed his eightieth
year when Salonia bore him a son, M. Porcius Cato
Salonianus, the grandfather of Cato of Utica. To
his eldest son he behaved like a good father, and
took the whole charge of his education. To his
slaves he was a rigid master. His condijct towards
them (if not represented in too dark colours by
Plutarch) was really detestable. The law held
them to be mere chattels, and he treated them as
such, without any regard to the rights of humanity.
" Lingua mali pars pessima servi ;" so he taught
them to be secret and silent. He made them sleep
when they had nothing else to do. In order to
prevent combination and to govern them the more
easily, he intentionally sowed enmities and jealou-
sies between them, and allowed the males to pur-
chase out of their peculiura the liberty of sexual
interconrse with the females of his household. In
their name he bought young slaves, whom they
trained, and then sold at a profit for his benefit.
After supping with his guests, he often severely
chastised them with thong in hand for trifling acts
of negligence, and sometimes condemned them to
death. When they were worn out and useless, he
sold them or tamed them out of doors. He treated
the lower animals no better. His war-horse which
bore him through his campaign in Spain, he sold
before he left the country, that the state might
not be charged with the expenses of its transport.
These excesses of a tyrannous and unfeeling nature
shocked no scruples of his own conscience, and met
no reprehension from a public opinion which tole-
rated gladiatorial shows. They were only speci-
mens of the wholesome strictness of the good old
Sabine paterfamilias. In youth the austerity of
his life was much greater than in age, and perhaps
his rigour would have been further relaxed, had he
not felt that he had a character to keep up, and
had not his frugal simplicity been found to conduce
to the acquisition of wealth. As years advanced,
he sought gain with increasing eagerness ; though,
to his honour be it spoken, in the midst of mani-
foki temptations, he never attempted to profit by
the misuse of his public function*. He accepted
no bribes, he reserved no booty to his own use ;
but, no longer satisfied with the returns of agricul-
ture, which varied with the influences of Jupiter,
he became a speculator, not only in slaves,- but in
buildings, artificial waters, and pleasure-grounds.
The mercantile spirit was strong within him. He
who had been the terror of usurers in Sardinia be-
cime a lender of money at nautical interest on the
et'curity of commercial ventures, while he endea-
voured to guard against the possibility of loss by re-
quiring that the risk should be divided, and that his
own agent should have a share in the management.-

To those who admitted his superiority he was
affable and social. His conversation was lively
and witty. He liked to entertain his friends, and
to talk over the historical deeds of Roman worthies.

The activity of this many-sided man found lei-
sure for the composition of several literary works.
He lived at a time when the Latin language was
in a state of transition, and he contributed to en-
rich it.

Cum lingua Catonis et Enni
Sermonem patrium ditaverit, et nova rerum
Nomina protulerit

CATO.

B4S

He was contemporary with some of the earliest
writers of eminence in the adolescence of classical
literature. Naevius died when he was quaestor
under Scipio, Plautus when he was censor. Before
his own death the more cultivated muse of Terence,
who was bom in his consulship, had appeared upon
the stage.

The work De He Rustiea^ which we now possew
under the name of Cato, is probably substantially
his, though it is certainly not exactly in the form
in which it proceeded from his pen. It consists of
very miscellaneous materials, relating principally
to domestic and mral economy. There we may
find rules for libations and sacrifices ; medical pre-
cepts, including the sympathetic cure and the ver-
bal charm ; a receipt for a cake ; the form of a
contract ; the description of a tool ; the mode of
rearing garden flowers. The best editions of this
work are those which are contained in the collected
Scriptores Rei Rusticae of Gesner (Lips. 1773-4)
and Schneider. (Lips. 1794-7.)

Cato's instructions to hi« eldest »on, psblished
in the form of letters, treated of various subjects
suited to the education of a Roman youth. They
were divided into books, which, being quoted by
various names, have been counted as separate trea-
tises. The Apophthegmata, for example, may have
formed one of the books of the general collection.
Of Gate's instmctions to his son a few fragments
remain, which may be found in H. Alb. Lion's
Catoniana, Gott. 1826, a work of small critical
merit.

The fragments of the orations are best given in
H. Meyer's Oratorum Romanorum FragmentUj
Turid, 1842.

The few passages in the Digest where Cato is
cited are commented upon by Majansius {ad XX JC
JCtos) ; but it is probable that the citations in the
Digest refer not to the Censor, but to his elder son,
who confined himself more exclusively to jurispra-
dence than his father. Other juridical fragments
of Cato are given by Dirksen in his " Bruchstiicke
ausdenSchriften der RcJmischen Juristen," p. 44, &c.

Cato, when he was alrieady advanced in life, com-
menced an historical work entitled " Origines," of
which many fragments^ have been preserved. It
was probably published iti' parts from time to time
as the several books were completed. Livy (xxxiv.
5), in a speech which he puts into the mouth of
the tribune Valerius during the consulship of Cato,
makes Valerius quote the Origines in reply to their
author; but this is generally thought to be an
anachronism. The first book contained the history
of the Roman kings ; the second and third treated
of the origin of the Italian towns, and from these
two books the whole work derived its title. There
was a blank in the history from the expulsion of
the kings to the commencement of the first Punic
war, which formed the subject of the fourth book.
The events of the second Punic war were related
in the fifth book, and the sixth and seventh con-
tinued the narrative to the year of Cato's death.
(Nepos, Caio^ 3.) It is said,- by Nepos, Gellius,
and Pliny (//. A^. viii. 5), that he suppressed the
names of the generals who carried on the wars
which he relates ; but the remaining fragments
shew that he made at least some exceptions to this
practice. He is unanimously acknowledged by the
ancients to have been an exceedingly industrious
and learned antiquary ; but Livy, in his early de-
cads, makes no use of the Origines, According tr

2x2

644

CATO.

Dionysius (i. 74) Cato placed the building of Rome
in the 1 32nd year after the Trojan war, or in the
first of the 7th Olympiad, b. c. 751. The best
collection of the remains of the Origines is in
K muse's Vitae et Fragmenia Vet. Hist. Rom. Berlin,
1833.

The life of this extraordinary man was written
l)y Cornelius Nepos, Plutarch, and Aurelius Victor.
Many additional particulars of his history are to
be collected from Livy, who portrays his character
in a splendid and celebrated passage (xxxix. 40).
Some facts of importance are to be gleaned from
Cicero, especially from his Cato Major or de
Senectute, and his Brutus. By later writers he
was regarded as a model of Roman virtue, and
few names occur oftener in the classics than
his. Much has been written upon him by the
modems. There are some Latin verses upon Cato
in the Juvenilia of Theodore Beza. Majansius
{oil XXX JCtos) composed his life with remark-
able diligence, collecting and comparing nearly all
the ancient authorities, except a few which were
discreditable to his hero. (See also Wetzel's Ex-
cursus in his edition of Cic. de Sened. p. 256, &:c.;
De M. Porcii Catonis Vita Sludiis et Scriptis, in
Schneider's "Scriptores Rei Rusticae," vol. i. pac3
ii. init. ; Bayle, Did. s. v. Porcius ; Krause, Vitae d
Froffm. &c. pp. 89-97; G. E.Weber, Commeniatio de
M. Porcii Catonis Censorii Vita et Moribus^ Bremae,
1831 ; and Gerlach, Sdpio und Cato., in Schweitz-
erisches Museum fiir historische Wissenschaften,
] 837 ; above all, Drumann, Gesch. lioms^ v. pp.
97—148.)

2. M. Porcius Cato Licinianus, a Roman
jurist, the son of Cato the Censor by his first wife
Licinia, and thence called Licinianus to distinguish
him from his half-brother, M. Porcius Cato, the
8on of Salonia, His father paid great attention to
his education, physical as well as mental, and
studied to preserve his young mind from every
immoral taint. He was taught to ride, to swim,
to wrestle, to fence, and, perhaps to the injury of
a weak constitution, was exposed to vicissitudes
of cold and heat in order to harden his frame.
The Censor would not allow his learned slave
Chilo to superintend the education of his son, lest
the boy should acquire slavish notions or habits,
but wrote lessons of history for him in large letters
with his own hand, and afterwards composed a
kind of Encyclopaedia for his use. LTnder such
tuition, the young Cato became a wise and virtuous
man. He first entered life as a soldier, and
served, B. c. 173, in Liguria under the consul M.
Popilius Laenas. The legion to which he belonged
having been disbanded, he took the military oath
a second time, by^ the advice of hig father, in order
to qualify himself legally to fight against the
enemy. (Cic. de Of. i. 11.) In B. c. 168, he
fought against Perseus at Pydna under the consul
Aemilius PauUus, whose daughter, Aemilia Tertia,
Tie afterwards married. He distinguished himself
in the battle by his personal prowess in a combat
in which he first lost and finally recovered his
sword. The details of this combat are related
with variations by several authors. (Plut. Cat.
Maj. 20 ; Justin,' xxxiii. 2 ; Val. Max. iii. 12.
§ 16 ; Frontin. Strat. iv. 5. § 17.) He returned
to the troops on his own side covered with wounds,
and was received with applause by the consul,
who gave him his discharge in order that he might
get cured. Here again his father seems to have

CATO.

cautioned him to take no further part in battle, a3
after his discharge he was no longer a soldier.
(Plut. Quaesf. Rom. 39.)

Henceforward he appears to have devoted him-
self to the practice of the law, in which he attained
considerable eminence. In the obscure and corrupt
fragment of Pomponius de Origine Juris (Dig. 1 .
tit. 2. § 38), after mentioning Sextus and Publius
Aelius and Publius Atilius, the author proceeds to
speak of the two Catos as follows : " Hos sectatuc
ad aliquid est Cato. Deinde M. Cato, princeps
Porciae familiae, cujus et libri extant ; sed plurimi
filii ejus ; ex quibus caeteri oriuntur." This pas-
sage seems to speak of a Cato before the Censor,
but Pomponius wrote in paragraphs, devoting one
to each succession of jurists, and the word Deinde
commences that of the Catos, though the Censor
had been mentioned by anticipation at the end of
the preceding paragraph. From the Catos, father
and son {ex guibus), the subsequent jurists traced
their succession. Apollinaris Sulpicius, in that
passage of Gellius (xiii. 1 8) which is the principal
authority with respect to the genealogy of the
Cato family, speaks of the son as having written
"egregios de juris disciplina libros." Festus (s. v.
Mundus) cites the commentarii juris civilis of Cato,
probably the son, and PauUus (Dig. 45. tit. 1.
8. 4. § 1 ) cites Cato's 15th book, Cicero {de Orat.
ii. 33) censures Cato and Brutus for introducing
in their publislied responsa the names of the persons
who consulted them. Celsus (Dig. 50. tit. 16. s. 98.
§ 1 ) cites an opinion of Cato concerning the inter-
calary month, and the regula or sententia Catoniana
is frequently mentioned in the Digest. The regula
Catoniana was a celebrated rule of Roman law to
the effect, that a legacy should never be valid un-
less it would have been valid if the testator had
died immediately after he had made his will. This
rule (which had several exceptions) was a particu-
lar case of a more general maxim : " Quod initio
non valet, id tractu ten\poris non potest convales-
cere." The greater celebrity of the son as a jurist,
and the language of the citations from Cato, render
it likely that the son is the Cato of the Digest.
From the manner in which Cato is mentioned in
the Institutes (Inst. 1. tit. 11. § 12), — " Apud
Catonem bene scriptum refert antiquitas," — it may
be inferred, that he was known only at second
hand in the time of Justinian.

He died when praetor designatus, about B. c
1 52, a few years before his father, who bore his
loss with resignation, and, on the ground of
poverty, gave him a frugal funeral. (Liv. Epit,
48 ; comp. Cic. de Sened. 19.)

(Majansius, ad XXX JCtos, i. 1—113 ; E. L.
Harnier, de Regula Catoniana, Heidelb. 1820 ;
Drumann's Rom. v. p. 149.)

3. M. Porcius Cato Salonianus, the son of
Cato the censor by his second wife Salonia, was
bom B. c. 154, Avhen his father had completed his
80th year, and about two years before the death
of his step-brother. He lost his father Avhen he
was five years old, and lived to attain the praetor-
ship, in which office he died. (Gell. xiii. 19;
Plut. Cat. Maj. 27.)

4. M. Porcius Cato, elder son of Cato Lici-
nianus. [No. 2.] Like his grandfather, the
Censor, he was a vehement orator, and left behind
hira many written speeches. In B. c. 11 8, he
was consul with Q. Marcius Rex, and in the sani j
year died in Africa, whither he had proceeded

CATO.

probably for the purpose of arranging the differences
between the heirs of Micipsa in Numidiiu (Geli.
xiii. 19 ; Liv. Epit. Ixii.)

5. C. PoRCius Cato, younger son of Cato Li-
cinianus [No. 2], is mentioned by Cicero as a
middling orator. {lirut. 28.) In his youth he
was a follower of Tib. Gracchus. In b. c. 114,
he was consul with Acilius Balbus, and in the
same year obtained Macedonia as his province.
In Thi-ace, he fought unsuccessfully against the
Scordisci. His army was cut off in the moun-
tains, and be himself escaped with difficulty,
though Ammianus Marcellinus erroneously states
that he was slain, (xxvii. 4. § 4.) Disappointed
of booty in war, he endeavoured to indenniify him-
self by extortions in Macedonia. For this he was
accused and sentenced to pay a fine. Afterwards,
he appears to have served as a legate in the war
with Jugurtha in Africa, where he was won over
by the king. In order to escape condemnation on
this charge, in B. c. 110, he went to Tarraco in
Spain, and became a citizen of that town. (Cic.
pro Bulb. 11.) He has been sometimes confounded
with his elder brother. (Veil. Pat. ii. 8 ; Eutrop.
iv. 24; Cic. in Vei-r. iii. 80, iv. 10.)

(5. ]M. PoRCius Cato, son of No. 3, and father
of Cato of Utica. He was a friend of Sulla, whose
proscriptions he did not live to see. He was
tribunus plebis, and died when a candidate for the
praetorship. (Gell. xiii. 19 ; Plut. Cut. Min. 1-3.)
Cicero, in discussing how far a vendor is bound to
disclose to a purchaser the defects of the thing
Bold, mentions a decision of Cato on the trial of an
actio arbitraria, in which Calpuniius was plaintiff
and Claudius defendant. The plaintiff, having
been ordered by the augurs to pull down his house
on the Mons Caelia because it obstructed the
auspices, sold it to the defendant without giving
notice of the order. The defendant was obliged to
obey a similar order, and brought an action to
recover damages for the fraud. Upon these facts,
Cato decided in favour of the purchaser. (Z)e OJ".
iii. 16.)

7. L. PoRcius Cato, the son of No. 3, and
uncle of Cato of Utica, attached himself to the
party of the senate. In the year B. c. 100, he was
tribune of the plebs, and in that office opposed the
attempts of L. Apuleius Saturninus, and assisted
in rejecting a rogation on behalf of the exiled
Metellus Numidicus. In the social war, b. c. 90,
he defeated the Etruscans, and in the following year
was consul with Pompeius Strabo. On one oc-
casion a portion of his troops, consisting of town
rabble, was instigated to disobedience and mutiny
by the impudent prating of one C. Titius. He lost
his life in nn unlucky skirmish with the Marsians,
near Lake Fucinus, at the end of a successful
battle. It was thought by some that his death
was not to be attributed to the eneni}', but to the
art of the younger Marius ; for Cato had boasted
that his own achievements were equal to the Cim-
brian victory of Marius the father. (Liv. Epil.
Ixxv. ; Oros. a-. 17.)

8. M. PoRCius Cato, son of No. 4. After
having been curule aedile and praetor, he obtained
the government of Gallia Narbonensis, where he
died. (Gell. xiii. 19.)

9. M. PoRCius Cato, son of No. 6 by Livia,
great-grandson of Cato the Censor, and surnamed
Uticensis from Utica, the place of his death, was
bom B. c. 95. In early childhood he lost both his

CATO.

64;'

pai"ents, and was brought up in the house of his
mother's brother, M. Livius Drusus, along with
his sister Porcia and the children of his mother by
her second husband, Q. Servilius Caepio. While
yet of tender age, he gave token of a certain sturdy
independence. The Itixlian socii were now seeking
the right of Roman citizenship, and Q. Pompaedius
Silo was endeavouring to enlist Drusus on their
side. Silo playfully asked Cato and his half-bro-
ther Q. Caepio if they would not take his part
with their uncle. Caepio at once smiled and said
he would, but Cato frowned and persisted in say-
ing that he would not, though Silo pretended that
he was going to throw him out of the window for
his refusal. This story has been doubted on the
ground that, as ^*-usus lost his life B. c. 91, Cato
could not have been more than four years old, and
consequently was n'jt of an age to form an opinion
on public affairs at the time when it is stated to
have occurred. This criticism will be appreciated,
at its due value by those who understand the spirit
of the anecdote, and know the manner in which
little boys are commonly addressed.

After the death of Drusus, Cato was placed un-
der the charge of Sarpedon, who found him diffi-
cult to manage, and more easily led by argumeiit
than authority. He had not that quick apprehen-
sion and instinctive tact which make learning to
some happily- organized children a constant but
unobtrusive growth. He did not trust, and ol>
serve, and feel, but he acquired his knowledge by
asking questions and receiving explanations. That
which he thus acquired slowly he retained tena-
ciously. His temper was like his intellect : it was
not easily roused ; but, being roused, it was not
easily calmed. The child was father to the man.
Throughout his life, the same want of liexibility
and gradation was one of his obvious defects. He
had none of that almost unconscious intuition
by which great men modify the erroneous results
of abstract reasoning, and take hints from passing
events. There was in him no accommodation to
circumstances, no insight into the windings of cha-
racter, no power of gaining influence by apt and
easy insinuation. The influence he gained was
due to his name for high and stubborn virtue.

As a boy he took little interest in the childish
pursuits of his fellows. He i-arely smiled, and Le
exhibited a firmness of purpose which was not to
be cajoled by flattery nor daunted by violence.
Yet was there something in his unsocial individu-
ality which attracted notice and inspired respect.
Once, at the game of Trials, he rescued by force
from a bigger boy a youth sentenced to prison who
appealed to him for protection, and, burning witli
passion, led him home accompanied by his con;-
rades. When Sulla gave to the noble youths of
Rome the military game called Troja, and proposed
as their leaders the son of his wife Metella and
Sex. Pompeius, the boys with one accord cried
out for Cato in place of Sextus. Sarpedon took
him occasionally, when he was in his fourteenth
year, to pay his respects to Sulla, his late father'tj
friend. The tortures and executions which some-
times were conducted in Sulla's house made it nv
semble (in the words of Plutarch) "the place of
the damned." On one of his visits, seeing the
heads of several illustrious citizens carried forth,
and hearing with indignation the suppressed groans
of those who were present, he turned to his pre-
ceptor with the question " Why does no one kill

646

CATO.

that tyrant?** "Because," answered Sarpedon,
*'men fear him more strongly than they hate him."
*' Why then," subjoined Cato, " would you not let
me have a sword, that I might put him to death,
and restore my country to freedom ?" This out-
break induced his tutor to watch him, lest he
should attempt something desperate.

He received 120 talents as his share of his fa-
ther's fortune, and, being now his own master,
still further contracted his expenditure, hitherto
extremely moderate. He addicted himself to poli-
tical studies, and practbed in solitude oratorical
declamation. As he hated luxury and was accus-
tomed to self-denial, the precepts of the Porch
found favour in his sight ; and, under the guidance
of Antipater of Tyre, he pursued with all the ar-
dour of a devotee the ethical philosophy of the
Stoics. The virtue he chiefly worshipped was a
rigid justice, not only unmoved by favour, but
rejecting the corrective of equity and mercy.

Differing widely in disposition and natural gifts
from his great ancestor the Censor, he yet looked
up to him as a model, adopted his principles, and
imitated his conduct. His constitution was natu-
rally vigorous, and he endeavoured to harden it
still more by excessive toil. He travelled bare-
headed in the heat of summer, and amid the win-
ter snow. When his friends were making long
journeys on horseback, he accompanied them on
foot. In illness and fever, he passed his hours
alone, not bearing any witness of his physical in-
firmities. He was singular in his dress, preferring,
by way of sober contraat, a dark purple to the rich
crimson then in vogue, and he often appeared in
public after dinner without shoes or tunic. Up to
his twentieth year, his inseparable companion was
his half-brother, Q. Servilius Caepio, to whom he
was aflfactionately attached. When Caepio was
praised for his moderation and frugality, he ac-
knowledged that he was but a Sippius (a notorious
prodigal) when compared with Cato. Thus Cato
became a mark for the eyes of the throng. Vicious
luxury was one of tlve crying evils of the tinves,
and he was pointed to as the natural successor of
his ancestor in reforming manners, and in repre-
senting the old, simple, undegenerate Roman. It
is much to become a type of a national character.

The first occasion of his appearance in public
life was connected with the name of his ancestor.
The elder Cato in his censorship had erected and
dedicated a building called the Porcia Basilica. In
this the tribunes of the people were accustomed to
transact business. There was a column in the
way of the benches where they sat, and they de-
termined either to remove it altogether or to change
its place. This proposition called forth the younger
Cato, who successfully resisted the measure in a
speecli which was graceful while it was cutting,
and was elevated iu tone without any of the tu-
mour of juvenile declamation.

Cato was capable of warm and tender attach-
ment, and much that was stiff and angular in his
character was enhanced by early disappointment
and blighted affection. Lepida had been betrothed
to MeteUus Scipio, who broke off the match. Free
once more, she was wooed by Cato ; but the atten-
tions of a new admirer recalled the ardour of her
former lover, who sued again, and was again ac-
cepted. Stung to the quick, Cato was with diffi-
culty prevented, by the entreaties of friends, from
exposing himself by going to law, and expended

CATO.

the bitterness of his wrath against Scipio in satin*
cal iambics. He soon afterwards married Atilia,
the daughter of Serranus, but was obliged to divorce
her for adultery after she had borne him two chil-
dren.

He served his first campaign as a volunteer, b. c.
72, under the consul Gellius Poblicola, in the ser-
vile war of Spart<icus. He joined the army rather
from a desire to be near Caepio, who was tribunus
militum, than out of any love for a military life.
In this new career he had no opportunity of dis-
tinguishing himself; but his observation of discip-
line was perfect, and in courage he was never
found wanting. The general offered him military
rewards, which he refused on the ground that he
had done nothing to deserve them. For this he
was reckoned perverse and cross-grained, but his
own estimate of his services was not perhaps much
below the mark. He had many of the qualities
which make a good soldier, but of tliat peculiar
genius which constitutes a great general he had
not a spark.

About the year b. jC. 67, he became a candidate
for the post of tribunus militum, and obeyed the
law b}' canvassing without nomenclatores. He
was elected, and joined the anny of the propraetor
M.Rubrius in Macedonia. Here he was appointed
to <:ommand a legion, and he won the esteem and
attachment of the soldiery by the force of reason,
by sharing all their labours, and by a strict atten-
tion to his duty. He treated them as rational
beings, not as mere machines, and he preserved
order without harsh punishments or lavish bribes.
But the life of the camp was ill suited to his tem-
perament. Hearing that the famous Stoic philo-
sopher Athenodorus, sumamed Cordylion, was at
Pergamus, he obtained a free legation, which gave
him leave of absence for two months, travelled to
Asia in search of the philosopher, and succeeded
in persuading Athenodorus to return with him to
Macedonia. This was deemed by Cato a greater
triumph than the capture of a rich city, for the
Stoic had refused repeated offers of friendship and
society from kings and emperors.

Cato was now doomed to suffer a severe mis-
fortune, and to put to the test all the lessons of his
philosophy. Servilius Caepio, on his way to Asia,
was taken ill at Aenus, a town of Thrace. Cato
was informed of this by letter, and, embarking
without delay in a small vessel, set sail in stormy
weather from Thessalonica ; but he did not arrive
in time to close the eyes of his beloved brother.
The tumult of his grief was excessive. He em-
braced the corpse with tears and cries, and spared
no expense in the splendour of the funeral He
sent back to the provincials their preferred gifts of
money, and paid them for the odours and precious
vestments which they contributed to the sad so-
lemnit}'. At the cost of eight talents, he erected
to the memory of Caepio a polished monument of
Thasian marble in the market-place at Aenus.

He now returned to Rome in a ship which con-
veyed the ashes of his brother. At Rome his
time was divided between the lessons of philosophy
from the lips of Athenodorus, the advocacy of his
friends' causes in the forum, and the studies that
were necessary to qualify him for political offices.
He was now of an age to offer himself for the
quaestorship, but he determined not to put himself
forward as a candidate until he was master of the
details of his duties. He was able to purchase fot

I

CATO.

five talents a book wliich contained the pecuniary
accounts of tlie quaestorship from the time of Sulla,
and this he attentively perused. Further, he
made himself acquainted with all the laws relating
to the public treasure. Armed with this know-
ledge, he was elected to the quaestorship. The
scribes and subordinate clerks of the treasury, ac-
customed to the routine of official business and
official documents, relied upon their own expe-
rience and the ignorance of ordinary quaestors,
and thus were able to teach their teachers and
to rule their rulers. Cato broke in upon this
official monopoly, which had been made a cover
for much fniud and abuse, and, in spite of the re-
sistance which might have been expected from such
an interested swarm, he routed and exposed their
misdeeds. The debts that were due from the state
to individuals he promptly paid, and he rigidly de-
manded prompt payment of the debts that were
due to the state. He took effectual mieasures to
prevent the falsification of the decrees of the
senate and other public documents which were
entrusted to the custody of the quaestors. He
obliged the informers who had received blood-money
from Sulla out of the public treasure to refund
their ill-gotten gains. His colleagues, who were at
first offended at his strictness, finding that he con-
tinued to act with impartiality and upon consistent
principle, sought to avoid his reproach and began
to admire his conduct. By his honest and de-
termined administration he replenished, the trea-
sury, and quitted office at the end of the year
amid the general applause of his fellow-citiaens.

It is probable that after the termination of his
quaestorship he went a second time to Asia, upon
the invitation of king Deiotarus, his lather's
friend, for, as Dnimann has observed {Geschichte
Bomsy v. p. 157), the narrative of Plutarch, who
makes the events of his Asiatic journey anterior
to his quaestorship, is beset with numerous diffi-
culties and anachronisms. In his travels in the
east, he neglected that external splendour to which
the Orientals were accustomed, and sometimes was
treated with slight on account ef the meanness
of his equipage and apparel. 13y Pompey, Cato
was received with the utmost civility and respect,
and this external show of honour from the great
man upon whom all eyes were turned, considerably
exalted Cato's dignity and importance elsewhere.
But there was no cordiality in Pompey's welcome.
The visitor, who seemed to be a damper upon his free
command, was not invited to stay, and was dis-
missed without regret.

Deiotarus, upon the arrival of Cato, offered him
all kinds of presents, and pressed their acceptance
with an eaniestness which offended his guest, who
departed early on the following day. Upon reach-
ing Pessinus, Cato found that still richer presents
had been sent on with a letter from the king, be-
seeching him, if he would not take them himself,
to let his attendants take them ; but, much to the
dissatisfaction of some of his attendants, he re-
jected this specious bribery too.

Upon Cato's return to Rome, B. c. 63, he found
Lucullus, who had married one of his half-sisters,
Servilia, before the gates soliciting a triumph for
his success against Mithridates. In obtaining this
object, he succeeded by the assistance of Cato and
the nobility, notwithstanding the opposition of
Memmius and other creatures of Pompey.

Cato was now looked upon by many as a suit-

CATO.

C47

able candidate for the tribuneship, but he declined
to stand for that office, and determined to pass
some time at his country seat in Lucania in the
company of his books and his philosophers. On
his way he met a long train of baggage, and was
informed that it belonged to Metellus Nepos, who
was ha&tening from Pompey's array to seek the
tribunesliip. His resolution was at once taken.
He determined to oppose this emissary of Pompey,
and, after spending a day or two in the country,
reappeared in Rome. He compared the sudden
arrival of Metellus to a thunderbolt falling upon
the state, but his own arrival equally surprised
his friends. The nobles, who were jealous of
Pompey's power and designs, flocked in crowds to
vote for him, aud he succeeded in gaining his o^vn
election, but not in ousting Metellus. One of his
first acts after his election was the prosecution of
L. Lieinius Muraena for bribery at the consular
comitia ; but Muraena, who was defended by
Cicero, Hortensius, and Cr^sus, was acquitted by
the judges. This (b. c. 63) was the famous year
of Cicero's consulship, and of the suppression of
Catiline's conspiracy. Cato supported the consttl
in proposing that the conspirators should suffer
death, and was the first who gave to Cicero the
name of pater patriae. It was Cato's speech of
the 5th of December which determined the senate,
previously Avavering from the force of Caesar's
oratory. The severer sentence was carried, and
Cato's part in this transaction occasioned a rupture
between him and Caesar, whom he charged with
being a secret accomplice of Catiline. Plutarch
(Cato Minor,'2'3) speaks of Cato ''s speech as extant,
and says that it was taken, down by short-hand
writers placed in the senate-house for that purpose
by Cicero. Sallust gives two well-known orations
as the speeches of Caesar and Cato, but there is
reason to believe that not only is the language
Sallust's own, but that the fabricated speeches
differ considerably in several particulars from
those which were actually delivered.

The crushing of Catiline's conspiracy was an
important step, but, in order to accomplish the
political theories of Cato, much remained to be
done. Induced by the example of Sulla, several
ambitious men were now aspiring to supreme
power, and those who, like Catiline, endeavoured
to grasp it in the disorder occasioned by popular
tumult and anarchy, were not the most formidable.
The wealth of Crassus and the character and
position of Pompey were directed to the same end.
Caesar, who had watched tlie conspiracy of Cati-
line, and, if it had succeeded, would most likely
have been the person to profit by its success, saw
their object, and had the address to baffle their
schemes. Pompey, his more formidable rival,
wished to obtain supreme power by constitutional
means, and waited in hope of a voluntary sur-
render ; but he had not the unscrupulous courage
which would have been required to seize it, or to
keep it when gained. Caesar, of a more daring,
vigorous, and comprehensive intellect, was not re-
strained by similar scruples. He contrived by
entering into a combination with Pompey and
Crassus to detach both from the senatorial party,
from which they were already estranged by their
own unambiguous ambition. Cato wished to de-
feat this combination, but the measures he resorted
to were clumsy and injudicious. His opposition
to Pempey was conducted in a manner which pro

048

CATO.

moted the views of Caesar, who turned every com-
bination of events to the purposes of his own
aggrandizement, and availed himself at once of the
influence of Pompey and the wealth of Crassus.
The state of political parties at Rome was now
such, that neither energy nor foresight could long
have retarded the downfall of the republic. The
party of the senate professed to adhere to the an-
cient doctrines of the constitution, clinging in
practice to oligarchical principles, but it possessed
in its ranks no man of great popularity or com-
manding political genius, Lucullus had often led
his troops to victory, and had considerable influence
over the army, but he preferred the quiet enjoy-
ment of the vast wealth he had acquired in Asia
to the leadership of the party of the nobles. Had
he not lacked ambition, he might have given the
senate effectual support. Cato attached himself to
the senate, and may be numbered among its
leaders ; but neither he nor his chief coadjutors in
the same cause, Catulus and Cicero, could boast of
that practical ability and ready command of
resources which were wanting at the present
crisis. He was far better suited for contemplation
tlian for action, and would have been more at
home, more happy, and not less useful, in the
calm pursuits of literature and philosophy, than
amidst the turmoil of public life. A man more
pure and disinterested could not be found. His
opinion as a judex and his testimony as a witness
were regarded as almost decisive. Such was the
reverence for his character, that when he went
into the theatre during the games of Flora, given
by Messius, the dancing-women were not required
to exhibit their performances in their accustomed
iiudity ; but when Cato learned from Savonius
that his presence damped the enjoyment of the
people, he retired amidst applause. The conduct
of his political friends was analogous. They rather
praised than imitated his virtues, and thosb who
praised him liked him best when he was at such a
distance as not to impose restraint upon their ac-
tions. Irregularity and corruption were so general,
that an honest man, in order to do good, must have
been master of remarkable discretion, whereas the
straightforward and uncompromising strictness of
Cato generally appeared ill-timed, and was deemed
better suited to the imaginary republic of Plato
than to the actual condition of the Roman people.
In the year of his tribunate he opposed the pro-
position of Metellus Nepos to recall Pompey from
Asia, and to give him the command of the legions
against Catiline. Cato exerted himself in the
«)id8t of a riot to prevent the voting of the proposi-
tion, and exposed himself to considerable personal
danger without much prudence or much dignity.
In B. c, CO, he opposed the rogation of the tribune
L. Flavius to reward Pompey's veterans with
allotments of land. Caesar, when he was return-
ing from Spain, sought the honour of a triumph,
and desired in the meantime to be allowed, though
absent, to be a candidate for the consulship. In
order to prevent a resolution to this eflfect from
being carried on the day when it was proposed,
Cato spoke against time until sunset ; but Caesar
renounced his triumph and gained the consulship.
By a course of conduct which to the eyes of the
statesn.en of that day appeared to be a series of
half-measures and vacillating policy, Cato desired
to prove that, while some were for Caesar and some
for Pompey, he, Cato, was for the commonwealth.

CATO.

Though Cato seemed generally to waste hi.*
strength in ineffectual efforts, he still was found to
be a trouble and a hindrance to the designs of
Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus. They accordingly
got Clodius, during his tribunate, to propose that
Ptolemy, king of Cyprus, should, without even a
plausible pretext, be deprived of his dominions,
and that Cato should be charged with the task of
reuniting the island to the Roman empire, and re-
storing the exiles who had been sent to Byzantium.
Constitutionally averse to active military measures,
as well as benevolently anxious to prevent the un-
necessarj' shedding of blood, Cato sent a messenger
to Ptolemy to sipfnif}' the determination of the.
Roman people. The unfortunate king put an end
to his life by poison, and Cato took peaceable pos-
session of Cyprus, and sold the royal treasures at
the highest price, offending some of his friends,
who hoped to enrich themselves by cheap bargains.
After restoring the Byzantine exiles, and success-
fully accomplishing a commission which, however
abstractedly unjust, he considered himself bound to
undertake by his duty to the state, he returned to
Rome in b. c. 56, displaying to the eyes of the
people the public wealth thus acquired. This very
treasure afterwards came to the hands of Caesar,
and contributed to the destruction of republican
liberty. The pecuniary accounts of the sale by
some accident were lost, and Clodius Pulcher took
occasion to accuse Cato of embezzlement. His
answer was, " What greater disgrace could befall
this age, than that Pulcher should be an accuser or
Cato be accused?" (Senec. Coiitrovers. v, 30.)
Cicero, on his return from banishment, insisted
that Clodius was not legitimately appointed tri-
bune, and that therefore all his ofiicial acts ought
to be aimulled. The proposition was opposed by
Cato, as it would have rendered void his legation
to Cyprus. This aftair produced a marked cold-
ness between Cicero and Cato,

After his divorce from Atilia, Cato had marrifd
Marcia, the daughter of Philippus, and had three
children by his second wife. About the year B. c.
56 happened that strange transaction by which he
ceded Marcia to his friend Q. Hortensius, with the
consent of her father. At the death of Hortensius
in the year 50, he took her back again. Heineccius
{Antuj. Horn, lib, i. append, c. 47) infers, from the
words of Plutarch {Ckilo Min. 25), that Cato did
not, according to the common belief, lend his wile,
but that she was divorced from him by the cere-
mony of sale, and married to Hortensius. Hei-
neccius quotes the case as an instance of a marriage
contracted by coemtio and dissolved by rana7icipatio,
in accordance with the maxim " unumquodque eo
mode dissolvitur quo coUigatum est." But it does
not appear that Cato married her again after the
death of Hortensius, and yet it seems that she
returned to her former relation of wife.

Cato continued to oppose the triumvirs. In
B. c. 55 he actively assisted L. Domitius Aheno-
barbus in canvassing for the consulship against
Pompey and Crassus, who were elected. In the
election riots he was wounded, and narrowly es-
caped with life. With no better success was he
himself a candidate for the praetorship in the same
year in opposition to Vatinius. He would not
submit to employ the bribery which was necessary
to obtain a majority. Again, in an unsuccessful
opposition to the Trebonian law conferring extra-
ordinary powers upon the triumvirs, we find hiia

CATC.

engaged in popular tumulta and personal conflict.
At length, u. c. 54, he was made praetor, and this
was the highest office to which he attained. His

• exertions during his praetorship to put down the
notorious bribery of the consular comitia disgusted
both the buyers and tlic sellers of votes. Again
he was attacked by a hooting and pelting mob, who
put his attendants to flight ; but he persisted in
mounting the tribunal, and succeeded in appeasing
the violence of the populace.

After the death of Crassus, when the senate had
to make choice between Pompey and Caesar, it
naturally wished to place itself under the protec-
tion of the former. In B. c. 52, Pompey was anx-
ious to obtain the dictatorship ; but as the nobles
had not given him their full confidence, and yet
at the same time were anxious to gratify him, Bi-
bulus proposed that he should be created sole con-
sul, and in this proposition was supported by Cato.
In the following year, Cato himself, mistrusting
Pompey, was a candidate for the consulship ; but
he would not bribe, and his competitors, S. Sulpi-
cius and M. Claudius Marcellus, who had the sup-
port of Caesar and Pompey, Avere elected. On the
day of his defeat, Cato amused himself with play-
ing at ball, and renounced for ever all aspiration
after an office which the people had not thought
proper to confer upon him.

On the commencement of the civil war, b. c. 49,
Cato supported those illegal proceedings [Caesar,
p. 550] which gave some colour of right to the hos-
tile preparations of Caesar. On the approach of
Caesar to tlie city, Cato took flight with the con-
suls to Campania, and yielded himself up to un-
availing grief. From that day forth he allowed
his hair to grow ; he never after wore a garland, but
seeing that Roman blood must be shed, whichever
party might prevail, he determined to mourn until
his death the unhappy lot of his country. It was
a time for decisive and strong measures. Caesar
was not now to be fought by laws or resolutions,
and the time for negotiation was past. Cato re-
commended a temporizing policy. Thoughts of
patriotic philanthropy were uppermost in his mind.
He made Pompey promise to pillage no Roman
town, and, except in battle, to put to death no
Roman citizen.

The senate entrusted Cato, as propraetor, with
the defence of Sicily; but, on the landing of Curio
with three of Caesar's legions, Cato, thinking re-
sistance useless, instead of defending the island,
took flight, and proceeded to join Pompey at Dyr-
rachium. Little confidence was placed in his mili-
tary skill, or in the course that he would pursue if
his party succeeded ; for, though it was now his
object to crush the rebellion of Caesar, it was
felt that his efforts might soon be directed to
limit the power of Pompey. After Pompey's vic-
tory at Dyrrachium, Cato was left in charge of the
camp, and was thus saved from being present
at the disastrous battle of Pharsalia. (b. c. 48.)
After this battle, he set sail for Corcyra with the
troops and the fleet left in his charge; but he
oflfered to resign his command to Cicero, who was
now anxious for a reconciliation with Caesar.
Cicero, a man equally incompetent to command,
declined the offer. Cato now proceeded to Africa,
wiiere he hoped to find Pompey ; but on his route
Ae received intelligence from (Cornelia of Pom-
pey's assassination. After a circuitous voyage he
etFectcd a landing, and was adnutt?d by the inha-

CATO.

640

bitants of Cyrenc, who had refused to open their
g-ates to Labienus.

In the spring of the year B. c. 47 Cato marched
his troops across the desert, for six days supporting
hunger and thirst, and every privation, with re-
markable fortitude, in order to form a junction
with Scipio Metellus, Attius Varus, and the Nu-
midian Juba. Here arose a question of military
precedence. The army wished to be led by Cato ;
but, as a strict disciplinarian, he thought it neces-
sary to yield to the consular Scipio. Most proba-
bly he was glad to rid himself of a position in
which immediate action appeared inevitable, and
felt himself oppressed by the weight of a responsi-
bility to which his shoulders were unequal. Here
the mildness of his disposition was again manifest.
He resisted the coimsel of Scipio to put Utica to
the sword, and, though now nothing could be hoped
but a putting-off of the evil day, wisely advised
him not to risk a decisive engagement; but Scipio
disregarded his advice, and was utterly routed at
Thapsus. (April 6th, b. c. 46.) All Africa now,
with the exception of Utica, submitted to the vic-
torious Caesar. Cato wanted to inspire the P^o-
mans in Utica with courage to stand a siege ; but
they quailed at the approach of Caesar, and wer-.i
inclined to submit. Plutarch relates in detail the
events which now occurred at Utica, and his nar-
rative exhibits a lamentable picture of a good man
standing at Lay with fortune. Careless for his
own safety, or rather determined not to live under
the slavery of Caesar's despotism, Cato yet was
anxious to provide for the safety of his friends,
advised them to flee, accompanied them to the port,
besought them to make terms with the conqueror,
composed the speech in which L. Caesar interceded
for them, but would not allow his own name to
appear. Bewildered and oppressed, driven into :i
corner where his irresolution could not lurk, and
from which he had not strength to break forth, he
deeply felt that the only way to preserve his high
personal character and unbending moral dignity,
and to leave to posterity a lofty Roman name, was
— to die. For the particulars of his death, which
our limits prevent us from giving, we must refi-r
our readers to the graphic account of Plutarch,
After spending the greater part of the night in
perusing Plato's Phaedo several times, he stabbed
himself below the breast, and in falling overturned
an abacus. His friends, hearing the noise, ran up,
found him bathed in blood, and, while he was
fainting, dressed his wound. When however he
recovered feeling, he tore open the bandages, let
out his entrails, and expired, B. c. 46, at the age of
forty-nine.

There was deep gi-ief in Utica on account of his
death. The inhabitants buried him on the coast,
and celebrated his funeral with much pomp. A
statue, with sword in hand, was erected to his
memory on the spot, and was still standing when
Plutarch wrote.

Caesar had hastened his march in order to catch
Cato ; but arriving too late, he exclaimed, " Cato,
I grudge thee thy death, since thou hast grudged
me the glory of sparing thy life."

The only existing composition of Cato (not to
count the speech in Sallust) is a letter written in
B. c. 50. It is a civil refusal in answer to an ela-
borate letter of Cicero, requesting that Cato wou'd
use his influence to procure him a triumph. (Cic«
ad Fam, xv. 4 — 6.)

&50

CATO.

Cato soon became the subject of biography and
panegyric. Shortly after his death appeared Ci-
cero's "Cato," which provoked Caesar's "Anti-
cato," also called " Anticatones," as it consisted of
two books ; but the accusations of Caesar appear
to have been wholly unfounded, and were not be-
lieved by his contemporaries. Works like Cicero's
Cato were published by Fabius Gallus, and M.
Brutus. In Lucan the character of Cato is a per-
sonification of godlike virtue. In modem times,
the closing events of Cato's life have been often
dramatized. Of the French plays on this subject
that of Deschamps (1715) is the best; and few
dramas have gained more celebrity than the Cato
of Addison. (Plut. CkUo Minor; Sail. CatiL 54 ;
Tacit. Hist. iv. 8 ; Cic. ad Alt. i. 18, ii. 9 ; Senec.
Ep. 95 ; Val. Max. vi. 2. § 5 ; Lucan, i. 128, ii. 380;
Hor. Carm. i. 12. 35, ii. 1, 24 ; Virg. Aen. vi 841,
viii. 670 ; Juv. xL 90 ; Drumann's Gesch. Horns,
V. p. 153.)

10, 11. PORCIAE. [PORCIA.]

12. M. PoRCiL's Cato, a son of Cato of Utica
[No. 9] by Atilia. He accompanied his father
upon his flight from Italy, and was with him at
Utica on the night of his death. Caesar pardoned
him, and allowed him to possess his father's pro-
perty. {Bell. Afr. 89.) After Caesar's death, he
attached himself to M. Brutus, his sister's husband,
and followed him from Macedonia to Asia. He
was a man of warm and sensual temperament,
much addicted to illicit gallantry. His long stay
in Cappadocia on a visit to Marphadates, who
had a very beautiful wife named Psyche, gave
occasion to the jest that the young Cato and his
host had but one soul (Psyche) between them.
f Plut. Cuto Minor, 73.) At the battle of Philippi
(b. c. 42) he behaved bravely, and sold his life
dearly.

13. PoRcius Cato, son of Cato of Utica [No.
9] by Marcia, and therefore half-brother of No.
12. Nothing more is known of him than that, at
the commencement of the civil war, he was sent
by his father to Munatius Rufus at Bruttium.
(Plut. Cato Min. 52.)

14. PORCIA. [PORCIA.]

15. A son or daughter of Cato of Utica [No. 9],
and a sister or brother of Nos. 13 and 14, as we
know that Cato of Utica had three children by
Marcia. (Lucan, ii. 331.)

16. C. PoRCius Cato, of uncertain pedigree,
perhaps descended from No. 5. He appears in
the early part of his life as an opponent of Pom-
pey. In B. c. 59, he wanted to accuse A. Gabi-
nius of ambitus, but the praetors gave him no
opportunity of preferring the accusation against
Pompey's favourite. This so vexed him, that he
called Pompey privatum dictaiorem, and his bold-
ness nearly cost him his life. (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. i.
2. § 9.) In B. c. 56, He was tribune of the plebs,
and prevented the Romans from assisting Ptolemy
Auletes with troops, by getting certain priests to
read to the people some Sibylline verses which
threatened Rome with danger if such aid were
given to a king of Egypt. (Dion Cass, xxxix. 15.)
He took the side of Clodius, and Milo in revenge
raised a laugh against him in the following man-
ner : — Cato used to go about attended by a gang
of gladiators, whom he was too poor to support.
Milo, learning this, employed a stranger to buy
them of him, and then got Racilius the tribune to
make a public announcement, " se familiam Cato-

CATO.

nianam venditurum." (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. ii. 6.)

Afterwards he made himself useful to the triumviri
by delaying the comitia in order to promote the
election of Pompey and Crassus, when they were
candidates for the consulship in b. c. 55. In his
manoeuvre on this occasion he was assisted by
Nonius Sufenas, one of his colleagues in the tri-
bunate. (Dion Cass, xxxvii. 27, 28.) In the
following year he and Sufenas were accused of
violating the Lex Junia et Licinia and the Lex
Fufia, by proposing laws without due notice and
on improper days. (Ascon. in Cic. pro Scauro.)
Cato was defended by C. Licinius Calvus and M.
Scaurus, and obtained an acquittal, which, how-
ever, was chiefly owing to the interest of Pompey.
(Cic. ad Att. iv. 5, 6.) [J. T. G.] '

On the coins of the Porcia gens, we find only
the names of C. Cato and M. Cato. Who the
former was, is quite uncertain ; the latter is M.
Cato of Utica. In the two coins annexed the ob-
verse of the former represents the head of Pallas,

the reverse Victory in a biga ; the obverse of the
latter a female head, the reverse Victory sitting.

CATO, VALE'RIUS, a distinguished gramma-
rian and poet, who flourished at Rome during the
last years of the republic. Some persons asserted,
that he was of Gaulish extraction, the freedman of
a certain Bursenus ; but he himself, in a little work
entitled Indignatio, maintained, that he was pure
from all servile stain, that he had lost his father
while still under age, and had been stripped of his
patrimony during the troubles which attended the
usurpation of Sulla. Having studied under Philo-
comus with Lucilius for a text-book, he afterwards
acted as preceptor to many persons of high station,
and was considered particularly successful in train-
ing such as had a turn for poetry. In this manner
he seems to have accumulated considerable wealth ;
for we find that at one period he was the possessor
of a magnificent abode at Tusculum ; but, having
fallen into difficulties, he was obliged to yield up
this villa to his creditors, and retired to a poor
hovel, where the remainder of his life, which was
prolonged to extreme old age, was passed in the
greatest penury. In addition to various works
upon grammatical subjects, he was the author of
poems also, of which the I.ydia and the Diana
T^ere the most celebrated. The fame thus acquired
by him as an author and a teacher is commemo-
rated in the following complimentary distich, proba-
bly from the pen of some admiring contemporary ;
" Cato Grammaticus, Latina Siren,
Qui solus legit, ac facit poetas."

Suetonius {de Illustr. Gram. 2 — 9), to whom ex-
clusively we are indebted for all these pai'ticulais.

CATO.

has preserved, in addition to the above lines, short
testimonies from Ticida and Cinna to the merits of the
Lydia and the Diana, together with two epigrams by
Furius Bibaculus [Bibaculus], which contrast, in
no very feeling terms, the splendour of Cato in the
full flush of his fame and prosperity — " unicum
magistrum, summum grammaticum, optimum poe-
tam" — with his subsequent distress and poverty.
From the circumstance already noticed, that Cato
devoted much attention in his earlier years to the
productions of Lucilius, he is probably the Cato
named in the prooemium to the tenth satire of Ho-
race (lib. i.), and may be the same with the Cato
addressed by Catullus (Ivi.), and with the Cato
classed by Ovid {Trist. ii. 435) along with Ticida,
Memmius, Cinna, Anser, and Cornilicius.

In all the collections of the minor Latin poets
will be found 183 hexameter verses, which, ever
since the time of Joseph Scaliger, have been known
under the title " Valerii Catonis Dirae." We ga-
ther from the context, that the lands of the au-
thor had been confiscated during civil strife, and
assigned to veteran soldiers as a reward for their
services. Filled with wrath and indignation on
account of this cruel injustice and oppression, the
rightful owner solemnly devotes to destruction the
fields he had loved so well. Then in gentler mood
he dwells upon the beauty of the scenes he was
about to quit for ever; scarcely tearing himself
away from an eminence whence he was gazing on
his flocks, he bids a last farewell to thein and his
adored Lydia, to whom he vows eternal constancy.
Such is the argument as far as the end of the 103d
line. In the portion which follows, the bard dwells
with envy on the felicity of the rural retreats
haunted by his beautiful mistress, and complains
of his relentless destiny, which had separated him
from the object of his passion. It must also be
observed, that in the first line we find an invoca-
tion of some person, place, or thing, designated by
the appellation of Battarus — "Battare cycneas
repetamus carmine voces" — and that this word oc-
curs again and again, as far as line 97, forming a
Bort of burden to the song. These matters being
premised, it remains for us to investigate, 1. The
connexion and arrangement of the different parts
of the " Dirae." 2. The real author. 3. What
we are to understand by Battarus.

1. To all who read the lines in question with
care it will at once become evident, that they in
reality constitute two pieces, and not one. The
first, containing the imprecations, and addressed to
Battarus, concludes with 1. 103, and is completely
distinct in subject, tone, spirit, and phraseology,
from the second, which ought always to be printed
as a separate strain. This opinion was first ad-
vanced by F. Jacobs {Bihliotliek der alien Literatur
und Kunst^ p. ix. p. 56", Getting. 1792), and has been
fully adopted by Putsch, the most recent editor. The
confusion probably arose from the practice common
among the ancient scribes of copying two or more
compositions of the same author continuously, with-
out interposing any space or mark to point out that
they had passed from one to another. The error,
once introduced, was in this case perpetuated, from
the circumstance, that both poems speak of the
charms of certain rural scenes, and of the beauty
of Lydia, although in the one these objects are
regarded with feelings very diflferent from those
expressed in the other.

2. In all MSS. these lines are found among the

CATUALDA.

651

minor poems attributed to Virgil, and in several
are specifically ascribed to him. Moreover, in the
catalogues of Virgil's works drawn up by Donatua
and by Servius, "Dirae" are included. Joseph
Scaliger, however, considering that in language and
versification the Dirae bore no resemblance what-
ever to the acknowledged compositions of Virgil,
and that the sentiments expressed were completely
at variance with the gentle and submissive spirit
which Virgil displayed under like circumstances,
was convinced that he could not be the author;
but, recollecting, on the other hand, that the inci-
dents described and the name of Lydia correspond-
ed in some degree with the details transmitted to
us with regard to Valerius Cato, determined, that
they must be from the pen of that grammarian ;
and almost all subsequent editors have acquiesced
in the decision. It is manifest, however, that the
conclusion has been very rashly adopted. Grant-
ing that we are entitled to neglect the authority of
the MSS., which in this case is perhaps not very
important, and to remove these pieces from the
works of Virgil, still the arguments on which they
have been so confidently transferred to Cato are
singularly weak. We can build nothing upon the
fictitious name of Lydia ; and even if we grant
that the estate of Cato was actually distributed
among the veterans of Sulla, although of this we
have not the slightest evidence, we know well that
hundreds of others suffered under a like calamity.
Nor is there anything in the context by which we
can fix the epoch of the forfeiture in question. All
the circumstances are just as applicable to the times
of Octavianus as to those of Sulla.

3. The discordant opinions which have been en-
tertained with regard to Battarus are spoken of
imder Battarus.

The Dirae were first printed at the end of the
editio princeps of Virgil, at Rome, by Sweynheim
and Pannartz in 1469, and are always included
among the early impressions of the Catalecta. They
appeared in an independent form at Leyden (r2mo.
1652), under the inspection of Christopher Arnold,
who adopted the corrected text of Scaliger. Since
that period, they have been edited by Eichstadt
(Jena, 4to. 1826), and with very complete prole-
gomena by Putsch (Jena, Bvo. 1828), whose work
was reprinted at Oxford by Dr. Giles in 1838.
They are to be found also in the "Anthologia" of
Burmann (vol. ii. p. 647), and in the "Poetae La-
tini Minores" of Wemsdorff (vol. iii. p. xlv. &c.),
who prefixed a very learned dissertation on various
topics connected with the work. An essay by
Nake, who had prepared a new edition of Valerius
Cato for the press, appeared in the " Rheinisches
Museum" for 1828. [W. R.J

CATO, VE'TTIUS. [Scato.]

CATO'NIUS JUSTUS, a centurion in one of
the Paiinonian legions which revolted on the acces-
sion of Tiberius, a. d. 14. When the insurrection
was quelled by Drusus, Catonius and some othei-s
were sent to Tiberius to sue for pardon. (Tac.
Ann. i. 29; Dion Cass. Ix. 18.) [L. S.]

CATTUME'RUS, a chief of the German tribe
of the Catti, from whom the mother of Italicus, the
Cheruscan chief, was descended. {'Ya.c.Ann. xi. 16.)
He is probably the same as the one whom Strabo
(vii. p. 292) calls Ucromerus. [L. S.]

CATUALDA, a noble youth of the German
tribe of the Gotones. Dreading the violence of
Maroboduus, he took to flight ; but when the power

^52

CATULLUS.

of Maroboduus was in its decline, CatuaWa resolved
lipon taking vengeance. He assembled a large
force, and invaded the country of the Marcomanni.
Maroboduus fled across the Danube, and solicited
the protection of the emperor Tiberius. But Ca-
tualda in his turn was conquered soon after by the
Hermunduri under the command of Vibilius. He
was made prisoner, and sent to Fonim Julium in
Gallia Narbonensis. (Tac. Ann. ii. 62, 63.) [L. S.]

CATUGNA'TUS, the leader of the AUobroges
in their revolt against the Romans in b. c. 61, de-
feated Manlius Lentinus, the legate of C. Pomp-
tinus, the praetor of the province, and would have
destroyed his whole army but for a violent tempest
which arose. Afterwards Catugnatus and his army
were surrounded by C. Pomptinus near Solonium,
Avho made them all prisoners with the exception of
Catugnatus himself. (Dion Cass, xxxvii. 47, 48 ;
comp. Li v. Epil. 103 ; Cic. de J'rov. Cons. 13.)

CATULLUS, VALE'RIUS, whose praenomen
is altogether omitted in many MSS., while several,
with Apuleius (Apoloj.), designate him as Cuius,
and a few of the best with Pliny (//. N. xxxvii.
6) as Qitintus, was a native of Verona or its imme-
diate vicinity, as we learn from the testimony of
many ancient writers (e. <7. Ov. Am. iii. 15. 17;
Plin. /. c. ; Martial, i. 62, x. 103, xiv. 11)5; Auson.
Drep. &c). According to Hieronymus in the
Eusebian Chronicle, he was born in the consulship
of Cinna and Octa-vius, b. c. 87, and died in his
thirtieth year, B. c. 57. The second date is un-
doubtedly erroneous, for we have positive evidence
from his own works that he survived not only the
second consulship of Pompey, B. c. 55, and the
expedition of Caesar into Britain, but that he was
alive in the consulship of Vatinius, b. c. 47. {Cann,
Hi. and cxiii.) We have no reason, however, to
conclude that the allusion to Mammurra, contained
in a letter written by Cicero {ad Att. xiii. 52) in
B. c. 45, refers to the lampoon of Catullus ; we can
attach no weight to the argument, deduced by
Joseph Scaliger from an epigram of Martial (iv. 14),
that he was in literary correspondence with Virgil
after the reputation of the latter was fully estab-
lished ; and still less can we admit that there is
the slightest ground for tlie assertion, that the
hymn to Diana was written for the secular games
celebrated by Augustus in n. c. 1 7. He may have
outlived the consulship of Vatinius, but our certain
knowledge does not extend beyond that period.

Valerius, the father of Catullus, was a person of
some consideration, for he was the friend and
habitual entertainer of Julius Caesar (Suet. Jul.
73), and his son must have possessed at least a
moderate independence, since in addition to his
paternal residence on the beautiful promontory' of
Sirmio, he was the proprietor of a villa in the
vicinity of Tibur, and performed a voyage from the
Pontus in his own yacht. On the other hand,
when we observe that he took up his abode at
Rome and entered on his poetical career while still
in the verj' spring of youth (Ixviii. 15), that he
mingled with the gayest society and indulged freely
in the most expensive pleasures (ciii.) of the metro-
polis, we need feel no surprise that he should have
become involved in pecuniary difficulties, nor doubt
the sincerity of his frequent humorous lamentations
over the empty purses of himself and his associates.
These embarrassments may have induced him to
make an attempt to better his fortunes, according
to the approved fashion of the times, by proceeding

CATULLUS.

to Bithynia in the train of the praetor ^lemmius,
but it is clear from the bitter coniplanits which he
pours forth against the exclusive cupidity of his
chief, that the speculation was attended with little
success.

The death of his brother in the Troad — a loea
which he repeatedly deplores with every mark of
heartfelt grief, more especially in the affecting
elegy to Hortalus — is generally supposed to havt
happened during this expedition. But any evi-
dence we possess leads to a different inference,
When railing against the evil fortune which
attended the journey to the East, he makes no
allusion to any such misfortune as this ; we find no
notice of the event in the pieces written immedi-
ately before quitting Asia and immediately after
his return to Italy, nor does the language of those
passages in which he gives vent to his sorrow in
any way confirm the conjecture.

That Catullus plunged into all the debauchery
of his times is evident from the tone which per-
vades so many of his lighter productions, and
that he enjoyed the friendship of the most cele-
brated literary characters, seems clear from the
individuals to whom many of his pieces ara
addressed, among whom we find Cicero, Alplie-
nus Varus, Licinius Calvus, the orator and poet,
Cinna, author of the Smyrna, and several others.
The lady-love who is the theme of the greater
number of his amatory effusions is styled Lesbia,
but her real name we are told by Apuleius was
Clodia. This bare fact by no means entitles us to
jump to the conclusion at which many have arrived,
that she was the sister of the celebrated Clodius
slain by Milo. Indeed the presumption is strong
against such an inference. The tribute of high-
flown praise paid to Cicero would have been but a
bad recommendation to the favour of one whojn
the orator makes the subject of scurrilous jests, and
who is said to have cherished against him all the
vindictive animosity of a woman first slighted and
then openly insulted. Catullus was warm in his
resentments as well as in his attachments. No
prudential considerations interfered with the free
expression of his wrath when provoked, for he
attacks with the most bitter vehemence not only
his rivals in love and poetrj', but scruples not on
two occasions to indulge in the most offensive im-
putations on Julius Caesar. This petulance was
probably the result of some temporary cause of
irritation, for elsewhere he seems fully disposed to
treat this great personage with respect (cxi. 10),
and his rashness was productive of no unpleasant
consequences to himself or to his family, for not
only did Caesar continue upon terms of intimacy
with the father of Catullus, but at once accepted
the apology tendered bj' the son, and admitted him
on the same day as a guest at his table. (Suet.
Jtd. 73.)

The works of Catullus which have come down to
us consist of a series of 116 poems, thrown to-
gether apparently at random, with scarcely an
attempt at arrangement. The first of these is an
epistle dedicatory to a certain Cornelius, the author
of some historical compendium. The grammarians
decided that this must be Cornelius Nepos, and
consequently entitled the collection Valerii Catulli
ad Cornelium Nepotem Liber. The pieces are of
different lengths, but most of them are very short.
They refer to such a variety of topics, and are
composed in so many different styles and different

CATULLUS,
metres, that it is almost impossible to classify them I
fivstematically. A few, such as the h}TTm to \
Diana (xxxiv.), the translation from Sappho (li.),
the address to Fiirius and Aurelius, and the two
Mj-menacal lays (Ixi. Ixii.), especially the former,
may be considered as strictly lyrical. The Nup-
tials of Peleus and Thetis, which extends to upwards
of 400 Hexameter lines, is a legendary heroic
poem ; the four which are numbered Ixiv. — Ixvii.,
although bearing little resemblance to each other
either in matter or manner, fall imder the head of
elegies ; the Atys stands Jilone as a religious poem
of a description quite peculiar, and the great mass
of those which remain may be comprehended under
the general title of epigrams, provided we employ
that term in its widest acceptiition, as including
all short, occasional, fugitive compositions, suggested
by some passing thought and by the ordinary oc-
currences of every-day social life. From the nature
<it" the case it is probable that many such effusions
would be lost, and accordingly Pliny (H. M xxviii.
'J) makes mention of verses upon love-charms of
Avhich no trace remains, and Terentianus Maurus
notices some Jthyphcdlica. On the other hand, the
Ciris and the Pervigilium Veiieris have been erro-
neously ascribed to our author.

Notwithstanding his remarkable versatility, it
may be affirmed with absolute truth, that Catullus
adorned all he touched. We admire by turns, in
tiie lighter efforts of his muse, his unaffected ease,
playful grace, vigorous simplicity, pungent wit, and
slashing invective, while every lively conception is
developed with such matchless felicity of expres-
sion, that we may almost pronounce them perfect
in their kind. The lament for his brother's death
is a most touching outburst of genuine grief, while
the elegy which immediately follows, on the trans-
formation of Berenice's hair into a constellation,
being avowedly a translation or close imitation of
Calliraachus, is a curious and valuable specimen of
the learned stiffness and ingenious affectation of
the Alexandrian school. It is impossible not to
admire the lofty tone and stately energy which
pervade the Peleus and Thetis ; and the sudden
transition from the desolation and despair of Ariadne
to the tumultuous merriment of Bacclius and his
revellers is one of the finest examples of contrast
to be found in any language. Comparison is almost
impossible between a number of objects differing
essentially from each other, but perliaps the greatest
of all our poet's works is the Atys, one of the most
lomarkable poems in the whole range of Latin
literature. Rolling impetuously along in a flood of
wild passion, bodied forth in the grandest imagery
and the noblest diction, it breathes in every line
the frantic spirit of orgiastic worship, the fiery ve-
hemence of the Greek dithyramb. Many of his
poems, however, are defiled by gross coarseness
and sensuality ; and we shall not attempt to urge
his own plea (cxvi.) in extenuation, although ap-
proved by the solemn inanity of the younger Pliny,
for the defence in reality aggravates the crime,
since it indicates a secret though suppressed con-
sciousness of guilt. At the same time they were
the vices of the age rather than of the individual.
. The filth of Catullus seldom springs from a pnirient
^ imagination revelling in voluptuous images, it
rather proceeds from habitual impurity of expres-
sion, and probably gives a fair -representation of
the manners and conversation of the gay society of
Rome at that period.

CATULUS.

653

Tlie epithet doctus applied to our poet by Tibul-
lus, Ovid, Martial, and others, has given rise to
considerable discussion. It was bestowed, in all
probability, in consequence of the intimate ac-
quaintance with Greek literature and mythology
displayed in the Atys, the Peleus, and many other
pieces, which bear the strongest internal marks of
being formed upon Greek models. Catullus also,
it nmst be remembered, was the first who natural-
ized many of the more beautiful species of Greek
verse, and Horace can only claim the merit of
having extended the number. At the same time,
most of the shorter poems bear deep impress of
original invention, are strikingly national, and
have a strong flavour of the old republican rough-
ness. Nay more, as a German critic has well re-
marked, even when he employs foreign materials
he works them up in such a manner as to give
them a Roman air and character, and thus ap-
proaches much more nearly to Lucretius and the
ancients than to the highly polished and artificial
school of Virgil and the Augustans. Hence arose
the great popularity he enjoyed among his coimtry-
men, as proved by the long catalogue of testimonies
from the pens of poets, historians, philosophers,
men of science, and grammarians. Horace alone
speaks in a somewhat contemptuous strain, but
this is in a passage where he is professedly depre-
ciating the older bards, towards whom he so often
displays jealousy.

The poems of Catullus were first discovered
about the beginning of the 14th century, at Verona,
by a poet named Benvenuto Campesani. None of
the MSS. at present known ascend higher than
the 15th century, and all of them appear to have
been derived from the same archetype. Hence, as
might be expected, the text is very corrupt, and
has been repeatedly interpolated.

The Editio Princeps bears the date 147'2, with-
out the name of place or printer ; a second appeared
at Parma in 1472, and two at Venice in 1475
and 1485 respectively. In the sixteenth century
Muretus and Acliilles Statius, and in the seven-
teenth Passeratius and Isaac Vossius, published
elaborate and valuable commentaries, but their
attempts to improve the text were attended with
little success. The most complete of the more re-
cent editions is that of Volpi (Patav. 1710), the
most useful for ordinary purposes is that of F. W.
Doering. (Ed. sec. Altona, 1834.) Lachmann
(Berol. 1829) has exhibited the genuine text, so
far as it can be ascertained, cleared in great measure
of conjectural emendations.

An English metrical translation of the whole
works of Catullus, accompanied by the Latin text
and short notes, was published by Doctor Nott,
Lend. 1795, 2 vols. 8vo. ; but by far the best which
has appeared in our language is that of the Hon.
George Lamb, Lend. 1821, 2 vols. 12mo. There
are also numerous translations into French, Italian,
and German of the collected poems and of detached
pieces. [W. R.]

CA'TULUS, a name of a family of the plebeian
Lutatia or Luctatia gens, etymologically connected
with the words Cato, Catus, and indicating
shrewdness, sagacity, caution, or the like.

1. C. LuTATius C. F. C. N. Catulus, consul
B. c. 242 with A. Postumius Albinus. The first
Punic war had now continued for upwards ol
twenty- two years. Both parties were exhausted
by the long struggle, but neither of them shewed

C54

CATULUS.

any inclination to abandon the contest. Ever
since the battle of Panorraus (250) the Romans
had been in possession of all Sicily with the ex-
ception of Lilybaeum, Drepanum, and the fortified
camp upon Mount Eryx ; but these strongholds
had hitherto defied every effort upon the part of
the besiegers, who having abandoned in despair
all active measures, were blockading them by land,
while Hamilcar Barca was gradually forming an
army with which he hoped that he might soon
venture to meet his adversaries in the open field.
The Carthaginians were undisputed masters of the
sea, for the Romans, dispirited by the loss of four
large fleets within a very short period (255 — 249),
amounting in all to upwards of 600 ships, had,
after the great victory of Adherbal over P. Clau-
dius Pulcher (249), completely abandoned their
navy. In this juncture the senate, feeling con-
vinced that only one path to success lay open, de-
termined to make a desperate effort. A fleet of
200 ships of war was built and manned with
astonishing rapidity, chiefly through the patriotic
liberality of individuals who came forward to sup-
])ort the state with voluntary loans, and both con-
suls were ordered to take the command. Albinus,
being flamen of Mars, was prohibited by the
cliief pontiff from quitting the city, and his place
was supplied by Q. Valerius F.alto, then praetor.
Catulus before setting out, filled with anxiety in
regard to the result of an enterprise so important,
had determined to consult the oracle of Fortune at
Praeneste ; but this was forbidden, on the ground
that it was unbecoming in a Roman general to
intermeddle with any deities save those of Rome.
These measures were so prompt, that the new
fleet appeared upon the Sicilian coast early in sum-
mer, while the navy of the enemy was still in
winter-quarters at Carthage. The harbour of
Drepanum was instantly occupied, and the siege
vigorously pressed both by land and sea. But
while the struggle was most fierce, Catulus re-
ceived a serious wound which compelled him to
suspend operations for a time. Meanwhile he
trained his sailors with unceasing activity, and by
constant practice rendered them expert in all
ordinary nautical evolutions. News had now
reached Africa of the events in Sicily. A power-
ful armament was launched in haste and put to
sea, deeply laden with provisions and warlike
stores for the relief of Drepanum, navigated, how-
ever, by raw, ill-trained, and awkward crews.
The great object of Hanno, the admiral, was, as
we are told by Polybius, to run over to Eryx
without attracting the notice of the Romans, to
lighten his vessels by landing their cargo, and to
tsike on board a number of the brave and well-
disciplined troops of Hamilcar. His movements,
however, were known by Catulus, who resolved at
every hazard to force an engagement, and being
himself still unfit for active exertion, entrusted the
execution of his plans in a great measure to Falto.
The fleet accordingly passed over to the island of
Aegusa, opposite to Lilybaeum, and from thence,
at day-break on the morning of the 10th of March
241, they descried the hostile squadron bearing
down under a press of canvass right before the
wind, which was blowing a gale from the west
and had raised a heavy sea. Notwithstandmg
these disadvantages, the Romans formed their line
of battle with their prows to windward. The
Carthaginians, perceiving that they were cut off,

CATULUS.

prepared for action by hauling down their saiLs,
thus altogether sacrificing the advantage of the
weather gage. The result of the contest seems
never to have been for a moment doubtful. The
deep-laden ships of Hanno could neither manoeuvre
nor fight ; seventy were captured, fifty were sunk ;
the rest taking advantage of a lucky shift of the
wind which veered round to the East, wore and
escaped. This blow, which at an earlier period
would scarcely have been felt, was decisive. The
Carthaginians, upon receiving intelligence of the
disaster, feeling that they had neither officers,
men, nor money, left for prosecuting the war, de-
spatched a messenger with all speed to Hamilcar,
investing him with full authority to accept the
best terms he could obtain. Catulus was eager to
meet these overtures, that he might have the
honour of concluding a glorious peace before the
period of his command, which was fast drawing to
a close, should expire. With these dispositions
preliminaries were quickly arranged, and the fol-
lowing conditions were agreed upon : 1. That the
Carthaginians should evacuate all Sicily, and
should not make war upon Hiero, the Syracusans,
or the allies of the Syracusans. 2. That they
should restore all the Roman prisoners without
ransom, 3. That they should pay to the Romans
2200 Euboic talents by instalments, extending
over a space of twenty years. These stipulations,
when submitted to the Roman people, did not
meet with their approbation, and ten commissioners
were despatched to examine into the state of
affairs, who, when they arrived, insisted upon
certain changes to the disadvantage of the Cartha-
ginians, and Hamilcar thought fit to submit.
These were, that the compensation money should
be augmented by the sum of one thousand talents,
and that the period allowed for payment should be
diminished by ten years ; moreover, that the Car-
thaginians should evacuate all the islands between
Italy and Sicily.

Catulus on his return home claimed and was
allowed his well-won triumph, which he celebrated
on the 4th of October, 241, not, however, without
a vexatious opposition on the part of Falto, who
pretended, contrary to those principles of military
law by which the Romans were invariably guided,
that he was entitled to all the glory because the
commander-in-chief had been disabled by his
wound from taking an active share in the final
engagement. (Polyb. i. 58 — 64; Liv. Epit. 19;
Eutrop. ii. 27 ; Oros. iv. 10 ; Val. Max. ii. 8. § 2 ;
Zonar. viii. p. 398, &c. ; Fast. Capitol.)

2. C. LuTATius Catulus, perhaps the son of
No. 1, consul B. c. 220, with L. Veturius Philo.
(Zonar. viii. p. 405.)

3. Q. LuTATius Q. p. Catulus, consul b. c.
102 with C. Marius IV., having been previously
defeated in three successive attempts, first by C.
Atilius Serranus, who was consul in 106, secondly
by Cn. Manlius (or Mallius, or Manilius), who
was consul in B. c. 105, and thirdly by C. Flavius
Fimbria, who was consul in B. c. 104. He either
was not a candidate for the consulship of 103, or if
unsuccessful, his disappointment is not alluded to
by Cicero in the passage where the rest of his
repulses are enumerated. {Pro Plane. 5.) At the
time when Catulus entered upon office, the utmost
consternation reigned at Rome. The Cimbri, who
in their great migration westward had been joined
by the Teutoni, the Ambrones, the Tigurini, and

CATULUS.

various otlicr tribes, after sweeping the upper
vjvUey of the Danube and spreading over Southern
(laul and Northern Spain, after defeating four
Homan consuls, Carbo (113), Silanus (109), Cas-
sias (107), Manlius (105), together with the pro-
consul Caepio (105), and destroying five Roman
armies, were now preparing to pour down on
Italy. The invading host was divided into two
vast columns. The Teutoni were marching through
Provence with the intention of turning the Alps
at Nice, and following the coast road along the
bhores of the Ligurian gulf^ while the Cimbri
were preparing to cross the passes from the Tyrol
which lead down by Botzen and Trent to the
plains of the Po. It was determined that Marius
should oppose the Teutoni, and that Catulus with
Sulla for his lieutenant should be ready to attack
the Cimbri while their cumbrous array was en-
tangled in the mountain defiles. How well the
former executed his task by the great battle
fought on the Rhone near Aix (Aquae Sextiae) is
detailed elsewhere. [Marius.] Meanwhile the
campaign of his colleague had been less glorious.
Catulus, fearing to weaken his force by attempting
to guard the passes, took up a position on the
Adige (Athesis) where it begiafc to emerge from
the rocky gorges which confine its waters near
their source, and having thrown a bridge across
the stream and erected forts on both sides, resolved
there to await an attack. The Cimbri, pouring
down from the higher ground along the left bank,
attacked the Roman works with such fury, that
the soldiers, dispirited probably by the timid de-
fensive tactics of their general, were seized with a
panic, abandoned their camp, and fled in confusion.
Had it not been for the gallantry of the detach-
ment who defended a redoubt which served as a
iCte du pont, the bridge would have at once been
won, and the whole Roman army might have been
destroyed. Catulus on this occasion, according to
the construction which Plutarch thinks fit to put
upon his conduct, like an able and excellent
general, preferred the glory of his fellow-citizens
to his own. For when he found himself unable to
prevail upon his men to keep their ground, choos-
ing that the dishonour should fall upon his own
li(.ad, he ordered a retreat, and placing himself in
front of the fugitives, fell back behind the Po,
thus abandoning the whole of Transpadane Gaul
to the ravages of the enemy. As soon as the
news of this disaster, which happened in the
spring of 101, reached Rome, Marius, tvho had
recently returned to the city, instantly set forth to
the assistance of his late colleague. The united
armies of the consul and proconsul crossed the Po,
and hastened in search of the Cimbri, whom they
found to the westward of Milan, near Vercelli
(Vercellae), searching, it would appear, for the
Teutoni, of whose destruction they had not yet
received intelligence. The account of the engage-
ment, which was fought on the 30th of July,
transmitted to us by Plutarch, savours not a little
of the marvellous. The Roman forces amounted
to about fifty thousand men, of whom twenty
thousand under Catulus occupied the centre, while
the remainder, commanded by Marius, were posted
on the wings. When the battle was joined, a
prodigious dust arose which hid the combatants
from each other. Marius missed the enemy, and
hsving pjissed beyond, wandered about seeking
them in vain, while the chief brunt of the conflict

CATULUS.

055

fell upon Catulus, and to him therefore belonged
the lionour of the decisive victory which was
gained. It must be remarked that this version of
the story is confessedly derived from the commen-
taries of Sulla, and probably also from the histo-
rical work of Catulus himself, and since both of
these authorities were not only inclined to make
the most of their own exploits, but were also
stimulated by violent hatred towards Marius, we
cannot receive their testimony with any confidence.
It is certain that great jealousy existed between
the two armies ; it is certain also that at Rome the
whole merit of having saved his country was
given to Marius, and, that the same feeling existed
to a certain degree nearly two centuries afterwards
is proved by the well-known line of Juvenal (viii.
253),

" Nobilis omatur lauro collega secunda."

Catulus was one of those who took an active
share in the death of Satuminus ; he served with
distinction in the Social war, and having eagerly-
espoused the cause of Sulla in the civil strife
which followed, his name was included among the
list of victims in the great proscription of 87. As
escape was impossible, he shut himself up in a
newly-plastered chamber, kindled a (charcoal) fire,
and was quickly suffocated by the vapours.

Catulus was a highly educated and generally ac-
complished man, deeply versed in Greek literature,
and especially famed for the extreme grace and
purity with which he spoke and wrote his own
language. (Cic. de Orat. iii. 8, Brul. 35.) He
was the author of several orations, of an historical
work on his own Consulship and the Cimbric war,
composed in the style of Xenophon, and of poems ;
but the whole of these have perished with the ex-
ception of a couple of epigrams, not remarkable for
any peculiar ease or felicity of expression, one of
which is given by Cicero (de Nat. Deor. i. 28),
and the other by A. Gellius (xix. 9).

Two edifices in Rome are spoken of by ancient
writers as " Monumenta Catuli" — the temple of
" Fortuna hujusce diei," vowed at the battle of
Vercelli, and the " Porticus Catuli " on the
Palatine, built with the proceeds of the Cimbric
spoils. A portion of the latter edifice was destroyed
by Clodius when he razed the house of Cicero.
(The passages of Cicero referring to Catulus are
given in Orelli, Onoin. Tull. ii. p. 366, &c. ; Plut.
Mar. Sull. ; Appian, B. C. i. 74 ; Veil. Pat. ii.
21 ; Flor. iii. 21} Val. Max. vi. 3, ix. 12; Plin.
H. N. xxxiv. 19. Catulus is introduced in the
De Oratore, and is represented as accompanying
his half-brother, C. Julius Caesar Strabo, to the
Tusculanum of Crassus. The mother of Catulus
was Popiliia, whose second husband was L. Julius
Caesar, father of the above-named Caesar.) [Comp.
Caesar, Nos. 8, 10.]

4. Q. LuTATius Q. F, Q. N. Catulus, son of No.
3, narrowly escaped his father's fate, having been
included in the same proscription. Throughout
life he was distinguished as one of the prominent
leaders of the aristocracy, but rose far superior to
the great body of his class in purity and singleness
of purpose, and received from the whole community
marks of esteem and confidence seldom bestowed
with unanimity in periods of excitement upon an
active political leader. Being consul along with
M. Aemilius Lepidus in B. c. 78, the year in
which Sulla died, he steadily resisted the efforts of
his colleague to bring about a counter revolution

C?6

CAT US.

by abrogating the acts of the dictator, and when,
the following spring, Lepidus marched against the
city at the head of the remnants of the Marian
faction, he was defeated by Catulus in the battle
of the Milvian bridge, and forced to take refuge in
Sardinia, where he soon after perished in an
attempt to organize an insurrection. [Lepidus.]
Catulus, although true to his party and his prin-
ciples, denounced the corrupt practices which dis-
graced the senate while they possessed the exclusive
right to act as judices on criminal trials ; his
opinion upon this subject was most unequivocally
expressed when Pompeius brought forward his
measure (b. c. 70) for restoring the privileges of
the tribunes, and his presence as a judex upon the
impeachment of Verres was probably one of the
circumstances which deprived the culprit of all
liope. He came forward as an opponent of the
Gabinian and Manilian laws (b. c. 67 and 66)^
and Cicero records the tribute paid by the popu-
lace, on the latter occasion, to his character and
talents ; for when, in the course of an argument
against the extravagant powers which the contem-
plated enactment proposed to bestow upon a single
individual, Catulus asked the multitude to whom
they would look should any misfortune befal their
favourite, the crowd, almost with one voice, shouted
back the reply, that they would look to himself.
"When censor along with Crassus in 65, he with-
stood the measures of his colleague, who desired to
make Egypt tributary to Rome, and so firm was
each in maintaining his position, that at length
both resigned without effecting anything. During
the progress of the Catilinarian plot (b. c. 63), he
strenuously supported Cicero, and either he or
Cato was the first to hail him as " parens patriae."
If we are to believe Sallust, Catulus used every
olTort to prevail upon Cicero to insert the name of
Caesar among the conspirators, stimulated, it is
said, by a recent grudge ; for, when candidate for
the office of chief pontilf, he had been defeated by
CiU'sar. That a bad feeling existed between them
is clear, for the first act of Caesar when he became
praetor, on the first of January, 62, was an attempt
to deprive his former rival of the office of com-
missioner for the restoration of the Capitol, which
had been destroyed by fire during the civil war
(83), an appointment held by him ever since the
death of Sulla. But the optimatcs who were
escorting the new consuls, upon hearing of the
attempt, rushed in a body to the forum and by
their united efforts threw out the bill. Thus the
name of Catulus became connected with the Capitol
and remained inscribed on the temple until it was
again consumed in the reign of Vitellius.

Catulus died during the consulship of Metellus
Celcr, B, c. 60, happj', says Cicero, both in the
splendour of his life and in having been spared the
spectacle of his countrj-'s ruin. He was not con-
sidered an orator, but at the same time possessed
the power of expressing his opinions Avith learning,
grace, and wisdom. (Orelli, Onom. Toll. ii. p.
367, &c. ; Sail. CatU, 35, 49, Frag. Histor. i. iii.;
Tacit, llist. iii. 7*2; Sueton. Jul. 15, Galb. 2;
Val. Max. vi. 9. § 5 ; Plut. Crass. 13, Cat. Min.
] 6 ; Senec. Epist. 97 ; Dion Cass, xxxvi. 1 3, calls
liiin princeps senatus, ra re irpwTa ttjs ^ovXrjs tjj/,
Jit the time of the Gabinian law. See also xxxvii.
37, 46, xlv. 2 ; Orelli, {nscrip. n. 31.) [W. R.]

CAT US, a word indicating shrewdness, caution,
sagacity, or the like, was a surname of Sex. Aclius

CAUDIXUS.
Paetus, who was consul b. c. 198 [Paetus], and
the cognomen of Sex. Aelius, consul in a. d. 4,
with C. Sentius Saturninus. (Veil. Pat. ii. 103.)

CATUS DECLVNUS, procurator of Britain
when the people rose against the Romans in a. d.
62 under Boadicea, was by his extortion and
avarice one of the chief causes of the revolt. The
Britons commenced the war by laying siege to
Camalodunum, and as Suetonius Paullinus, the
legate of the province, was absent upon an expedi-
tion against the island of Mona, the colonists ap-
plied to Catus for assistance, who was, however,
able to send them only 200 men. After the fall
of Camalodunum and the defeat of Petilius Cere-
alis, Catus fled in alarm to Gaul. He was suc-
ceeded in his office of procurator by Julius Glas-
sicianus. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 32, 38; Dion Cass. Ixii.
2 ; comp. Boadicea.)

CATUS, FI'RMIUS, a senator, was the ac-
cuser of Scribonius Libo Drusus in a. d. 16. A
few years afterwards (a. d. 24), Catus was con-
demned by the senate to be banished to an island,
on account of a false accusation of majestas which
he brought against his sister ; but in consequence
of his former service in the accusation of Drusus,
Tiberius remitted his banishment, but allowed him
to be expelled from the senate. (Tac. Ann. ii. 27,
iv. 31.)

CAVARI'NUS, a Senonian, whom Caesar
made king of his people, was expelled by his sub-
jects and compelled to fly to Caesar, b, c. 54. He
afterwards accompanied Caesar in his war against
Ambiorix. (Caes. B. G. v. 54, vi. 5.)

CA'VARUS (Kauapos), the last king of that
portion of the Gauls which settled in Thrace and
for many years exacted an annual tribute from
Byzantium. It was chiefly by his mediation that
Prusias I. and the Rhodians were induced to make
peace with Byzantium in B.C. 219. He was ulti-
mately slain in battle against the Thnicians, who
defeated and utterly destroyed all the Gauls in
their country. (Polyb. iv. 46, 52.) Poljbius
calls him " a royal-hearted and magnanimous man"
(fiaxfiKiKos TTji (pvaei Kal yue7a\o^fWf), and says
that he gave great protection to merchants sailing
to the Euxine ; he adds, however, that he was
spoilt by the flatterj' of Sostratus of Chalcedon.
(Polyb. viii. 24, and ap. Allien, vi. p. 252, d.)
" Cavarus" was perhaps rather a national name
than one peculiar to the individual, the Cavari
having been a tribe of some consequence which
dwelt on the eastern bank of the Rhone, between
Avignon and Valence. (Strab. iv. p. 186 ; Dale-
champ, ad Ailieji. I. c.) [E. E,]

CAU'CALUS {KavKaXos), of Chios, a rhetori-
cian, of whom an eulogium on Hei-acles is men-
tioned by Athenaeus (x. p. 412), who also states
that he Avas a brother of the historian Theopompus.
It is very probable, that Suidas and Photius (s. v.
Arifj.viou Kaicov) refer to our rhetorician, in which
case the name KavKaaos must be changed into
KavKaKos. [L. S.]

CAUCON {KavKwv). a son of Celaenus, who was
believed to have carried the orgies of the great god-
dess from Eleusis to Messene, where he was worship-
ped as a hero. His tomb was shewn in Lepreos.
(Pans. iv. 1. § 4, 27. § 4, v. 5. § 4.) One of the
sons of Lvcaon also bore the name of Caucon.
(ApoUod. i'ii. 8. § 1.) [L. S.]

CAUDI'NUS, a surname of several of the
Cornelii Lentuli. [Lentulus.]

CEDES.

CAUNUS. TByums.]

CAU'SIUS (Koouffios), a surname of Ascle-
pius, derived from Caus in Arcadia, where he was
worshipped. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Kaovs ; comp,
Paus. viii. 25. $ 1.) [L. S.]

CAY'STRIUS (Kadffrpios), a son of Achilles
and the Amazon Penthesileia, from whom the river
Caystrus was believed to have derived its name.
Caystrius, together with Asius, had a heroum on
the banks of that river. (Strab. xiv. p. 650 ; Serv.
ad Aen. xi. 661.) [L. S.]

CEBALFNUS {KtSaXivos), a brother of Nico-
machus, who lived on licentious terms with
Dimnus, the author of the plot against the life of
Alexander the Great in B. c. 330. Nicomachus
acquainted his brother with the plot, and the latter
revealed it to Philotas that he might lay it before
the king ; but as Philotas neglected to do so for
two days, Cebalinus mentioned it to Metron, one
of the royid pages, who immediately informed
Alexander. Cebalinus was forthwith brought be-
fore the king, and orders were given to arrest
Dimnus. (Curt. vi. 7; Diod. xvii. 79.) [Phi-

tOTAS.]

CEDES (Ke§7;s), of Thebes, was a disciple of
Philolaus, the Pythagorean, and of Socrates, with
whom he was connected by intimate friendship.
(Xen. Mem. i. 2. § 28, iii. 11. § 17 ; Plat. Cnt.
p. 45, b.) He is introduced by Plato as one of
the interlocutors in the Phaedo, and as having
been present at the death of Socrates. (Phaed. p.
59, c.) He is said on the advice of Socrates to
have purchased Phaedo, who had been a slave, and
to have instructed him in philosophy. (Cell. ii.
18; Macrob. Sat. i. 11; Lactant. iii. 24.) Dio-
genes Laertius (ii. 125) and Suidas ascribe to him
three works, viz. Uivo^, 'E€56fni, and ^pvvixos, all
of which Eudocia (p. 272) erroneously attributes
to Callippus of Athens. The last two of these
works are lost, and we do not know what they
treated of, but the Hlva^ is still extant, and is re-
ferred to by several ancient writers. (Lucian,
Apdog. 42, Rhet. Praecept. 6 ; Pollux, iii. 9b ;
Tertullian, De Praescript. 39 ; Aristaenet. i. 2.)
This ITiVa^ is a philosophical explanation of a table
on which the whole of human life with its dangers
and temptations was symbolically represented, and
which is said to have been dedicated by some one
in the temple of Cronos at Athens or Thebes.
The author introduces some youths contemplating
the table, and an old man who steps among them
undertakes to explain its meaning. The whole
drift of the little book is to shew, that only the
proper development of our mind and the possession
of real virtues can make us truly happy. Suidas
calls this irtVa^ a in^yr}(ris rwv ev"AtSou, an ex-
planation which is not applicable to the work now
extant, and some have therefore thought, that the
irtfol to which Suidas refers was a different work
from the one we possess. This and other circum-
stances have led some critics to doubt whether our
iriva^ is the work of the Theban Cebes, and to
ascribe it to a later Cebes of Cyzicus, a Stoic philo-
sopher of the time of Marcus Aurelius. (Athen.
iv. p. 156.) But the •7r(»'a| which is now extant is
manifestly written in a Socratic spirit and on So-
cratic principles, so that at any rate its author is
much more likely to have been a Socratic than a
Stoic philosopher. There are, it is tnie, some few
passages (e. g. c. 1 3) where persons are mentioned
belonging to a later age than that of the Theban

CECROPS.

657

Cebes, but there is little doubt but that this and a
few simil.ir passjiges are interpolations by a later
hand, which cannot surprise us in the case of a
work of such popularity as the iriva^ of Cebes.
For, owing to its ethical character, it was formerly
extremely popuLir, and the editions and translar
tions of it are very numerous. It has been tran»-
lated into all the languages of Europe, and even
into Russian, modern Greek, and Arabic. The
first edition of it was in a Latin translation by L.
Odaxius, Bologna, 1497. In this edition, as in
nearly all the subsequent ones, it is printed to-
gether with the Enchiridion of Epictetus. The
first edition of the Greek text with a Latin trans-
lation is that of Aldus (Venice, 4to., without date),
who printed it together with the '* Institutiones
et alia Opuscula" of C. Lascaris. This was fol-
lowed by a great number of other editions, among
which we need notice only those of H. Wolf
(Basel, 1560, 8vo.), the Leiden edition (1640, 4to.,
with an Arabic translation by Elichmann) of Jac.
Gronovius (Amsterdam, 1689, 8vo.), J. Schulze
(Hamburg, 1694, 12mo.), T. Hemsterhuis (Ams-
terdam, 1708, r2mo., together with some dialogues
of Lucian), M.Meibom, and Adr.Reland (Utrecht,
1711, 4to.), and Th. Johnson. (London, 1720,
8vo.) The best modem editions are those of
Schweighaiiser in his edition of Epictetus, and
also separately printed (Strasshurg, 1806, 12mo.^,
and of A. Coraes in his edition of Epictetus.
(Paris, 1826, 8vo.)

(Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 702, &c. ; Klopfer,
De Cebetis Tabula ires Diasertationes, Zwickau,
1818, &c., 4to. ; Memoires de PAcadimie des In-
script. iii. p. 146, &c., xlviii. p. 455, &c.) [L. S.]

CEBREN (Kegp^f), a river-god in Troas, the
father of Asterope or Hesperie and Oenone. (Apol-
lod. iii. 12. § 5, &c. ; Ov. Met. xi. 769.) [L. S.]

CEBRI'ONES {KiSpi6vns\ a son of Priam,
and charioteer of Hector, slain by Patroclus. (Horn.
II. viii. 318, xi. 521, xvi. 736.) [L. S.]

CECEIDES (KTj/ceiSrjs), of Hermione, a very
ancient Greek dithyrambic poet, whom Aristo-
phanes {Nvb. 981) reckons among those who be-
longed to the good old times, but had become
obsolete in his own days. The Scholiast on that
passage remarks, that Ceceides was also mentioned
by the comic poet Cratinus in his " Panoptae."
(Comp. Suidas, s. v. KTjKt'Sios ; Bode, Gesch. der
Lyr. Dichtk. der HeUen. ii. p. 303, note 1.) [L. S.]

CECROPS (Ke/cp«i//), according to ApoUodorus
(iii. 14. § 1, &c.) the first king of Attica, which
derived from him its name Cecropia, having pre-
viously borne the name of Acte. He is described as
an autochthon, and is accordingly called a "yn-yivris,
the upper part of whose body was human, while
the lower was that of a dragon. Hence he is called
Sk^ut}? or ffemimis. (Hygin. Fab. 48; Anton. Lib.
6 ; Diod. i. 28 ; Aristoph. Vesp. 438 ; Ov. Met.
ii. 555.) Some ancients referred the epithet 5j<^uqy
to marriage, of which tradition made him the foun-
der. He was married to Agraulos, the daughter
of Actaeus, by whom he had a son, Erysichthon,
and three daughters, Agraulos, Herse, and Pan-
drosos. ( Apollod. /. c. ; Paus. i. 2. § 5.) In his
reign Poseidon called forth with his trident a well
on the acropolis, which was known in later times
by the name of the Erechthean well, from its being
enclosed in the temple of Erechtheus. (Paus. i. 26.
§ 6 ; Herod, viii. 55.) The marine god now want-
ed to take possession of the country ; but Athena,

2 u

658

CEDRENUS.

who entertained the same desire, planted an olive-
tree on the hill of the acropolis, which continued
to be shewn at Athens down to the latest times ;
and as she had taken Cecrops as her witness while
she planted it, he decided in her favour when the
possession of Attica was disputed between her and
Poseidon, who had no witness to attest that he had
created the well. Cecrops is represented in the
Attic legends as the author of the first elements of
civilized life, such as marriage, the political division
of Attica into twelve communities, and also as the
introducer of a new mode of worship, inasmuch as
he abolished the bloody sacrifices which had until
then been offered to Zeus, and substituted cakes
(v€\avoi) in their stead. (Paus. viii, 2. $ 1 ; Strab.
ix. p. 397; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1156.) The name
of Cecrops occurs also in other parts of Greece,
especially where there existed a town of the
name of Athenae, such as in Boeotia, where he
is said to have founded the ancient towns of Athe-
nae and Eleusis on the river Triton, and where he
had a heroum at Haliartus. Tradition there called
him a son of Pandion. (Paus, ix. 33, § 1 ; Strab.
ix. p. 407.) In Euboea, which had likewise a
town Athenae, Cecrops was called a son of Erech-
theus and Praxithea, and a grandson of Pandion.
(Apollod. iii. 15. §§ I, 5 ; Paus. i. 5. § 3.) From
these traditions it appears, that Cecrops must be
regarded as a hero of the Pelasgian race ; and Mlil-
ler justly remarks, that the different mythical per-
sonages of this name connected with the towns in
Boeotia and Euboea are only multiplications of the
one original hero, whose name and story were
transplanted from Attica to other places. The
later Greek writers describe Cecrops as having im-
migrated into Greece with a band of colonists from
Sais in Egypt. (Diod. i. 29 ; Schol. ad Arist. Plut
773,) But this account is not only rejected by
some of the ancients themselves, but by the ablest
critics of modem times. (Mliller, OrcJiom. p. 123;
Thirlwall, Greece, i. p. 66, &c.) [L. S]

CEDRE'NUS, GEO'RGIUS (Ffcipyios 6 Ke-
SpTji/Js), a Greek monk, of whose life nothing is
known, lived in the eleventh centurj', and is the
author, or rather compiler, of an historical work
(2ufo«|/jj lOTopluv) which begins with the creation
of the world and goes down to the year 1057.
This extensive work is written in the form of
annals, and must be perused with great caution,
as its author was not only very deficient in histo-
rical knowledge, but shews a great want of judg-
ment and a degree of credulity which may suit a
writer of legends, but which becomes absurd and
ridiculous in historians. The latter part of the
Synopsis, which treats of events of which Cedrenus
was a contemporar}', is not quite so bad, but it
still shews that the author was utterly unable to
form a judgment respecting the times in which he
lived. However, as the work is extensive and
contains an abundance of facts, it may frequently
be used in conjunction with other authors ; but a
careful writer will seldom make him his sole
authority, except where he has copied good sources.

A great number of passages, nay long epi-
sodes, of the Synopsis are also found in the Annals
of Joannes Scylitzes Curopalates, the conterapo-
mry of Cedrenus, and the question has often been
discussed, whether Curopalates copied Cedrenus or
Cedrenus Curopalates. The work of Curopalates
goes down to the year 1081, but the latter writer
was a man of much more intellect and judgment

CELEDONES.

than Cedrenus, and there is no doubt that Ce-
drenus was the plagiarist, although, of course, he
can have used only the first part of the annals
of Curopalates. The style of Cedrenus is very
barbarous. Oudin {Comment, de Script. Eccles.
vol. ii. p. 1130) thinks, but without sufficient evi-
dence, that Cedrenus lived in the twelfth centur}\

The general Latin title of the Si/voif^js is, " Com-
pendium Historiarum ab Orbe Condita ad Isaacura
Comnenum (1057)." The first edition, published
by Xylander, Basel, 1506, fol, with a Latin
translation and a preface, is very deficient, as
Xylander perused an incomplete MS. A good
edition was published by Goar and Fabrot, to-
gether with the Annals of Curopalates, Paris, 1647,
2 vols, fol., with a new translation, a glossary
of barbarisms, and a preface of Fabrot. This
edition is complete, or very nearly so, the editors
having collated good MSS., and paid particular
attention to the numerous passages taken from
Curopalates ; it belongs to the Paris collection of
the Byzantine historians, and is reprinted in the
Venice collection. The last edition is by Imma-
nuel Bekker, Bonn, 1838-39, 2 vols, in 8vo. ; it
is the revised French edition, and contains like-
wise the Annals of Curopalates. (The Prefaces of
Xylander and Fabrot to their editions of Cedrenus;
Fabric. BiU. Graec. vii. p. 464, &c. ; Leo Allatius,
De Georgiis.) [W. P.]

CEIO'NIUS, a common name under the em-
perors.

1. Ckionius Albinus, the name of a distin-
guished Roman, probably a relation of the emperor
Albinus, put to death by Severus (Spart. Sever. 1 3),
and also the name of the praefectus urbi under
Valerian. (Vopisc. Aurelian. 9.)

2. Ceionius Bassus, a friend of the emperor
Aurelian, to whom the latter wrote a letter, pre-
served by Vopiscus {Aurelian. 31), respecting the
destruction of Palmyra. His full name was Ceio-
nius Virius Bassus, and he was consul in a. d, 27 1.
{Fast.)

3. Ceionius Commodus. [Commodus.]

4. Ceionius Julianus, a fHend of the historian
Vopiscus. (Vopisc. Firm. 2.)

5. Ceionius Postumius, the father of the em-
peror Albinus (Capitol. Clod. Albin. 4), whose full
name was Dec. Clodius Ceionius Septimius Albi-
nus [p. 93, b.].

6. Ceionius Postumianus, a relation of the
emperor Albinus. (Capitol. Clod. Albin. 6.)

7. Ceionius Verus. [Verus.]
CELAENO (KeAai^w), a Pleiad, daughter of

Atlas and Pleione, and by Poseidon the mother of
Lycus and Eurypylus, or, according to others, of
Lycns and Chimaereus by Prometheus. (Apollod.
iii. 10. U ; Ov. Her. xix. 135 ; Schol. adApoUwi.
Rliod. iv. 1561; Tzetz. ad Lycfyph. 132.)

There are several other mythological beings of
this name : namely, a Harpy (Virg. Aen. iii. 211),
a daughter of Ergeus (Hygin. Fah. 157), a daughter
of Hyamus (Paus. x. 6. § 2), a Danaid (Strab. xii.
p. 579; Apollod. ii. 1. § 5), and an Amazon. (Diod.
iv. 16.) [L.S.]

CELE'DONES (KTj\ij5oVes), the soothing god-
desses, were frequently represented by the ancients
in works of art, and were believed to be endowed,
like the Sirens, with a magic power of song. For
this reason, they are compared to the lynges.
Hephaestus was said to have made their golden
images on the ceiling of the temple at Delphi.

k

CELEUS.

(Paus. ix. 5, § 5; Athen. vii. p. 290 ; Philostr.
fit, Apollon. vi. 1 1 ; Pind. Fra</m. 25, p, 5G8, &c.
ed. Bcickh ; tomp. JIuschke and Bcittiger, in the
Neue TeutscJu; Mercur, ii. p. 38, &c.) [L. S.]

CELER. 1. A freedman of Atticus, in all pro-
bability. (Cic. ad Alt. X. ], xi. 4, xii, 8.)

2. A Roman knight, poisoned Junius Silanus at
the instigation of Agrippina, in the first year of
Nero's reign, a. d. 55. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 1, 33.)

3. A Roman knight in the time of Domitian,
was scourged to death in the comitium for having
committed incest with Cornelia, a Vestal virgin,
although he persisted in his innocence to the last.
(Plin. Ep. iv. 11; comp. Suet. Dom. 8; Dion
Cass. Ixvii. 3.)

CELER, an artist of considerable talent and
renown, was, together with Severus, the principal
architect of Nero's immense building, the golden
house, of which only a few remains are now
visible in the baths of Titns, and perhaps at
the foot of the Palatine near the arch of Titus.
Not satisfied with the completion of this colossal
palace, both artists, whose daring and tiilent did
not shrink from the mightiest works, undertook a
still more gigantic enterprise. Since the sea-ports
of Ostia and Portus were small and dangerous, so
that all larger vessels entered the port of Puteoli,
they got the emperor's consent to dig a canal from
the lake Avemus to the mouth of the Tiber, and
began actually by working a way through the hills
near the lake, but were probably prevented from
executing their intention by the death of their
emplover. (Tac. Ann. xv. 42; Osann, Ktmslblatii
1830,' No. 83.) [L. U.]

CELER, ASI'NITJS, lived in the reign of Ca-
ligula, and is mentioned by Pliny (H. A\ ix. 17.
8. 31) as a man of consular rank ; but when he was
consul is not known. He may have been the son
of C. Asinius Gallus, consul B. c. 8.

CELER, CANI'NIUS, a Greek rhetorician,
the teacher of M. Aurelius and L. Verus, was one
of the secretaries of Hadrian, and was distinguished
for his skill in the composition of the imperial let-
ters. He wrote a work on the art of rhetoric.
(Philostr, Vit. Soph. i. 22, who calls him rexvo-
ypaxpos ; Capitol. Ver. 2 ; Aristeid. Or. Sacr. 5.
vol. i. p. 335, ed. Jebb.)

CELER, DOMI'TIUS, an intimate friend of
Piso, persuaded the latter, after the death of Ger-
manicus, to return to Syria, and was himself pre-
viously sent by Piso into the province. (Tac. Ann.
ii. 77—79.)

CELER, P. EGNA'TIUS. [Barea.]

CELER, METELLUS. [Mktellus.J

CELEUS (KTjAeos), a king of Eleusis, and hus-
band of Metaneira. When Demeter, on her wan-
derings in sejurch of her daughter, came to Eleusis,
she stayed in the house of Celeus. The goddess
wished to make his son Demophon immortal, and,
in order to destroy his mortal parts, she put him
at night into the fire ; but Metaneira, ignorant of
the object, screamed aloud on seeing her child in
the fire, and Demophon was destroyed by the
flames. Demeter, to make up for the loss, bestowed
great favours upon Triptolemus, the other son of
Celeus. (ApoUod. i. 5. § 1 ; Triptolemus.) Ce-
leus is described as the first priest of Demeter at
Eleusis, and his daughters as priestesses of the
goddess. (Hom, Hyin. in Dem. 101, &c.; Paus. i.
38. § 3, ii. 14. § 2.) There is another mythical
personage of this name. (Anton. Lib. 1,9, ) [L. S.]

CELSUS.

659

CELSUS {T. Cornelius), one of the thirty ty-
rants enumerated by Trelellius Pollio. [Comp.
AuREOLUS.] In the twelfth year of Gallienus,
A. D. 265, when usurpers were springing up in
every quarter of the Roman world, a certain Celsus,
who had never risen higher in the service of the
state than the rank of a military tnbune, living
quietly on his lands in Africa, in no way remark-
able except as a man of upright life and command-
ing person, was suddenly proclaimed emperor by
Vibius Passienus, proconsul of the province, and
Fabius Pomponianus, general of the Libyan fron-
tier. So sudden was the movement, that the ap-
propriate trappings of dignity had not been pro-
vided, and the hands of Galliena, a cousin it is said
of the lawful monarch, invested the new prince
with a robe snatched from the statue of a goddess.
The downfall of Celsus was not less rapid than his
elevation : he was slain on the seventh day, his
body was devoured by dogs, and the loyal inhabi-
tants of Sicca testified their devotion to the reign-
ing sovereign by devising an insult to the memory
of his rival unheard-of before that time. The effigy
of the traitor was raised high upon a cross, round
which the rabble danced in triumph. The names
T. Cornelius rest upon the authority of medals pub-
lished by Goltzius now universall}'- recognised as
spurious. (Trebell. Pollio, Trip. Tyrann.) [W. R.]

CELSUS, a Greek rhetorician, a pupil of Liba-
nius. (Liban. Ep. 627, 1581, Oral. xxvi. vol. ii.
p. 606.)

CELSUS, an Epicurean, who lived in the time
of the Antonines, and was a friend of Lucian.
There was another Celsus, who lived before the
time of Nero, but he is of no historical importance.
Neither would the other have been so, but for the
doubt whether he is not the author of the attack
on Christianity called the I^Sjos aK-qQ-qs, which
has acquired so much notoriety from the answer
vvTitten to it by Origen. [Origenes.] To the
Epicurean Celsus, Lucian dedicated his life of the
magician Alexander, and in the course of it (§ 21)
praises a work written by him against the belief in
magic. But in the book against Christianity, Celsus
stated with apparent approbation the opinion of the
Platonists, that enchanters had power over all who
have not raised tliemselves above the influence of
sensuous nature (yKi)), but not over those who are
elevated to communion with the Deity ; the whole
of which sentiment is inconsistent with the doc-
trine of Epicurus. Again, he talked of the
soul's relation to God, of the spirit of man as
immortal and derived from the Divinity, of evil
spirits springing from the vKt] and opposing the
designs of God. All these are plainly the sen-
timents, not of an Epicurean, but of a Plato-
nist. Indeed, the only reason for supposing the
author of this work to be the Epicurean Celsus,
is the positive assertion of Origen, who, however,
is obliged to have recourse to some curious hypo-
theses to account for the prevalence of the Platonic
element One is, that the author chose to conceal
his real views, because there was at the time a
strong prejudice against Epicureans as deniers of
all religion, and therefore unfit to be judges of the
merits of Christianity. But this seems improbable,
and on the whole it is better to suppose Celsus
the Epicurean and Celsus the author of this book
to be different persons. With regjird to the work
itself, it is a mixture of self-sufficiency, ignorance,
and inconsistency. In one place the author re-

2u2

6C0

CELSUS.

preached the Christians as slaves of a blind belief,
ill another with their numerous sects and ever-
varying opinions. Sometimes he spoke of them as
the slaves of their senses (SetAov Kcd (piKoadixaTov
yevos), on another occasion as persons who rejected
all external worship whatever. He was indignant
that the Christian promises are offered to sinners,
and said in reference to our Lord's coming to save
them, tI Se toTs dvafiapri^Tois ovk fw4fi(p67i ; he
also argued a priori against the doctrines of a
special Providence, the Fall, and the Redemption,
asserting that God made his work perfect once for
all, and had no need to improve it afterwards.
(Origenes, adv. Cels. ; Brucker, Hist. Crii. Phil.
Per. ii., i. 1, 2, 8 ; Neander, Gesdiichte der Chrisil.
Kirche, vol. i. sect. 2.) [G. E. L. C]

CELSUS ALBINO VA'NUS, the secretary of
Tib. Claudius Nero, and a friend of Horace, to
whom the latter addressed one of his Epistles (i.
8). He is thought to be the same as the poet
Celsus mentioned in another of Horace's Epistles
(i. 3), in which he is said to have compiled his
poems. from other persons' writings. He must not
be confounded with the poet Pedo Albinovanus,
the friend of Ovid. [Albinovanus.]

CELSUS, APPULEIUS, a physician of Cen-
turipa in Sicily, who was the tutor of Valens and
Scribonius Largus (Scrib. Larg. De Compos. Medi-
cam. capp. 94, 171), and who must therefore have
lived about the beginning of the Christian era.
He has been supposed to be the author of the work
entitled Herbarium, seu de Medicaminibtis Her-
barum, which goes under the name of Appuleius
Barbarus [Appuleius], but this is probably not
the case. He may, however, perhaps be the per-
son who is ([uoted several times in the Geoponica,
Cantab. 8vo. 1704. [W. A. G.]

CELSUS, ARRU'NTIUS, an ancient com-
mentator on Terence, who probably lived in the
second half of the fourth century of the Christian
aera. (Schopen, £>e Terentio el Donaio^ Bonn,
1821.)

CELSUS, A.* CORNELIUS, a very celebrated
Latin writer on medicine, of whose age, origin, or
even actual profession, we know but little. There
are some incidental expressions which lead to the
conjecture, that he lived at the beginning of the
Christian era, under the reigns of Augustus and
Tiberius ; and particularly the mode in which he
refers toThemison(Praef. lib.i. pp. 5, 9, iii. 4, p. 4 3)
would indicate that they were either contempora-
ries, or that Themison preceded him by a short
period only. With respect to the country of Celsus
(though he has been claimed as a native of Verona),
we have nothiiig on which to ground our opinion,
except the purity of his style, which at most would
prove no more than that he had been educated or
had passed a considerable part of his life at Rome.
With regard to his profession, there is some reason
to doubt whether he was a practitioner of medicine
or whether he only studied it as a branch of general
science, after the manner of some of the ancient
Greek philosophers. This doubt has arisen princi-
pally from the mode in which he is referred to
by Columella \de Re Rust. i. 1. 14) and by Quin-
tilian (xii. 11), and by his not being enume-
rated by Pliny among the physicians of Rome

• It is not quite certain whether his praenomen
wasAulus or Aurelius, but it is generally supposed
to have been Aurelius,

CELSUS.

in his sketch of the history of medicine. (H. N.
xxix. 1, &c.) But, on the other hand, his work
appears to bear very strong evidence that he was
an actual practitioner, that he was familiar with
the phenomena of disease and the operation of
remedies, and that he described and recommended
what fell under his own observation, and was
sanctioned by his own experience ; so that it seems
upon the whole most probable that he was a phy-
sician by profession, but that he devoted part of
his time and attention to the cultivation of litera-
ture and general science. Quintilian speaks rather
slightingly of him, calls him (xii. 11) " mediocri
vir ingenio," and says he not only wrote on all
sorts of literary matters, but even on agriculture
and military tactics. Of these numerous works
only one remains entire, his celebrated treatise on
Medicine; but a few fragments of a work on
Rhetoric were published under his name in 1569,
8vo., Colon., with the title " Aurelii Cornelii
Celsi, Rhetoris vetustissimi et clarissimi, de Arte
Dicendi Libellus, primum in Lucem editus, curante
Sixto a Popraa Phrysio." This little work is
inserted by Fabricius at the end of his Bihliotlieca
Latino, where it fills about six small quarto pages,
and is chiefly occupied with the works of Cicero.

The treatise of Celsus " De Medicina," On Me-
dicine, is divided into eight books. It commences
with a judicious sketch of the history of medicine,
terminating by a comparison of the two rival sects,
the Dograatici and the Empirici, which has been
given in the Diet, of Ant. pp. 350, 379. The first
two books are principally occupied by the conside-
ration of diet, and the general principles of thera-
peutics and pathology; the remaining books are
devoted to the consideration of particular diseases
and their treatment; the third and fourth to in-
ternal diseases ; the fifth and sixth to external
diseases, and to pharmaceutical preparations ; and
the last two to tliose diseases which more particu-
larly belong to surgery. In the treatment of dis-
ease, Celsus, for the most part, pursues the method
of Asclepiades of Bithynia ; he is not, however, ser-
vilely attached to him, and never hesitates to adopt
any practice or opinion, however contrary to his,
which he conceives to be sanctioned by direct ex-
perience. He adopted to a certain extent the
Hippocratic method of observing and watching
over the operations of Nature, and of regulating
rather than opposing them, — a method which, with
respect to acute diseases, may frequently appear
inert. But there are occasions on v/hich he dis-
plays considerable decision and boldness, and par-
ticularly in the use of the lancet, which he em-
ployed with more freedom than any of his prede-
cessors. His regulations for the employment of
blood-letting and of purgatives are laid down with
minuteness and precision (ii. 10, &c., p. 30, &c.) ;
and, although he was in some measure led astray
by his hypothesis of the crudity and concoction of
the humours, the rules which he prescribed were
not very different from those which were generally
adopted in the commencement of the present cen-
tury. His description of the sjnnptoms of fever,
and of the different varieties which it assumes,
either from the nature of the epidemic, or from
the circumstances under which it takes place
(iii. 3, &c., p. 43, &c.), are correct and judicious ;
his practice was founded upon the principle already
referred to, of watching the operations of Nature,
conceiving that fever consisted essentially in an

CELSUS.

effort of the constitution to throw off some morbid
cause, and that, if not unduly interfered with, the
process would terminate in a state of health. We
here see the germ of the doctrine of the " vis me-
dicatrix Natume," which has had so much influence
over the practice of the most enlightened physicians
of modem times, and which, although erroneous,
has perhaps led to a less hazardous practice than
the hypotheses which have been substituted in its
room.

But perhaps the most curious and interesting
parts of the work of Celsus are those which treat
of Surgery and surgical operations, of which some
account is given in the Diet, of Ant. art. Chirurgia.
It is very remarkable that he is almost the first
writer who professedly treats on these topics, and
yet his descriptions of the diseases and of their
treatment prove that the art had attained to a
very considerable degree of perfection. Many of
what are termed the " capital" operations seem to
have been well understood and frequently practised,
and it may be safely asserted, that the state of
Surgery at the time when Celsus wrote, was com-
paratively much more advanced than that of
Medicine. The Pharmacy of Celsus forms an-
other curious and interesting part of his work, and,
like his Surgery, marks a state of considerable
improvement in this branch of the art. Many of
his formulae are well arranged and efficacious, and,
on the whole, they may be said to be more correct
and even more scientific than the multifarious
corapoimds which were afterwards introduced into
practice, and which were not completely discarded
until our own times. The style of Celsus has been
much admired, and it is in fact equal in purity and
elegance to that of the best writers of the Augustan
age. This is probably one of the chief reasons of
his work having been chosen as a text-book in
modem times ; but it would be great injustice to
suppose that this is its only merit, or that it con-
tains nothing but a judicious and well-arranged
abstract of what had been said by his predecessors.
Some instances of his lax and inaccurate use of
certain anatomical terms are mentioned in the
Diet, of Ant. art. Physiologia; but his anatomical
and physiological knowledge does not appear to
have been at all inferior to that of his contempo-
raries. In many passages of his work he follows
Hippocrates, especially when treating of the
general symptoms and phaenomena of diseases ;
and occasionally we meet with sentences literally
translated from the Greek. He does not, however,
by any means blindly embrace his doctrines, and
differs from him occasionally both in theory and
practice.

The work of Celsus, entitled De Medicina
Libri Oeto, has been published very often ; Chou-
lant mentions four editions in the fifteenth cen-
tury, fifteen in the sixteenth, five in the seven-
teenth, thirteen in the eighteenth, and twelve
in the first thirty-five years of the nineteenth.
The first edition was published at Florence,
1478, small foL, edited by BarthoL Fontius: it is
said to be very scarce, and is described by
Dibden in his BihUoth. Spencer, i. 303. Perhaps
the other editions that best deserve to be noticed
are those by Van der Linden, Lugd. Bat. 1657,
12mo. ; Almeloveen, AmsteL 1687, V2mo. (which
was several times reprinted) ; Targa, Patav. 1769,
4to. (whose text has been the basis of most
Bubeequent editions) ; Lugd. Bat, 1785, 4to. ;

CELSUS.

661

Argent. 1 806, 8vo. 2 vols. ; and Milligan, Edinb.
1826, 8vo. The latest edition mentioned by
Choulant is that by F. Ritter and H. Albers,
Colon, ad Rhen. 1835, 12mo. The work has
been translated into English, French, Italian, and
Gemian. The English translations appear to be
chiefly made for the use of medical students la
London who are preparing for their examination
at Apothecaries' Hall, and are not very good. A
great number of works have been published on
Celsus and his writings, which are enumerated by
Choulant, but which cannot be mentioned here.
Further particulars respecting his medical opinions
may be found in Le Clerc's Hist, de la Mid. ;
Haller's Diblioth. Medic. Pract. vol. I ; Sprengel's
Hist, de la Med. vol. ii. See also Bostock's Hist.
of Med., and Choulant's Handbuch der Bucher-
kunde filr die Aeltere Medicin, Leipz. 1840, 8vo.,
from which works the greater part of the preceding
account has '■^een taken. [W. A. G.]

CELSUS, JU'LIUS, a tribune of the city,
cohort, was condemned to death under Tiberius,
and broke his own neck in prison by means of the
chains with which he was fettered, in order to
escape the disgrace of a public execution. (Tac
Ann. vi. 9, 14.)

CELSUS, JU'LIUS, a scholar at Constanti-
nople in the seventh century after Christ, who
made a recension of the text of Caesar's Commen-
taries, whence we find subjoined to many MSS. of
Caesar, Julius Celsus Vir Clarissimus et Cotnes
recensui, or Julius Celsus Constantinus V. C. hyi.
Many modem writers, indeed, have maintained
that Celsus was the author of these commentaries,
and still more have attributed to him the works
on the Spanish and African wars ; but the former
supposition is ridiculous, and the latter desti-
tute of proof. Julius Celsus has been usually
regarded as the author of the life of Caesar, which
has been frequently printed with the editions of
Caesar's Commentaries under the title of Julii
Celsi Commentarii de Vita Caesaris ; but this work
has been proved by C. E. Ch. Schneider {Petrar-
cliae, Historia Julii Caesaris, Lips. 1827) to be a
work of Petrarch's. There is a dissertation on
Julius Celsus by Dodwell, appended to hia Annates
Q^inctilianet et Statiani, Oxon. 1698.

CELSUS, JUVE'NTIUS, a Roman jurist,
who flourished, as Majansius and Heineccius have
clearly shewn, in the second half of the first cen-
tury of the Christian aera. He succeeded Pegasus,
the follower of Proculus, and was himself succeeded
by Celsus, the son, and Neratius Priscus. (Dig.
1. tit. 2. s. 2. § 47.) He belonged (at least on
one occasion) to the consilium of the consul Du-
cenus Verus, who was probably a consul suffectus,
and is nowhere named except in Dig. 31. s. 29.
The numerous attempts of learned men to identify
Ducenus with recorded consuls are without ground,
and most of their conjectures refer to too late a
period, unless Celsus the father attained to an un-
usual age. Thus Wieling {Jtcrispntdentia Resti-
tuta, p. 351) and Guil. Grotius {De Viiis Jurisp.
ii. c. 2. § 2) make Ducenus the same as L.Cejoniua
Commodus Verus, who was consul a. d. 106.
Others are for L. Annius Venis, consul a. d. 121.
Ant. Augustinus {De Nominibtts Propriis Pandeo-
tarum, c. 3, p. 259, n. [g.]) seems to think he
might have been the Juventius Verus, who was
consul for the third time a. d. 134. Heineccius
{Hist. Jut. Civ. § 241, n.) is for Decennius Gemi-

662

CELSUS.

nus, who was consul suffectus a. d. 57, and whose
cognomen might have been Verus. It was in the
council of Ducenus Verus that the opinion of
Celsus the father was given upon an important
point, and was adopted as law. He held (to
use the nomenclature of English jurispmdence),
that the beneficial interest in a legacy did not
lapse by the death of the trustee before the tes-
tator. (As to the consilium of tlie consul and
other magistrates, see Diet, of Ant. s. v. Conventics ;
also Cic. Brut. 22 ; Plin. Ep. I 20 ; Amra. Mar.
xxxiii. c. tdt. ; Suet. Tiber. 33 ; Tituli ex Corpore
Ulpiani, 1. s, 13 ; Cod. 1. tit. 51 ; Dig. 1. tit 21.
B. 2, pr.; tit. 22.) In Dig. 17. tit. 1. s. 39, his
opinion is cited along with that of Aristo, who was
rather younger than Celsus the father. The Celsus
to whom Aristo gives answers in Dig. 2. tit. 14.
8. 7. § 2, and Dig. 40. tit. 7. s. 29. § 1, was Celsus
the son, who, having gained greater celebrity as a
jurist than his father, is understood to be meant in
the Digest whenever Celsus is named without the
addition paler or jUim. Bach, who thinks the
contrary more likely {Hist. Jurisp. Rom. iii. c. 1.
§ 22. n. [h.]), is certainly mistaken. Compare
Dig. 12. tit. 4. 8. 3. §§ 6* 7 ; Dig. 31. s. 20. It
can scarcely be doubted that the name of the father
was the same as that of the son, viz. P. Juventius
Celsus, for otherwise he would probably have been
distinguished by the difference of name, whereas he
is never mentioned by any other appellation than
Celsus pater. There is no direct citation from him
in the Digest. Stockmann {ad Bachii Hist. Jurisp.
Rom. loc. cit.) mentions a conjecture of Ev. Otto
{Praef. ad Thes. i. p. 28), that there were three ju-
rists named Celsus, viz. father, son, and grandson ;
but the reference to Otto seems to be incorrect. It
is, indeed, highly probable that the P. Juventius,
who appears from .an inscription in Gruter(p. G07) to
have been proniagister scrinii under Antoninus
Pius, A. D. 155, was a grandson of the elderCelsus,
but there is no proof that he was a jurist. Those
who, like Menage {Amoen. Jur. c. xx.), identify
the promagister with the son, must suppose that
the son discharged an exceedingly laborious office
in a very advanced age. Very little is known of
Celsus the father, though much has been written
upon him. Among the legal biographers who have
attributed to his life one or more of the events that
belong to the life of his son, are Guil. Grotius,
Gravina, and Strauchius. ( Vilae vet. JCtorum, No.
2, p. 14.) The Gens Juventia was an ancient
race, and could boast of several jurists, as T. Ju-
ventius, C. Juventius, and M. Juventius Latera-
nensis. In manuscripts and monuments, from the
ordinary interchange of V and B, the name is
often spelt Jubentius. (Majansius, ad XXXJCtos^
ii. pp. 236—255.) [J. T. G.]

CELSUS, P. JUVE'NTIUS, a Roman jurist,
the son of the subject of the preceding article. He
was an accomplice in a conspiracy against Domi-
tian, along with Nerva (who was afterwards em-
peror) and others ; but although he was denounced
to the emperor, he contrived to rescue himself and
his companions, by flattering the emperor, by pro-
fessing his innocence, and by promising to unravel
the whole plot, and thus creating delays until the
death of Domitian. (Dion Cass. Ixvii. 13; Phi-
lostrat. Vit. Apoll. Tyan. vii. 3.) He was after-
wards highly favoured by Nerva and his son
Trajan. Pliny {Ep. vi. 5) mentions an altercation
between him and Licinius Nepos, concerning the

CELSUS.

cause of Pomponius Rufus Varinus. Celsus was
then praetor, and, as the leges antiales were at that
time religiously observed (Plin. Ep. vii. 16), may
be supposed to have been 34 years of age. This
would give A. d. 67 for the year of the birth of
Celsus, for the cause of Pomponius Rufus was
pleaded when M. Acilius was consul- elect (Plin.
Ep. V. 20), that is to say, in a. d. 101. Celsus
was tNvice consul. The date of his first consulship
is not recorded. The second occurred a. d. 129,
when he had C. Neratius Marcellus for his col-
league. (Dig. 5. tit. 3. s. 20. § 6.) He was a
friend of Hadrian, and one of that emperor's coun-
cil (Spartian. Haxh-ian. c. 18, where for Julius
Celsus is to be read Juventius Celsus), and he pro-
bably died towards the end of Hadrian's reign, for
Julianus, the jurist, in a fragment of a work
{Digesta) which was written in the commencement
of the reign of Antoninus Pius (compare Dig. 3.
tit. 5. s. 6. § 12 ; 4. tit. 2. s. 18), speaks of Celsus
in the past tense : — " Quod etiam Juventio Celso
apertissime placuit." (Dig. 28. tit. 2. s. 28, pr.)

Celsus received legal instruction from his father,
and is supposed from several indications in extant
passages of his works to have studied philosophy,
especially the philosophy of the Stoics. His edu-
cation was probably attended to with great care,
for his style is terse and elegant, and his latinity
so pure, that Laurentius Valla and Floridus, who
unsparingly criticise the diction of the ancient Ro-
man jurists, find little or nothing to carp at in
Celsus. There are fragments which prove that he
was acquainted with Greek. (Dig. 33. tit. 10.
s. 7, 13. tit. 3. s 3.) He early commenced the
practice of the law. One of his youthful opinions
was followed by Julianus, and is cited by Paulus.
(Dig. 45. tit. 1. s. 91. § 3, unless by Celsus adoles-
cens we are here to understand Celsus the younger.)
Celsus was manifestly well versed in the writings
of his predecessors, for in the 20 pages which his
142 fragments occupy in Yiomm&l {Falingen. Pan-
dect.)^ will be found references to Sex. Aelius,
Brutus, Cascellius, Cato, Livius Drusus, Q. Mucius
Scaevola, Q. Antistius Labeo, C. Trebatius Testa,
Aelius Tubero, M.Tullius Cicero, Servius Sulpicius,
Nerva, Masurius Sabinus, Semp. Proculus, and
Neratius Priscus. In return, we find him quoted
by many of the most eminent later jurists, as Juli-
anus, Pomponius, Maecianus, Ulpian, and Paulus,
and by Justinian himself in the Institutes and the
Code. In Cod. 6, tit. 2. s. 10 Justinian mentions
a curious physiological opinion of Celsus concerning
deafness. He belonged, like his father, to the sect
of Proculus, but he was an independent thinker,
sometimes differing from Labeo, Nerva, and his
own father, and sometimes agreeing with Sabinus
and Cassius. (Dig. 47. tit. 2. s. 25. § 1 ; 21. tit.
2. s. 29, pr. ; 12. tit. 4. s. 3. §§ 6, 7 ; 12. tit. 5.
8. 6.) In the fragments of Celsus there are several
passages which betoken great self-confidence and
uncivil dogmatism. In this he deviated from the
usual practice (almost amounting to professional
etiquette) of jurists ancient and modern. A Roman
or an English lawyer would say, "mihi videtur,"
" I think," " verius est," " the better opinion is ;"
but Celsus sometimes omits such modest forms of
expression. For example, it appears from Dig. 21.
tit. 2. s. 29, pr., that he called Nerva's opinion
false. But the grossest instance of rudeness occurs
in an answer to one Domitius Labeo, who inquired
whether the person by whose hand a will was

CELSUS.

written was thereby disqualified from being one of
the attesting witnesses. " Juventius Celsus La-
beoni suo salntem. Aut non intelligo de quo me
consuhieris, aut valde stulta est consultatio tua :
plus euim quam ridiculura est dubitare, an aliquis
jure testis adhibitus sit, quoniara idem et tabulas
testamenti scripserit." (Dig. 28. tit. 1. s. 27.)
This question and this answer obtained such un-
desirable celebrity among civilians, that silly ques-
tions were called Qitaestiones Domitianae, and blunt
answers Respotisiones Cclsinae.

He wrote — 1. Digestorum Libri XXXIX. after
the order of the praetor's edict. Seven books of
this work, viz. xxx — xxxvi, were occupied by a
commentary on the Lex Julia et Papia Poppaea.
This is the only one of the works of Celsus of
which pure fragments are preserved in the compi-
lations of Justinian, and perhaps the only one
then extant. It belongs, according to Blurae's
theory, to the Classis Edictalis of the Digest.
2. Epistolae, of which Ulpian (Dig. 4. tit. 4. s. 3.
§ 1) cites the 11th book. 3. Quaestiones^ which,
according to a citation of Ulpian (Dig. 34. tit. 2.
8. 19. § 3), consisted of at least 19 books. 4. Com-
metttarii, of which the 7th book is cited by Ulpian.
(Dig. 34. tit. 2. 8. 19. § 6.) 5. Lisiiiutiones, in
7 books, according to the testimony of the old
scholiast on Juvenal (vi. 243). Gravina {Orig.
Jur. Civ. lib. i. § 49, p. 68) says, that Celsus left
a work De Usucapionibus, in which he refers to
his father; but this statement is given without
authority, and appears to be an error partly
copied from Panciroli {de Claris Leg. Interp. p. 44),
who cites a passage in the Digest (Dig. 41. tit. 2.
8. 47) referring not to Celsus, but to Nerva filius.

(Heinecc. de Juventio Celso, Op. ii. pp. 518-532;
Schott. de Quaestione Domiliana, Lips. 1771 ;
Hub. Greg, van Vryhoff, Observ. Jur. Civ. c. 35 ;
Neuber, Die juristic/ie Klassiker, pp. 13.3 — 145 ;
Kammerer, Beitrdge zur Gesch. u. Theorie des Rom.
Rechts, i. No. 3, pp. 208—226.) [J. T. G.]

CELSUS, P. MA'RIUS, consul in a. d. 62
(Fasti), was the commander of the fifteenth legion
in Pannonia, with which he was sent to join Cor-
bulo in his expedition against the Parthians in 64.
On the death of Nero in 68, Celsus joined Galba's
party, at which time he is spoken of as consul
designatus, but whether he had been nominated to
the consulship by Nero or by Galba is uncertain.
He was one of the ablest and most faithful of
Galba 's supporters ; and when the troops rebelled
against the new emperor, Celsus was sent to en-
deavour to propitiate the detachment of the Illyrian
array which had encamped in the Vipsanian por-
ticus. It was probably thought that Celsus would
have more influence with this army than any one
else, on account of his former connexion with it :
but he was unable to quell the insurrection. The
death of Galba soon followed, and Otho obtained
the sovereignty. The life of Celsus was now in
great danger ; the partizans of Otho loudly de-
manded his execution ; but Otho, who appreciated
his fidelity to his late master, not only spared his
life, but admitted him to the circle of his most in-
timate friends. Celsus served Otho with the same
fidelity as he had the late emperor. He was sent,
together with Suetonius Paullinus and Annius
Gallus, in command of the army to oppose the
generals of Vitellius, who were advancing into
Italy. At first he and his colleagues were com-
pletely successful ; in the campaign on the Po, in

CENAEUS.

6G3

the neighbourhood of Placentia and Cremona, they
defeated all the plans of Caecina, the general of
Vitellius [Caecxna, No. 9] ; and it was not till
the latter had been joined by Fabius Valens, and
Otho had resolved, against the advice of Celsus as
well as Suetonius Paullinus, to risk a battle, that
the aspect of affairs was changed. Tlie battle of
Bedriacum, in which Otho's army was defeated,
gave Vitellius the empire ; but Celsus, who had
remained faithful to Otho to the last, again did not
suffer for his fidelity. Vitellius allowed him to
enter on the consulship on the calends of July
(a. d. 69), as had been arranged from the first.
(Tac. Ann. xv. 25, Hist. i. 14, 31, 39, 45, 71,
77, 87, 90, ii. 23, 33, 60.)

CELSUS, PA'PIUS. Celsus appears as a
surname of the Papia gens on several coins of the
republican period, but does not occur in any an-
cient writer. Two of the most remarkable of these
coins are given below. On the obverse the former
contains a youthful head with a trophy behind it,

the latter the head of Juno Sospita. The reverse
of both represents the same subject, namely, a wolf
with a piece of wood in its mouth, and' an eagle

standing before a burning heap of wood. This
subject appears to refer to a legend related by
Dionysius (i. 59) in connexion with the foundation
of Lavinium by the Trojans. He tells us, that the
forest in which the city was afterwards built took
fire of its own accord, and that a wolf was seen
bringing dry wood to feed the flame, which was
fanned by an eagle with its wings ; but that a fox
at the same time tried to extinguish the fire by its
tail, which had been dipped in water ; and that it
was not till after several efforts that the wolf and
eagle were able to get rid of him. Now we know
that the Papia gens came originally from Lanuvium,
which was also one of the chief seats of the worship
of Juno Sospita. Hence it has been conjectured,
that Dionysius has made a mistake in referring
this legend to Lavinium : but it is not improbable
that the same story may have been told, in later
times, of the foundation of each city.

CELSUS, L.PUBLI'CIUS, consul under Tra-
jan in A. D. 113 (Fasti), was so much esteemed by
this emperor, that he had a statue erected to his
honour. He was, however, a personal enemy of
Hadrian's, and accordingly the latter caused him
to be put to death at Baiae immediately after his
accession, A. D. 117- (Dion Cass. Ixviii. 16, Ixix.
2 ; Spartian. fladr. 4, 7.)

CENAEUS (Ktji/oTos), a suniame of Zeus, de-
rived from cape Cenaeura in Euboea, on which the

664

CENSORINUS.

god had a temple. (Apollod. ii. 7. § 7 ; Ov. Met.
ix. 136.) [L. S.]

CE'NCHRIAS (Keyxpias), a son of Poseidon
and Peirene, was killed accidentally by Artemis.
He and his brother Leches were believed to have
given their names to Cenchreae and Lechaeum,
the two port- towns of Corinth. (Pans. ii. 2. § 3,
3. § 3, 24. § 8.) [L. S.]

CENSORI'NUS, the name of a plebeian fimiily
of the Marcia gens. The name of this family was
originally Rutilus, and the first member of it who
acquired the name of Censorinns, was C. Marcius
Rutilus [No. 1, below], who is said in the Capi-
toline Fasti to have received this surname in his
second censorship, B. c 265. Niebuhr, however,
remarks (Hist, of Homey iii. p. 556), that this
statement is doubtful, as he might have derived it
from the circumstance of his father having first
gained for the plebs a share in this dignity.

1. C. Marcius C. f. L. n. Rutilus Censo-
RiNUS, was the son of C. Marcius Rutilus, the
first plebeian dictator (b. c 356) and censor (a c.
351). He was consul in B. c. 310 with Q. Fabius
Maximus, and while his colleague was engaged in
his brilliant campaign in Etruria, Rutilus conduct-
ed the war in Samnium and took the town of
AIHfae. He afterwards fought a battle with the
Samnites, in which he was probably defeated ; for
the statement of Livy, that the battle was a drawn
one, is almost outweighed by his confession, that
the consul himself was wounded and a legate and
several tribunes of the soldiers killed. (Li v. ix.
33, 38 ; Diod. XX. 27.)

On the admission of the plebs to the priestly
colleges by the Ogulnian law in b. c. 300, by
which also the number of their members was in-
creased, Rutilus was elected one of the pontiffs.
(Liv. X. 9.) He was censor with P. Cornelius
Arvina in 294 (Liv. x. 47), and a second time
with Cn. Cornelius Blasio in 265, the only in-
stance in which a person held the office of censor
twice. It is mentioned above that he is said to
have received the surname of Censorinus in this
honour. After his election Rutilus rebuked the
people for having conferred this dignity upon him
again, and brought forward a law enacting that no
one in future should be eligible to this office a
second time. (Liv. Epit. 16 ; Eutrop. ii. 18; Val.
Max. iv. 1. § 3; Plut. CorioL 1.)

2. L. Marcius C. f. C. n. Censorinus, consul
with M\ Manilius in B. c. 149, the first year of
tlie third Punic war. Both consuls were ordered
to proceed to Carthage : the command of the army
was entrusted to Manilius, and that of the fleet to
Censorinus. In the negotiations between the
consuls and Carthaginians which preceded actual
hostilities, and of which Appian has given us a
detailed account, Censorinus acted as spokesman
because he was the better orator. After the Car-
thaginians had refused compliance with the com-
mands of the Romans, who required them to
abandon Carthage and build another town not less
than ten miles from the sea, the consuls formally
laid siege to the city ; but Censorinus was com-
pelled shortly afterwards to return to Rome in
order to hold the comitiji, leaving the conduct of
the siege in the hands of his colleague. (Appian,
Pun. 75—90, 97—99 ; Liv. Epit. 49 ; Flor. ii.
15; Eutrop. iv. 10; Oros. iv. 22; Veil. Pat. i.
13; Zonar. ix. p. 463 ; Cic. Brut. 15, 27, ad Att.
xii. 5.) Censorinus was censor in b. c. 147) with

CENSORINUS.
L. Cornelius Lentulus Lupus. (Val. Max. vi. 9.
§ 10.)

It was to tins Censorinus that the philosopher
Cleitomachus dedicated one of his works. (Cic.
Acad. ii. 32.)

3. C. Marcius Censorinus, one of the leading
men of the Marian party, is first mentioned as the
accuser of Sulla on his return from Asia in b. c.
91. (Plut. SuU. 5.) He entered Rome together
with Marius and Cinna in B. c. 87, and took a
leading part in the massacres which then ensued.
It was Censorinus who killed the consul Octavius,
the first victim of the proscription ; he cut off his
head and carried it to Cinna, who commanded it to
be hung up on the rostra. Censorinus shared in
the vicissitudes of the Marian party, and took an
active part in the great campaign of b. c. 82, which
established the supremacy of Sulla. He had the
command of one of the Marian armies, and is first
mentioned as suffering a defeat from Pompey near
Sena. He was afterwards sent with eight legions
by the consul Carbo to relieve the younger Marius,
who was kept besieged at Praeneste ; but on his
march thither, he was attacked from an ambush
by Pompey, and was compelled after considerable
loss to take refuge on a neighbouring hill. His
men, believing him to be the cause of their defeat,
deserted him in a body, with the exception of
seven cohorts, with which miserable remnant he
was compelled to return to Carbo. When Carbo
shortly afterwards abandoned Italy in despair,
Censorinus united his forces with those of Brutus
Damasippus and Carrinas, and these three generals,
after an ineffectual attempt to force the passes of
Praeneste with the object of relieving the town,
marched towards Rome, hoping to take the city as
it was destitute of men and provisions. Sulla,
however, hastened after them, and a dreadful
battle was fought near the Colline gate, which
ended in the total defeat of the Marian army.
Censorinus and Carrinas took to flight, but were
overtaken and brought back to Sulla, who com-
manded them to be put to death, and their heads
to be cut off and carried round the walls of Prae-
neste to inform Marius of the fate of his friends.
(Appian, B. C. i. 71, 88, 90, 92, 93.) Censo-
rinus is spoken of by Cicero as one of the orators
of bis time, and as tolerably well versed in Greek
literature. (Brut. 67, 90.)

4. (Marcius) Censorinus, one of the friends
of Q. Cicero in Asia, b. c. 59 (Cic. ad Q. Fr. i. 2.
§4), may possibly be the same as the following.

5. L. Marcius L. f. C. n. Censorinus, a vio-
lent partizan of M. Antony, and one of the prae-
tors in B. c. 43. (Cic. Phi/, x'u 5, 14, xiii. 2,
dtio praetores, xii. 8 ; comp. Garaton. ad xii. 8.)
When Antony passed over into Asia after arrang-
ing the affairs of Greece in b. c. 41, he left Censo-
rinus governor of the province. (Plut. Anton. 24.)
His adherence to Antony procured him the consul-
ship in 39 (Dion Cass, xlviii. 34), and we learn from
the Triumphal Fasti, that he obtained a triumph
for some successes he had gained in Macedonia,
which must consequently have been his province.

6. C. Marcius L. f. L. n. Censorinus, son of
No. 5, wa« consul in b. c. 8 (Dion Cass. Iv. 5 ;
Plin. H. JV. xxxiii. 10. s. 47 ; Censorin. 22 ; Sue-
ton. Vit. Horat. ; Lapis Ancyranus), and seems to
have obtained subsequently the government of
Syria, from the way in which he is mentioned by
Josephus (A7it. xvi. 6. ^ 2) in tlie decree of Augus-

CENSORINUS.

tui Rocurlng certain immunities to the Jews. lie
died in Asia in A. D. 2, when he was in attendance
upon C. Caesar, the grandson of Augustus. His
death was universally regretted : Velleius Patei>
cuius calls him (ii. 102) " Vir demerendis homi-
iiibus genitus."

There are several interesting coins of the Marcia
gens, bearing upon them the names of C. Censorinus
and L. Censorinus ; but it is impossible to deter-
mine to which of the preceding Ccnsorini they be-
long. Five specimens of these coins are given
bolow. The first three contain on the obverse the
heads of Numa Pompilius and Ancus Marcius, the
second and fourth kings of Rome, because the

CENSORINUS.

GU5

Marcia gens claimed to be descended from Ancus
Marcius [Marcia Gkns], and the latter was sup-
posed to be the grandson of Numa Pompilius. In
these three coins Numa is represented with a beard,

and Ancus without, probably to mark the relation
between them of grandfather and grandson. The
obverse of the first contains the inscription nvmar
roMPiLL ANCL MARCi., and that of the second
^VMA. POMPiLL ANcvs. MARCI. The reverse of

the first represents two arches, in one of which
Victory sUinds on a pillar, and in the other is the
prow of a vessel, with the moon above. The re-
verse of the second contains two prows also with a
figure of Victory ; and both coins seem to have re-
ference to the harbour of Ostia, which was built
by Ancus Marcius. The reverse of the third coin
represents a desultor riding with two horses, as he
was accustomed to leap from one to another in the
public games, while they were at full g:illop, (Diet.
ofArd. s.v. Desultor.) The fourth and fifth coins
are of less importance : the fourth has on the ob-

verse a youthful head, and on the reverse a horse
at full gallop; the fifth has on the obverse the
head of Apollo, and on the reverse, Silenus. (Eck-
hel, v. p. 245, &c.)

CENSORI'NUS (Jppius Claudius), is ranked
by Trebellius Pollio among the thirty tyrants
[comp. AuRKOLUs], although the number is com-
plete without the addition of his name, and he be-
longs not to the reign of Gallienus, but of Claudius
Gothicus. Censorinus, having devoted his youth
and manhood to a military career, attained to the
highest dignities. He was twice consul, twice
praefect of the praetorium, thrice praefect of the
city, four times proconsul, and discharged at va-
rious periods the duties of numerous inferior ap-
pointments. Full of years, and disabled by an
honourable wound received in the Persian war,
under Valerian, he had retired to pass the evening
of his days on his estate, when he was suddenly
proclaimed emperor by a body of mutinous troops,
and invested with the purple at Bologna, in A. D.
270. Having, however, displayed a determination
to enforce strict discipline, he was forthwith put to
death by the same soldiers who had raised him to
a throne. If any genuine medals of this prince
exist, which is very doubtful, they have never been
described with sufficient accuracy to render them
of any historical value, or even to enable us to de-
termine whether the names Appius Claudius formed
part of his designation. Birago, in his Numismata
(Mediol. 1683), quotes a Greek coin supposed to
indicate the third year of the reign of Censorinus ;
but, since no account is given of the place where
it was preserved, it was in all probability a forgery,
especially as we have no reason to believe that the
pretender maintained his authority beyond the space
of a few days. Tillemont supposes, that the Victori-
nus mentioned by the younger Victor as having as-
sumed the purple under Claudius is the same person
with our Censorinus. (Trebell. Pollio, Trig. Tyr.\ Til-
lemont, Histoire des Empereurs, vol. p. 37.) [W.R.]

CENSORI'NUS, the compiler of a treatise en-
titled de Die Natali, which treats of the generation
of man, of his natal hour, of the influence of the
stars and genii upon his career, and discusses the
various methods employed for the division and
calculation of time, together with sundry topics
connected with astronomy, mathematics, geography,
and music. It aflFords much valuable infoniiation
with regard to the various systems of ancient chro-
nology, and is constantly referred to by those who
have investigated these topics. The book is dedi-
cated to a certain Q. Cerellius, whom the writer
addresses as his patron and benefactor (c. 1 ), and
was composed in the year a. d. 238, in the consul-
ship of Ulpius and Pontianus (c. 21). Censorinus
terms Rome the "communis patria" of himself and
Cerellius (c. 16); and this fact, silong with those
detailed above, comprise the whole knowledge we
possess with regard to the work and its author. A
fragment de Metris and lost tracts de Accerilibus
and de Geomciria are ascribed, but upon no sure
evidence, to this same Censorinus. Carrio, in liia

b6'o

CENTAURI.

edition published at Paris in 1683, divided the
twenty-fourth chapter of the de Die Natali into
two parts, considering the latter half to be from a
different hand, and to belong to an essay de Natu-
rali I?istiiuiione.

The editio princeps of Censorinus is in 4to., with-
out date, place, or printer's name, and contains also
the Tabula of Cebes, Plutarch De Invidia et Odio,
an oration of Basil upon the same subject and his
epistle to Gregory of Nazianzus "de Vita Solitaria,"
all translated into Latin. The second edition,
printed at Bologna, fol. 1497, is combined with the
Tubida of Cebes, a dialogue of Lucian, the Enchi-
ridion of Epictetus, Plutarch and Basil De Invidia
et Odio. The first critical edition is that by Vinetus,
Pictav. 4to. 1568, followed by those of Aldus Ma-
nutius, Venet. 8vo. 1581, and Carrio, Lutet. 8vo.
1583. The most complete and valuable is that by
Ilavercarap, Lug, Bat. 8vo. 1743 : the most recent
is that of Gruber, Noremb. 8vo. 1805. [W. R.]

CENTAURI (KeVroupot), that is, the bull-
killers, are according to the earliest accounts a race
of men who inhabited the mountains and forests of
Thessaly. They are described as leading a rude
and savage life, occasionally carrying off tlie women
of their neighbours, as covered with hair and rang-
ing over their mountains like animals. But they
were not altogether unacquainted \vith the useful
arts, as in the case of Cheiron. (Horn. II. i. '2G8,
ii. 743, in which passages they are called (f^ijpfs,
that is, ^rjpes, Od. xxi. 295, &c, ; Hesiod. Scut.
Here. 104, &c.) Now, in these earliest accounts,
the centaurs appear merely a« a sort of gigantic,
savage, or animal- like beings ; whereas, in later
writers, they are described as monsters (hippo-
centaurs), whose bodies were partly human and
partly those of horses. This strange mixture of
the human form with that of a horse is accounted
for, in the later traditions, by the history of their
origin. Ixion, it is said, begot by a cloud Cen-
taurus, a being hated by gods and men, who begot
the hippocentaurs on mount Pelion, by mixing
with Magnesian mares. (Pind. Pi/ih. ii. 80, &c.)
According to Diodorus (iv. ()9 ; comp. Hygin. Fah.
33), the centaurs were the sons of Ixion himself
by a cloud ; they were brought up by the nymphs
of Pelion, and begot the Hippocentaurs by mares.
Others again relate, that the centaurs were the off-
spring of Ixion and his mares ; or that Zeus, me-
tanioi"phosed into a horse, begot them by Dia, the
wife of Ixion. (Serv. ad Jen. viii. 293 ; Nonn.
Dioni/s. xvi. 240, xiv. 193.) From these accounts
it appears, that the ancient centaurs and the later
hippocentaurs were two distinct classes of beings,
although the name of centaurs is applied to both
by ancient as well as modern writers.

The Centaurs are particularly celebrated in an-
cient story for their fight with the Lapithae, which
arose at the marriage-feast of Peirithous, and the
subject of which was extensively used by ancient
poets and artists. This fight is sometimes put in
connexion with a combat of Heracles with the
centaurs. (ApoUod. ii. 5. § 4 ; Diod. iv. 12 ; Eurip.
Here. fur. 181, &c.; Soph. Trachi7i. i095; Noim.
Dionys. xiv. 367 ; Ov. Met. xii. 210, &c. ; Virg.
Creon/. ii. 455.) The scene of the contest is placed
by some in Thessaly, and by others in Arcadia.
It ended by the centaurs being expelled from their
country, and taking refuge on mount Pindus, on
the frontiers of Epeirus. Cheiron is the most
celebrated among the centaurs. [Cheiro.v.J

CENTHO.

As regards the origin of the notion respecting
the centaurs, we must remember, in the first place,
that bull-hunting on horseback was a national
custom in Thessaly (Schol. ad Pind. p. 319, ed.
Boeckh), and, secondly, that the Thessalians in
early times spent the greater part of their lives on
horseback. It is therefore not improbable that the
Thessalian mountaineers may at some early period
have made upon their neighbouring tribes the same
impression as the Spaniards did upon the Mexicans,
namely, that horse and man were one being. The
centaurs were frequently represented in ancient
works of art, and it is here that the idea of them
is most fully developed. There are two forms in
which the centaurs were represented in works of
art. In the first they appear as men down to their
legs and feet, but the hind part consists of the
body, tail, and hind legs of a horse (Paus. v. 19.
§ 2) ; the second fonn, which was probably not
used before the time of Phidias and Alcamenes,
represents the centaurs as men from the head to
the loins, and the remainder is the body of a horse
with its four feet and tail. (Paus. v. 10. §2;
Plin. H. N. XXX vi. 4.) It is probably owing to
the resemblance between the nature of the cen-
taurs and that of the satyrs, that the former were
in later times drawn into the sphere of Dionysiac
beings ; but here they appear no longer as savage
monsters, but as tamed by the power of the god.
They either draw the chariot of the god, and play
the horn or lyre, or they appear in the train of
Dionysus, among the Satyrs, Fauns, Nymphs,
Erotes, and Bacchantes. It is remarkable that
there were also female centaurs, who are said to
have been of great beauty. (Philostr. Icon. ii. 3 ;
comp. Voss, Mythol. Brief e., ii. p. 265, &c. ; Bbtti-
ger, Vaseiigem. iii. p. 75, &c.) [L. S.]

C. CENTE'NIUS, propraetor in B.C. 217, was
sent by the consul Cn. Servilius Geminus from the
neighbourhood of Ariminum with 4000 cavalry to
the assistance of his colleague C. Flaminius in
Etruria, whom he intended to join with all his
forces. Centenius took possession of a narrow
pass in Umbria near the lake Plestine, so called
from a town, Plestia, in its neighbourhood ; and
here, after Hannibars victory at the Trasimene lake,
he was attacked by Maharbal, one of Hannibal's
officers, and defeated ; those of his troops that
were not killed took refuge on a hill, but were
compelled to surrender next day. Appian, who is
the only writer that gives us the exact place of
this defeat, confounds C. Centenius with the M.
Centenius mentioned below. (Polyb. iii. 86 ; Liv.
xxii. 8; Appian, Anib. 9 — 11, 17; Zonar. viii.
25 ; C. Nepos. Hajinih. 4.)

M. CENTE'NIUS PE'NULA, first centurion
of the triarii (primi pili), who had obtained his
discharge after serving his full military time, and
was distinguished for his bravery, obtained from
the senate in B. c. 212 the command of 8000 men,
half of whom were Roman citizens and half allies,
by his assurance that his knowledge of the enemy
and the country would enable him to gain some
great advantage in a short time. The number of
men granted him by the senate was nearly doubled
by volunteers; and with these he marched into
Lucania, offered battle to Hannibal, and was, as a
matter of course, defeated. (Liv. xxv. 19; Ores,
iv. 16.)

CENTHO, a surname of C. Claudius, consul
B. c. 240. [Claudius.]

CEPHALION.

CENTUMALUS, the name of a family of tlie
plebeian Fulvia gens.

1. Cn. Fulvius Cn. f. Cn. n. Maximiis Cen-
TUMAi.us, legate of the dictator M. Valerius Cor-
viis in the Etniscan war, B. c. 301, and consul in
'298 with L. Cornelius Scipio, when he gained a
brilliant victory over the Siimnites near Bovianum,
and afterwards took this town and Aufidena. It
would also appear that he subsequently obtained
some successes in Etruria, as the Capitoline Fasti
speak of his triumph in this year as celebrated
over the Samnites and Etniscans. In 295 he
served as propnxetor in the great campaign of Q.
Fabius Maximus and P. Decius Mus, and gained
a victory over the Etruscans. (Liv. x. 4, 1 1, 22,
26, 27, 30.)

The Fasti Capitolini mention a dictator of this
name in 263, who is either the same as the pre-
ceding, or his son.

2. Cn. Fulvius Cn. p. Cn. n. Centumalus,
(5onsul u. c. 229 with L. Posturaius Albinus, con-
ducted the war with his colleague in Illyria. They
met with no effectual resistance ; and after the
troops of the Illyrian queen, Teuta, had been com-
pletely dispersed, and she herself had retired with
a very few followers to a strongly fortified town,
called Rhizon, Centumalus returned to Rome with
the greater part of the navy and land forces, leav-
ing Albinus behind with forty ships. Centumalus
triumphed in the following year, the first time
that a triumph had been celebrated over the Illy-
rians. (Polyb. ii. 11, 12; Flor, ii. 5; Eutrop.
iii. 4; Oros. iv. 13; comp. Dion Cass. Frag. 151,
ed. Reimar.)

3. Cn. Fulvius Cn. f. Cn. n. Centumalus,
son apparently of No. 2, was curule aedile in b. c.
214, and was elected to the praetorship while he
held the former office. As praetor in the following
yeiir, B. c. 2 1 3, Suessula was assigned him as his
province with the command of two legions. He
was consul in 211 with P. Sulpieius Galba, and
his command was prolonged in the next year, in
which he was defeated by Hannibal near the town
of Ilerdonia in Apulia, and he himself with eleven
tribunes of the soldiers perished in the battle.
(Liv. xxiv. 43, 44, xxv. 41, xxvi. 1, 28, xxvii. 1;
Polyb. ix. 6 ; Eutrop. iii. 14; Oros. iv. 17.)

4. M. Fulvius Centumalus, praetor urbanus
R c. 192, had to take an active part that year
in the preparations for the war against Antiochus
the Great, and was commanded, among other
tilings, to superintend the building of fifty new
quinqueremes. (Liv. xxxv. 10, 20, 23, 24.)

CENTUMALUS, TI. CLAUDIUS, had an
action brought against him by P. Calpurnius Lana-
rius on account of alleged fraud in the side of some
property to the latter. Judgment was pronounced
r.gainst Centumalus by M. Porcius Cato, the father
of Cato Uticensis. (Cic. de Of- iii. 16 ; Val. Max.
viii. 2. § 1.) [Comp. Cato, No. 6, p. 645, a.]

CEPHA'LION {Ki(pa\iwv or K€(t>a\aiwv), an
historian of the time of Hadrian, who wrote, be-
sides other works, a (rvuTOfj.ov IcrropiKdv extending
from the time of Ninus and Semiramis to that of
Alexander the Great. It was written in the Ionic
dialect, and was divided into nine books, called
by the names of the Muses ; and as in this he
aped Herodotus, so he is reported to have aimed at
resembling Homer by concealing his birth-place.
Hadrian banished him to Sicily where this work
wixs composed. (Suidas, s. v. ; Photius, Cod. 68 ;

CEPHALUS.

667

Euseb. CJiron. i. p. 30; Syncell, p. 167; Vo8siu8,rfa
Hist. Gropc p. 262, ed. Westermann.) [G. E. L.C.]

CE'PHALON (K€<^Ao>f), called 6 Tep^-news or
TepyiQios from a town in the Cuman territory
named FepYndes or repyiOes. (Strab. xiii. p. 5i',9.)
He wrote an account of the fortunes of Aeneas
after the taking of Troy, called Troica (TpwiKci).
His date is unknown, but he is called by Dionysiua
of Ilalicamassus (i. 72) axr/ypaxpfvs ira\ai6s iravv,
Athenaeus (ix. 393, d.) calls him Cephalion, and
remarks, that tlie Troica which went under his
name, was in reality the work of Hegesianax of
Alexandria. (Vossius, de Hist. Graec. p. 412, ed.
Westermann.) [G. E. L. C]

CE'PH ALUS (Ke>aAos). 1 . A son of Hermes
and Herse, was carried off by Eos, who became by
him the mother of Tithonus in Syria. (Apollod.
iii. 14. § 3.) Hj'ginus {Fab. 160, 270) makes
him a son of Hermes by Creusa, or of Pandion,
and Hesiod {Theog. 986) makes Phaeton the son
of Cephalus instead of Tithonus. On the pedi-
ment of the kingly Stoa in the Cerameicus at
Athens, and on the temple of Apollo at Amyclae,
the carrying off of Cephelus by Hemera (not Eos)
was represented. (Pans. i. 3. § 1, iii. 18. § 7.)

2. A son of Deion, the niler of Phocis, and
Diomede, was married to Procris or Procne, by
whom he became the father of Archius, the father
of Laertes. He is described as likewise beloved
by Eos (Apollod. i. 9. § 4; Hygin. Fab. 125 ;
Schol. ad Callim. Hymn, in Dian. 209), but he and
Procris were sincerely attached, and promised to
remain faithful to each other. Once when the
handsome Cephalus was amusing himself with th«
chase, p]os approached him with loving entreaties,
which, however, he rejected. The goddess then
bade him not break his vow until Procris had
broken hers, but advised him to try her fidelity.
She then metamorphosed him into a stranger, and
gave him rich presents with which he was to tempt
Procris. Procris was induced by the brilliant
presents to break the vow she had made to Ce-
phalus, and when she recognized her husband, she
fled to Crete and discovered herself to Artemis.
The goddess made her a present of a dog and a
spear, which were never to miss their object, and
then sent her back to Cephalus. Procris returned
home in the disguise of a youth, and went out with
Cephalus to chase. When he perceived the ex-
cellence of her dog and spear, he proposed to buy
them of her ; but she refused to part with them
for any price except for love. When he accordingly
promised to love her, she made herself known to
him, and he became reconciled to her. As, how-
ever, she still feared the love of Eos, she alwaya
jealously watched him when he went out hunting,
but on one occasion he killed her by accideijt with
the never-erring spear. (Hygin. Fa6. 189.) Somt^
what different versions of the same story are given
by ApoUodorus (iii, 15. § 1) and Ovid. {Met. vii.
394, &c. ; comp. Anton. Lib. 41; Schol. ad Eurip.
Orest. 1643.) Subsequently Amphitryon of Thebea
came to Cephalus, and persuaded him to give up
his dog to hunt the fox which was ravaging th&
Cadmean territory. After doing this he went out
with Amphitryon against the Teleboans, upon tlie
conquest of whom he was rewarded by Amphitryorv
with the island which he called after his own name
Cephallenia. (Apollod. ii. 4. $ 7 ; Strab. x. p^
456 ; f^ustath. ad Horn. p. 307, &c.) Cephalus i»
also called the father of Iphiclus by Clymene.

668

CEPHALUS.

(Paus. X. 29. § 2.) He is said to have put an
end to his life by leaping into the sea from cape
Leucas, on which he had built a temple of Apollo,
in order to atone for having killed his wife Procris.
(Strab. X. p. 452 ; comp. Paus. i. 37. § 4 ; Hvgin.
Fab. 48.) [L. S.]

CE'PHALUS (Ke<|)a\oj), a Molossian chief,
who, together with another chief, Antinous, was
driven by the calumnies of Charops to take the
side of Perseus, in self-defence, against the Romans.
[Antinous.] Some have inferred from the lan-
guage of Polybius that, after the outbreak of the
war, Cephalus slew himself to avoid falling into
the hands of the conquerors ; but Livy tells us,
that he was killed at the capture of the Molossian
town of Tecmon, which he had obstinately de-
fended against L. Anicius, the Roman commander,
B. c. 167. Polybius speaks of him as " a man of
wisdom and consistency," <pp6vi/xos kuI arda-ifios
dvdpuiros. (Polyb. xxvii. 13, xxx. 7 ; Liv. xliii.
18, 22, xlv. 26.) [E. E.]

CE'PHALUS {K4<t>a\os). 1. The son of Ly-
sanias, grandson of Cephalus, and father of the
orator Lysias, was a Syracusan by birth, but went
to Athens at the invitation of Pericles, where he
lived thirty years, till his death, taking a part in
public aifairs, enjoying considerable wealth, and
having so high a reputation that he never had an ac-
tion brought against him. He is one of the speakers
in Plato's Republic* (Lys. c. Eratosth. p. 120. 26,
ed. Steph. ; Plat Repub. p. 328, b. &c., comp. Cic.
ad Alt. iv. 16 ; Taylor's Life ofLysias^ in Reiske's
Oratores Graeci.) He died at a very advanced
age before b. c. 443, so that he must have settled
at Athens before e. c. 473. (Clinton, Fast. Neil.
B. ann. 443.) He left three eons — Polemarchus,
Lysias, and Euthydemus.

2. An eminent Athenian orator and dema-
gogue of the Colyttean demus, who flourished
at and after the time of the Thirty Tyrants, in
effecting whose overthrow he appears . to have
borne a leading part. He is placed by Clinton at
B. c. 402, on the authority of Deinarchus (c. De-
mosth. p. 100. 4, ed. Steph., compare p. 95. 7-8.)
This date is confirmed by Demosthenes, who
mentions him in connexion with Callistratus,
Aristophon the Azenian, and Thrasybulus. {De
Coron. p. 301.) He is summoned by Andocides
to plead for him at the end of the oration De
Mysteriis. (b. c. 400.) He flourished at least
thirty years longer. Aeschines (who calls him
6 iraKaids eK(7vos 6 SoKwv drj/xoTiKoiraTos yeyo-
vfpcu) relates, that, on one occasion, when he
was opposed to Aristophon the Azenian, the latter
boasted that he had been acquitted seventy-five
times of accusations against his public conduct, but
Cephalus replied, that during his long public life
he had never been accused, (c. Ctesiph. p. 81. 39,
ed. Steph. ; see the answer of Dem. de Coron. pp.
310-11.) He had a daughter named Oea, who
was married to Cherops. (Suid. s. v. ; Harpocrat.
s. V. Olrjdev.) Tzetzes {Chil. vi. Hist. 34) con-
founds this Cephalus with the father of Lysias. In
spite of the coincidence on the point of never having
been accused, they must have been different per-
sons, at least if the date given above for the death
of Lysias's father be correct.

* The Cephalus, who is one of the speakers in
the Pannenides of Plato, was a different person, a
native of Clazomenae. (Plat. Farm. p. 126.)

CEPHISODORUS.

The Scholiast on Aristophanes asserts, that the
Cephalus whom the poet mentions {Eccles. 248) as
a scurrilous and low-born demagogue, but powerful
in the Ecclesia, was not the same person as the
orator mentioned by Demosthenes. This is per-
haps a mistake, into which the Scholiast was led
by the high respect with which Cephalus is referred
to by Demosthenes, as well as by Aeschines and
Deinarchus. The attacks of an Athenian comic
poet are no certain evidence of a public man's
worthlessness.

According to Suidas (s. r.), Cephalus was the
first orator who composed •Kpooip.ia and €1^1X6^01.
A small fragment from him is preserved in the
Etymologicon Magnum (s. v. ^'E.iririfxia). Athe-
naeus (xiiu p. 592, c.) states, that he wrote an
f-yKci/xiov on the celebrated courtezan Lagis (or
Lai's), the mistress of Lysias. Ruhnken {Hist.
Grit. Orat. Crraec. § 5) supposes, that the writer
mentioned by Athenaeus was a different person
from the orator, but his only reason for this opinion
is, that such an iyKoofuoy is unworthy of a distin-
guished orator. [P- S.]

CEPHEUS (K7j06u's). 1. A son of Belus and
husband of Cassiepeia, was king of Ethiopia and
father of Andromeda. (Apollod. ii. 1. § 4, 4. § 3;
Herod, vii. 61 ; Tac. Hist. v. 2.)

2. A son of Aleus and Neaera or Cleobule, and
an Argonaut from Tegea in Arcadia, of which he
was king. He had twenty sons and two daugh-
ters, and nearly all of his sons perished in an ex-
pedition which they had undertaken with Heracles.
The town of Caphyae was believed to have derived
its name from him. (Apollod. i. 9. § 16, ii. 7.
§ 3, iii. 9. § 1 ; Apollon. Rhod. i. 161; Hygin.
Fab. 14 ; Paus. viii. 8. § 3, 23. § 3.)

3. One of the Calydonian hunters. (Apollod.
i. 8. $ 2.) [L. S.]

CEPHISODO'RUS (Krjc^/crrfScpos). 1. An
Athenian comic poet of the old comedy, gained a
prize B. c. 402. (Lysias, AcupoS, p. 162. 2, ed.
Steph. ; Suidas, s. t\ ; Eudoc. p. 270.) This date
is confirmed by the title of one of his comedies,
*Avri\cds, which evidently refers to the celebrated
courtezan Lais ; and also by his being mentioned
in connexion with Cratinus, Aristophanes, Callias,
Diodes, Eupolis, and Hermippus. The following
are the known titles of his plays : 'AvTiAats, 'Afia-
foves, Tpo^o5vjos,'"Ts. A few fragments of them
are preserved by Photius and Suidas (s. v. "Ovos
vcTcu), by Pollux (vi. 173, vii. 40, 87), and by
Athenaeus. (iii. p. 119, d., viii. p. 345, f., xi. p.
459, a., xii. p. 553, a., xiv. p. 629, d., xv. p. 667,
d., p. 689, f, p. 701, b.)

2. An Athenian orator, a most eminent dis-
ciple of Isocrates, wrote an apology for Isocrates
against Aristotle. The work against Aristotle was
in four books, under the title of al irpds ^Aptaro-
Tf\-r) aimypatpcd. (Dionys. Ep. ad Amm. p. 120.
32, Sylb.; hoc. p. 102. 17 ; Isaeus, p. 111. 37;
Dem. p. 120. 31 ; Athen. ii. p. 60, e., iii. p. 122,
b., viii. p. 359, c.) He also attacked Plato. (Dio-
nys. Ep. ad Pomp. p. 127. 3, Sylb.)

A writer of the same name is mentioned by the
Scholiast on Aristotle {Elh. Nicom. iii. 8) as the
author of a history of the Sacred War. As the
disciples of Isocrates paid much attention to his-
torical composition, Ruhnken conjectures that the
orator and the historian were the same person. {Hist.
Grit. Orat. Graec. § 38.) There is a Cephisodorus,
a Thcban, mentioned by Athenaeus (xii. p. 548, e )

CEPHISODOTUS.

RS an historian. It is possible that he may be the
Bame person. If so, we must suppose that Cephi-
sodorus was a native of Thebes, and settled at
Athens as a fiiroiKos : but this is mere conjec-
ture. [P. S.J

CEPHISODO'RUS, an illustrious painter men-
tioned by Pliny (xxxv. 9. s. 36. § 1 ), together with
Aglaophon, Phrylus, and Evenor, the father of
Pivrrluisius, under the 90th Olympiad (b. c 420),
at which date, the end of the Archidamian war,
Pliny's authorities made a stop and enumerated
the distinguished men of the age. (Heyne, Antiq.
Aufs'dtze^ i. p. 220.) At least, this reason for the
date of Pliny seems more probable than the vic-
tories of Alcibiades in the Olympian and other
games which were celebrated by Aglaophon.
(Aglaophon ; and Bottiger, Arch'dologie der
Malerei, p. 269.) [L. U.]

CEPHISO'DOTUS (Ktj(^kt((Sotos), 1. One of
the three additional generals who, in B. c. 405,
were joined by the Athenians in command with
Conon, Adeimantus, and Philocles. He was taken
prisoner at the battle of Aegospotami, and put to
death. (Xen. Hell. ii. 1. §§ 16, 30, &c.)

2. An Athenian general and orator, who was sent
with Callias, Autocles, and others (b.c. 371) to ne-
gotiate peace with Sparta, (Xen. Hdl. vi. 3. $ 2.)
Again, in B. c. 369, when the Spartan ambassadors
had come to Athens to settle the terras of the
desired alliance between the states, and the Athe-
nian council had proposed that tlie land-forces of
the confederacy should be under the command of
Sparta, and the navy under that of Athens, Cephi-
sodotus persuaded the assembly to reject the pro-
posal, on the ground that, while Athenian citizens
would have to serve under Spartan generals, few
but Helots (who principally manned the ships)
would be subject to Athenian control. Another
arrangement was then adopted, by which the com-
mand of the entire force was to be held by each
state altoniately for five days. (Xen. Hell. vii. 1.
§§ 12 — 14.) It seems to have been about B. c
359 that he was sent out with a squadron to the
Hellespont, where the Athenians hoped that the
Euboean adventurer, Charidemus, the friend of
Cephisodotus, would, according to his promise
made through the latter, co-operate with him in
re-annexing the Chersonesus to their dominion.
But Charidemus turned his arms against them,
and marched in particular to the relief of Alopecon-
nesus, a town on the south-east of the Chersonese,
of which Cephisodotus had been ordered to make
himself master under the pretext of dislodging a
band of pirates who had taken refuge there. Un-
able to cope with Charidemus, he entered into a
compromise by which the place was indeed yielded
to Athens, but on terms so disadvantageous that
he was recalled from his command and brought to
trial for his life. By a majority of only three votes
he escaped sentence of death, but was condemned
to a fine of five talents. (Dem. c. Aristocr. pp.
670 — 676 ; Suid. s. v. K-qfiaoSoros.) This was
perhaps the Cephisodotus who, in B. c. 355, joined
Aristophon the Azenian and others in defending
the law of Leptines against Demosthenes, and who
is mentioned in the speech of the latter as inferior
to none in eloquence. (Dem. c. Lept. p. 501, &c. ;
comp. Ruhnk. Hist. CrU. Oral. Gr. p. 141.) Aris-
totle speaks of him {Rhet. iii. 10) as an opponent of
Chares when the latter had to undergo his fvdvvi)
after the Olvnthian war, b. c. 347. [E. E.]

CEPHISODOTUS.

6C9

CEPHISO'DOTUS. 1. A celebrated Athe-
nian sculptor, whose sister was the first wife of
Phocion. (Plut. J'koc. 19.) He is assigned by
Pliny (xxxiv. 8. s. 19. § 1) to the 1 02nd Olympiad
(b. c. 372), an epoch chosen probably by his autho-
rities beaiuse the general peace recommended by the
Persian king was then adopted by all the Greek
sttites except Thebes, which began to aspire to the
first station in Greece. (Heyne, Antiq. Aufs. i.
p. 208.) Cephisodotus belonged to that younger
school of Attic artists, who had abandoned the stem
and majestic beauty of Phidias and adopted a more
animated and graceful style. It is difficult to dis-
tinguish him firom a younger Cephisodotus, whom
Sillig (p. 144), without the slightest rejison, con-
siders to have been more celebrated. But some
works are expressly ascribed to the elder, others
ai"e probably his, and all prove him to have been
a worthy contemporary of Praxiteles. Most of his
works which are known to us were occasioned by
public events, or at least dedicated in temples. This
was the case with a group which, in company with
Xenophon of Athens, he executed in Pentelian
marble for the temple of Zeus Soter at Megalopo-
lis, consisting of a sitting statue of Zeus Soter, with
Artemis Soteira on one side and the town of
Megalopolis on the other. (Paus. viii. 30. § 5.)
Now, as it is evident that the inhabitants of that
town would erect a temple to the preserver of their
new-built city immediately after its foundation,
Cephisodotus most likely finished his work not
long after 01. 102. 2. (b. c. 371.) It seems
that at the same time, after the congress of Sparta,
B. c. 371, he executed for the Athenians a statue
of Peace, holding Plutus the god of riches in
her arms. (Paus. i. 8. § 2, ix. 16. § 2.) We
ascribe this work to the elder Cephisodotus, al-
though a statue of Enyo is mentioned as a work of
Praxiteles' sons, because after 01. 120 we know of
no peace which the Athenians might boast of, and
because in the latter passage Pausanias speaks of
the plan of Cephisodotus as equally good with
the work of his contemporary and companion
Xenophon, which in the younger Cephisodotus
would have been only an imitation. The most
numerous group of his workmanship were the nine
Muses on mount Helicon, and three of another
group there, completed by Strongylion and Olym-
piosthenes. (Paus. ix. 30. § 1.) They were pro-
bably the works of the elder artist, because
Strongylion seems to have been a contemporary of
Praxiteles, not of his sons. (Comp. Sillig. p. 432.)

Pliny mentions two other statues of Cephiso-
dotus (xxxiv. 8. s. 19. § 27 ), one a Mercury nuising
the infent Bacchus, that is to say, holding him in
his arms in order to entrust him to the care of the
Nymphs, a subject also known by Praxiteles*
statue (Paus. ix. 39. § 3), and by some basso-
relievos, and an unknown orator lifting his hand,
which attitude of Hermes Logeos was adopted by
his successors, for instance in the celebrated statue
of Cleomenes in the Louvre, and in a colossus at
Vienna. (Meyer's Note to Winckelmann^ vii. 2,
26.) It is probable that the admirable statue of
Athena and the altar of Zeus Soter in the Peiraeeus
(Plin. xxxiv. 8. s, 19. § 14) — perhaps the same
which Demosthenes decorated after his return from
exile, a c. 323 (Plut Dem. c. 27, VU. X Orat.
p. 846, d.) — were likewise his works, because they
must have been erected soon after the restoration
of the Peiraeeus by Conon, b. c. 393.

670 CEPHISODOTUS.

2. The younger Cephisodotus, likewise of
Athens, a son of the great Praxiteles, is mentioned
by Pliny (xxxiv. 8. § 19) with five other sculptors
in bronze under the 120th Olympiad (b, c. 300),
probably because the battle of Ipsus, B, c. 301,
gave to the chronographers a convenient pause to
enumerate the artists of distinction then alive ; it
is, therefore, not to be wondered at if we find
Cephisodotus engaged before and probably after
that time. Heir to the art of his father (Plin.
xxxvi, 4. § C), and therefore always a sculptor in
bronze and marble, never, as Sillig (p. 1 44 ) states,
a painter, he was at first employed, together with
his brother Timarchus, at Athens and Thebes in
some works of importance. First, they executed
wooden statues of the orator and statesman Ly-
curgus (who died B. c. 323), and of his three sons,
Abron, Lycurgus, and Lycophron, which were
probably ordered by the family of the Butadae,
and dedicated in the temple of Erechtheus on the
Acropolis, as well as the pictures on the walls placed
there by Abron. (Paus. i. 26. § 6 ; Plut. Vit.
X Oral. p. 843.) Sillig confounds by a strange
mistake the picture of Ismenias with the statues of
Praxiteles' sons (•ttjVo^ and flK6vfs i,v\ivai). The
marble kosement of one of these statues has been
discovered lately on the Acropolis, together with
another pedestal dedicated by Cephisodotus and
Timarchus to their uncle Theoxenides. (Ross,
Kunstblatt^ 1840, No. 12.) It i« very likely that
the artists performed their task so well, that the
people, when they ordered a bronze statue to be
erected to their benefactor, B. c. 307 (Psephism.
ap. Plut. I. c. p. 852 ; Paus. i. 8. § 2), committed
it to them. The vicinity at least of the temple of
^lars, where the sons of Praxiteles had wrought a
statue of Enyo (Paus. /. c. § 5), supports this sup-
position. Another work which they executed in
common was the altar of the Cadmean Dionysus at
Thebes (Paus. ix. 12. § 3 : fioofUv is the genuine
reading, not the vulgate KoSfiov), probably erected
soon after the restoration of Thebes by Cassander,
B. c. 315, in which the Athenians heartily con-
curred. This is the last work in which both
artists are named.

The latter part of the life of Cephisodotus
is quite unknown. Whether he remained at
Athens or left the town after B. c. 303 in its
disasters, for the brilliant courts of the succes-
sors of Alexander, or whether, for instance, as
miglit be inferred from Pliny (xxxvi. 4. § G), he
was employed at Pergamus, cannot be decided.
It would seem, on account of Myros's portrait,
that he had been at Alexandria at any rate. Of
his statues of divinities four — Latona, Diana, Aes-
culapius, and Venus, were admired at Rome in
various buildings. (Plin. /. c.) Cephisodotus was
also distinguished in portrait-sculpture, especially
of philosophers (Plin. xxxiv. 8. s. 19. § 27), under
which general tenn Pliny comprises perhaps all
literary people. According to the common opinion
of antiquarians (Sillig. /. c. ; Meyer, Note to
Winckelmann^ I. c. ; Hirt, Get-chicJde der hUdenden
Kiinste, p. 220), he portrayed likewise courtezans,
for which they quote Tatian (advers. Gi-aecos, c.
52, p. 114, ed. Worth.), and think probably of
the well-known similar works of Praxiteles. But
Tatian in that chapter does not speak of courtezans,
but of poets and poetesses, whose endeavours were
cf no use to mankind ; it is only in c. 53 that he
speaks of dissipated mon and women, and in c. 55

CEPHISOPHON

of all these idle people together. In fiict the twc
ladies whom Cephisodotus is there stated to have
represented, are very well known to us as poetesses,
— Myro or ISIoero of Byzantium, mother of the
tragic poet Iloiner (who flourished b. c. 284 ; see
Suidas, s. r. "O^uTjpos), and Anyte. [Anvtk]

AU the works of Cephisodotus are lost. One
only, but one of the noblest, the Symplegma,
praised by Pliny (xxxvi. 4. § 6) and visible at his
time at Pergamus, is considered by many anti-
quarians as still in existence in an imitation
only, but a very good one, the celebrated group
of two wrestling youths at Florence. {Gall, di
Firenze Statue., iii. taw. 121, 122.) Winckelmann
seems to have changed his mind about its meaning,
for in one place {Gesch. d. Kunst, ix. 2. 28) he
refers it to the group of Niobe with which it was
found, and in another (ix. 3. § 19) he takes it to be
a work either of Cephisodotus or of Heliodorns;
and to the former artist it is ascribed by Maflfei.
(Colledan. Statuar. Antiq. tab. 29, p. 31 ; iMeyer,
in his Note to Winckelmann, Gesch. der bildenden
Kiinste, vol. i. pp. 138, 304; MiiUer, Ilandb. d.
Arch'dol. § 126. 4, § 423. 4, Denkmdler der attm
Kunst, Heft, iii. 149.) Now this opinion is cer-
tainly more probable than the strange idea of
Hirt (Gesch. d. bilde?id. Kunste b. d. Alien, p. 187),
that we see in the Florentine work an imitation of
the wrestlers of Daedalus (Plin. xxxiv. 8. s. 19. §
15), which were no group at all, but two isolated
athletes. But still it is very far from being true.
There is no doubt that the Florentine statues do
not belong to the Niobids, although Wagner, in
his able article respecting these master-works
(Kunsiblait, 1830, No. 55), has tried to revive that
old error of Winckelmann, and Krause {Gymnastik
der Hellencn., vol. i. pp. 414, 540) admits it as
possible. (Com p. Welcker, Rhein Museum., 183G,
p. 264.) But they have nothing to do with
the work of Cephisodotus, because Pliny's words
point to a very different representation. He speaks
of ** digitis verius corpori, quam mamiori impres-
sis," and in the group of Florence tlierc is no im-
pression of fingers at all. This reason is advanced
also by Zannoni (Gall, di Firenze., iii. p. 108,
A.C.), who, although he denies that Cephisodotus
invented the group, persists in considering it as
a combat between two athletes. The " alteruni
in terns 8}'mplegma nobile" (Plin. xxxvi. 4. §
10) by Heliodorus shewed "" Pana et Olympum
luctantes." Now as there were but two famous
symplegmata, one of which was certainly of an
amorous description, that of Cephisodotus could not
be a different one, but represented an amorous strife
of two individuals. To this kind there belongs a
group which is shewn by its frequent repetitions to
have been one of the most celebrated of ancient
art, namely, the beautiful though indecent contest
of an old Satyr and a Hermaphrodite, of which
two fine copies are in the Dresden museum, the
print and description of which is contained in
Bottiger's Archdologie und Kunst (p. 165, &c.).
This seems to be the work of our artist, where the
position of the hands in particular agrees perfectly
with Plinv's description. [L. U.]

CEPHI'SOPHON (K7j(^to-o0&Jf), a friend of
Euripides, is said not only to have been the chief
actor in his dramas, but also to have aided him
v.-ith his advice in the composition of them. (Aris^
toph. Ran. 942, 1404, 1448, with the Scholia.)
Traditionary scandal accuses him of an intrigue

CER.

with one of the wives of Euripides, wliose enmity
to the sex has sometimes been ascribed to this
cause. But the story is more than suspicious from
the absence of any mention of it in Aristophanes,
unless, indeed, as some have thought, it be alluded
to in the Frogs (1044). We can hardly suppose,
however, that the comic poet would have denied
himself the pleasure of a more distinct notice of
the tale, had it been really tnie, especially in the
Thesmophoriazusae and the Frogs. (Comp. Har-
tung, Eurip. resiituius, i. p. 164, &c., and the pas-
sages there referred to.) [E. E.]

CEPHISSUS {Kr](pi(r(T65\ the divinity of the
river Cephissus, is described as a son of Pontus
and Thalassa, and the father of Diogeneia and
Narcissus, who is therefore called Cephisius. (Hy-
gin. Fab. Praef. ; ApoUod. iii. 5. § 1 ; Ov. Met.
iii. 343, &c.) He had an altar in common with
Pan, the Nyrnphs, and Achelous, in the temple of
Amphiaraus near Oropus. (Paus. i. 34. $ 2.) [L. S.]

CEPHREN {Kt(ppriv) is the name, according
to Diodorus, of the Egyptian king whom Herodotus
calls Chephren. He was the brother and successor
of Cheops, whose example of tyranny he followed,
and built the second pyramid, smaller than that of
Cheops, by the compulsory labour of his subjects.
His reign is said to haVe lasted 56 years. The
pyramids, as Diodorus tells us, were meant for the
tombs of the royal builders ; but the people, groan-
ing under their yoke, threatened to tear up the
bodies, and therefore both the kings successively
desired their friends to bury them elsewhere in
an unmarked grave. In Herodotus it is said that
the Egyptians so hated the memory of these
brothers, that they called the pyramids, not by
their names, but by that of Philition, a shepherd
who at that time fed his flocks near the place.
We are told by Diodorus that, according to some
accounts, Chembes (the Cheops of Herodotus) was
succeeded by his son Chabryis, which name is per-
haps only another form of Cephren. In the letter
in which Synesius, bishop of the African Ptolemais,
announces to his brother bishops his sentence of
excommunication against Andronicus, the president
of Libya, Cephren is classed, as an instance of an
atrocious tvrant, with Phalaris and Sennacherib.
(Herod. ii.'l27, 128; Diod. i. 64; ^ynes. Epist.
58.) [E. E.]

CER (Ktjp), the personified necessity of death
(Kifp or K^pes bavaToio). The passages in the
Homeric poems in which the Krip or Krjpes appear
as real personifications, are not very numerous {II.
ii. 302, iii. 454, xviii. 535), and in most cases the
word may be taken as a common noun. The
plural form seems to allude to the various modes of
dying which Homer (//. xii. 326) pronounces to
be fivpiai, and may be a natural, sudden, or violent
death. (Orf. xi. 1*71, &c., 398, &c.) The K^jpes
are described as formidable, dark, and hateful,
because they carry off men to the joyless house of
Hades. (//. ii. 859, iii. 454 ; Orf. iii. 410, xiv.
207.) The KT/pes, although no living being can
escape them, have yet no absolute power over the
life of men : they are under Zeus and the gods,
who can stop them in their course or hurry them
on. (//. xii. 402, xviii. 115, iv. 11 ; Od. xi. 397.)
Even mortals themselves may for a time prevent
their attaining their object, or delay it by flight
and the like. (//. iii. 32, xvi. 47.) During a
bjittle the Kripes wander about with Eris and Cy-
duimos in bloody garments, quarrelling about the |

CERCIDAS.

671

wounded and the dead, and dragging them away
by the feet. (//. xviii. 535, &c.) According to He-
siod, with whom the K^es assume a more definite
form, they are the daughters of Nyx and sisters of
the Moerae, and punish men for their crimes.
{Theog. 211, 217 ; Paus. v. 19. $ ].) Their fear-
ful appearance in battle is described by Hesiod.
{■Scut. Here. 249, &.c.) They are mentioned by
later writers together with the Erinnyes as the
goddesses who avenge the crimes of men. (Aesch.
Sept. 1055; comp. Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1665, &c.)
Epidemic diseases are sometimes personified as
Kfipfs. (Orph. Hymn. xiii. 12, Ixvi. 4, Lith. vil.
6 ; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 847.) [L. S.]

CERAMEUS, THEO'PHANES {Qio<^6.vt)s
Kepa/JLfvs), archbishop of Tauromenium in Sicily
during the reign of Roger {a. d. 1 1 29 — 1 1 52), was
a native of this town or of a place in its immediate
vicinity. He wrote in Greek a great number of
homilies, which are said to be superior to the
majority of similar productions of his age. Sixty-
two of these homilies were published by Franciscus
Scorsus at Paris, 1644, fol., with a Latin version
and notes. There are still many more extant in
manuscript. (Fabric. Bibl. Graee. xi. p. 208, &c.)

CE'RBERUS (Kepgepos), the many-headed dog
that guarded the entrance of Hades, is mentioned
as early as the Homeric poems, but simply as " the
dog," and without the name of Cerberus. {U. viii.
368, Od. xi. 623.) Hesiod, who is the first that
gives his name and origin, calls him {TJieog. 311)
fifty-headed and a son of Typhaon and Echidna.
Later writers describe him as a monster with only
three heads, with the tail of a serpent and a mane
consisting of the heads of various snakes. (Apol-
lod. ii. 5. § 12; Eurip. Here. fur. 24, 611; Virg.
Aen. vi. 417; Ov. Met. iv. 449.) Some poets
again call him many-headed or hundred-headed.
(Herat. Carm. ii. 13. 34 ; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 678 ;
Senec. Here. fur. 784.) The place where Cerberus
kept watch was according to some at the mouth
of the Acheron, and according to others at the
gates of Hades, into which he admitted the shades,
but never let thera out again. [L. S.]

CE'RCIDAS {KipmUs). 1. A poet, philoso
pher, and legislator for his native city. Megalopolis.
He was a disciple of Diogenes, whose death he re-
corded in some Meliambic lines. (Diog. Laert. vi.
76.) He is mentioned and cited by Athenaeus
(viii. p. 347, e., xii. 554, d.) and Stobaeus (iv.
43, Iviii. 10). At his death he ordered the first
and second books of the Iliad to be buried with
him. (Ptol. Hephaest. ap. FJiot. Cod. 190, p. 151,
a., 14, ed. Bekker.) Aelian {V. H. xiii. 20) re-
lates that Cercidas died expressing his hope of being
with Pythagoras of the philosophers, Hecataeus of
the historians, Olympus of the musicians, and
Homer of the poets, which clearly implies that he
himself cultivated these four sciences. He appears
to be the same person as Cercidas the Arcadian,
who is mentioned by Demosthenes among those
Greeks, who, by their cowardice and corruption,
enslaved their states to Philip. {De Coron. p. 324;
see the reply of Polybius to this accusation, xvii.
14.)

2. A Megalopolitan, who was employed by
Aratus in an embassy to Antigonus Doson to treat
of an alliance, B. c. 224. He returned home after
he had succeeded in his mission, and he afterwards
commanded a thousand Megalopolitans in the array
wJiich Antigonus led into Laconia, b.c. 222. (Polyb.

672

CERCOPES.

ii. 48 — 50, 65.) He may have been a descen-
dant of the preceding, but on this point we have
po information. [P. S.]

CERCO, the name of a family of the plebeian
Lutatia gens.

1. Q. LuTATius C, F. C. N. Cerco, consul with
A. Manlius Torquatus Atticus, b. c. 241, in which
year the first Punic war was brought to a close by
the victory of C. Lutatius Catulus at the Aegates.
Cerco is called by Zonaras (viii. 1 7) the brother of
Catulus, which statement is confirmed by the
Capitoline Fasti, in which both are described as
Cf. C. n. Zonaras also says, that Cerco was sent
into Sicily to regulate the afiairs of the island in
conjunction with his brother Catulus. After
peace had been concluded with Carthage, the Fa-
lisci or people of Falerii, for some reason which is
unknown, rose against the Romans : both consuls
were sent against them, and the war was finished
by the conquest of the infatuated people within
six days. Half of their domain land was taken
from them and their town destroyed. For this
success, Cerco as well as his colleague obtained a
triumph. (Liv. xxx. 44, Epit. 19; Eutrop. ii.
28 ; Oros. iv. 11 ; Polyb. i. 65 ; Zonar. viii. 18.)
Cerco was censor in 236 with L. Cornelius Len-
tulus, and died in this magistracy. (Fast. Capit.)

2. Cn. Lutatius Chrco, one of the five ambas-
sadors sent to Alexandria, b. c. 173. (Liv. xlii. 6.)

The annexed coin of the Lutatia gens contains
on the obverse the name Cerco with the head of
Pallas, and on the reverse Q. Lutati, with a ship
enclosed within a wreath made of oak-leaves.

The reverse probably refers to the victory of C.
Lutatius Catulus, which would of course be re-
garded by the Cercones as well as the Catuli as
conferring honour upon their gens. (Eckhel, v.
p. 240.)

CERCO'PES (KepKaorcs), droll and thievish
gnomes who play a part in the story of Heracles.
Their number is commonly stated to have been
two, but their names are not the same in all ac-
counts,— either Olus and Eurybatus, Sillus and
Triballus, Passalus and Aclemon, Andulus and
Atlantus, or Candulus and Atlas. (Suidas, s. vv. ;
Schol. ad Lucixin. Alex. 4 ; Tzetz. Chil. v. 75.)
Diodorus (iv. 31), however, speaks of a greater
number of Cercopes. They are called sons of
Theia, the daughter of Oceanus ; they annoyed and
robbed Heracles in his sleep, but they were taken
prisoners by him, and either given to Omphale, or
killed, or set free again. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 91.)
The place in which they seem to have made their
first appearance, was Thermopylae (Herod, vii.
216), but the comic poem KepKc^ires, which bore
the name of Homer, probably placed them at Oe-
chalia in Euboea, whereas others transferred them
to Lydia (Suid. s. v. Evpv€aTos), or the islands
called Pithecusae, which derived their name from
the Cercopes who were changed into monkeys by
Zeus for having cunningly deceived him. (Ov. Met.
xiv. 90, &c. ; Pomp. Mela, ii. 7 ; compare Miiller,
JDor. ii. 12. § 10 ; HuUmunn, De Cyclop. dCercop.

CEREALIS.
1 824 } Rigler, De Hercide el Cercop., Colo;rne,
1825, &c. 4to.) [L. S.]

CERCOPS {KipKu^). \. One of the oldest
Orphic poets, called a Pythagorean by Clemens of
Alexandria {Strom, i. p. 333, ed. Paris, 1629) and
Cicero {de Nat. Deor. i. 38), was said by Epigenes
of Alexandria to have been the author of an Orphic
epic poem entitled " the Descent to Hades (rf eis
"AiSou KaraSacris), which seems to have been ex-
tant in the Alexandrine period. (Clem. Alex. l.c.)
Others attribute this work to Prodicus of Samos,
or Herodicus of Perinthus, or Orpheus of Camarina.
(Suidas, s. v. 'Op^evs.)

Epigenes also assigns to Cercops (Clem. Alex.
I. c.) the Orphic lepos \6yos which was ascribed
by some to Theognetus of Thessaly, and was a
poem in twenty-four books. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec.
i. pp. 161, &C., 172; Bode, Gesch. der Episclu
Dichikunst der Hellenen, p. 125, &c.)

2. Of Miletus, the contemporary and rival of
Hesiod, is said by some to have been the author of
an epic poem called "Aegimius," whicli is also
ascribed to Hesiod. (Diog. Laert. ii. 46 ; Athen.
xi. p. 503 ; Apollod. iL L § 3 ; comp. Aegimius,
p. 26, a.)

CE'RCYON (KepwW), a son of Poseidon by a
daughter of Amphictyon,* and accordingly a half-
brother of Triptolemus. (Pans. i. 14. § 1.) Others
call him a son of Hephaestus. (Hygin. Fab. 38. )
He came from Arcadia, and dwelt at Eleusis in
Attica. (Plut. Thes. 11; Ov. Met. vii. 439.) He
is notorious in ancient story for his cruelty towards
his daughter Alope [Alopk] and all who refused
to fight with him, but he was in the end conquered
and slain by Theseus. (Pans. i. 39. § 3.) An-
other personage of the same name is mentioned by
Pausanias. (viii. 5. § 3 ; comp. Agamei>es.) [L.S.]

S. CEREA'LIS, a Roman general, commanded
the fifth legion in the Jewish war, under Titus,
(a. D. 70.) He slew a number of Samaritans on
mount Gerizim ; overran Iduraaea, and took He-
bron ; made an unsuccessful night attack on the
temple, and was present at the council of war held
by Titus immediately before the taking of Jerusa-
lem. (Joseph. B. J. iii. 7. § 32, iv. 9. § 9, vi. 2.
%%S,Q', c4. §3.) [P. S.]

CEREA'LIS or CERIA'LIS, ANI'CIUS, was
consul designatus in a. d. Q5^ and proposed in the
senate, after the detection of Piso's conspiracj%
that a temple should be built to Nero as quickly
as possible at the public expense. (Tac. Ann. xv.
74.) In the following year, he, in common with
several other noble Romans, fell under Nero's sus-
picions, was condemned, and anticipated his fate
by putting himself to death. He was but little
pitied, for it was remembered that he had betrayed
the conspiracy of Lepidus and Lentulus. (a. d, 39.)
The alleged ground of his condemnation was a
mention of him as an enemy to the emperor in a
paper left by MeUa, who had been condemned a
little before ; but the paper was generally believed
to be a forgery. (Tac. Ann. xvi. 17.) [P. S.]

CEREA'LIS, CI'VICA, a Roman senator who,
while proconsul of Asia, was put to death by Do-
mitian, shortly before A. D. 90. (Suet. Doin. 10 ;
Tac. Agric. 42.) [P. S.]

CEREA'LIS, JU'LIUS, a Roman poet, con-
temporary with Pliny the Younger and Martial,
by both of whom he is addressed as an intimate
friend. He wrote a poem on the war of the giants.
(Plin. ^jpis^. ii. 19; Martial, £^>iV/. xi. 52.) [P.S.]

CERINTIIUS.

CEREA'LIS or CEBTA'LIS, PETI'LIUS, a
Roman general, and a near relative of the emperor
Vespasian, is first mentioned as legate of the 9th
legion, under Vettius Bolanus, in Britain, when he
was defeated by the British insurgents under Boa-
dicea, a. d. 6 1. ( Tac. A nn. xiv. U2. ) When Vespasian
set up his claim to the empire (a. d. 69), Petilius
Cerealis escaped from Rome and joined his army
in Italy under Antonius, and was made one of his
generals. He commanded an advanced party of
cavalry, and is charged, in common with the other
genemls, with not advancing upon Rome quickly
enough. He suifered a defeat in a skirmish be-
neath the walls of Rome. In the following year,
he was sent to the Rhine, to suppress the revolt of
Civilis, in which he was completely successful.
[CiviLis.] While holding this command, he was
solicited by Domitian to give up to him his army.
Domitian's object was partly to gain reputation by
finishing the >nctory which Cerealis had secured,
but chiefly to seize the empire. Cerealis, however,
laughed otf the request, as being the foolish fancy
of a boy. (Tac. HM. iii. 59, 78, 79, iv. 86.)

In the following year (a. d. 71), he was sent as
consular legate to the government of Britain, in
which he was active and successful. He conquered
a great part of the Brigantes, and called out the
talents of Agricola. (Tac. Agr. 8, 17.) As a com-
mander he was energetic, but rash. (See especially
Tac. Hist. iv. 71.) [P. S.]

CEREA'LIUS (KepeoAtos), a poet of the Greek
Anthology, whose time and country are unknown.
Three epigrams are ascribed to him by Brunck
{Anal. ii. p. 345), but of these the third is of very
doubtful authorship. Of the other two the first is
a jocose allusion to the poetic contests at the Gre-
cian games, the second is in ridicule of those gram-
marians who thought to pass for pure Attic writers
on the strength of a few Attic words and, in gene-
ral, of the use of obsolete words. [P. S.]

CERES. [Demeter.]

CERINTHUS {KilpLvdos), probably belonged
to the first century of the Christian aera, though
he has been assigned to the second by Basnage
and others. The fathers by whom he is mentioned
make him contemporary with the Apostle John,
and there is no ground for rejecting their testi-
mony. He has been universally placed in the list
of heretics, and may be reckoned the first who
taught principles afterwards developed and em-
bodied in the Gnostic system. According to Epi-
phanius, he was a Jew by birth ; and Theodoret
{Haeret. Fabid. lib. ii.) asserts, that he studied
philosophy at Alexandria. It is probable, how-
ever, that during his residence in Egypt he had
not imbibed all the sentiments which he subse-
quently held; they rather seem to have been
adopted while he abode in Asia Minor, where he
spent the greater part of his life. This is accor-
dant with the statement of Epiphanius that he
propagated his doctrines in Asia. Whether he
often encountered the apostles themselves at Jeru-
salem, Caesareia, and Antioch, as the same writer
affirms, is questionable. Tradition states, that he
lived at Ephesus while John was in that city.
Nothing is known of the time and manner of his
death.

It is not difficult to reconcile the varying accounts
of his system given by Irenaeus, Epiphanius, Caius,
and Dionysius of Alexandria. Irenaeus reckons him
A thorough Gnostic ; while Caius and Dionysius as-

CERINTHUS.

678

cribe to him a gross and sensual Chiliasm or Millen-
narianism, abhorrent to the nature of Gnosticism.
If it be true that the origin of the Gnostic is to be
sought in the Judaising sects, as Neander believes,
the former uniting Jewish Theosophy with Chris-
tianity, Cerinthus's system represents the transi-
tion-state, and the Jewish elements were subse-
quently refined and modified so as to exhibit less
grossness. Irenaeus himself believed in Chiliasm,
and therefore he did not mention it as a peculiar
feature in the doctrines of Cerinthus ; while Caius,
a strenuous opponent of Millennarianism, would
naturally describe it in the worst colours. Thus
the accounts of both may be harmonised.

His system, as collected from the notices of
Irenaeus, Caius, Dionysius, and Epiphanius, con-
sisted of the following particulars : He taught that
the world was created by angels, over whom pre-
sided one from among themselves. This presiding
spirit or power was so far inferior to the Supreme
Being as to be ignorant of his character. He was
also the sovereign and lawgiver of the Jews.
Different orders of angels existed in the pleroma,
among whom those occupied with the affairs ot
this world held the lowest rank. The man Jesus
was a Jew, the son of Joseph and Mary by ordi-
nary generation, but distinguislied for his wisdom
and piety. Hence he was selected to be the
Messiah. When he was baptized by John in the
Jordan, the Christ, or Logos, or Holy Spirit, de-
scended from heaven in form of a dove and
entered into his soul. Then did he first become
conscious of his future destination, and receive all
necessary qualifications to enable him to discharge
its functions. Henceforward he became perfectly
acquainted with the Supreme God, revealed Him
to men, was exalted above all the angels who
managed the affairs of the world, and wrought
miracles by virtue of the spiritual energy that now
dwelt in him. When Jesus was apprehended at
the instigation of the God of the Jews, the logos
departed from him and returned to the Father, so
that the man Jesus alone suffered. After he had
been put to death and consigned to the grave he
rose again. Epiphanius says, that Cerinthus ad-
hered in part to Judaism. He appears to have held
that the Jewish law was binding upon Christians in
a certain sense, probably that sense in which it was
explained by the logos when united to Jesus. He
maintained that there would be a resurrection of
the body, and that the righteous should enjoy a
paradise of delights in Palestine, where the man
Jesus appearing again as the Messiah by virtue of
the logos associated with him, and having con-
quered all his enemies, should reign a thousand
years. It is not likely that he connected with the
millennial reign of Christ such canial pleasures as
Caius and Dionysius allege. It is clear that he
received the books of the Old Testament ; and the
evidence which has been adduced to prove his
rejection of the gospels, or any part of them, is un-
satisfactory. Epiphanius affirms, that he rejected
Paul on account of the apostle's renunciation of
circumcision, but whether this means all Paul's
writings it is impossible to determine. Several of
the Fathers relate, that John on one occasion went
into the bath at Ephesus, but on seeing Cerinthus
came out in haste, saying, " Let us flee home, lest
the bath should fall while Cerinthus is within."
It is also an ancient opinion that John wrote his
Gospel to refute Cerinthus. (Walch, Enticnr/der

2x

674

CERSOBLEPTES.

Geschtchie der Ketzereien^ vol. i. ; Neander, Kir-
chengescJiicJde^ voL i. part 2 ; Mosheim, Institut.
Hist. Christ. Major., and his Comment, de Rebus
Christianorum ante Constant. M. ; Schmidt, Cerinth
ein Judaisirender Christ, in his Bib. fur Kritik
«nd Eacegese des N. T. vol. i. ; Paulus, Historia
Cerintlii, in his Introductionis in N. T. capita selec-
iiora ; Lardner, History of Heretics, Works, vol.
iv., 4to. edition.) [S. D.]

CEROESSA (K6prf«ro-o), a daughter of Zeus by
lo, and born on the spot where Byzantium was
afterwards built. She was brought up by a nymph
<»f the place, and afterwards became the mother of
Byzas. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Bv^ovtiov.) From this
story it must be inferred, that Ai^os had some
share in founding the colony of Byzantium, which
is otherwise called a colony of Megara. (MUller,
Dor. i. 6. § 9.) [L. S.]

CERRETA'NUS, Q. AULIUS, twice consul
in the Samnite war, first in B. c. 323 with C. Sul-
picius Longus, when he had the conduct of the
war in Apulia, and a second time in 319 with L.
Papirius Cursor, wh«n he conquered the Ferentani
and received their city into surrender. (Liv. viiL
37; Diod. xviii. 26; Liv. ix. 15, 16 ; Diod. xviii.
58.) He was magister equitum to the dictator
Q. Fabius Maximus in 315, and fought a battle
against the Samnites without consulting the dicta-
tor, in which he was shun after killing the Samnite
generaL (Liv. ix. 22.)

CERSOBLEPTES {Kfp<ro6\firT7]s), was son of
Cotys, king of Thrace, on whose death in a c. 358
he inherited the kingdom in conjunction with
Berisades and Amadocus, who were probably his
brothers. He was very young at the time, and
the whole management of his affairs was assumed
by the Eaboean adventurer, Charidemus, who was
connected by marriage with the royal family, and
who bore the prominent part in the ensuing con-
tests and negotiations with Athens for the posses-
sion of the Chersonesus, Cersobleptes appearing
throughout as a mere cipher. (Dem. c. A ristocr.
pp. 623, &c., 674, &c.) The peninsula seems to
have been finally ceded to the Athenians in b. c.
357, though they did not occupy it with their
settlers till 353 (Diod. xvi. 34); nor perhaps
is the language of Isocrates {de Pac. p. 163, d.
/i?) 7op 0x60-06 /ATire Kep(TO§KeTrrr]u, k. t. A.) so
decisive against this early date as it may appear
at first sight, and as Clinton (on b. c. 356) seems
to think it. (Comp. Thirl wall's Greece, vol. v. pp.
229, 244.) For some time after the cession of the
Chersonesus, Cersobleptes continued to court assi-
duously the favour of the Athenians, being perhaps
restrained from aggression by the fear of their
squadron in the Hellespont ; but on the death of
Blerisades, before 352, he conceived, or rather Cha-
ridemus conceived for him, the design of excluding
the children of the deceased prince from their in-
heritance, and obtaining possession of all the do-
minions of Cotys ; and it was with a view to the
furtherance of this object that Charidemus obtained
from the Athenian people, through his party among
the orators, the singular decree in his favour for
which its mover Aristocrates was impeached, but
imsuccessfuUy, in the speech of Demosthenes yet
extant. (Dem. c. Aristocr. pp. 624, 625, 680.)
[Charidemus.] From a passing allusion in this
oration (p. 681), it appears that Cersobleptes had
been negotiating with Philip for a combined attack
on the Chersonesus, which however came to nothing

CESTIUS.

in consequence of the refusal of Amadocus to allow
Philip a passage through his territory. But after
the passing of the decree above-mentioned, Philip
became the enemy of Cersobleptes, and in b. c. 352
made a successful expedition into Thrace, gained a
firm ascendancy in the country, and brought away
a son of Cersobleptes as a hostage. (Dem. Olynth.
i. p. 12 ad fin. ; Isocr. Phil. p. 86, c. ; Aesch. de
Feds. Leg. p. 38.) At the time of the peace be-
tween Athens and Philip in b. c. 346, we find
Cersobleptes again involved in hostilities with the
Macedonian king, who in fact was absent in Thrace
when the second Athenian embassy arrived at
Pella, and did not return to give them audience till
he had completely conquered Cersobleptes. (Dem.
de Pais. Leg. pp. 390, 391, de Cor. p. 235 ; Aesch.
de Pals. Leg. pp. 29, 40, &c.) In the course of the
next three years, Cersobleptes seems to have reco-
vered strength suflicient to throw off the yoke,
and, according to Diodonis, persisted in his attacks
on the Greek cities on the Hellespont. Accordingly,
in B.C. 343, Philip again marched against hira,
defeated him in several battles, and reduced him
to the condition of a tributary. (Diod. xvi. 71;
Ep. Phil, ad Ath. ap. Dem. pp. 160, 161 ; Dem.
de Cliers. p. 105.) [E. E.]

CERVA'RIUS PRO'CULUS. [Proculus.]
CERVI'DIUS SCAE'VOLA. [Scaevola.]
CERYX (Krjpu^), an Attic hero, a son of
Hermes and Aglauros, from whom the priestly
family of the Ceryces at Athens derived their origin.
(Pau's. i. 38. $ 3.) [L. S.]

CESE'LLIUS BASSUS. [Bassus, p. 472, b.]
CESTIA'NUS, a surname which occurs on se-
veral coins of the Plaetoria gens, but is not men-
tioned in any ancient writer. [Plaetorius.]

CE'STIUS. 1. Cicero mentions three persons
of this name, who perhaps are all the same : one
in the oration for Flaccus, b. c. b9 (c. 13), another
(C. Cestius) in a letter to Atticus, b. c. 51 {ad Ait.
V. 13), and a third (C. Cestius) as praetor in b. c.
44, who, he says, refused a province from Antony.
{Phil. iii. 10.) As the last belonged to the aris-
tocratical party, it is probable that he is the same
Cestius who perished in the proscription, b. c. 43.
(Appian, B. C. iv. 26.)

2. Cestius, surnamed Macedonicus, on ac-
count of his having formerW served in Macedonia,
was a native of Perusia, When this town was
taken by Augustus in b. c. 41, he set fire to his
house, which occasioned the conflagration of the
whole city, and then stabbed himself and leaped
into the flames. (Appian, B. C. v. 49 ; Veil Pat.
ii. 74.)

3. Cestius Gallus. [Gallus.]

4. Cestius Proculus, accused of repetundae,
but acquitted, A. D. bQ. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 30.)

5. Cestius Severus, an infamous informer
under Nero. (Tac. Hist. iv. 41.)

The name Cestius is chiefly remarkable on ac-
count of its connexion with two monuments at
Rome, the Pons Cestius and the Pyramid of Ces-
tius, both of which are still remaining. This bridge,
which connects the island of the Tiber with the
Janiculum, is supposed by some writers to have
been built by the consul C. Cestius GaUus, in the
reign of Tiberius ; but as it seems improbable that
a private person would have been allowed to give
his name to a public work under the empire, its
erection is generally referred to the time of the
republic. The Pyramid of Cestius, which was

CETHEGUS.

used as a burial-place, stands near the Porta Osti-
ensis, and part of it is within and part witliout tlie
walls of Aurelian. From an inscription upon it
we are told, that it was erected, in accordance
with a testamentary provision, for C. Cestius, the
son of Lucius, who hatl been Epulo, Praetor, Tri-
bune of the plobs, and one of the seven Epulones ;
and from another inscription on it, in which the
names of M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus and M.
Agrippa occur, we learn, that it was built in the
reign of Augustus. Whether this C. Cestius is to
be identified with one of the persons of this name
mentioned by Cicero [see above, No. 1], as some
modem writers have supposed, cannot be deter-
mined.

The name of L. Cestius occurs on two coins,
together with that of C. Norbanus ; but who these
two persons were is quite uncertain, A specimen
of one of these coins is given below : the obverse
represents a female head covered with an elephant's
skin, the reverse a sella curulis with a helmet on
the top of it. (Eckhel, v. p. 169.)

CETHEGUS.

676

L. CE'STIUS PIUS, a native of Smyrna, taught
rhetoric at Rome a few years before the commence-
ment of the Christian era. He was chiefly cele-
brated on account of the declamations which he
was wont to deliver in places of public resort in
reply to the orations of Cicero ; but neither Seneca
nor Quintilian speaks of him with any respect. No
fragment of his works has been preserved. (Hiero-
nyra. ap. Chron. Euseb. ad 01. cxci. ; Senec. Con-
trov. ill praef., Suasor. vii. ; QuintiL x. 5. § 20 ;
Meyer, Orator. Roman. Fragm.) [W. R.]

CETHE'GUS, the name of a patrician family
of the Cornelia gens. The family was of old date.
They seem to have kept up an old fashion of wear-
ing their arras bare, to which Horace alludes in
the words cinctuti Cethegi {Ars Poiit. 50) ; and
Lucan (ii. 543) describes the associate of Catiline
[see No. 8] thus, ejcserliquc manus vesana CetJiegi.

1. M. Cornelius M. f. M. n. Cethegus, was
curule aedile in b. c. 213, and pontifex maximus
in the same year upon the death of L. Lentulus ;
praetor in 21 1 when he had the charge of Apulia ;
censor in 209 with P. Sempronius Tuditanus ; and
consul with the same colleague in 204. In the
next year he commanded as proconsul in Cisalpine
Gaul, where with the praetor QuintUius Varus he
defeated Mago, the brother of Hannibal, and com-
pelled him to quit Italy. He died in b. c. 196
(Liv. XXV. 2, 41, xxvii. 11, xxix. 11, xxx. 18.)
His eloquence was rated very high, so that Ennius
gave him the name of Suadae medulla (ap. Cic.
Cat. Maj. 14 ; corap. ^rw^ 15), and Horace twice
refers to him as an ancient authority for the usage
of Latin words, {Epist. ii. 2. 116, Ars Pott. 50,
and Schol, ad loc.)

2. 0. Cornelius L, p. M. n. Cethegus, com-
manded in Spain as proconsul in B, c. 200, before
he had been aedile. Elected aedile in his absence
he exhibited the games with great magnificence.
(b. c. 199,) As consul (b. c. 197;, he defeated

the Insiibrians and Cenomanians in Cisalpine Gaul,
and triumphed. He was censor in 1 94 ; and to-
wards the close of the next year, after holding the
lustrum, he went as joint commissioner with Scipio
Africanus and Minucius Rufus to mediate between
Masinissa and Carthage. (Liv. xxxi. 49, 50,
xxxii. 7, 27—30, xxxiii. 23, xxxiv. 44, 62.)

3. P. Cornelius L. f. P. n. Cethegus, curule
aedile in B, c, 187, praetor in 185, and consul in
181. The grave of Numa was discovered in his
consulship. He triumphed with his colleague
Baebius Tamphilus over the Ligurians, though no
battle had been fought, — an honour that had not
been granted to any one before. In 173 he was
one of the ten commissioners for dividing the Li-
gurian and Gallic lands. (Liv. xxxix, 7, 23, xl. 18;
Val. Max. i. 1. § 12 ; Plin. H. N. xiii. 13. s. 27 ;
Plut, Num. 22 ; Liv. xl. 38, xlii, 4,)

4. P. Cornelius Cethegus, praetor in 184
B. c. (Liv. xxxix. 32, 38, 39.)

5. M. Cornelius C. f. C. n. Cethegus, was
sent in B. c, 171 as one of a commission into Cis-
alpine Gaul, to inquire why the consul C. Cassias
Longinus had left his province. In 169 he was
triumvir coloniae deducendae, in order to plant an
additioi^al body of citizens at Aquileia. As consul
in 160 he drained a part of the Pontine Marshes.
(Liv. xliii. 1, 17, Epit. 46.)

6. L, Cornelius Cethegus, one of the chief
supporters of a bill brought in (b. c. 149) by L.
Scribonius Libo, tribune of tlie plebs, to impeach
Serv. Sulpicius Galba for breach of his word, in
putting some of the Lusitanians to death, and
selling others as slaves, (Liv. Epit. 49 ; Cic. de
Oral. i. 52, End. 23, ad Alt. xii. 5.)

7. P. Cornelius Cethegus, a friend of Marius,
who being proscribed by Sulla (b. c. 88) fled with
the younger Marius into Numidia, but returned
next year to Rome with the heads of his party.
In 83, however, he went over to Sulla, and was
pardoned. (Appian, B. C. i. 60 62, 80.) Not-
withstanding his notorious bad life, and utter want
of faith, he retained great power and influence
even after Sulla's death ; and it was he who joined
the consiJ M. Cotta in procuring the unlimited
command of the MediteiTanean for a man like
himself, M. Antonius Creticus [Antonius, No.
9] ; nor did LucuUus disdain to sue Cethegus'
concubine to use her interest in liis favour, when
he was seeking to obtain the command against
Mithridates. (Cic, Parad. v. 3 ; Plut. LucuU. 5,
6 ; comp. Cic. pro Cluent. 31.)

8. C. Cornelius Cethegus, one of Catiline's
crew. His profligate character shewed itself in
early youth (Cic. pro Suit. 25) ; the heavy debts
he had contracted made him ready for any des-
perate political attempt ; and before he was old
enough to be aedile, he had leagued himself with
Catiline, (b. c. 63.) When his chief left Rome,
after Cicero's first speech, Cethegus staid behind
under the orders of Lentulus. His charge was to
murder the leading senators. But the tardiness of
Lentulus prevented anything being done. Cethegus
was ari'ested and condemned to death with the
other conspirators, the evidence against him being
the swords and daggers which he had collected in
his house, and the letter under his hand and seal
which he had given to the Allobrogian ambas-
sadors, Cethegus was a bold, rash, enterprising
man {manus vesana Cethegi^ Lucan, ii. 543 ; comp.
Cic. in Cat. iv. 6) ; and if the chief part, after

2x2

676

CHABRIAS.

Catiline's departure, had fallen to him instead of
Lentulus, it is more than possible that Rome
would have been fired and pillaged, and her best
citizens murdered. (Sail. Cat, 17,46 — 50,55;
Cic. in Cat. iii. 3, 5 — 7, pro SuU. 6, 25, &.C., post
Red. in Sen. 4, pro Domo, 24 ; Appian, B. C. ii.
2—5, &c., 15.) [H. G. L.]

CEYX (Kw^), lord of Trachis, was connected
by friendship with Heracles. He was the father
of Hippasus, who fell in battle fighting as
the ally of Heracles. (Apollod. ii. 7. § 6,
&c.) According to others, Ceyx was a nephew of
Heracles, who built for him the town of Trachis.
Miiller {^Dor. ii. 11. § 3, comp, i. 3. § 5) supposes
that the marriage of Ceyx and his connexion with
Heracles were subjects of ancient poems. [ L. S.]

CHA'BRIAS (Xa§pjas), the Athenian general,
makes his first appearance in history as the suc-
cessor of Iphicrates in the command of the Athe-
nian force at Corinth in B. c. 393, according to
Diodorus (xiv. 92), who places it, however, at
least a year too soon, since it was in 392 that
Iphicrates, yet in command, defeated the Spartan
Mora. (See Xen. Hell. iv. 8. § 34 ; Schneid. ad
Xen. HeU. iv. 5. § 19.) In B. c. 388, on his way
to Cyprus to aid Evagoras against the Persians,
Chabrias landed in Aegina, and gained by an
ambuscade a decisive victory over the Spartans,
who lost their commander Gorgopas in the en-
gagement The consequence of his success was,
that the Athenians were delivered for a time from
the annoyance to which they had been subjected
from Aegina by the Spartans and Aeginetans.
(Xen. Hell. v. 1. § 10, &c. ; comp. iv. 8. § 24 ;
Polyaen. iii. 10 ; Dem. c. Lept. p. 479, ad fin.)
In B. c. 378 he was joined with Timotheus and
Callistratus in the command of the forces which
were despatched to the aid of Thebes against
Agesilaus, and it was in the course of this cam-
paign that he adopted for the first time that
manoeuvre for which he became so celebrated, —
ordering his men to await the attack with their
spears pointed against the enony and their shields
resting on one knee. The attitude was a formidable
one, and the Spartans did not venture to charge.
A statue was afterwards erected at Athens to
Chabrias in the posture above described. (Xen.
HelL V. 4. § 34, &c. ; Diod. xv. 32, 33; Polyaen.
ii. 1; Dem. c. Lept. I. c. ; Arist. Ji/iet. iii. 10. § 7.)
It was perhaps in the next year that he accepted
the offer of Acoris, king ef Egypt, to act as
general of the mercenaries in his service against
the Persians : the Athenians, however, recalled
him on the remonstrance of Pharnabazus. (Diod.
XV. 29.) But other distinction awaited him, of a
less equivocal nature, and in the service of his own
country. The Lacedaemonians had sent outPollis
with a fleet of 60 ships to cut off from Athens her
supplies of corn. Chabrias, being appointed to act
against him with more than 80 triremes, proceeded
to besiege Naxos, and, the Lacedaemonians coming
up to relieve it, a battle ensued (Sept. 9, b. c
376), in which the Athenians gained a decisive
and important victor^', — the first they had won
with their own ships since the Peloponnesian war.
According to Diodorus, the whole of the Lacedae-
monian fleet might have been easily destroyed,
had not Chabrias been warned by the recollection
of Arginusae to look before everything to the sav-
ing of his own men from the wrecks. (Xen. Hell.
V. 4 §§ 60, 61 ; Diod. xv. 34, 35 ; Polyaen. iii.

CHABRIAS.

1 1 ; Dem. c. Aristocr. p. 686 ; Plut. PJioc. 6,
Camill. 19, de Glor. Ath. 1 .) In B. c. 373,
Chabrias was joined with Iphicrates and Callistra-
tus in the command of the forces destined foi
Corcyra [see p. 577, b.] ; and early in 368 he led
the Athenian troops which went to aid Sparta in
resisting at the Isthmus the second invasion of the
Peloponnesus by Epaminondas, and repulsed the
latter in an attack which he made on Corinth.
(Xen. Hdl vii. 1. §§ 15—19 ; Diod. xv. 68, 69 ;
Paus. ix. 15.) Two years after this, B. c. 366, he
was involved with Callistratus in the accusation
of having caused the loss of Oropus to Athens
[Callistratus, No. 3] (comp. Dem. c. Meid.
p. 535) ; and Clinton suggests, that this may
have been the occasion on which he was defend-
ed by Plato, according to the anecdote in Dio-
genes Laertius (iii. 24) — a suggestion which doea
not preclude us from supposing, that it was also
the occasion referred to by Aristotle. {Rliet. iii. 10.
§ 7 ; see Clint. Fast. ii. p. 396, note tt', and sub
anno 395 ; comp. Diet, of Ant. s. v. avv-qyopos.)
On the authority of Theopompus, we hear that
Chabrias was ever but too glad to enter on any
foreign service, not only because it gave him more
opportunity to gratify his luxurious propensities,
but also from the jealousy and annoyance to which
men of note and wealth were exposed at Athens.
Accordingly we find him, early in b. c. 361, taking
the command of the naval force of Tachos, king of
Egj-pt, who was in rebellion against Persia. The
king's army of mercenaries was entrusted to Age-
silaus, who however deserted his cause for that of
Nectanabis, while Chabrias remained faithful to
his first engagement. On the course and results of
the war there is a strange discrepancy between
Xenophon and Plutarch on the one side, and
Diodorus on the other. (Theopomp. ap. Atlien. xii.
p. 532, b, ; Nep. Clvabr. 3 ; Xen. Ages. ; Plut. Ages.
37; Diod. xv. 92, 93; Wesseling," at/^oc.) About
B.C. 358 Chabrias was sent to succeed Athenodorus
as commander in Thrace ; but he arrived with only
one ship, and the consequence was that Charidemus
renounced the treaty he had made with Atheno-
dorus, and drove Chabrias to consent to another
most unfavourable to the interests of Athens.
[Charidemus.] On the breaking out of the social
war in 357, Chares was appointed to command the
Athenian army, and Chabrias was joined with hira
as admiral of the fleet; though, according to C.
Nepos, the latter accompanied the expedition merely
in a private capacity. At the siege of Chios, which
was the first operation of the war, he advanced
with gallant rashness into the harbour, before the
rest of the fleet, and, when his ship was disabled,
he refused to save his life by abandoning it, and
fell fighting. (Diod. xvi. 7 ; Nep. CJialjr. 4 ; Dem.
c. Lept. p. 481.) Plutarch tells us, that Chabrias
was slow in devising and somewhat rash in exe-
cuting, and that both defects were often in some
measure corrected and supplied by his young friend
Phocion, Yet his death seems to have been a real
loss to Athens. His private qualities, notwith-
standing the tendency to profligate self-indulgence
which has been mentioned above on the authority
of Theopompus, were at least such as to attract
and permanently retain the friendship of Phocion.
His public services were rewarded with the privi-
lege of exemption from liturgies ; and the continu-
ation of the privilege to his son Ctesippus, from
whom the law of Leptines would have taken it,

CIIAEREAS.

was successfully advocated by Demosthenes in B.C.
.•J5.5. (Pint. Phoc. 6, 7 ; Dem. c. I^ept. pp. 479 —
483.) Pausanias (i. 29) speaks of the tomb of
Chabrias as lying between those of Pericles and
Phonuion on the way from the city to the Aca-
demy. [E. E.]

CHAE'REA, C. CA'SSIUS, the slayer of the
emperor Caligula, was tribune of the praetorian
cohort. He is said to have been incited to con-
spire against the emperor partly by his noble
spirit and love of liberty, partly by his disgust at
the cruelties which he was employed to execute,
partly by his suspicion that the confidence and
fiivour of Caligula was the forerunner of his des-
truction, and most of all by the insults of the em-
peror, who used himself to ridicule him as if he
were Jui effeminate person, and to hold him up to
ridicule to his fellow-soldiers, by giving through
him such watchwords as Vmvs and Priapus. Hav-
ing formed a conspiracy with Cornelius Sabinus
and other noble Romans, he fixed on the Palatine
games in honour of Augustus for the time of ac-
tion. On the fourth day of the games, as the em-
peror was going from the theatre to his palace, the
conspirators attacked him in a narrow passage, and
killed him with many wounds, Chaerea striking
the first blow. (Jan. 24, a. d. 41.) In the confu-
sion which ensued, some of the conspirators were
killed by the German guards of Caligula ; but
others, among whom was Chaerea, escaped into the
palace. Chaerea next sent and put to death Cali-
gula's wife Caesonia and her daughter. He warmly
supported the scheme, which the senators at first
adopted, of restoring the republic, and received
from the consuls the watchword for the night, —
Liberty. But the next day Claudius was made
emperor by the soldiers, and his first act was to
put Chaerea and the other conspirators to death.
Chaerea met his fate with the greatest fortitude,
the executioner using, at Chaerea's own desire, the
sword with which he had wounded Caligula. A
few days afterwards, many of the people made of-
ferings to his manes. (Josephus, Ant. Jud. xix.
1-4 ; Sueton. Calig. 56-58, Claud. 11 ; Dion Cass.
lix. 29; Zonaras, xi. 7; Seneca, de Const. 18;
Aurel. Vict. Caes. 3.) [P. S.]

CHAE'REAS {Xaipias). 1. An Athenian, son
of Archestratus, was sent by the people of Samos
and the Athenian armament there stationed (who
were ignorant of the overthrow of the democracy at
Athens by the Four Hundred) to report the defeat
of a late attempt at an oligarchical revolution in
the island, b. c. 411. The crew of the ship were
arrested, on their arrival at Athens, by the new
government; but Chaereas himself escaping, re-
turned to Samos, and, by his exaggerated accounts
of the tyranny of the oligarchs, led to the strong
measures which ensued in favour of democracy
under Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus. (Thuc viii.
74, 86.)

2. A historian, so miscalled, of whom Polybius,
speaking of his account of the proceedings at Rome
when the news arrived of the capture of Saguntum
in B. c. 219, says that his writings contained, not
history, but gossip fit for barbers' shops, Kovpeaidjs
Kal iravSififjLov KaXids. (Polyb. iii. 20.) We find
no record either of the place of his birth or of the
exact period at which he flourished. A writer of
this name is mentioned by Athenaeus also (i. p.
32, d.), but whether he is the same person as the
preceding cannot be determined. [E. E.]

CHAEREMON. 677

CHAE'REAS, artists. 1. A statuary in
bronze, who made statues of Alexander the Great
and his father Philip. (Plin. //. N. xxxiv. 8.

8. 10. §14.)

2. A goldsmith. Xaipeas 6 xP^cot^ktwv 6 kutcL
vuTov iroiKiAos. (Lucian, Lesriph. xxxiv, 9.) [L. S.]

CHAE'REAS, C. FA'NNIUS, seems from his
name to have been of Greek extraction, and was
perhaps a freedman of some C. Fannius.* He had
a slave whom he entrusted to Roscius the actor for
instruction in his art, and it was agreed that any
profits the man might acquire should be shared
between them. The slave was murdered by one
Q. Flavius, against " whom accordingly an action
was brought by Chaereas and Roscius for damages.
Roscius obtained a farm for himself from the de-
fendant by way of composition, and was sued by
Chaereas, who insisted that he had received it for
both the plaintiffs. The matter was at first referred
to arbitration, but further disputes arose, and the
transaction ultimately gave occasion to the action
of Chaereas against Roscius, in which the latter
was defended by Cicero in a speech (proQ.Roscio)
partially extant. We must form but a low opinion
of the respectability of Chaereas if we trust the
testimony of Cicero, who certainly indulges himself
in the full license of an advocate, and spares neither
the character nor the personal appearance of the
plaintiff. (See especially c. 7.) [E. E.]

CHAERE'CRATES {XaipfKpdTrjs), a disciple
of Socrates, is honourably recorded (Xen. Mem. i.
2. § 48) as one of those who attended his instruc-
tions with the sincere desire of deriving moral ad-
vantage from them, and who did not disgrace by
their practice the lessons they had received. An
inveterate quarrel between himself and his elder
brother Chaerephon serves in Xenophon as the oc-
casion of a good lecture on the subject of brotherly
love from Socrates, who appears to have succeeded
in reconciling them. (Xen. Mem. ii. 3.) [E. E.]

CHAERE'MON (Xajprf^ccj'). 1. An Athenian
tragic poet of considerable eminence. We have no
precise information about the time at which he
lived, but he must certainly be placed later than
Aristophanes, since, though his style was remark-
ably calculated to expose him to the ridicule of a
comoedian, he is nowhere mentioned by that poet,
not even in the Frogs. On the other hand, he was
attacked by the comic poets, Eubulus (Athen. ii.
p. 43, c.) and Ephippus, of whom the latter, at
least, seems to speak of him as of a contemporary.
(Athen. xi. p. 482, b.) Aristotle frequently men-
tions him in a manner which, in the opinion of
some critics, implies that Chaeremon was alive.
{Rhet. ii. 23, 24, iii. 12; Problem, iii. 16 ; Poet. i.

9, xxiv. 6.) The writers also who call him a comic
poet (see below) assign him to the middle comedy
For these and other reasons, the time when Chae-
remon flourished may be fixed about B. c. 380.
Nothing is known of his life. It may be assumed
that he lived at Athens, and the fragments of hia
poetry which remain afford abundant proofs, that
he was trained in the loose morality which marked
Athenian society at that period, and that his taste
was formed after the model of that debased and
florid poetry which Euripides first introduced by
his innovations on the drama of Aeschylus and
Sophocles, and which was carried to its height by
the dithyrambic poets of the age. Accordingly,
the fragments and even some of the titles of Chae-
remon's plays shew, that be seldom aimed at the

678

CHAEREMON.

herojc and moral grandeur of the old tragedy. He
excelled in description, not merely of objects and
scenes properlj' belonging to his subject, but de-
scription introduced soleh' to afford pleasure, and
that generally of a sensual kind. He especially
luxuriates in the description of flowers and of fe-
male beauty. His descriptions belong to the class
which Aristotle characterizes as apy^ fi4pr] and as
/itTTTc tiOikA nrJTe SiavovriKa. The approach to
comedy, by the introduction of scenes from common
life, and that even in a burlesque manner, of which
we have a striking example in the Alcestis of Eu-
ripides, seems to have been carried still further by
Chaerembn ; and it is probably for this reason that
he is mentioned as a comic poet by Suidas, Eudocia,
and the Scholiast on Arist. Rhet iii. p. 69, b. (For
a further discussion of this point, see Meineke and
Bartsch, as quoted below.) The question has been
raised, whether Chaeremon's tragedies were in-
tended for the stage. They certainly appear to
have been far more descriptive and lyric than dra-
matic ; and Aristotle mentions Chaeremon among
the poets whom he calls dvayvaxTriKol. {BJiet. iii.
12. § 2.) But there appears to be no reason for
believing that at this period dramas were written
without the intentioji of bringing them on the stage,
though it often happened, in fact, that they were
not represented ; nor does the passage of Aristotle
refer to anything more than the comparative fitness
of some dramas for acting and of others for reading.
It is by no means improbable that the plays of
Chaeremon were never actually represented. There
is no mention of his name in the hiZaaKoXiai. The
folbwing are the plays of Chaeremon of which
fragments are preserved : *AA4)ea-t'§o<o, 'Ax'AAei)s
®(p<nroKT6vos or Qepalrris (a title which seems to
imply a satyric drama, if not one approaching still
nearer to a comedy), Aiovvaos, &v4(mfs, *Ito,
Mivvai, 'OSvfffffvs Tpavfiarias^ OtVeus, and Keu-
ravpos. It is very doubtful whether the last was
a tragedy at all, and indeed what sort of poem it
was. Aristotle {Poet. i. 12, or 9, ed. Ritter) calls it
fxiKT-^v pa^tfihiav e| diravruv twv fierpuiv (comp.
xxiv, 11, or 6), and Athenaeus(xiii. p.608, e)saysof
it QTTfp Spafj.a iroKviJLiTpov Ictti. The fragments of
Chaeremon have been collected, with a dissertation
on the poet, by H. Bartsch, 4to. MogunL 1843.

There are three epigrams ascribed to Chaeremon
in the Greek Anthology (Brunck, J«a/. ii. 55 ;
Jacobs, ii. bQ)^ two of which refer to the contest of
the Spartans and Argives for Thyrea. (Herod, i.
82.) The mention of Chaeremon in tlie Corona
of Meleager also shews that he was an ancient
poet. There seems, therefore, no reason to doubt
that he was the same as the tragic poet. The
third epigram refers to an unknown orator Eubulus,
the son of Athenagoras.

(Welcker, Die Griech. Trag. &c. iii. pp. 1082—
1095 ; Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. Graec. pp. 517 —
521 ; Ritter, Annot. in Arist. Poet. p. 87; Hee-
ren, De Chaeremone Trag. VeL Grace. ; Jacobs,
Additamenta Animadv. in Atlien. p. 325, &c, ;
Bartsch, De Chaeremone Poeta Tragico.)

2. Of Alexandria, a Stoic philosopher and
grammarian, and an historical writer, was the
chief librarian of the Alexandrian librarj', or at
least of that part of it which was kept in the
temple of Serapis. He is called iepoypa/z^aTcus,
that is, keeper and expounder of the sacred books.
(Tzetz. in Horn. II. p. 123. 11, 28, p. 146. 16;
'E.vi^h. Praep. Evang. v. 10.) He was the teacher |

CHAEREPHON.

of Dionysius of Alexandria, who succeeded him,
and who flourished from the time of Nero to that
of Trajan. (Suid. s. v. Aiovvaios 'AKe^avdpevs.)
This fixes his date to the first half of the first cen-
tury after Christ ; and this is confirmed by the
mention of him in connexion with Cornutus.
(Suid. s. V. 'npiyevrjs ; Euseb. Hist. Ece. vi. 19.)
He accompanied Aelius Callus in his expedition
iip Egypt [Gall us], and made great professions
of his astronomical knowledge, but incurred much
ridicule on account of his ignorance (Strab. xviL
p. 806) : but the suspicion of Fabricius, that this
account refers to a diflerent person, is perhaps not
altogether groundless. {Bill. Ch'aec. iii. p. 546.)
He was afterwards called to Rome, and became
the preceptor of Nero, in conjunction with Alex-
ander of Aegae. (Suid. s. v. 'AXf^avSpos Aiyatos.)

1. His chief work was a history of Egypt,
which embraced both its sacred and proiane his-
tory. An interesting fragment respecting the
Egyptian priests is preserved by Porphyry (de
Abstinent, iv. 6) and Jerome (c. Jovinianutn, iL).
He also wrote, 2. On Hieroglyphics {lepoyXvipiKd^
Suid. s. V. 'Upoy\v(piKd and Xaiprifiajv). 3. On
Comets (irepl kojutjtcoj', Origen. c. Cels. i. 59 : per-
haps in Seneca, Quae^t. Nat. vii. 5, we should
read Cfiaeremon for Cliarimander ; but this is not
certain, for Charimander is mentioned by Pappus,
lib. vii. p. 247). 4. A grammatical work, irfpi
avvSfa-fJLUP, which isquoted byApollonius. (Bek-
ker, Anecdot. Graec. ii. 28, p. 515. 15.)

As an historian, Chaeremon is charged by Jo-
sephus with wilful falsehood (c. Apion. cc.32, 33).
This charge seems to be not unfounded, for, be-
sides the proofs of it alleged by Josephus, we are
j informed by Tzetzcs (Chil. v. 6), that Chaeremon
stated that the phoenix lived 7000 years I

Of his philosophical views we only know that
he was a Stoic, and that he was the leader of that
party which explained the Eg}'ptian religious sys-
tem as a mere allegory of the worship of nature,
as displayed in the visible world ( opwyavoi K6afj.oi)
in opposition to the views of Iamblichus. His
works were studied by Origen. (Suid. s. v. 'npt-
yevrjs ; Euseb. Hist. Ecc. vi. 19.) Martial (xi.
56) wrote an epigram upon him. (lonsius, de
Script. Hist. Philos. p. 208 ; Brucker, Hist. Crit.
Phil. ii. p. 543, &c. ; Kruger, Hist. Philos. Ant.
p. 407 ; Vossius. de Hist. Graec. pp. 209, 210,
ed. Westemiann.) [P. S.]

CH A'RMADAS, the philosopher. [Charmidks,
No. 2.]

CHAERE'PHANES, artist. [Nicophanes.]

CHAE'REPHON (Xaipecpciu), of the Athenian
demus of Sphettus, a disciple and friend of Socrates,
is said by Xenophon to have attended his instruc-
tions for the sake of the moral advantage to be de-
rived from them, and to have exemplified in his
practice his master's precepts. From the several
notices of him in Xenophon and Plato, he appears
to have been a man of ver}'^ warm feelings, pecu-
liarly suceptible of excitement, with a spirit of
high and generous emulation, and of great energy
in everything that he undertook. He it was that
inquired of the Delphic oracle who was the wisest
of men, and received the famous answer :

'Xocpos ^ocpoKkrjs' aocpoorepos S" EupiiriSrjS'

dvdpouv Se nuPTcau ScoKpaxTjs aocpaiTaTos.

The frequent notices of him in Aristophanes shew

that he was highly distinguished in the school of

Socrates J while from the nicknames, such as

CHAERON.

wKTtpis and 7nJ|i»'os, by which he was known,
and the Aristophiuiic ulhisions to his weakness and
his sallow complexion ( Ves-p. 1413, yvvaiKi ioiKo^s
da\piyT) ; conip. Ntib, 496), it appears that he in-
jured his health by intense application to study.
He attached himself to the popular party in politics,
Avas driven into banishment by the Thirty tyrants,
and returned to Athens on the restoration of demo-
cracy in B. c. 403. (Plat, jipol. p. 21, a.) From
the passage just referred to it appears, that he was
dead when the trial of Socrates took place in b. c.
399. (Xen. Mem. i. 2. § 48, ii. 3 ; Plat. Charm.
p. 153, Gorg. pp. 447, 448 ; Stallb. ad Plat. Apol.
p. 21, a. ; Athen. v. p. 218; Aristoph. Nub. 105,
145, 157, 821, 1448, Av. 1296, 1564; Schol. ad
U. cc.) [E. E.]

CHAERIPPUS, a Greek, a friend of Cicero
and his brother Quintus, frequently mentioned in
the letters of the former. {Ad Q. Fr. i. 1. § 4,
ad Fam. xil 22, 30, ad Att. iv. 7, v. 4.)

CHAERIS (XaTpis). 1. A flute-player and har-
per at Atheng, who seems to have been more fond
of hearing himself play than other people were of
hearing him. He is ridiculed by Aristoplianes.
{Ach. 16, 831, Pax, 916, ^«. 858.) From the
Scholiast on the two passages last referred to we
learn, that he was attacked also by Pherecrates in
the "kypioi (Plat. Protag. p. 327) and,— for there
seems no reason to suppose this a different person,
— by Cratinua in the Ni/xevis.

2. A very ancient poet of Corcyra, mentioned
by Demetrius of Phalerus (ap. Tzetz. Prolegom. ad
Lycophr. ; see Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vi. p. 361.)

3. A grammarian (father of Apollonius, No.
1 0), who is quoted several times in the Scholia on
Homer, Pindar, and Aristophanes. He was pro-
bably contemporary with Diodorus of Tarsus.
(Fabric. BiU. Graec. i. p. 508, ii. pp. 84, 396, iv.

CHALCIDIUS.

679

pp. 275, 380, vi. p. 361.)

[E. E.]

CHAERON (Xaipuu), a son of Apollo and
Thero, the daughter of Phydas, is the mythical
founder of Chaeroneia in Boeotia. (Paus. ix. 40.
§ 3 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. Xaip<iveia ; Plut. Stdia,
17.) [L. S.]

CHAERON (Xalpwv), or, according to another
reading, CHARON, a Lacedaemonian, who ap-
pears to have belonged to the party of Nabis ; for
we find him at Rome in B. c. 183 as the represen-
tative of those who had been banished or con-
demned to death by the Achaeans when they took
Sparta in B. c. 188, and restored the exiled
enemies of the tyrant. On this occasion the ob-
ject of Chaeron's mission was obtained. (Polyb.
xxiv. 4 ; Liv. xxxix. 48 ; comp. Plut. Philop. \7.)
He was again one of the ambassadors sent to
Rome in b. c. 181, to inform the senate of the
recent admission of Lacedaemon for the second
time into the Achaean league and of the terms of
the union. (See p. 569, a. ; Polyb. xxv. 2 ; Liv. xl.
2, 20.) Polybius represents him as a clever young
man, but a profligate demagogue ; and accordingly
we find him in the ensuing year wielding a sort
of brief tyranny at Sparta, squandering the public
money, and dividing lands, unjustly seized, among
the lowest of the people. ApoUonides and other
commissioners were appointed to check these pro-
ceedings and examine the public accounts ; but
Chaeron had ApoUonides assassinated, for which
he was brought to trial by the Achaeans and cast
into prison. (Polyb. xxv. 8.) [E. E.]

CHAERON {Xaipav\ a man of Megalopolis,

who, shortly before the birth of Alexander the
Great, b. c. 356, was sent by Philip to consult the
Delphic oracle about the snake which he had seen
with Olympias in her chamber. (Plut. Alex. 3.)
It was perhaps this same Chaeron who, in the
speech (ircpl twu irpds 'AAc^. p. 214) attributed by
some to Demosthenes, is mentioned as having been
made tyrant of Pellene by Alexander (comp. Fa-
bric. Bibl. Graec. b. ii. ch. 26), and of whom we
read in Athenaeus (xi. p. 509) as having been a
pupil both of Plato and Xenocrates. He is said
to have conducted himself very tyranically at Pel-
lene, banishing the chief men of the state, and
giving their property and wives to their slaves.
Athenaeus, in a cool and off-hand way of his own,
speaks of his cruelty and oppression as the natural
effect of Plato's principles in the "Republic" and
the « Laws." [E. E.]

CHA'LCIDEUS (XaAKtScds), the Spartan com-
mander, with whom, in the spring and summer of
B.C. 412, the year after the defeat at Syracuse,
Alcibiades threw the Ionian subject allies of Athens
into revolt. He had been appointed commander
(evidently not high-admiral) during the previous
winter in the place of Melanchridas, the high-
admiral on occasion of the ill omen of an earth-
quake ; and on the news of the blockade of their
ships at Peiraeeus, the Spartans, but for the per-
suasions of Alcibiades, would have kept him at
home altogether. Crossing the Aegaean with only
five ships, they effected the revolt first of Chios,
Erythrae, and Clazomenae ; then, with the Chian
fleet, of Teos ; and finally, of Miletus, upon which
ensued the first treaty with Tissaphemes. From
this time Chalcideus seems to have remained at
Miletus, watched by an Athenian force at Lade.
Meanwhile, the Athenians were beginning to exert
themselves actively, and from the small number of
Chalcideus' ships, they were able to confine him to
Miletus, and cut off his communication with the
disaffected towns ; and before he could be joined
by the high-admiral Astyochus (who was engaged
at Chios and Lesbos on his first arrival in Ionia),
Chalcideus was killed in a skirmish with the Athe-
nian troops at Lade in the siunmer of the same
year (412 B. c.) in which he had left Greece.
(Thuc. viii. 6, 8, 11, 17, 24.) [A. H. C]

CHALCI'DIUS, styled in MSS. rir Claris-
simtis, a designation altogether indefinite, but very
frequently applied to grammarians, was a Platonic
philosopher, who lived probably during the sixth
centiuy of the Christian aera, although many place
him as early as the fourth. He wrote an " In-
terpretatio Latina partis prioris Timaei Platonici,"
to which is appended a voluminous and learned
commentary inscribed to a certain Osius or Hosius,
whom Barth and others have asserted, upon no
sure grounds, to be Osius bishop of Cordova, who
took a prominent part in the proceedings of the
great council of Nicaea, held in A. D. 325. The
writer of these annotations refers occasionally with
respect to the Mosaic dispensation, and speaks, as
a believer might, of the star which heralded the
nativity of our Lord, but expresses himself
throughout with so much ambiguity or so much
caution, that he has been claimed by men of all
creeds. Some have not scrupled to maintain, that
he was a deacon or archdeacon of the church at
Carthage ; Fulgentius Planciades dedicates his
tracts " Allegoria librorura VirgUii" and " De
prisco Sermone " to a Chalcidius, who may be the

680

CHALCOCONDYLES.

|«rson whom we are now discussing, and calls him
** Ijevitarum Sanctissiraus ;" but in reality it is
impossible to discover from internal evidence whe-
ther the author of the translation from Plato was
Christian, Jew, or Heathen, or, as Mosheim has
very plausibly conjectured, a sort of nondescript
combination of all three. He certainly gives no
hint that the individual to whom the book is ad-
dressed was a dignified ecclesiastic or even a
member of the church. This translation was first
printed under the inspection of Augustinus Jus-
tinianus, bishop of Nebio in Corsica, by Badius
Ascensius, Paris, fol. 1520, illustrated by numerous
mathematical diagrams very unskilfully executed ;
a second edition, containing also the fragments of
Cicero's version of the same dialogue, appeared at
Paris, 4to. 1563; a third at Leyden, 4to. 1617,
with the notes and corrections of Jo. Meursius ;
the most recent and best is that of J. A. Fabricius,
Hamburg, fol. 1718, placed at the end of the
second volume of the works of Saint Hippolytus.
The text was improved by the collation of a
Bodleian MS., and the notes of Meursius are given
entire. (Cave, Histor. Liter. Ecdes. Script, vol. i.
p. 199, ed. Basil. ; Barthius, Adv. xxii. 16, xlviii.
a ; Funccius, De inerti ac decrepita Linguae Tax-
tinae Senectuie^ c. ix. § 5 ; Brucker, Histor. Crit.
PkUos. vol. iii. p. 546, iv. p. 1322.) [W. R.]

CHALCIOECUS (XoA/ctot/cos), " the goddess
of the brazen house," a surname of Athena at
Sparta, derived from the brazen temple which the
goddess had in that city, and which also contained
her statue in brass. This temple, which continued
to exist in the time of Pausanias, was believed to
have been commenced by Tyndareus, but was not
completed till many years later by the Spartan
artist Gitiadas. (Paus. iii. 17. § 3, x. 5. § 5 ; C.
Nep. Patis. 5 ; Polyb. iv. 22.) Respecting the
festival of the Chalcioecia celebrated at Sparta,
see Did. of Ant. s. v. XaKKioUia. [L. S.]

CHALCrOPE {Xa\Ki6irn). 1. A daughter of
Rhexenor, or according to others of Chalcodon,
was the second wife of Aegeus. (Apollod. iii. 15.
§ 6 ; Athen. xiii. p. 556.)

2. A daughter of king Eurypylus in the island
of Cos, and mother of Thessalus. (Hom. J I. ii.
679 ; Apollod. ii. 7. § 8.) There is a third mythical
personage of this name. (Apollod. i. 9. § 1.) [L.S.]

CHALCIS (XoAKt's), one of the daughters of
Asopus and Metope, from whom the town of
Chalcis in Euboea was said to have derived its
name. (Eustath. ad Horn. p. 279.) According to
others, Chalcis was the mother of the Curetes and
Corybantes, the former of whom were among the
earliest inhabitants of Chalcis. (Schol. Vict, ad
Hom. II. xiv. 291 ; Strab. x. p. 447.) [L. S.]

CHALCOCO'NDV^LES, or, by contraction,
CHALCO'NDYLES, LAO'NICUS or NICO-
LA'US {l^aoviKos or UiKoKaos XaXKOKovSvKrjs or
Xa\KovSv\r)s), a Byzantine historian of the fif-
teenth century of the Christian aera, of whose life
little is known, except that he was sent by the
emperor John VII. Palaeologus, as ambassador to
the camp of Sultan JMiirad II. during the siege of
Constantinople in a. d. 1 446. VLamherger {Gelehrte
Nachrichten von ber'uhmten M'dnnern., ^c. vol. iv.
p. 764) shews, that he was still living in 1462,
but it is scarcely credible that he should have been
alive in 1490, and even later, as Vossius thinks
{De Hisioricis Graecis^ ii. 30). Chalcocond^-les,
who was a native of Athens, has written a history

CHALCOCONDYLES.

of the Turks and of the later period of the Byzan-
tine empire, which begins with the year 1298,
and goes down to the conquest of Corinth and the
invasion of the Peloponnesus by the Turks in 1463,
thus including the capture of Constantinople by
the Turks in 1453. Chalcocondyles, a statesman
of great experience and of extensive learning, is a
trustworthy historian, whose style is interesting
and attractive, and whose work is one of the most
important soui'ces for the history of the decline and
fall of the Greek empire. His work, however,
which is divided into ten books, is not very
well arranged, presenting in several instances the
aspect of a book composed of different essays,
notes, and other materials, written occasionally,
and afterwards put together with too little care for
their logical and chronological order. Another
defect of the author is his display of matters which
very often have nothing to do with the chief sub-
ject, and which he apparently inserted in order to
shew the variety of his knowledge. But if they
are extraneous to his historical object, they are
valuable to us, as they give us an idea of the
knowledge of the Greeks of his time, espe-
cially with regard to history, geography, and
ethnography. Among these episodes there is a
most interesting description of the greater part of
Europe, which had been disclosed to the eyes of
the Greeks by the political travels of several of
their emperors in the fourteenth and fifteenth cen-
turies, (ii. pp. 36—50, ed. Paris.) He says that
Germany stretches from Vienna to the ocean, and
from Prague to the river Tartessus (!) in the Py-
renees (!!); but he observes with great justness,
that if the Germans were united under one head,
they would be the most powerful nation ; that
there are more than two hundred free towns
flourishing by trade and industry ; that the
mechanical arts are cultivated by them with great
success ; that they have invented gun-powder, and
that they are fond of duelling. The passage treat-
ing of Germany is given with a Latin translation
and notes in Freherus " Corpus Script. Rer. Germ."
As to England, he says that it lies opposite to
F'landers — a country but too well known to the
Greeks — and is composed of three islands united
under one government; he mentions the fertility
of the soil, the mildness of the climate, the manu-
facture of woollen cloth, and the flourishing trade
of the great metropolis, London {hovZvvi]). His
description of her bold and active inhabitants is
correct, and he was informed of their being the
first bowmen in the world ; but when he says
that their language has no affinity with that of any
other nation, he perhaps confounded the English
language with the Irish. He stiites that their
manners and habits were exactly like those of the
French, which was an error as to the nation at
large, but tolerably correct if applied to the nobles ;
the great power and turbulence of the aristocracy
were well known to him. At that time strangers
and visitors were welcomed by the ladies in England
with a kiss, a custom which one hundred years later
moved the sympathizing heart of the learned Eras-
mus Roterodamus, and caused him to express his
delight in his charming epistle to Faustus An-
drelinus : the Greek, brought up among depraved Jj
men, and accustomed to witness but probably to 9
abhor disgraceful usages, draws scandalous and ^
revolting conclusions from tliat token of kindness.
The principal MSS. of Chalcocondyles are those

CHALCON.

m the Bodleian, in the libraries of the Escurial,
and of Naples, in the Bibl. Laurentiana at Flo-
rence, several in the royal library at Munich and
in the royal libmry at Paris, and that of the for-
mer Coislin library now united with the royal
library at Paris. The history of ChaJcocondylcs was
first published in Latin translations, the first of
which is that of Conradus Clauserus of Zurich,
Risel, 1556, fol.; the same corrected and compared
with an unedited translation of Philippus Gunde-
lius appended to the edition of Nicephorus Grego-
ras, ibid. 156'2, fol.; the same together with Latin
translations of Zonaras, Nicetas, and Nicephorus
Gregoras, Frankfort on-the-Main, 1568, fol. The
Greek text was first published, with the transla-
tion and notes of Clauserus, and the works of
Nicephorus Gregoras and Georgius Acropolita, at
Geneva, 1615, fol. Fabrot perused this edition
for his own, which belongs to the Paris collection
of the Byzantine historians (1650, fol); he collated
two MSS. of the royal library at Paris, and cor-
rected both the text and the translation of the
Geneva edition ; he added the history of Ducas, a
glossarj', and a Latin translation of the German
version, by John Gaudier, called Spiegel, of a
Turkish MS. work on the earlier Turkish history.
The French translation of Chalcocondyles by Blaise
de Vigenere, was edited and continued at first by
Artus Thomas, a dull writer and an equivocal
scholar, and after him by Mezerai, who continued
the work doAvn to the year 1661. This latter
edition, which is in the library of the British Mu-
seum, is a useful book. None of these editions is
satisfactory : the text is still susceptible of correc-
tions, and there is a chance of getting important
additions, as the different MSS. have not all been
collated. Besides, we want a good commentary,
which will present the less difficulties, as the ma-
terials of it are already given in the excellent notes
of Baron von Hammer-Purgstall to the first and
second volumes of his work cited below. From
these notes and other remarks of the learned
Baron we learn, that he considers Chalcocondyles
as a trustworthy historian, and that the reproach
of credulity with which he has been charged
should be confined to his geographical and histo-
rical knowledge of Western Europe. We venture
to hope that the editors of the Bonn collection of
the Byzantines will furnish us with such a com-
mentary. (Fabric. Bibl. Grace, vii. pp. 793 — 795;
Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des Osmanischen
Rdches, vol. i. p. 469, ii. p. 83.) [W. P.]

CHALCO'DON (Xo\KciSwv). \. A son of
Abas, king of the Chalcidians in Euboea. He was
slain by Amphitryon in a battle against theThebans,
and his tomb was seen as late as the time of Pau-
sanias. (viii. 15. § 3; Eustath. «(/ //om. p. 281.)

2. A Coan who wounded Heracles in a fight at
night. (Apollod. ii. 7. § 1.) Theocritus (vii. 6)
calls him Chalcon. There are four other mythical
personages of this name. (Apollod. ii. I. § 5, iii.
5. § 15; Pans. vi. 21. $ 7, viii. 15. $ 3; Horn.
//. ii. 741, iv. 463.) [L. S.]

CHALCON (Xo'Akw^). L [Chalcouon,No.2.]

2. A wealthy Myrmidon, and father of Ba-
thycles. (Horn. //. xvi. 594, &c.)

3. Of Cyparissus, the shield- bearer of Antilo-
chus. He was in love with the Amazon Penthe-
sileia, but on hastening to her assistance he was
killed by Achilles, and the Greeks nailed his body
to a cross. (Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1697.) [L. S.]

CHARAX.

681

CHALCO'STHENES. 1. A statuary in bronze,
who made statues of comoedians and athletes.
(Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19. § 27.)

2. A statuary at Athens, who made statues in
unbumt clay {crwda opera., Plin. //. A^. xxxv. 12.
s. 45). The statement of Pliny, that the Cera-
meicus was so called from his place of work having
been in it, though incorrect, seems however to point
out the great antiquity of the artist. It is possi-
ble, but not very probable, that the two passages
of Pliny refer to the same person. [P. S.]

CHALINI'TIS (Xo\iv7t(s), the tamer of
horses by means of the bridle (xoA«»'<5s), a sur-
name of Athena, under which she had a temple at
Corinth. In order to account for the name, it is
related, that she tamed Pegasus and gave him to
Bellerophontes, although the general character of
the goddess is sufficient to explain the surname.
(Paus. ii. 4. § 1 ; comp. Athena.) [L. S.]

CHAMAE'LEON (XajuatAewi/), a Peripatetic
philosopher of Heracleia on the Pontus, was one of
the immediate disciples of Aristotle. He wrote
works on several of the ancient Greek poets,
namely, Trcpl 'AvaKpeouros, irfpl 2a7r<^oOs, irepl
Sj/Uwi/i'Sou, Trep} 06(T7rf5oy, -rrepl AtVxjJAoi;, irepi
Aoaou, irepl TlivSdpov, irepl ^riqcrixopov. He also
wrote on the Iliad, and on Comedy (irepl KuixaSias).
In this last work he treated, among other subjects,
of the dances of comedy. (Athen. xiv. p. 628, e.)
This work is quoted by Athenaeus (ix. p. 374, a.)
by the title Trepi ttjs apxaias KwimcfiSias, which is
also the title of a work by the Peripatetic philoso-
pher Eumelus. (Meineke, as quoted below.) It
would seem also that he wrote on Hesiod, for
Diogenes says, that Chamaeleon accused Heracleides
Ponticus of having stolen from him his work con-
cerning Homer and Hesiod. (v. 6. § 92.) The
above works were probably both biographical and
critical. He also wrote works entitled "nfpi ,&6wv,
and nepl ffarvpuu^ and some moral treatises, Trepl
rjZovris (which was also ascribed to Theophrastus),
irpoTpiiTiKov, and Trepl (xiQris. Of all his works
only a few fragments are preserved by Athenaeus
and other ancient writers. (lonsius. Script. Hist.
Philos. i. 17; Voss. de Hist. Graec. p. 413, ed.
Westermann ; Bockh, Praef. ad Find. Schol. p. ix.;
Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. Grace, p. 8.) [P. S]

CHAMYNE (XajuuvT;), a surname of Demeter
in Elis, which was derived either from the earth
having opened (xa'Vcij/) at that place to receive
Pluto, or from one Chamynus, to whom the build-
ing of a temple of Demeter at Elis was ascribed.
(Paus. vi. 21. $ 1.) [L. S.]

CHAOS (Xoos), the vacant and infinite space
which existefll according to the ancient cosmogonies
previous to the creation of the world (Hes. Theog.
116), and out of which the gods, men, and all
things arose. A different definition of Chaos is
given by Ovid {^Met. i. 1, &c.), who describes it as
the confused mass containing the elements of all
things that were formed out of it. According to
Hesiod, Chaos was the mother of Erebos and
Nyx. Some of the later poets use the word Chaos
in the general sense of the airy realms, of darkness,
or the lower world. [L. S.]

CHARAX {yia.paJ(^., of Pergamus, an historian
and priest, who wrote two large works, the one, in
forty books, called 'EAXTjj/iKo, the other named
XpoviKoi, of which the sixteenth book is quoted
by Stephanus Byzantinus (4. v. 'P.pios). In the
former he mentions Augustus Caesar and Nero,

682

CHARES.

which is our only authority for his date. Suidas
quotes an epigram, beginning

ElfA Xa/?a| lepius yepa-piis drrd Ufpyauov dKprjs,
which gives his country and profession. He is
frequently referred to by Stephanus Byzantinus.
He is mentioned by Euagrius {Hint. EccL v. extr.)
among those historians who mixed fable with his-
tory, and this is confirmed by the anonymous
writer of the " De Rebus Incredibilibus" (cc. 15,
16). (Comp. Vossius, de Hist. Graec. p. 414, ed.
Westermann.) [G. E. L. C]

CHAR AX US (Xopo|os) of Mytilene, son of
Scaraandronymus and brother of the famous Sap-
pho, fell desperately in love with Rhodopis the
hetaera at Naucratis in Egypt, ransomed her from
slavery for a large sum of money, and, according to
Suidas (s. r. 'loS/icoi'), married her. For this, He-
rodotus tells us, he was vehemently satirized by
his sister on his return to Mytilene, though indeed
the passage is capable of another interpretation,
and may mean, that the woman who had infatuated
him was the object of Sappho's attack. Athenaeus,
contradicting Herodotus, calls the hetaera in ques-
tion Dorica ; and Suidas tells us (s. v. 'PoSdmSos
am0i7ua), that Doricha was the name which Sappho
called her in her poem. (Herod, ii. 135 ; Suid. s.v.
"Xaircpw ; Athen. xiii. p. 596, b. ; Stnib. xvii. p. 808 ;
Miiller, Lit. of Greece^ ch- xiii. § 6 ; Ov. Her. xv.
117.) [E. E.)

CHARES {Xipi\s\ an Athenian general, who
for a long series of years contrived by profuse cor-
ruption to maintain his influence with the people,
in spite of his very disreputable character. We
f.rst hear of him in B. c. 3G7, as being sent to the
aid of the Phliasians, who were hard pressed by
the Arcadians and Argives, assisted by the Theban
commander at Sicyon. His operations were suc-
cessful in relieving them, and it was in this cam-
paign under him that Aeschines, the orator, first
distinguished hunself. (Xen. Hell. vii. 2. §§18-23 ;
Diod. XV. 75 ; Aesch. de Fals. Leg. p. 50.) From
this scene of action he was recalled to take the
command against Oropus [Callxstratus, No. 3] ;
and the recovery of their harbour by the Sicyonians
from the Spartan garrison, immediately on his de-
parture, shews how important his presence had
been for the support of the Lacedaemonian cause
in the north of the Peloponnesus. (Xen. Hell. vii.
4. § 1, comp. vii. 3. § 2.) [Euphron, Pasimelus.]
In 361 he was appointed to succeed Leosthenes,
after the defeat of the latter by Alexander of Phe-
rae [p. 125, a,], and, sailing to Corcyra, he gave
his aid, strange to say, to an oligarchical conspiracy
there, whereby the democracy was overthrown
with much bloodshed, — a step by which he of
course excited a hostile disposition towards Athens
on the part of the ejected, while he failed at the
same time to conciliate the oligarchs. (Diod. xv.
95.) The necessary consequence was the loss of
the island to the Athenians when the Social war
broke out. In 358 Chares was sent to Thrace as
general \vith full power, and obliged Charidemus
to ratify the treaty which he had made with Athe-
nodorus. [Charidemus.] In the ensuing year
he was appointed to the conduct of the Social war,
in the second campaign of which, after the death
of Chabrias, Iphicrates and Timotheus were joined
with him in the command, B. c. 356. According
to Diodorus, his colleagues having refused, in con-
sequence of a storm, to risk an engagement for
whkh he was eager, he accused them to the peo-

CHARES.
pie, and they were recalled and subsequently
brought to trial As C. Nepos tells it. Chares ac-
tually attacked the enemy in spite of the weather,
was worsted, and, in order to screen himself,
charged his colleagues with not supporting him.
In the prosecution he was aided by Aristophon,
the Azenian. (Diod. xvi. 7, 21 ; ISIep. Tim. 3;
Arist Rhet. ii. 23. § 7, iii. 10. § 7 ; Isocr. ■n-epl
'Ai/TtS. § 137 ; Deinarch. c. Polyd. § 17.) Being
now left in the sole command, and being in want
of money, which he was afraid to apply for from
home, he relieved his immediate necessities by
entering, compelled perhaps by his mercenaries,
into the service of Artabazus, the revolted satrap
of Western Asia. The Athenians at first approved
of this proceeding, but afterwards ordered him to
drop his connexion with Artabazus on the com-
plaint of Artaxerxes III. (Ochus) ; and it is pro-
bable that the threat of the latter to support the
confederates against Athens hastened at least the
termination of the war, in accordance with the
wishes of Eubulus and Isocrates, and in opposition
to those of Chares and his party. (Diod. xvi. 22 ;
Dem. PhUipp. i. p. 46 ; Isoc. de Pac. ; Arist. Rhet.
iii. 17. § 10.) In B. c. 353 Chares was sent against
Sestus, which, as well as Cardia, seems to have re-
fused submission notwithstanding the cession of the
Chersonesus to Athens in 357. [Cersobleptbs,]
He took the town, massacred the men, and sold
the women and children for slaves. (Diod. xvi.
34.) In the Olynthian war, b. c. 349, he was ap-
pointed general of the mercenaries sent from Athens
to the aid of Olynthus ; but he seems to have ef-
fected little or nothing. The command was then
entrusted to Charidemus, who in the ensuing year,
348, was again superseded by Chares. In this
campaign he gained some slight success on one
occasion over Philip's mercenaries, and celebrated
it by a feast given to the Athenians with a portion
of the money which had been sacrilegiously taken
from Delphi, and some of which had found its way
into his hands. (Diod. xvi. 52 — 55 ; Philochor.
ap. Diu7iys. p. 735 ; Theopomp. and Heracleid. ap.
Allien, xii. p. 532.) On his fvQvvT] he was im-
peached by Cephisodotus, who complained, that
"he was endeavouring to give his account after
having got the people tight by the throat" (Arist.
Rliet. iii. 10. § 7), an allusion perhaps merely to
the great embarrassment of Athens at the time.
(See a very unsatisfactory explanation in Mitford,
ch. 39, sec. 2.) In b. c. 346 we find him com-
manding again in Thrace ; and, when Philip was
preparing to march against Cersobleptes, complaints
arrived at Athens from the Chersonesus that Chares
had withdrawn from his station, and was nowhere
to be found ; and the people were obliged to send
a squadron in quest of him with the extraordinary
message, that " the Athenians were surprised that,
while Philip was marching against the Chersonese,
they did not know where their general and their
forces were." That he had been engaged in some
private expedition of plunder is probable enough.
In the same yejir, and before the departure of the
second embassy from Athens to Macedonia on the
subject of the peace, a despatch arnved from Chares
stating the hopeless condition of the affairs of Cer-
sobleptes. (Dem. deFuIs. Leg. pp. 390, 391, 447;
Aesch. de Fab. Leg. pp. 29, 37, 40.) After this
we lose sight of Chares for several j'ears, during
which he probably resided at Sigeum, which, ac-
cording to Tlieopompus {ap. Athen. xii. p. 532}^

CHARES.

was with lilm a favourite residence, as supplying
more opportunity for the indulgence of his profli-
gate propensities than he could find at Athens,
liut in a speech of Demosthenes delivered in u. c.
341 {(Ir, C/iers. p. 97) he is spoken of as possessing
much iniUience at that time in the Athenian coun-
cils ; and we may consider him therefore to have
been one of those who authorized and defended
the proceedings of Diopeithes against Pliilip in
Thrace. In B. c. 340 he was appointed to the
command of the force which was sent to aid By-
zantium against Philip; but his character excited
the suspicions of the Byzantians, and they refused
to receive him. Against the enemy he effected
nothing: his only exploits were against the allies
of Athens, and these he plundered unscrupulously.
He was accordingly superseded by Phocion, whose
success was brilliant. (Died. xvi. 74, &c.; Phil.
Ep. ad Ath. ap. Dein. p. 163; Plut. Phoc. 14.)
In 338 he was sent to the aid of Araphissa against
Philip, who defeated him together with the The-
ban general, Proxenus. Of this defeat, which is
mentioned by Aeschines, Demosthenes in his reply
says nothing, but speaks of two battles in which
the Athenians were victorious. (Polyaen. iv. 2 ;
Aesch. c. Cles. p. 74 ; Dem. de Cor. p. 300 ; see
Mitford, ch. 42, sec. 4 ; Clinton, Fast. ii. pp. 293,
294.) In the same year Chares was one of the
commanders of the Athenian forces at the battle of
Chaeroneia, for the disastrous result of which he
escaped censure, or at least prosecution, though
Lysicles, one of his colleagues, was tried and con-
demned to death. (Diod. xvi. 85, 88 ; Wess. ad
loc.) He is mentioned, by Arrian among the Athe-
nian orators and generals whom Alexander required
to be surrendered to him in B. c. 335, though he
was afterwards prevailed on by Demades not to
press the demand against any but Charidemus.
Plutarch, however, omits the name of Chares in
the list which he gives us. (Arr. Anah. i. 10 ;
Plut. Dem. 23.) When Alexander invaded Asia
in B. c. 334, Chares was living at Sigeum, and he
is mentioned again by Arrian {Anab. i. 12) as one
of those who came to meet the king and pay their
respects to him on his way to Ilium. Yet we
afterwards find him commanding for Dareius at
Mytilene, which had been gained in B. c. 333 by
Pharnabazus and Autophradates, but which Chares
was compelled to surrender in the ensuing year.
(Arr. Anab. ii. 1, iii. 2.) From this period we
hear no more of him, but it is probable that he
ended his days at Sigeum.

As a general. Chares has been charged with
rashness, especially in the needless exposure of his
own person (Plut. Felop. 2) ; and he seems indeed
to have been possessed of no very superior talent,
though perhaps he was, during the greater portion of
his career, the best commander that Athens was able
to find. In politics we see him connected through-
out with Demosthenes (see Dem- de Fals. Leg. p.
447), — a striking example of the strange associa-
tions which political interests are often thought to
necessitate. Morally he must have been an incu-
bus on any party to which he attached himself,
notwithstanding the apparent assistance he might
sometimes render it through the orators whom he
is said to have kept constantly in pay. His pro-
fligacy, which was measureless, he unblushingly
avowed and gloried in, openly ridiculing, — what
might have abashed any other man, — the austere
yirtue of Phocion. His bad faith passed into a

CHARES.

683

proverb ; and his rapacity was extraordinary, even
amidst the miserable system then prevailing, when
the citizens of Athens would neither fight their
own battles nor pay the men who fought them,
and her commanders had to support their merce-
naries as best they could. In fact, his character
presents no one single point on which the mind can
rest with pleasure. He lived, as we know, during
the period of his country's decline, and may serve,
indeed, as a specimen of a class of men whose in-
fluence in a nation is no less a cause than a symp-
tom of its fall. (Plut. Phoc. 5; Theopomp. ap.
Allien. I. c. ; Isocr. de Pace ; Aesch. de FaU. Leq.
p. 37; Eubul ap. Arist. Wuit. i. 15. $ 15 ; Suid.
s. V. Xap-nros liTroffxeVets.) [E. E.]

CHARES (XapTjs) of Mytilene, an officer at the
court of Alexander the Great, whose duty it was
to introduce strangers to the king {u(Tay'ye\evs)y
wrote a history or rather a collection of anecdotes
concerning the campaigns and the private life of
Alexander (nepl 'AAe^avSpov laTopiai) in ten books,
fragments of which are preserved by Athenaeus
(i. p. 27, d., iii. p. 93, c, p. 124, c, iv. p. 171, b.,
vii. p. 277, a., x. p. 434, d., 436, f., xii. p. 513, f.,
514, f., 538, b., xiii. p. 575), by Plutarch (Alea-.
20, 24, 46, 54, 55, 70, de Fort. Alex. ii. 9). He
is also quoted by Pliny (H. N. xii. xiii. tiible of
contents, xxxvii. 2) and A. Gellius (v. 2). [P.S.]

CHARES (Xdp-ns), of Lindus in Rhodes, a
statuary in bronze, was the favourite pupil of Ly-
sippus, who took the greatest pains with his edu-
cation, and did not grudge to initiate him into all
the secrets of his art. Chares flourished at the
beginning of the third century B. c. (Anon, ad
Herenn. iv. 6 ; printed among Cicero's rhetorical
works.) He was one of the greatest artists of
Rhodes, and indeed he may be considered as the
chief founder of the Rhodian school of sculpture.
Pliny {H. N. xxxiv. 7. s. 18) mentions among his
works a colossal head, which P. Lentulus (the
friend of Cicero, cos. b. a 57) brought to Rome
and placed in the Capitol, and which completely
threw into the shade another admirable coloss;il
head by Decius which stood beside it. (The ap-
parently unnecessary emendation of Sillig and
Thiersch, improbabilis for probabilis, even if adopt-
ed, would not alter the general meaning of the
sentence, at least with reference to Chares.)

But the chief work of Chares was the statue of
the Sun, which, under the name of " The Colossus
of Rhodes," was celebrated as one of the seven
wonders of the world. Of a hundred colossal
statues of the Sun which adorned Rhodes, and
any one of which, according to Pliny, would have
made femous the place that might possess it, this
was much the largest. The accounts of its height
ditFer slightly, but all agree in making it upwards
of 105 English feet, Pliny (/. c), evidently re-
peating the account of some one who had seen
the statue after its fall, if he had not seen it
himself, says that few could embrace its thumb ;.
the fingers were larger than most statues ; the
hollows within the broken limbs resembled cave»;
and inside of it might be seen huge stones,
which had been inserted to make it stand finn.
It was twelve years in erecting (b. c. 292 —
280), and it cost 300 talents. This money was
obtained by tlie sale of the engines of war which
Demetrius Poliorcetes presented to the Rhodians
after they had compelled him to give up his siege
of their city. (b. c. 303.) The colossus stood

684

CHARICLES.

at the entrance of tlie harbour of Rhodes. There
is no authority for the statement that its legs ex-
tended over the mouth of the harbour. It was
overthrown and broken to pieces by an earthquake
.16 years after its erection, (b. c. 224, Euseb.
Chron., and Chron. Pasch. sub 01. 139. 1 ; Polyb.
V. 88, who places the earthquake a little later, in
B. c. 218.) Strabo (xiv. p, 652) says, that an
oracle forbade the Rhodians to restore it. (See
also Philo Byzant. de VII Orbis Miraculis, c. iv.
p. 15.) The fragments of the colossus remained
on the ground 923 years, till they were sold by
Moawiyeh, the general of the caliph Othman IV.,
to a ^QVf of Emesa, who carried them away on 900
camels, (a. d. 672.) Hence Scaliger calculated
tlie weight of the bronze at 700,000 pounds.
Considering the mechanical difficulties both of
modelling and of casting so large a statue, the nicety
required to fit together the separate pieces in
which it must necessarily have been cast, and the
skill needed to adjust its proportions, according to
the laws of optics, and to adapt the whole style of
the composition to its enormous size, we must
assign to Chares a high place as an inventor iu his
art.

There are extant Rhodian coins, bearing the
head of the Sun surrounded with rays, probably
copied from the statue of Chares or from some of
the other colossal statues of the sun at Rhodes.
(Eckhel, Doct. Num. iL pp. 602-3 ; Rasche, Lex.
Univ. Rei Num. s. v. Rluxlus, A., b., II, &c,)
There are two epigrams on the colossus in the
Greek Anthology. (Brunck, Anal. i. p. 143, iii.
pp. 198-9; Jacobs, i. 74, iv. 166. Respecting
these epigrams, and the question whether Laches
completed the work which Chares commenced, see
Jacobs, Comment, i. 1, pp. 257-8, iii. 2, p. 8, and
Bottiger, Andeutungcn zu 24 Vortr'dgen uber die
Areh'dologie, pp. 199--201.) [P. S.]

CHA'RICLES {XapiKK-ns), an Athenian dema-
gogue, son of ApoUodorus, was one of the commis-
sioners (fr/TT/Tof) appointed to investigate the
affair of the mutilation of the Hemiae in B.C. 415,
on which occasion he inflamed the passions of the
people by representing the outrage as connected
with a plot for the destruction of the democracy.
(Thuc. vi. 27—29, 53, 60, &c. ; Andoc. de Myst.
p. 6.) In B. c. 413 he was sent in command of a
squadron round the Peloponnesus together with
Demosthenes, and succeeded with him in fortifying
a small peninsula on the coast of Laconia, to serve
as a position for annoying the enemy. (Thuc. vii.
20, 26.) In B. c. 404 he was appointed one of the
thirty t}'Tants ; nor did he relinquish under the
new government the coarse arts of the demagogue
which had distinguished him under the democracy,
still striving to curry favour with the dominant
party by an unscrupulous advocacy of their most
violent and tyrannical measures. We maj' con-
clude, that he was one of the remnant of the Thirty
who withdrew to Eleusis on the establishment of
the council of Ten, and who, according to Xeno-
phon, were treacherously murdered in a conference
by the leaders of the popular party on the restora-
tion of democracy in B. c. 403. (Xen. Hell. ii. 3.
§ 2, 4. §§ 24, 43, Mem. i. 2. §§ 31, &c. ; Arist.
Polit. V. 6, ed. Bekk.; Lys. c. Erat. p. 125 ; Isocr.
de Big. p. 355, d.) In the passage last referred to
Charicles is mentioned as having been driven into
banishment previously to his appointment as one
of the tyrants. [E. E.]

CHARIDEMUS.

CHARICLEIDES (XapiAcXei'STjs), a writer of
the new comedy, of uncertain date. A play of his
called "AAvffis (the Chain) is quoted by Athenaeus
(vii. p. 325, d.). [E. E.]

CHARlCLEITUS(XaprKA6tTos), one of the
commanders of the Rhodian fleet, which, in B. c.
1 90, defeated that of Antiochus the Great under
Hannibal and ApoUonius, off Side in Pamphylia.
(Liv. xxxiv. 23, 24.) [E. E.]

CHA'RICLES (Xopt/cA^y), an eminent physi-
cian at Rome, who sometimes attended, on the
Emperor Tiberius, and who is said to have pre-
dicted his approaching death from the weak state
of his pulse, a. d. 37. (Suet. Tiber. 72 ; Tac.
Ann. vi. 50.) Some medical formulae are pre-
served by Galen {De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos,
ii. 1, 2. vol. xii. pp. 556, 579, &c.) which may
perhaps belong to the same person. [ W. A. G.]

CHA'RICLO (XaptKAoI). 1. The wife of the
centaur Cheiron, and mother of Carj-^stus. She
was a daughter of Apollo, and according to others
of Perses or of Oceanus. (SchoL ad Find. Ft/tJi,
iv. 181; Ov. Met. ii. 636.)

2. A nymph, the wife of Eueres and mother of
Teiresias. It was at her request that Teiresias,
who had been blinded by Athena, obtained from
this goddess the power to understand the voices of
the birds, and to walk with his black staff as safely
as if he saw. (Apollod. iii. 6. $ 7 ; Callim. Hymn,
in Pall. 67, &c.) [L. S.]

CHARIDE'MUS {Xapih-n^ios). I. Of Euboea,
son of a woman of Oreus by an obscure father, if
we may believe the account of Demosthenes in a
speech filled with invective against him. (Dem.
c. Arisiocr. p. 691.) On the same authority, we
learn that he began his military career as a slinger
among the light-armed, that he then became com-
mander of a pirate vessel, and finally the captain
of a mercenary band of "free companions." (Dem.
c. Aristocr. pp. 668, 669.) In this capacity he first
entered the Athenian service under Iphicrates,
who had been sent against Amphipolis, about B. c.
367. At the end of somewhat more than three
years, Amphipolis agreed to surrender to the Athe-
nians, and delivered hostages to Iphicrates for
the performance of the promise : these, on being
superseded by Timotheus, he entrusted to Chari-
demus, who restored them to the Amphipolitans in
spite of the decree of the Athenian people requir-
ing them to be sent to Athens, and then passed
over to Cotys, king of Thrace, who was hostile to
the Athenians at the time. In B. c. 360, when
Timotheus was meditating his attack on Amphi-
polis, Charidemus was engaged to enter the service
of the Olynthians, who were preparing to defend
it ; but, on his passage from Cardia in the Cherso-
nesus, he was captured by the Athenians, and con-
sented to aid them against Olynthus. After the
failure of Timotheus at Amphipolis in the same
year, Charidemus crossed over to Asia and entered
the service of Memnon and Mentor, brothers-in-
law of Artabazua, who had been imprisoned by
Autophradates, but whose cause they still main-
tained. [Artabazus, No. 4,] He deceived his
employers, however, and seized the towns of Scep-
sis, Cebren, and Ilium ; but, being closely pressed
by Artabazus after his release from prison, he ap-
plied to the Athenians to interpose in his behalf,
promising to help them in recovering the Cherso-
nesus. Artabazus, however, allowed him to depart
uninjured, by the advice of Memnon and Mentor,

CIIARIDEMUS.

before the arrival of the Atlienian squadron dca-
tined for the Hellespont under Cephisodotus ; and
Charidemus, on his return to Europe, in spite of
his promise, lent his services to Cotys, whose
daughter he married, and laid siege to Crithote
and Elaeus. (Dem. c. Aristocr. pp. 6G9-674,) On
the murder of Cotys, B. c. 358, he adhered to the
cause of Cersobleptes, on whose behalf he conducted
the struggle with the Athenians, both by war and
diplomacy, for the possession of the Chersonesus.
He compelled Cephisodotus to submit, with respect
to it, to a compromise most unfavourable to his
country; and though Athenodorus (uniting with
Amadocus and Berisades, and taking advantage of
the national indignation excited by the murder of
Miltocythes, which Charidemus had procured from
the Cardians) obliged Cersobleptes to consent to a
threefold division of the kingdom, and to the sur-
render of the Chersonesus to Athens, — yet, on the
arrival of Chabrias with only one ship, the crafty
Euboean again renounced the treaty, and drove the
Athenian general to accept another still more un-
favourable to Athens than that of Cephisodotus.
But this was repudiated by the Athenians ; and,
at length, after much fruitless negotiation, Chares
having arrived in the Hellespont with a sufficient
force and with the authority of commander auto-
crator, Charidemus consented to ratify the treaty
of Athenodorus, still, however, contriving to retain
the town of Cardia ; and his partizans among the
orators at Athens having persuaded the people that
they owed to him the cession of the Chersonesus
(a strange delusion, if the narrative of events in
Demosthenes may be depended on), they rewarded
his supposed services with the franchise of the city
and a golden crown. (Dem. c. Aristocr. pp. 650,
674—682; Arist. liliet. ii. 23. § 17 ; comp. Isocr.
de Pac. p. 169, c.) This appears to have been in
B. c. 357. In B. c. 352, hoping perhaps to recover
Amphipolis through his aid, they passed a decree
in spite of the opposition of Demosthenes and his
party (c. Aristocr. passim), pronouncing the person
of Charidemus inviolable, and rendering any one
who should kill him amenable to justice from any
part of the Athenian empire. [Cersobleptes.]
In B.C. 349, after the recall of Chares, Charidemus
was appointed by the Athenians as commander in
the Olynthian war. In conjunction with the
Olynthians, he ravaged Pallene and Bottiaea,
which seem to have been then in the hands of
Philip ; but he caused much offence by his insolent
and profligate conduct at Olynthus, and in the
ensuing year he was superseded and replaced by
Chares. (Philochor. ap. Dionys. p. 735 ; Theopomp.
ap. Atltcm. X. p. 436, c.) Henceforth he disappears
from history, though he has been identified by
some with the Charidemus mentioned immediately
below, in opposition, we think, to internal evidence.
(Mitford's (jlreece, ch. 48, sec. 1 ; Thirlwall's Greece,
vol. V. p. 192, note 4, vol. vi. p. 101.)

2. An Athenian, who in a c. 358 was sent with
Antiphon as ambassador to Philip of Macedon,
ostensibly to confirm the frienflship between the
king and the Athenians, but authorized to nego-
tiate with him secretly for the recovery of Amphi-
polis, and to promise that the republic, in return
for it, would make him master of Pydna. This
was the Bpv\ovixev6v irore dn6^^r)Tov to which
Demosthenes refers in Olynth. ii. p. 19, ad fin.
(Theopomp. ap. Suid. s. v. t/ iffri rd iu to7s
Ar]fioa(fivovs *tAt7nriKo«, K. t. A. ; comp. Diod.

CHARiLAUS.

685

xiii. 49 ; Dcinarch. c. Detn. p. 91, ad fin.) It was
perhaps this same Charidemus whom the Athenians,
had they not been restrained by Phocion's party,
would have made general to act against Philip after
the battle of Chaeroneia, B. c. 338, and who, being
at the court of Macedonia as an envoy at the time
of Philip's murder, B. c. 336, transmitted to De-
mosthenes, whose friend he was, the earliest intel-
ligence of that event. (Plut. P/ioc. 16, Dem. 22 ;
Aesch. c. Ctes. p. 64.) He was one of the orators
whose surrender was required by Alexander in
B. c. 335, after the destruction of Thebes, and the
only one in whose behalf he refused to recede from
his demand on the mediation of Demades. Chari-
demus, being thus obliged to leave his country,
fled to Asia, and took refuge with Dareius, by
whose orders he was summarily put to death in
B. c. 333, shortly before the battle of Issus, having
exasperated the king by some advice, too freely
given, tending to abate his confidence in his power
and in the courage of his native troops. (Arr.
Anab. i. 10; Plut Dem. 23, Phoc. 17; Diod. xvii.
15, 30 ; Deinarch. c. Dem. p. 94.) Diodorus (xvii.
30) speaks of Charidemus as having been high in
favour with Philip of Macedon ; but the inconsis-
tency of this with several of the authorities above
referred to is pointed out by Wesseling. {Ad Diod,
l.c.) [E.E.]

CHARIDE'MUS (Xapi'STjuxos), a Greek phy-
sician, who was one of the followers of Erasistratus
and probably lived in the third century B. c. He
is mentioned by Caelius Aurelianus {De Morb.
Acut. iii. 15. p. 227), and was probably the father
of the physician Hermogenes. [W. A. G.'\

CH ARILA'US (XaplKaos). 1. Brother of Mae-
andrius, tyrant of Samos. When the Persians in-
vaded the island, towards the commencement of
the reign of Dareius Hystaspis, for the purpose of
establishing Syloson, the brother of Polycrates, in
the tyranny, Maeandrius submitted to them, and
agreed to abdicate ; but Charilaiis, who was some-
what crazy, obtained leave from his brother to fall
with a body of soldiers on a party of the most dis-
tinguished Persians, who were sitting in front of
the acropolis, and waiting for the ratificjition of the
treaty. The consequence of this treacherous mur-
der was a wholesale massacre of the Samians by
order of the Persian general, Otanes. (Herod, iii.
144—149.)

2. An Italian Greek, one of the chief men ot
Palaepolis, who, together with Njnnphius, betrayed
the town to Q. Publilius Philo, the Roman procon-
sul, in the second Samnite war (b. c. 323), and drove
out the Samnite garrison. (Liv.viii.25,26.) [E. E.]

CHARILA'US (Xap/Aaos), a Locrian, and a
dramatic poet. Whether he wrote tragedies or
comedies is uncertain, nor is anything further
known of him than that plays of his were repre-
sented at Athens in B. c. 328. (Fabric. BibL
Grace, ii. p. 428, ed. Harles.) [E. E.]

CHARILA'US or CHARI'LLUS {XapUaos,
XdpiWos), a king of Sparta, son of Polydectes,
and 7th of the Eurj-pontids, is said by Plutarch to
have received his name from the general joy ex-
cited by the justice of his uncle Lycurgus when he
placed him, yet a new-born infant, on the royal
seat, and bade the Spartans acknowledge him for
their king. (Plut. Lye. 3 ; Pans. ii. 36 ; Just,
iii. 2 ; Schol. ad Plat. Rep. x. p. 474.) Accord-
ing to Plutarch, the reforms projected by Lycurgus
on his return from his voluntary exile at first

686 CHARIS.

alarmed Charikiis for his personal safety ; but he
soon became reassured, and co-operated with his
uncle in the promotion of his plans. (Plat. Lye.
5.) Yet this is not very consistent Avith Aris-
totle's statement {Polit. v. 12, ed. Bekk.), that an
aristocratic government was established on the
ruins of the tyranny of Charilaiis, which latter
account again is still less reconcileable with the
assertion of Plutarch (/. c), that the kingly power
had lost all its substance when Lycurgus began to
remodel the constitution. There is, however, much
probability in the explanation oflfered as an hypo-
thesis by Thirlwall. {Greece, vol. i. p. 299, «Scc.)
We hear from Pausanias that Charilaiis was en-
gaged successfully in a war with the Argives,
which had slumbered for two generations. He
aided also his colleague Archelaus in destroying
the border-town of Aegys, which they suspected of
an intention of revolting to the Arcadians ; and he
commanded the Spartans in that disastrous contest
with Tegea, mentioned by Herodotus (i. QG), in
which the Tegean women are said to have taken
up arms and to have caused the rout of the in-
vaders by rushing forth from an ambuscade during
the heat of the battle. Charilaiis himself was
taken prisoner, but was dismissed without ransom
on giving a promise (which he did not keep), that
the Spartans should abstain in future from attack-
ing Tegea. (Paus, iii. 2, 7, viii. 48.) For the
chronology of the reign of Charilaiis, see Clinton.
(Fast. i. p. 140, &c.) There are two passages of
Herodotus, which, if we follow the common read-
ing, are at variance with some portions of the above
account ; but there is good reason for suspecting in
both of them a corruption of the text. (Herod, i.
65 ; Larch, ad loc., viii. 131; comp. Clint Fast. i.
p. 144, note b.) [E. E.]

CHARIMANDER, the author of a work on
Comets, quoted by Seneca. {Quaest. Nat. vii. 5.)

CHARIS (Xopiy), the personification of Grace
and Beauty, which the Roman poets translate by
Gratia and we after them by Grace. Homer,
without giving her any other name, describes a
Charis as the wife of Hephaestus. (//. xviii. 382.)
Hesiod {Theog. 945) calls the Charis who is the
wife of Hephaestus, Aglaia, and the youngest of
the Chiirites. (Comp. Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1148.)
According to the Odyssey, on the other hand.
Aphrodite was the wife of Hephaestus, from which
we may infer, if not the identity of Aphrodite and
Charis, at least a close connexion and resemblance
in the notions entertained about the two divinities.
The idea of personified grace and beauty was, as
we have already seen, divided into a plurality of
beings at a very early time, probably to indicate
the various ways in which the beautiful is mani-
fested in the world and adorns it. In the Iliad
itself (xiv. 269) Pasithea is called one of the
younger Charites, who is destined to be the wife
of Sleep, and the plural Charites occurs several
times in the Homeric poems. {Od. xviii. 194.)

The parentage of the Charites is differently de-
scribed ; the most common account makes them
the daughters of Zeus either by Hera, Eurynome,
Eunomia, Eurydomene, Harraonia, or Lethe.
(Hesiod. Tlieog. 907, &c. ; ApoUod. i. 3. $ 1 ;
Pind. 01. xiv. 15; Phurnut. 15; Orph. Hymn.
59. 2 ; Stat. Theb. ii. 286 ; Euatath. ad Horn. p.
982.) According to others they were the daugh-
ters of Apollo by Aegle or Euanthe (Paus. ix. 35.
§ 1), or of Dionysus by Aphrodite or Coronis.

CHARIS.
The Homeric poems mention only one Charis, or
an indefinite number in the plural, and from the
passage in which Pasithea is mentioned, it would
almost seem as if the poet would intimate that he
was thinking of a great number of Charites and of
a division of them into classes. Hesiod distinctly
mentions three Charites, whose names are Euphro-
syne, Aglaia, and Thalia, and this number as well
as these names subsequently became generally
established, although certain places in Greece re-
tained their ancient and established number. Thus
the Spartans had only two Charites, Cleta and
Phaenna, and the Athenians the same number,
Auxo and Hegemone, who were worshipped there
from the earliest times. Hermesianax added
Peitho as a third. (Paus. ix. 35.) Sostratus {ap.
Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1665) relates that Aphrodite
and the three Charites, Pasithea, Cale, and Eu-
phrosyne, disputed about their beauty with one
another, and when Teiresias awarded the prize to
Cale he was changed by Aphrodite into an old
woman, but Cale rewarded him with a beautiful
head of hair and took him to Crete. The name
Cale in this passage has led some critics to think
that Homer also (//. xviii, 393) mentions the
names of two Charites, Pasithea and Cale, and
that koAtJ should accordingly be written by a
capital initial.

The character and nature of the Charites are
sufficiently expressed by the names they bear :
they were conceived as the goddesses who gave
festive joy and enhanced the enjoyments of life by
refinement and gentleness. Gi*acefulness and
beauty in social intercourse are therefore attributed
to them. (Horat. Carm. iii. 21,22; Pind. 01.
xiv. 7, &c.) They are mostly described as being
in the service or attendance of other divinities, as
real joy exists only in circles where the individual
gives up his own self and makes it his main object
to afford pleasure to others. The less beauty is
ambitious to rule, the greater is its victory ; and
the less homage it demands, the more freely is it
paid. These seem to be the ideas embodied in the
Charites. They lend their grace and beauty to
everything that delights and elevates gods and
men. This notion was probably the cause of
Charis being called the wife of Hephaestus, the
divine artist. The most perfect works of art are
thus called the works of the Charites, and the
greatest artists are their favourites. The gentle-
ness •and gracefulness which they impart to man's
ordinary pleasures are expressed by their moderat-
ing the exciting influence of wine (Hor. Carm. iii.
19. 15 ; Pind. 01. xiii. 18), and by their accom-
panying Aphrodite and Eros. (Hom. Od. viii.
364, xviii. 194; Paus. vi. 24. ^ 5.) They aLo
assist Hermes and Peitho to give grace to elo-
quence and persuasion (Hesiod. Op. 63), and wis-
dom itself receives its charms from them. Poetry,
however, is the art which is especially favoured
by them, whence they are called ipaaifioX-Troi or
(piK-qcrifioXTToi. For the same reason they are the
friends of the Muses, with whom they live to-
gether in Olympus. (Hes. Tlteog. 64 ; Eurip.
Here. fur. 673 ; Theocrit. xvi. in fin.) Poets are
inspired by the Muses, but the application of their
songs to the embellishment of life and the festivals
of the gods are the work of the Charites. Late
Roman writers describe the Charites (Gratiae) as
the symbols of gratitude and benevolence, to which
they were led by the meaning of the word gratia

CHARISIUS.

in their own language. (Senec. De Dencf. L 3 ;
comp. Diod. v. T6.)

The worship of the Charites was believed to
have been first introduced into Boeotia by Eteo-
clus or Eteocles, the son of Cephissus, in the valley
of that river. (Pans. ix. 3o. § 1; Theocrit. xvi.
104 ; Find. 01. xiv.) At Orchomenos and in the
island of Paros a festival, the X'*P^<''»fl or x^ptTTJcrjo,
wjis celebnited to the Charites. (Eustath. ad
Horn. p. 1843 ; Apollod. iii. 15. § 7.) At Orcho-
menos they were worshipped from early times in
the form of rude stones, which were believed to
have fallen from heaven in the time of Eteocles.
(Pans. ix. 38. § 1 ; Strab. ix. p. 414.) Statues
of them are mentioned in various parts of Greece,
as at Sparta, on the road from Sparta to Amyclae,
in Crete, at Athens, Elis, Hermione, and others.
(Pans. i. 22. § 8, ii. 34. § 10, iii. 14. § 6, vi. 24.
§ 5.) They were often represented as the com-
panions of other gods, such as Hera, Hennes, Eros,
Dionysus, Aphrodite, the Horae, and the Muses.
In the ancient statues of Apollo at Delos and
Delphi, the god carried the Charites on his hand.
In the early times the Charites were represented
dressed, but afterwards their figures were always
made naked, though even Pausanias (ix. 35. § 2)
did not know who had introduced the custom of
representing them naked. Specimens of both
dressed and naked representations of the Charites
are still extant. Their character is that of unsus-
picious maidens in the full bloom of life, and they
usually embrace one another. Their attributes
differ according to the divinities upon whom they
attend; as the companions of Apollo they often
carry musical instruments, and as the companions
of Aphrodite they carry myrtles, roses, or dice, the
feivourite game of youth. (Hirt, Mylhol. BiUlerb.
ii. p. 215, &c.) [L. S.]

CHARI'SIUS {Xapiffios), a son of Lycaon, to
whom tradition ascribed the foundation of Chari-
siae in Arcadia. (Paus. viii. 3. § 1 ; Steph. Byz.
«. V.) [L. S.]

CHARI'SIUS {Xaplffios), a Greek orator and
a contemporary of Demosthenes, wrote orations for
others, in which he imitated the style of Lysias.
He was in his turn imitated by Hegesias. (Cic,
Brut. 83.) His orations, which were extant in the
time of Quintilian and Rutilius Lupus, must have
been of considerable merit, as we learn from the
former writer (x. i. § 70), that they were ascribed
by some to Menander. Rutilius Lupus (i. 10, ii. 6)
has given two extracts from them. (Comp. Ruhn-
ken, ad Rutil. Lup. i. 10 ; Westermann, Gesch.
der Griech. Beredtsainkeit. § 54, n. 34.)

CHARI'SIUS, a presbyter of the church of the
Philadelphians in the fifth century. Shortly be-
fore the general council held at Ephesus, a. d. 431,
Antonius and James, presbyters of ConsUmtinople,
and attached to the Nestorian party, came to Plii-
ladelphia with commendatory letters from Anasta-
sius and Photius, and cunningly prevailed upon
several of the clergy and laity who had just re-
nounced the errors of the Quartodecimani (Nean-
der, Kirchcngesch. ii. 2, p. 645), to subscribe
a prolix confession of faith tinctured with the
Nestorian errors. But Charisius boldly withstood
them, and therefore they proscribed him as a
heretic from the communion of the pious. When
the council assembled at Ephesus, Charisius accused
before the fathers that composed it Anastasius,
Photius, and James, exhibiting against them a

CHARISIUS.

687

book of indictment, and the confession which they
had imposiid upon the deluded Philadelphians.
He also presented a brief confession of his own
foith, harmonizing with the Nicene creed, in order
that he might clear himself from the suspicion of
heresy. The time of his birth and death is un-
known. He appears only in connexion with the
Ephesian council, a. d. 431.

The indictment which he presented to the
synod, his confession of faith, a copy of the expo-
sition of the creed as corrupted by Anastasius and
Photius, the subscribings of those who were mis-
led, and the decree of the council after hearing the
case, are given in Greek and Latin in the Sacro-
saiida Concilia, edited by Labbe and Cossart, vol.
iii. p. 673, &c., Paris, 1671, folio. See also
Cave's Hisioria Literariaj pp. 327, 328, ed. Lond.
1688, foh [S. D.]

CHARI'SIUS, AURE'LIUS ARCA'DIUS,
a Roman jurist, one of the latest in time of those
whose works are cited in the Digest. Herennius
Modestinus, who was living in the reign of Gor-
dianus III., is usually considered to be the last
jurist of the classical period of Roman jurispru-
dence. " Hie oracula jurisconsultorum obmutuere,"
says the celebrated Jac. Godefroi {Mamiale Juris,
i. 7), " sic ut ultimum JCtorum Modestinum
dicere vere liceat." For an interval of 80 or 90
years after Modestinus, no jurist appears whose
works are honoured with citation in the Digest,
unless Julius Aquila or Furius Anthianus belongs
to that interval. The only two who can be named
with certainty as posterior to Modestinus are
Charisius and Hermogenianus. Of these two, the
priority of date is probably, for several reasons, to
be assigned to the former. It may be here men-
tioned, that Hermogenianus occupies the last place
in the Florentine Index. Charisius cites Modes-
tinus with applause (Dig. 50. tit. 4. s. 18. § 26),
but his date is more closely to be collected from
Dig. 1. tit. 11. 8. un. § 1, where he states that ap-
peal from the sentences of the praefecti praetorio
has been abolished. Now, this appeal was abolished
by Constantine the Great, A. D. 331 (Cod. 7. tit.
62. 8. \Q), and, from the language of Charisius in
Dig. l.tit. 11, it may be inferred, that Constantine
was alive at the time when that passage was
written. Charisius is sometimes {e. g. Dig. 22.
tit. 5. s. 1. pr.) cited in the Digest by the name
" Arcadius, qui et Charisius," and by Joannes
Lydus {de Magist. Pop. Rom. i. c. 14), he is
cited by the name Aurelius simply. The name
Charisius was not uncommon in the decline of the
empire, and, when it occurs on coins, it is usually
spelled Carisius, as if it were etymologically con-
nected with Cams rather than x^P'^* The jurist,
according to Panziroli {de Clar. Jur. Interpp. pp.
13, 59), was the same with the^lrcadius to whom
Carus, Carinus, and Nunierianus directed a re-
script, A. D. 283. (Cod. 9. tit. 11. s. 4.) There
is a constitution of Diocletianus and Maximianus,
addressed, A. D. 300-2, to Arcadius Chresimus.
(Cod. 2. tit. 3. s. 27.) Panziroli would here read.
Charisius for Chresimus, and would also identify
our Charisius with the Carisius (Vat. M. S. ; vulg.
lect. Charissimus), praeses of Syria, to whom was
addressed (a. d. 290) an earlier constitution of the
same emperors. (Cod. 9. tit. 41. s. 9.) These
identifications, however, though not absolutely
impossible, rest upon mere conjecture, and would
require the jiu'ist to have lived to a very advanced

68a

CHARISIUS.

age. Three works of Charisius are cited in the
Digest. Four extracts (Dig. •22. tit. 5. s. 1 ; Dig.
22. tit. 5. s. 21 ; Dig. 22. tit. 5. s. 25 ; Dig. 48.
tit. 18. s. 10) are made from his Liber singularis
de Testibus ; one (Dig. 50. tit. 4. s. 18) from his
Liber singularis de Muneribus civilibus ; and one
(Dig. 1. tit. 1. s. un.) from his Liber singularis
de Officio Praefecti praetorio. In the inscription
prefixed to the latter passage (Dig. 1. tit. 11. s.
un.), he is styled magister libellorum, and Cujas
(Obss. vii. 2), probably suspecting that he held
office under Constantine, conjectures that he was a
Christian. For this conjecture, however, there is
no sufficient ground, for, as Ritter has remarked
(ad Heineccii Historiam Jur. Rom. § 358), even
under Valentinianus the younger, Rome was still
for the most part pagan, and men, the most ad-
dicted to paganism, held the highest dignities even
in the imperial household.

Both the matter and the language of the extracts
from Charisius in the Digest mark the declining
age of jurisprudence and Latinity. The matter
betrays the mere compiler. The language is dis-
figured by barbarisms, e. g. participales, regimen-
turiL, incunctalUe, munus camelasiae. (Jac. Godefroi,
ad Cod. Theodos. 11. tit. 30. s. 16; Guil. Grot.
Vitae Jurisc. ii. 11 ; Chr. Rau, de Aur. Arc. CliOr
risio. Vet. Jurisc.^ 4to., Lips. 1773; Zimmem,
R. R. G. l % \U.) [J. T. G.]

CHARI'SIUS, FLA'VIUS SOSI'PATER, a
Latin grammarian, author of a treatise in five
books, drawn up for the use of his son, entitled
Instituiiones Grammaiicae, which has come down
to us in a very imperfect state, a considerable por-
tion of the first and fifth books being entirely
wanting, as we at once discover by comparing the
table of contents presented in the prooemium with
what actually remains. It is a careful compilation
from preceding writers upon the same subject, such
as Flavins Caper, Velius Longus, Terentius Scau-
rus, and above all Comrainianus and Julius Ro-
manus, from whom whole chapters are cited, and
is particularly valuable on account of the number
of quotations, apparently very accurate, from lost
works. We cjin detect a close correspondence
with many passages in the Ars Grammatica of
Diomedes, but Charisius is so scrupulous in refer-
ring to his authorities, that we are led to conclude,
since he makes no mention of Diomedes, that the
latter was the borrower. Comminianus is known
to have flourished after Donatus and before
Servius [Comminianus], therefore Charisius, be-
ing mentioned by Priscian, must belong to some
period between the middle of the fourth and the
end of the fifth centuries. Osann, who has in-
vestigated this question with great care, decides
that he ought to be placed about the year a. d. 400,
in which case he j)robably enjoyed the advantage
of consulting the great libraries of the metropolis,
before they were pillaged by the Goths. We
gather from his own words that he was a native of
Campania, in religion a Christian, by profession a
grammarian, following his occupation at Rome.
Tiie Editio Princeps of Charisius was published
by J. Pierius Cyminius, a pupil of Janus Parrha-
sius, who first discovered the work, at Naples, foL
1532; the second, superintended by G. Fabricius
Chemnicensis, was printed by Frobenius at Basle,
8vo., 1551, and contains many corrections and
improvements, but likewise many interpolations,
since the editor was not assisted by any MS. ;

CHARITON.

the third, included in the " Grammaticae Latinae
Auctores Antiqui," of Putschius, Hanov. 4to, lfi05,
professes to be far more complete and accurate than
the preceding, in consequence of the additional
matter and various readings obtiiined from an ex-
cellent codex, the property of Janus Douza, oi
which, however, no detailed account is given, and
of which no trace now remains. Niebuhr had
paved the way for a new edition by collating and
making extracts from the Neapolitan MS. origin-
ally emploj'ed by Cyminius, which affords means
for greatly purifying and enlarging the text. These
materials were promised by Niebuhr to Linde-
mann, who, however, in consequence of the death
of his friend and the destruction of a portion of
his papers by fire, succeeded in obtaining only a
copy of Putschius with the various readings of the
Neapolitan MS. marked on the margin. These
are given in the edition of Charisius, which forms
the first part of the fourth volume of the " Corpus
Grammaticorum Latinorum Veterum," Lips. 4to.
1840. (Funccius, De inerti ac decrepita Linguae
Ixitinae SenectiUe, c. iv. § 11; Osann, Beitr'dge zur
Griech. und Rom. Litteraiurgesch. vol. ii. p. 319 ;
Lersch, Die Sprachphilosophie der Alien, vol. i.
p. 163.) [W. R.]

CHA'RITES. [Charis.]

CH A'RITON (XaplTwv) of Aphrodisias, a town
of Caria, is the name by which one of the Greek
erotic prose writers calls himself; but the name is
probably feigned (from x<*P*5 ^^^ ^AcppoShrf), as
the time and position of the author certainly are.
He represents himself as the secreUiry (vnoypacpeiis)
of the orator Athenagoras, evidently referring to
the Syracusan orator mentioned by Thucydides
(vi. 35, 36) as the political opponent of Hermo-
crates. The daughter of Hermocrates is the he-
roine of Chariton's work, wliich is a romance, in
eight books, on the Loves of Chaereas and Callir-
rhoe, under the following title, XapiTufos *A<ppoSi-
aUws rap Trepl Xaipecu' kou Ka\\ipl>oriv tpuiTiKwu
SjTjyrj/uaTwj/ \6yoi i^. The work begins with the
marriage of the heroine, which is presently followed
by her burial. She comes to life again in the tomb,
and is carried off by robbers. After various ad-
ventures, she is restored to Chaereas. The inci-
dents are natural and pleasing, and the style sim-
ple ; but the work as a whole is reckoned inferior
to those of Achilles Tatiua, Heliodorus, Longus,
and Xenophon of Ephesus. Nothing is known
respecting the real life or the time of the author.
The critics place him variously between the fifth
and ninth centuries after Christ. The general
opinion is, that he was the latest of the erotic prose
writers, except perhaps Xenophon of Ephesus.

There is only one known MS. of the work, from
which it was printed by James Philip D'Orville,
with a Latin version and notes by Reiske, in
3 vols. 4to. Amst. 1750. The comraentary of
D'Orville is esteemed one of the best on any an-
cient author. It was reprinted, with additional
notes by Beck, 1 vol. 8vo. Lips. 1783. A very
beautiful edition of the text was printed at Venice,
1812, 4to.

The book has been translated into German by
Heyne, Leipz. 1753, and Schneider, Leipz. 1807;
into French by Larcher, Par. 1763 (reprinted in
the Bibliotheque des Romans Grecs, Par. 1797).
and Pallet, 1775 and 1784 ; into Italian by M. A.
Giacomelli, Rom. 1752, and others; into English
by Becket and de Hondt, 1764. [P. S,J

CHARM IDES.

CHA'RITON {Xap'iTwp), an oculist, who lived
in or before the second century after Christ, as one
of his medical formulae is quoted by Galen {De
Antid. ii. 13. vol. xiv. p. 180), and also by Aetius
(iv. 1, 18, p. 620). He is also mentioned in an
ancient Latin inscription, which is explained at
length by C G. Kiihn, in his Index Medicbrum
Oculariorum ititer Gh-aecos Romanosque^ Lips. 1 829,
4to., fasc. ii. p. 3, &c. See also Klihn's Addiiam.
ad Elench. Medic. Vet. a J. A. FaLricio, <Sj;c. ex-
hibitu7n. Lips. 1826, 4to., fasc. iv. [W. A. G.]

CHARI'XENA (Xapi^ipa), a lyric poetess,
mentioned by Eustathius, who calls her iroiifrpia
KpovfxaT'jiv. {Ad Iliad, fi' 711.) Aristophanes al-
ludes to her in a passage which the Scholiast and
lexicographers explain as a proverbial expression
implying that she was " silly and foolish." {Eccle-
siaz. 943 ; Suidas, s. v.; Etymol. Mag. and Hesy-
chius, s. V. eirl Xapi^evris.) She is said to have
been also a flute-player, and an erotic poetess.
{Etym. Mag. and Hesych. I. c.) Nothing is known
of her time or country. The reference to her as
an erotic poetess has been understood as indicating
that she belonged to the Aeolic lyric school ; and
the words of Hesychius (opx«^« oucro) perhaps
imply that she lived at a very early period. [P.S.]

CHARI'XENUS (Xapi'ler^os ) or CHARI'X-
ENES (Xoptlei/es), a physician, who probably
lived in the first century after Christ, as he is
mentioned by Asclepiades Pharmacion. Several of
his medical formulae have been preserved by
Galen and Aetius. (Gal. De Compos. Medicam.
sec. Loc. iii. 3, v. 3, vii. 2, 4, 5, vol. xii. pp. 685,
829, xiii. pp. 48, 49, 50, 82, 102 ; Aet. De Med.
ii. 4, 52, p. 406.) [W. A. G.]

CHA'RMADAS. philosopher. [Charmides.]

CHA'RMIDES {Xap^lih'f]s). 1. An Athenian,
son of Glaucon, was cousin to Critias and uncle by
the mother's side to Plato, who introduces him in
the dialogue which bears his name as a very young
man at the commencement of the Peloponnesian
war. (Comp. Heind. ad Plat. Charm, p. 154, and
the authorities there referred to.) In the same
dialogue he is represented as a very amiable youth
and of surpassing beauty, and he appears again in
the " Protagoras " at the house of Callias, son of
Hipponicus. [See p. 567, b.] We learn from
Xenophon, that he was a great favourite with So-
crates, and was possessed of more than ordinary
ability, though his excessive diffidence deprived
his country of the services which he might have
rendered her as a statesman. In b. c. 404 he was
one of the Ten who were appointed, over and
above the thirty tyrants, to the special government
of the Peiraeeus, and he was slain fighting against
Thrasybulus at the battle of Munychia in the same
year. (Xen. Mem, iii. 6, 7, Hdl. ii. 4. § 19 ;
Schneid. ad loc.)

2. Called also Charmadas by Cicero, a disciple
of Cleitomachus the Carthaginian, and a friend and
companion (as he had been the fellow-pupil) of
Philo of Larissa, in conjunction with whom he is
said by some to have been the founder of a fourth
Academy. He flourished, therefore, towards the
end of the second and at the commencement of the
first century b. c. Cicero, writing in b. c. 45,
speaks of him as recently dead. ( Tusc. Disp. i. 24.)
On the same authority we learn, that he was re-
markable for his eloquence and for the great com-
pass and retentiveness of his memory. His philo-
sophical opinions were doubtless coincident with

CHARON.

GB9

those of Philo. (Cic. Acad. Quaest. iv. 6, Orai. 1 6,
de Orat. ii. 88 ; Plin. H. N. vii. 24 ; Fabric. Bibl.
Graec. iii. p. 167, and the authorities there re-
ferred to.) [E. E.]

CHARMrNUS {XapfjL7vos), an Athenian gene-
ral, who is first mentioned by Thucydides as com-
ing to Samos in b. c. 412. Samos was at this time
the head-quarters of the Athenian fleet, and the
force there amounted to upwards of 100 ships, of
which 30 were detached to besiege Chios, while
the rest (and with them Charminus) remained to
watch the Spartan fleet under the high-admiral
Astyochus at Miletus. He was detached a very
short time afterwards with twenty vessels to the
coast of Lycia, to look out for the Spartan fleet
conveying the deputies who were to examine the
complaints made against Astyochus. On this ser-
vice he fell in with Astyochus, who was himself
on the look-out to convoy his countrymen. Char-
minus was defeated, and lost six ships, but escaped
with the rest to Halicamassus. We afterwards
find him assisting the oligarchical party at Samos in
the ineffectual attempt at a revolution. (Thuc. viii.
30, 41, 42, 73; Aristoph. Tkesmoph. 804.) [A.H.C.]

CHARMI'NUS, a Lacedaemonian, was sent by
Thibron, the Spartan harmost in Asia, to the Cyrean
Greeks, then at Selymbria and in the service of
Seuthes, to induce them to enter the Lacedemonian
service against Persia, b. c. 399. (Xen. Anab. vii.
6. § 1, &c.. Hell. iii. 1. § 6 ; Diod. xiv. 37.) On
this occasion he defended Xenophon from the im-
putation thrown out against him by some of the
Cyreans, of treacherous collusion with Seuthes to
defraud them of their pay, and he also aided them
in obtaining what was due to them from the
Thracian prince. A great portion of thin consisted
in cattle and slaves, and the sale of these and the
distribution of the proceeds was undertaken, at
Xenophon's request, by Charminus and his col-
league, Polynicus, who incurred much odium in
the management of the transaction. (Xen. Anab.
vii. 6. § 39, 7. §§ 13—19, B^.) [E. E.]

CHARMIS (Xap/xts), a physician of Marseilles,
who came to Rome in the reign of Nero, a. b. 54
— 68, where he acquired great fame and wealth
by reviving the practice of cold bathing. (Plin.
H. N. xxix. 5.) He is said to have received from
one patient two hundred thousand sesterces, or
1562/. 10s. (Plin. //. A^. xxix. 8.) He was also
the inventor of an antidote which was versified by
Damocrates, and is preserved by Galen. {De Antid.
ii. 1, 4, vol. xiv. pp. 114, 126.) [W. A. G.]

CHAROE'ADES (XopoiaSTjy), called Chariades
by Justin (iv. 3), was joined in command with
Laches in the earliest expedition sent from Athens
to Sicily (b. c. 427), and was killed soon after-
wards. (Thuc. iii. 86, 90; Diod. xii. 54.) [A.H.C.]

CHARON (Xopwi/), a son of Erebos, the aged
and dirty ferryman in the lower world, who con-
veyed in his boat the shades of the dead — though
only of those whose bodies were buried — across
the rivers of the lovver world. (Virg. Aen. vi. 295,
&c.; Senec. Here. fur. 764.) For this service he
was paid by each shade with an obolus or danace,
which coin was placed in the mouth of every dead
body previous to its burial. This notion of Charon
seems to be of late origin, for it does not occur in
any of the eai-ly poets of Greece. (Pans. x. 28.
§ 1 ; Juven. iii. 267 ; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1666.)
Charon was represented in the Lesche of Delphi
bv Polvgnotns. [L. S.]

*J Y

soo

CHARONDAS.

CHARON {Xdpwu), a distinguished Theban,
who exposed himself to much danger by concealing
Pelopidas and his fellow-conspirators in his house,
when they returned to Thebes with the view of
delivering it from the Spartans and the oligarchical
government, B. c. 379. Charon himself took an
active part in the enterprise, and, after its success,
was made Boeotarch together with Pelopidas and
Mellon. (Xen. Hell. v. 4. § 3; Plut. Pelop. 7-13,
de Gen. Soc. passim.) [E. E.]

CHARON {Xdpwv), literary. 1. A historian of
Lampsacus, is mentioned by TertuUian {deAnim. 46)
as prior to Herodotus, and is said by Suidas (s. v.)
according to the common reading, to have flourished
{y€p6fifvos) in the time of Dareius Hystaspis, in
the 79th Olympiad (a c. 464) ; but, as Dareius
died in B. c. 485, it has been proposed to read |0'
for o& in Suidas, thus placing the date of Charon
in 01. 69 or b. c. 504. He lived, however, as late
as b. c. 464, for he is referred to by Plutarch
( Them. 27) aa mentioning the flight of Themistocles
to Asia in b. c. 465. We find the following list of
his works in Suidas : 1 . PuQioinKa. 2. Tlepa-iKoi.
3. 'EAATjvtKO. 4. Ilepl AafxypaKov. 5. Ai§vKd.
6. "Opoi Aa/jL^paicnvoSv, a work quoted by Athenaeus
(xi. p. 475, c), where Schweighaeuser proposes to
substitute wpoi (comp. Diod. i. 26), thus making its
subject to be the annals of Lampsacus. 7. Upi/-
rdpeis 'fj "ApxouTes ol rav Aa»(eSat)Uoi/jW, a chro-
nological work. 8. Kriatis ir6\€a)V. 9. KpririKd.
10. ncpivKous 6 cKTcs Tuv 'HpaKheloiv ffT7}\oSv.
The fragments of Charon, together with those of
Hecataeus and Xanthus, have been published by
Creuzer, Heidelberg, 1806, and by Car. and Th.
Miiller, Fragm. Histor, Graec. Paris, 1841. Be-
sides the references above given, comp. Plut de
Mtd. Virt. s. v. Aafv\idia} ; Strab. xiii. p. 583 ;
Paus. X. 38 ; Athen. xii. p. 520, d.; Ael. V.H.IU;
Schol. ail Apoll. Rhod. ii. 2, 479 ; Voss. de Hist.
Graec. b. i. c. 1 ; Clint. Fast, subannis 504, 464.

2. Of Carthage, wrote an account of all the ty-
rants of Europe and Asia, and also the lives of
illustrious men and women. (Suid. s. v.; Voss. de
Hid. Graec. p. 415, ed. Westermann.)

3. Of Naucratis, was the author of a history of
the Alexandrian and Egyptian priests, and of the
events which occurred under each ; likewise of a
treatise on Naucratis, and other works. (Suid.s.tJ.)
The Charon who was a friend of ApoUonius Rho-
dius, and wrote a historical commentary on his
A rffonaulica, has been identified by some with the
historian of Naucratis, by others with the Cartha-
ginian. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. b. iii. c. 21; Voss.
de Hist. Graec. pp. 20, 138, 144, 415, ed. Wester-
mann ; Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. ii. 1054.) [E. E.]

CHARONDAS {XapdvZas), a lawgiver of Ca-
tana, who legislated for his own and the other
cities of Chalcidian origin in Sicily and Italy.
(Aristot. Polit. ii. 10.) Now, these were Zancle,
Naxos, Leontini, Euboea, Mylae, Himera, Callipo-
lis, and Rhegium. He must have lived before the
time of Anaxilaus, tyrant of Rhegium, i. e. before
b. c. 494, for the Rhegians used the laws of Cha-
rondas till they were abolished by Anaxilaus, who,
after a reign of eighteen years, died b. c. 476.
These facts sufficiently refute the common account
of Charondas, as given by Diodorus (xii. 12) : viz.
that after Thiuii was founded by the people of the
ruined city of Sybaris, the colonists chose Charon-
das, "the best of their /ellow-ciiizens,'''' to draw up
a code of laws for their use. For Thurii, as we

CHAROPS.

have seen, is not included among the Chalcidian
cities, and the date of its foundation is b. c. 443.
It is also demonstrated by Bentley (Phaiaris, p.
367, &c.), that the laws which Diodorus gives as
those drawn up by Charondas for the Thurians
were in reality not his. For Aristotle {Polit. iv.
1 2) tells us, that his laws were adapted to an aris-
tocracy, whereas in Diodorus we constantly find
him ordering appeals to the drj/jLos, and the consti-
tution of Thurii is expressly called TroKiTev/jM
SrifjLOKpaTiKov. Again, we learn from a happy cor-
rection made by Bentley in a corrupt passage of
the Politics (ii. 12), that the only peculiarity in
the laws of Charondas was that he first introduced
the power of prosecuting false witnesses (eTrjo'KTj^'is).
But it is quite certain that this was in force at
Athens long before the existence of Thurii, and
therefore that Charondas, as its author, also lived
before the foundation of that city. Lastly, we are
told by Diogenes Laertius, that Protagoras was the
lawgiver of Thurii. (See Wesseling's note on Dio-
dorus, /.c, where Bentley's arguments are summed
up with great clearness.) Diodorus ends the ac-
count of his pseudo-Charondas by the story, that
he one day forgot to lay aside his sword before he
appeared in the assembly, thereby violating one of
his own laws. On being reminded of this by a
citizen, he exclaimed, fid A" d\Xd Kvpiov iron^cro),
and immediately stabbed himself. This anecdote
is also told of Diodes of SjTacuse, and of Zaleucus,
though Valerius Maximus (vi. § 5) agrees with
Diodorus in attributing it to Charondas. The story
that Charondas was a Pythagorean, is probably an
instance of the practice which arose in later times
of calling every distinguished lawgiver a disciple
of Pythagoras, which title was even conferred on
Numa Porapilius. (Comp. lamblich. Vit. Pythug.
c. 7.) Among several pretended laws of Charondas
preserved by Stobaeus, there is one probably au-
thentic, since it is found in a fragment of Theo-
phrastus. (Stob. Serm. 48.) This enacts, that all
buying and selling is to be transacted with ready
money, and that the government is to provide no
remedy for those who lose their mone}' by giving
credit. The same ordinance will be found in Pla-
to's Laws. The laws of Charondas were probably
in verse. (Athen. xiv. p. 619.) The fragments of
the laws of Charondas are given in Heyne's Opus-
cida, vol. ii. p. 74, &c. [G. E. L. C]

CHAROPS {Xdpo^^y bright-eyed or joyful-
looking, a surname of Heracles, imder which he
had a statue near mount Laphystion on the spot
where he was believed to have brought forth
Cerberus from the lower world. (Paus. ix. 34.
§ 4.) There are also two mythical beings of this
name. (Hom. Od. xi. 427 ; Horn. Hymn, in Merc.
194; Bxgm. FaL. 181.) [L. S.J

CHAROPS (Xdpo^p). 1. A chief among the
Epeirots, who sided with the Romans in their war
with Philip v., and, by sending a shepherd to
guide a portion of the Roman army over the
heights above the position of the Macedonians,
enabled Flamininus to dislodge Philip from the
defile which he had occupied in Epeiriis, B. c. 198.
(Polyb. xvii. 3, xviii. 6, xxvii, 1 3 ; Liv. xxxii. 6,
11 ; Plut. Flam. A.) In B. c. 192, Charops was
sent by his countrymen on an embassy to Antio-
chus the Great, who was wintering at Chalcis in
Euboea. He represented to the king that the
Epeirots were more exposed to the attacks of the
Romans than any of the inhabitants of the rest of

CHEILON.

Ort'ocp, and bopged hii^i therefore to excuse tliem
from siding with him unless he felt himself strong
enough to protect them. (Polyb. xx. 3.) He con-
tinued to the end of his life to cultivate the friend-
ship of the Romans, and sent his grandson to
Rome for education. (Polyb. xxvii. 13.) [E. E.]

2. A grandson of the above. He received his
education at Rome, and after his return to his own
country adhered to the Roman cause ; but here
ends all resemblance between himself and his
grandfather, who is called koAos Koiyadds by Poly-
bius. (xxvii. 13.) It was this younger Charops
by whose calumnies Antinous and Cephalus were
driven in self-defence to t;ike the side of Perseus
[Antinous] ; and he was again one of those who
flocked from the sevenil states of Greece toAerailius
PauUiis at Amphipolis, in b. c. 1C7, to congratulate
him on the decisive victory at Pydna in the pre-
ceding year, and who seized the opportunity to rid
themselves of the most formidable of their political
opponents by pointing them out as friends of
Macedonia, and so causing them to be apprehended
and sent to Rome. (Polyb. xxx. 10; Liv. xlv.
31 ; Diod. Krc. p. 578 ; see p. 569, b.) The
power thus obtained Charops in particular so bar-
barously abused, that Polybius has recorded his
belief " that there never had been before and
never would be again a greater monster of cruelty."
But even his cruelty did not surpass his rapacity
and extortion, in which he was fully aided and
seconded by his mother, Philotis. (Diod. Ea-c.
p. 587.) His proceedings, however, were dis-
countenanced at Rome, aud when he went thither
to obtain the senate's confirmation of his iniquity,
he not only received from them an unfavourable
and threatening answer, but the chief men of the
state, and Aemilius PauUus among the number,
refused to receive him into their houses. Yet on
his return to Epeirus he had the audacity to falsify
the senate's sentence. The year 157 b. c. is com-
memorated by Polybius as one in which Greece
was purged of many of her plagues : as an instance
of this, he mentions the death of Charops at Brun-
disium. (Polyb. xxx. 14, xxxi. 8, xxxii. 21,22.)
Both this man and his gnmdfather are called
** Charopus" by Livy. [E. E.]

CHARO'PUS. [Charops.]

CHARTAS (XdpTas) and SYADRAS (2uo-
5pas), statuaries at Sparta, were the teachers of
Eucheirus of Corinth, and he of Clearchus of
Rhegium, and he of the great statuary Pj'thagoras
of Rhegium. (Paus. vi. 4. § 2.) Hence it is cal-
culated that Chartas and Syadras flourished about
540 B. c, a little before which time the Spartans
sent to Croesus a crater of bronze ornamented with
figures. (Herod, i. 70.) [P. S.]

CHARYBDIS. [Scylla.]

CHEILON or CHILON (X«Aajr, Xi\cov).
1. Of Lacedaemon, son of Damagetus, and one of
the Seven Sages, flourished towards the commence-
ment of the 6th century b. c. Herodotus (i. 59)
speaks of him as contemporary with Hippocrates,
the father of Peisistratus, and Diogenes Laertius
tells us, that he was an old man in the 52nd Olym-
piad (a. c. 572), and held the office of Ephor
Kpunymus i^ 01. 56. (b. c. 556.) In the same
author there is a passage which appears to ascribe
to Cheilon the institution of the Ephoralty, but
this contradicts the other well known and more
authentic traditions. On the authority also of
Aicidiujias the rhetorician (a/>. Ari^t. lihet. ii. 23.

CIIEIRISOPHUS.

691

§ 1 1) we learn, that he was a member of the Spar-
tan senate. It is «iid that he died of joy when
his son gained the prize for boxing at the Olympic
games, and that his funeral was attended by all
the Greeks assembled at the festival. Such a
token of respect seems to have been due not more
to his wisdom than to the purity of his life, which,
according to Diodorus, was not inconsistent with
his doctrine. (Comp. Gell. i. 3.) Diogenes Laer-
tius mentions him as a writer of Elegiac poems,
and records many sayings of his which shew that
even at Sparta he may well have been remarkable
for his sententious brevity, and several of which
breathe also in other respects a truly Spartan
spirit. Witness especially his denunciation of the
use of gesture in speaking, — Aeyoura fx-fi Kivflu
rrjv x^^P"-' /■^aviKou yap. The distinguishing ex-
cellence of man he considered to be sngacity of
judgment in divining the future, — a quality which
he himself remarkably exemplified in his forebod-
ing, afterwards realized, of the evils to which
Sparta might at any time be exposed from Cythera.
(Diog. Laert. i. 68 — 73; Menag. ad loc. ; Plat.
Prota^. p. 343; Plut. deEl ap.Delph. S;AeL V.H.
iii. 17; Perizon. ad loc; Plin. H. N. vii. 32;
Diod. Exc. de Virt. ei Vit. p. 552, ed. Wess ;
Arist. RJict. ii. 12. § 14; Herod, vii. 235 ; comp.
Thuc. iv. 53 ; Arnold, ad loc.)

2. A Spartan of the royal house of the Eury-
pontids. On the death of Cleomenes III. in b. c.
220, his claim to the throne was disregarded, and
the election fell on one Lycur^us, who was not a
Heracleid. Cheilon was so indignant at this, that
he devised a revolution, holding out to the people
the hope of a division of landed property — a plan
which Agis IV. and Cleomenes III. had succes-
sively failed to realize. Being joined by about
200 adherents, he surprised the ephori at supper,
and murdered them. Lycurgus, however, whose
house he next attacked, eflfected his escape, and
Cheilon, having in vain endeavoured to rouse the
people in his cause, was compelled to take refuge
in Achaia. (Polyb. iv. 35, 81.) [E. E.]

CHEILO'NIS (XeiAcovi's). 1. Daughter of
Cheilon of Lacedaemon, is mentioned by lambli-
chus {lie Vit. Fytk. 36, ad fin. ) as one of the most
distinguished women of the school of Pythagoras.

2. Daughter of Leonidas II., king of Sparta,
and wife to Cleombrotus II. When Leonidas,
alarmed at the prosecution instituted against him
by Lysander [Agis IV.], took refuge in the tem-
ple of Athena Chalcioecus, Cheilonis left her hus-
band, who was made king on the deposition of
Leonidas, and, preferring to comfort her father in
his adversity, accompanied him in his flight to
Tegea. Afterwards, when Leonidas was restored,
and Cleombrotus in his turn was driven to take
refuge in the temple of Poseidon, Cheilonis joined him
in his altered fortunes, saved his life by her entreaties
from her father's vengeance, and, again refusing
to share the splendour of a throne, went with him
into banishment ; " so that, had not Cleombrotus,'*
says Plutarch, " been spoilt by vain ambition, his
wife's love would have made him deem his exile a
more blessed lot than the kingdom which he lost."
(Plut. Aqis. 11, 12, 16—18.) [E. E.]

CHEIRI'SOPHUS (Xei^jVo<^o5), a Lacedae-
monian, was sent by the Ephors with 700 heav}--
armed men (800 according to Diodorus), to aid
Cyrus in his expedition against his brother Arta-
xerxes, B. c. 401, and joined the prince on his

2 Y 2

692

CHEIRISOPIIUS.

march at Issus in Cilicia. (Diod. xiv 19, 21;
Xen. Anal), i. 4. § 3.) After the battle of Cunaxa,
Clearchus sent him with others to Ariaeus to make
an offer, which however was declined, of placing
him on the Persian throne [p. 283, b.]- After
the arrest of Clearchus and the other generals,
through the treachery ofTissaphemes, Cheirisophus
took an active part in encouraging the troops and
in otherwise providing for the emergency, and, on
the motion of Xenophon, was appointed, as being
a Lacedaemonian, to lead the van of the retreating
army. In this post we find him subsequently
acting throughout the retreat, and cordially co-
operating with Xenophon. In fact it was only
once that any difference arose between them, and
that was caused by Cheirisophus having struck, in
a fit of angry suspicion, an Armenian who was
guiding them, and who left them in consequence
of the indignity. (Diod. xiv. 27 ; Xen. Anab. iii,
2. § 33, &C., 3. §§ 3, 11, 4. §§ 38—43, 5. §§
1—6, iv. 1. ^§ 6, 15-22, 2. § 23, &c., iii. §§8,
25, &c., 6. §§ 1—3.) When the Greeks" had
arrived at Trapezus on the Euxine, Cheirisophus
Yolunteered to go to his friend Anaxibius, the
Spartan admiral at Byzantium, to obtain a sufficient
number of ships to transport them to Europe ; but
he was not successful in his application. (Diod.
xiv, 30, 31 ; Xen. Anab. v. 1. § 4, vi. 1. § 16.)
On his return to the army, which he found at
Sinope, he was chosen commander-in-chief, Xeno-
phon having declined for himself the proffered
honour on the express ground of the prior cLaim of
a Lacedaemonian. (Anab. vi. 1. §§ 18 — 33.)
Cheirisophus, however, was unable to enforce sub-
mission to his authority, or to restrain the Arca-
dian and Achaean soldiers from their profligate
attempt to plunder the hospitable Heracleots ; and,
on the sixth or seventh day from his election,
these troops, who formed more than half the
army, separated themselves from the rest, and de-
parted by sea under ten generals whom they had
appointed. Xenophon then offered to continue
the march with the remainder of the forces, under
the command of Cheirisophus, but the latter de-
clmed the proposal by the advice of Neon, who
hoped to find vessels at Calpe furnished by Clean-
der, the Spartan Harmost at Byzantium, and
wished to reserve them exclusively for their own
portion of the army. With the small division yet
under his command, Cheirisophus arrived safely at
Calpe, where he died from the effects of a medicine
which he had taken for a fever. (Xen. Anab. vi.
2. -J 4, 4. § 11.) [E. E.]

CHEIRI'SOPHUS {Xeipi(To<pos), a statuary in
wood and probably in stone. A gilt wooden
statue of Apollo Agyieus, made by him, stood at
Tegea, and near it was a statue in stone of the
artist himselt, which was most probably also his
own work. (Pans. viii. 53. § 3.) Pausanias knew
nothing of his age or of his teacher ; but from the
way in which he mentions him in connexion with
the Cretan school of Daedalus, and from his work-
ing both in wood and stone, he is probably to be
placed with the latest of the Daedalian sculptors,
such as Dipoenus and Scyllis (about B. c. 566).
Bockh considers the erection by the artist of his ,
own statue as an indication of a later date {Corp.
Inscrip. i. p, 19); but his arguments are satisfac-
torily answered by Thiersch, who also shews that
the reply of Hermann to Bockh, that Pausanias
does not say that Cheirisophus made his own

CHEIRON.

statue, is not satisfactory. (EpocJten, pp.137 — •
139.) Thiersch has also observed, that the name
of Cheirisophus, like many other names of the
early artists, is significant of skill in art (x«''p>
(To^os). Other names of the same kind are, Dae-
dalus (Aaj'SoAos) the son of Eupalamus (EuTrctA-a-
fios), Eucheir (Ei/xcp), Chersiphron (Kepa-icppcou)^
and others. Now, granting that Daedalus is no-
thing more than a mythological personage, and that
his name was merely symbolical, there can be no
doubt that others of these artists realh' existed and
bore these names, which were probably given to
them in their infancy because they belonged to
families in which art was hereditary. Thiersch
quotes a parallel case in the names taken from
navigation among the maritime people of Phaeacia.
(Hom. Orf. viii. 112, &c.)

Pausanias mentions also two shrines of Dionysus,
an altar of Cora, and a temple of Apollo, but the
way in which he speaks leaves it doubtful whether
Cheirisophus erected these, as well as the statue of
Apollo, or only the statue. [P. S.]

CHEIRON (Xelpwv), the wisest and justest of
all the centaurs. (Hom. //. xi. 831.) He was the
instructor of Achilles, whose father Peleus was a
friend and relative of Cheiron, and received at his
wedding with Thetis the heavy lance which was
subsequently used by Achilles. (//. xvi. 1 43, xix.
390.) According to Apollodorus (i. 2. § 4), Cheiron
was the son of Cronus and Philyra. He lived on
mount Pelion, from which he, like the other cen-
taurs, Avas expelled by the Lapithae ; but sacrifices
were offered to him there by the Magnesians un-
til a very late period, and the family of the Chei-
ronidae in that neighbourhood, who were distin-
guished for their knowledge of medicine, were
regarded as his descendants. (Plut. Si/Jiipos. iii. 1;
Miiller, Orchom. p. 249.) Cheiron himself had
been instructed by Apollo and Artemis, and waa
renowned for his skill in hunting, medicine, music,
gymnastics, and the art of prophecy. (Xen. Cyneg.
1 ; Philostr. Her. 9, Icon. iL 2 ; Piiid. Pyth. ix. Q5.)
All the most distinguished heroes of Grecian story
are, like Achilles, described as the pupils of Chei-
ron in these arts. His friendship with Peleus, who
was his grandson, is particularly celebrated. Chei-
ron saved him from the hands of the other centaurs,
who were on the point of killing him, and he also
restored to him the sword which Acastus had con-
cealed. (ApoUod. iii. 13. § 3, &c.) Cheiron fur-
ther informed him in what manner he might gain
possession of Thetis, who was doomed to marry a
mortal. He is also connected with the story of
the Argonauts, whom he received kindly when
they came to his residence on their voyage, for
many of the heroes were his friends and pupils.
(Apollon. Rhod. i. 554; Orph. Argon. 375, &c.)
Heracles too was connected with him by friend-
ship ; but one of the poisoned arrows of this hero
was nevertheless the cause of his death, for during
his struggle with the Erymanthian boar, Heracles
became involved in a fight with the centaurs, who
fled to Cheiron, in the neighbourhood of Malea.
Heracles shot at them, and one of his arrows struck
Cheiron, who, although immortal, would not live
any longer, and gave his immortality to Prome-
theus. According to others, Cheiron, in looking
at one of the arrows, dropped it on his foot, and
wounded himself. (Ovid. Fast. v. 397 ; Hygin.
Poet. Astr. ii. 38.) Zeus placed Cheiron among
the stars. He had been married to Nais or Ch}*-

I

CIIERA.

riclo, and his daughter Endcis was the mother of
Peleus. (Apollod. iii. 12. § 6.) Chciron is the
noblest specimen of a combination of the human
and animal forms in the ancient works of art ; for
while the centaurs generally express the sensual
and savage features of a man combined with the
strength and swiftness of a horse, Cheiron, who
possesses the latter likewise, combines with it a
mild wisdom. He was represented on the Amy-
claean throne of Apollo, and on the chest of Cyp-
selus. (Paus. iii. 18. § 7, v. 19. § 2.) Some repre-
sentations of him are still extant, in which young
Achilles or Erotes are riding on his back. {AIus.
PioClement. i. 52 ; Bottiger, Vasengem'dlde^ iii.
p. 144, &c.) [L. S.]

CHE'LIDON, the mistress of C. Verres, who
is said by Cicero to have given all his decisions
during his city praetorship (b. c. 74) in accordance
with her wishes. She died two years afterwards,
when Verres was propraetor in Sicily, leaving him
her heir. She is called by the Pseudo-Asconius a
plebeian female client of Verres. (Cic. Verr. i. 40,
52, V. 13, 15, ii. 47, iv. 32 ; Pseudo-Ascon. p. 193;
Schol. Vatic, p. 376, ed. Orelli.)

CHELI'DONIS (XeAtSoiz/s), a Spartan woman
of great beauty and royal blood, daughter of Leo-
tychides. She married Cleonymns, who was much
older than herself, and to whom she proved un-
faithful in consequence of a passion for Acrotatus,
son of Areus I. It was partly on account of this
injury that Cleonymus, offended also by his exclu-
sion from the throne, invited Pyrrhus to attempt
the conquest of Sparta in B. c. 272. Chelidonis,
alarmed for the result, was prepared to put an end
to her own life rather than fall into her husband's
hands ; but Pyrrhus was beaten off from the city,
chiefly through the valour of Acrotatus. If we
may trust the account of Plutarch, the Spartans
generally of both sexes exhibited more sympathy
with the lovers than indignation at their guilt, — a
proof of the corruption of manners, which Phylar-
chus {ap. Athen. iv. p. 142, b.) ascribes principally
to Acrotatus and his father. ( Plut. Pyrrh. 26 —
28.) [E. K]

CHELO'NE (XfXwj/77), the tortoise. When all
the gods, men, and animals were invited by Hermes
to attend the wedding of Zeus and Hera, the nymph
Chelone alone remained at home, to shew her dis-
regard of the solemnit)'. But Hermes then des-
cended from 01>Tnpus, threw Chelone's house,
which stood on the bank of a river, together with
the nymph, into the water, and changed her into
a tortoise, who had henceforth to carry her house
on her back. (Serv. ad Aen. i. 509.) [L. S.]

CHEOPS (XeovJ/), an early king of Egypt, god-
less and tyrannical, who, according to Herodotus
and Diodorus, reigned for fifty years, and built the
first and largest pyramid by the compulsory labour
of his subjects. Diodorus calls him Chembes or
Chemmis. His account agrees with that of Hero-
dotus, except that he supposes seven generations to
have intervened between Remphis or Rhampsinitus
and Cheops. (Herod, ii. 124 — 127 ; Larcher, ad
loc; Diod. i. 63.) [Cephren.] [E. E.]

CHEPHREN. [Cephren.]

CHERA (X^pa), a surname of Hera, which was
believed to have been given her by Temenus, the
son of Pelasgus. He had brought up Hera, and
erected to her at Old Stymphalus three sanctuaries
under three different names. To Hera, as a maiden
previous to her man-iage, he dedicated one in which

CHERSIPHRON.

6/-)8

she was called iro7s ; to her as the wife of Zeus, a
second in which she bore the name of TeAem ; and
a third in which she was worshipped as the x^P**»
the widow, alluding to her separation from Zeus.
(Pans. viii. 22. § 2.) [L. S.]

CHE'RSIPHRON (XepffKppwv), or, as the name
is written in Vitruvins and one passage of Pliny,
CTESIPHON, an architect of Cnossus in Crete, in
conjunction with his son Metagenes, built or com-
menced building the great temple of Artemis at
Ephesus. The worship of Artemis was most proba-
bly established at Ephesus before the time of the
Ionian colonization [Artemis, p. 376, a.] ; and it
would seem, that there was alr^y at that distant
period some temple to the goddess. (Paus. vii. 2. § 4. )
We are not told what had become of this temple,
when, about the beginning of the 6th century B. c,
the Ionian Greeks undertook the erection of a new
temple, which was intended for the centre of their
national worship, like the temple of Hera at Saraos,
which was built about the same time by the Dorian
colonies. The preparation of the foundations was
commenced about B. c. 600. To guard against
earthquakes, a marsh was chosen for the site of
the temple, and the ground was made firm by
layers of charcoal rammed down, over which were
laid fleeces of wool. This contrivance was sug-
gested by Theodoras of Samos. [Theodobus.]:
The work proceeded very slowly. The erection of
the columns did not take place till about 40 years
later, (b. c. 560.) This date is fixed by the state-
ment of Herodotus (i. 92), that most of the pillars
were presented by Croesus. This therefore is the
date of Chersiphron, since it is to him and to his
son Metagenes that the ancient writers attribute
the erection of the pillars and the architrave. Of
course the plan could not be extended after the
erection of the pillars ; and therefore, when Strabo
(xiv. p. 640) says, that the temple was enlarged
by another architect, he probably refers to the
building of the courts round it. It was finally
completed by Demetrius and Paeonius of Ephesus,
about 220 years after the foundations were laid ;
but it was shortly afterwards burnt down by
Herostratus on the same night in which Alex-
ander the Great was born, b. c. 356. It was re-
built with greater magnificence by the contribu-
tions of all the states of Asia Minor. It is said,
that Alexander the Great offered to pay the cost
of the restoration on the condition that his name
should be inscribed on the temple, but that the
Ephesians evaded the offer by replying, that it was
not right for a god to make offerings to gods. The
architect of the new temple was Deinqcrates.
The edifice has now entirely disappeared, except
some remnants of its foundations. Though Pliny
(like others of the ancient writers) has evidently
confounded the two buildings, yet his description
is valuable, since the restored temple was probably
built on the same foundations and after the same
general plan as the old one. We have also de-
scriptions of it by Vitruvius, who took his state-
ments from a work on the temple, which was said
to have been written by the architects themselves,
Chersiphron and Metagenes. (vii. Praef. § 12.)
There are also medals on which the elevation of
the chief portico is represented. The temple was
Octastyle, Dipteral, Diastyle, and Hypaethral.
It was raised on a basement of 10 steps. Its
dimensions were 425 X 220 feet. The columns
were 127 in number, 60 feet high, and made of

694

CHIOMARA.

white marWe, a quarry of which was discovered,
at a distance of only eight miles from the temple,
by a shepherd named Pixodarus. Thirty-six of the
columns were sculptured (perhaps Caryatides within
the cella), one of them by the great sculptor Scopas.
(Plin. xxxvi. 14. s. 21 : but many critics think
the reading doubtful) They were of the Ionic
order of architecture, which was now first invented.
(Plin. xxxvi. 23. s. 56, and especially Vitruv. iv. 1.
§§ 7, 8.) Of the blocks of marble which composed
the architrave some were as much as 30 feet long.
In order to convey these and the columns to their
places, Chersiphron and Metagenes invented some
ingenious mechanical contrivances. (Vitruv. x. 6,
7, orx. 2. §§ 11, 12, ed. Schneider; Plin. xxxvi.
14. 8. 21.) The temple was reckoned one of
the seven wonders of the world, and is celebrated
in several epigrams in the Greek Anthologj', espe-
cially in two by Antipater of Sidon (ii. pp. 1 6, 20,
Brunck and Jacobs).

From this account it is manifest that Chersi-
phron and Metagenes were among the most distin-
guished of ancient architects, both as artists and
mechanicians.

(Plin. H. N. vii. 25. s. 38, xvi. 37. s. 79,
xxxvL 14. 8. 21 ; Vitruv. iii. 2. § 7, vii. Praef.
§ 16 ; Strab. xiv. pp. 640, 641 ; Liv. i. 45 ; Diog.
Laert. ii. 9 ; Philo Byzant. de VII Orb. Mirac.
p. 1 8 ; Hirt, Tempd der Diana von Ephestis, Berl.
1807, Gesckichie der BauJcunst, i. pp. 232-4, 254,
with a restoration of the temple, plate viii. ;
Rasche, Lex. Univ. Ret Num. s. v. Ephcsia, Eplie-
sus ; Eckhel, DocL Num. Vet. ii. 512.) [P. S.]
CHl'LIUS, a Greek poet, a friend of Cicero,
who mentions him along with Archiiis, appears,
among other things, to have written epigrams.
{Ck.adAa.i. 9, 12, 16.)
CHILOorCILO. [Cilo.]
CHIMAERA (Xf/iOipa), a fire-breathing mon-
ster, which, according to the Homeric poems, was
of divine origin. She was brought up by Amiso-
darus, king of Caria, and afterwards made great
havoc in all the countr)' around and among men.
The fore part of her body was that of a lion, and
the hind part that of a dragon, while the middle
was that of a goat. (Hom. //. vi. 180, xvi. 328 ;
corap. Ov. Met. ix. 646.) According to Hesiod
{Theog. 319, &c.), she was a daughter of Typhaon
and Echidna, and had three heads, one of each of
the three animals before mentioned, whence she is
called TpiKfcpaXos or rptacunaTos. (Eustath. ad
Hom. p. 634 ; Eurip. /on, 203, &c. ; Apollod. L 9.
§ 3, ii. 3. § 1.) She was killed by Bellerophon, and
Virgil (Aen. vi. 288) places her together with other
monsters at the entrance of Orcus. The origin of
the notion of this fire-breathing monster must pro-
bably be sought for in the volcano of the name of
Chimaera near Phaselis, in Lycia (Plin. H. N. ii.
106, V. 27; Mela. i. 15), or in the volcanic valley
near the Cragus (Strab. xiv. p. 665, &c), which is
described as the scene of the events connected with
the Chimaera. In the works of art recently dis-
covered in Lycia, we find several representations
of the Chimaera in the simple form of a species
of lion still occurring in that country. [L. S.]

CHI'MARUS, a statuary in the reign of Tibe-
rius, who made a statue and shrine of Germanicus,
probably in bronze, on a marble base. (Inscr. ap.
Donati, Suppl. Inscr. ad Nov. TJies. Murut. ii. p.
210.) [P.S.]

ClllOMA'RA {Xio^idpa), wife of Ortiagon,

CHIONE.

king of Galatia, was taken prisoner by the Romans
when Cn.ManliusVulso invaded Galatia, b.c. 189,
and was violated by the centurion into whose hands
she fell. She agreed, however, to pay him a large
sum for her ransom ; and when he had delivered
her up to a body of her countrymen who met them
at an appointed place for the purpose, she caused
him to be put to death, and carried back his head
to her husband. (Polyb. xxii. 21, and up. Plut. dc
AIul. Virt. p. 225, ed. Tauchn. ; Val. Max. vi. 1.
Extern. 2 ; comp. Liv. xxxviii. 12.) Polybius
says {I. c), that he had himself conversed with
her at Sardis, and admired her high spirit and good
sense. [E. E.]

CHION (Xi'tui/), the son of ^latris, a noble citi-
zen of Heracleia, on the Pontus, was a disciple of
Plato. With the aid of Leon (or Leonides),
Euxenon, and other noble youths, he put to death
Clearchus, the tyrant of Heracleia. (b. c. 353.)
Most of the conspirators were cut down by the
tyrant's body-guards upon the spot, otliers were
aJFterwards taken and put to death with cruel tor-
tures, and the city fell again beneath the worse
tyranny of Satyrus, the brother of Clearchus.
(Memnon, ap. Phot. Cod. 224, pp. 222, 223, ed.
Bekker ; Justin, xvi. 5.)

There are extant thirteen letters which are as-
cribed to Chion, and which are of considerable
merit ; but they are undoubtedly spurious. Pro-
bably they are the composition of one of the later
Platonists. They were first printed in Greek in
the Aldine collection of Greek Letters, Venet.
1 499, 8vo. ; again, in Greek and Latin, in the re-
print of that collection, Aurel. Allob. 1 606. The
first edition in a separate form was by J. Caselius,
printed by Steph. Myliander, Rostoch, 1583, 4to.;
there was also a Latin translation published in the
same volume with a Ijatin version of the fourth
book of Xenophon's Cyropaedeia, by the same edi-
tor and printer, Rostoch, 1584, 4to. A more com-
plete edition of the Greek text, founded on a new
recension of some Medicean MSS., with notes and
indices, was published by J. T. Coberus, Lips, and
Dresd. 1765, 8vo. The best edition, containing
all that is valuable in the preceding ones, is that
of J. Conr. Orelli, in the same volume with his
edition of Memnon, Lips. 1 8 1 6, 8vo. 1 1 contains the
Greek text, the Latin version of Caselius, the Pro-
legomena of A. G. Hoffmann, the Preface of Cobe-
rus, and the Notes of Coberus, Holfmann, and
Orelli. There are several selections from the let-
ters of Chion. (A. G. Hoflhiann, Prolegom. ad
Chionis Epist. Grace, futuram edit, conscripta;
Fabric. Bibl. Grace, i. p. 677.) [P- S.]

CHION, of Corinth, a sculptor, who attained to
no distinction, not from the want of industry or skill,
but of good fortune. (Vitruv. iii. Praet) [P. S.]

CHI'ONE {Xiovn). 1. A daughter of Boreas
and Oreithyia, and sister of Cleopatra, Zetes, and
Calais. She became by Poseidon the mother of
Enmolpus, and in order to conceal the event, she
threw the boy into the sea; but the child was
saved by Poseidon. (Apollod. iii. 15. §§ 2, 4 ;
Pans. i. 38. § 3.)

2. A daughter of Daedalion, who was beloved
by Apollo and Hermes on account of her beauty.
She gave birth to twins, Autolycus and Philammon,
the former a son of Hcnnes and the latter of
Apollo. She was killed by Artemis for having
found fault with the beauty of that goddess, and
her father in his grief threw himself liom a rock of

I

CHIOS.

Parnassus, but m falling he was changed by Apollo
into a hawk. Chione is also called Philonis, (Ov.
Met. xi. 300, Sec. ; Ilygin. Fab. 200 ; comp. Av-
TOLYCus.) There is a third mythical personage of
this name. (Serv. ad Jen. iv. 250.) [L. S.J

CHIO'NIDES (Xiwvi'Srjs and XloA^vs), an
Athenian comic poet of the old comedy, whom
Suidas (s. V.) places at the head of the poets of the
old comedy (irpwTa'ycDVKTTfiu T-ijs dpxaias Kot/JLOh-
Sias), adding that he exhibited eight years before
the Persian war, that is, in B. c. 487. (Clinton.
sub ami.) On the other hand, according to a pas-
sage in the Foeiic of Aristotle (c. 3), Chionides
was lofiff after Epicharmus. [Epicharmus.] On
the strength of this passage Meineke thinks that
Chionides cannot be placed much earlier than B. c.
460 ; and in confirmation of this date he quotes
from Athenaeus (xiv. p. 638, a.) a passage from a
play of Chionides, the IlTwxoi, in which mention
is made of Gnesippus, a poet contemporary with
Cratinus, But we also learn from Athenaeus (/. c.
and iv. p. 137, e.), that some of the ancient critics
considered the Utuxo'i to be spurious, and with
respect to the passage of Aristotle, Ritter has
brought forward very strong arguments against its
genuineness. (For the discussion of the question
see Wolf, Proleg. ad Horn. p. Ixix. ; Meineke,
Hist. Crit. pp. 27, 28 ; Grysarius, de Com. Doric.
pp. 152, 153 ; Ritter, Comm. in Aristot. Poet. 3.)
However this may be, the diflference of some
twenty years in the date of Chionides is of little
consequence compared with the fact, attested by
Suidas and implied by Aristotle, that Chionides
was the most ancient poet of the Athenian old
comedy, — not absolutely in order of time, for
Susarion was long before him [Susarion], and,
if the passage of Aristotle be genuine, so were
Euetes, Euxenides, and MyUus ; but the first who
gave the Athenian comedy that form which it re-
tained down to the time of Aristophanes, and of
which the old comic lyric songs of Attica and the
Megaric buifoonery imported by Susarion were
only the rude elements.

We have the following titles of his Comedies :
— "Hpwes (a correction for"H,jws), IlTwxot (see
above), Tltpaai if, Aaaipioi. Of the last not
a fragment remains : whether its title may be
taken as an argument for placing Chionides about
the time of the Persian war, is of course a mere
matter of conjecture. The Uruxoi is quoted by
Athenaeus (/. c, and iii. p. 191, e.), the "Hpwes by
Pollux (x. 43), the Antiatticista (p. 97), and
Suidas (s. V. "Ayvos). The poet's name occurs in
Vitruvius. (vi. Praef.) [P. S.]

CHI'ONIS {Xioi'is), a Spartan, who obtained
the victory at the Olympic games in four successive
Olympiads (01. 28-31), four times in the stadium
and thrice in the diaulos. (Paus. iii. 14. § 3, iv.
23. §§ 2, 5, vi. 13. § 1, viii. 39. § 2 : Anchionis
is the same as this Chionis; see Krause, Olympia^
pp. 243,261.)

CHI'ONIS (Xfovts), a statuary of Corinth, about
B. c. 480, executed, in conjunction with Amyclaeus
and Dyillus, the group which the Phocians dedi-
cated at Delphi. [Amyclaeus.] Chionis made in
it the statues of Athene and Artemis. (Paus. x.
13. § 4.) [P. S.]

CHIOS (Xtos), the name of two mythical per-
sonages, each of whom is said to have given the
name to the island of Chios. (Paus. vii. 4. § 6 ;
Stcph. Byz. s. V. Xi'os.) [L. S.J

CHNODOMARIUS.

695

CIIITO'NE {Xncovt]), a surname of Artemis,
who was represented as a huntress with her chiton
girt up. Others derived the name from the Attic
village of Chitone, or from the circumstance of the
clothes in which newly-born children were dressed
being sacred to her. (Callim. Hymn, in Dian. 225 ;
Schol. ad Callim. Hymn, in Jov. 77.) Respecting
the festival of the Chitonia celebrated to her at
Chitone, see Diet, of Ant. s. v. XiToii/ia. [L. S.J

CHIUS AUFPDIUS. [Aufidius Chius.J

CHLAE'NEAS {X\ouveas), an Aetolian, was
sent by his countr3'men as ambassador to the Lace-
daemonians, B. c. 21 1, to excite them against Philip
V. of Macedon. He is reported by Polybius as
dwelling very cogently {Suaavn^priTcas) on the
oppressive encroachments of all the successive kings
of Macedonia from Philip 11. downwards, as well
as on the sure defeat which awaited Philip from
the confederacy then formed against him. Chlae-
neas was opposed by the Acarnanian envoy Lycis-
cus, but the Lacedaemonians were induced to join
the league of the Romans with the Aetolians and
Attains I. (Polyb. ix. 28 — 39, x. 41; Liv. xxvi.
24.) ^ [E. E.J

CHLOE (XAo'tj), the blooming, a surname of
Demeter the protectress of the green fields, who
had a sanctuary at Athens conjointly with Ge
Curotrophos. (Paus. i. 22. § 3; Eustath. ail Horn.
p. 772.) This surname is probably alluded to
when Sophocles {Oed. Col. 1600) calls her Arj/jLT^T-rip
€0X^.005. (Comp. Aristoph. Lysist. 815.) Respect-
ing the festival Chloeia, see Diet, of Ant. s.v. [L. S.J

CHLORIS (XXwpls). I. A daughter of the
Theban Amphion and Niobe. According to au
Argive tradition, her original name was Meliboea,
and she and her brother Amyclas were the only
children of Niobe that were not killed by Apollo
and Artemis. But the terror of Chloris at the
death of her brothers and sisters was so great, that
she turned perfectly white, and was therefore called
Chloris. She and her brother built the temple of
Leto at Argos, which contained a statue of Chloris
also. (Paus. ii. 21. $ 10.) According to an Olj^m-
pian legend, she once gained the prize in the foot-
race during the festival of Hera at Olympia. (Paus.
V. 16. § 3.) ApoUodorus (iii. 5. $ 6) and Hyginus
(Fab. 10, 69) confound her with Chloris, the wife
of Neleus.

2. A daughter of Amphion, the ruler of Orcho-
menos, by Persephone, the daughter of Minyas.
She was the wife of Neleus, king of Pylos, and
became by him the mother of Nestor, Chromius,
Periclymenos, and Pero. (Hom. Od. xi. 281, &c. ;
Paus. X. 36. § 4, x. 29. § 2 ; ApoUod. i. 9. % 9.)

3. The wife of Zephynis, and the goddess of
flowers, so that she is identical with the Roman
Flora. (Ov. Fast. v. 195.) There are two more
mythical personages of the name of Chloris. (Hy-
gin. Fab. 14; Anton. Lib. 9.) [L. S.J

CHLORUS. [CONSTANTIUS.]

CHNODOMA'RIUS or CHONDOMA'RIUS
(Gundomar), king of the Alemanni, became con-
spicuous in Roman history in A. d. 351. Magnen-
tius having assumed the purple at Augustodunum,
now Autun, in Gaul, the emperor Constantius
made an alliance with the Alemanni and induced
them to invade Gaul. Their king, Chnodomarius,
consequently crossed the Rhine, defeated Decen-
tius Caesar, the brother of Magnentius, destroyed
many towns, and ravaged the country without op-
position. In 356 Chnodomarius was involved in

69Ci

CHOERILUS.

a war with Julian, afterwards emperor, and then
Caesar, who succeeded in stopping the progress of
the Alenianni in Gaul, and who defeated them
completely in the following year, 337, in a battle
near Argentora turn, now Strassburg. Chnodoma-
rius had assembled in his camp the contingents of
six chiefs of the Alemanni, viz. Vestralpus, Urius,
Ursicinus, Suomarius, Hortarius, and Serapio, the
son of Chnodomarius' brother Mederichus, whose
original name was Agenarichus ; but in spite of
their gallant resistance, they were routed, leaving
six thousand dead on the field. Obliged to cross
the Rhine in confusion, they lost many thousands
more who were drowned in the river. Ammianus
Marcellinus says, that the Romans lost only two
hundred and forty-three men, besides four officers
of rank, but this account cannot be relied upon.
Chnodomarius fell into the hands of the victors,
and being presented to Julian, was treated by him
with kindness, and afterwards sent to Rome,
where he was kept a prisoner in the Castra Pere-
grina on Mount Caelius. There he died a natural
death some time afterwards. Ammianus Marcel-
linus gives a detailed account of the battle of
Strassburg, which had the most beneficial effect
apon the tranquillity of Gaul. (Amm. Marc. xvi.
12; Aurel. Vict. Epit. c. 42; Liban. Orat. 10,
12.) [W. P.]

CHOE'RILUS {XoiplKos or XoipiWos). There
were four Greek poets of this name who have been
frequently confounded with one another. They
are treated of, and properly distinguished, by
A. F. Nake, Clioerili Samii quae supersufity Lips,
1817, 8vo.

1. Choerilus of Athens, a tragic poet, contem-
porary with Thespis, Phrynichus, Pratiiias, Aes-
chylus, and even with Sophocles, unless, as Welc-
ker supposes, he had a son of the same name, who
was also a tragic poet. (Welcker, Die Griech. Tra-
g'wl. p. 892.) His first appearance as a competitor
for the tragic prize was in B. c. 523 (Suid. s. v.),
in the reign of Hipparchus, when Athens was be-
coming the centre of Greek poetry by the residence
there of Simonides, Anacreon, Lasus, and others.
This was twelve years after the first appearance of
Thespis in the tragic contests ; and it is therefore
not improbable that Choerilus had Thespis for an
antagonist. It was also twelve years before the first
victory of Phrynichus. (b. c. 511.) After another
twelve years, Choerilus came into competition with
Aeschylus, when the latter first exhibited (b. c. 499) ;
and, since we know that Aeschylus did not carry
off a prize till sixteen years afterwards, the prize
of this contest must have been given either to
Choerilus or to Pratinas. (Suid. s. vv. AtVxvAos,
UpaTlvas.) Choerilus was still held in high esti-
mation in the year 483 B. c. after he had exhibited
tragedies for forty years. (Cyrill. Julian, i. p. 13,b.;
Euseb. Chron. sub. 01. 74. 2 ; Syncell. p. 254, b.)
In the statement in the anonj'mous life of Sopho-
cles, that Sophocles contended with Choerilus,
there is very probably some mistake, but there is
no impossibility ; for when Sophocles gained his
first victory (a. c. 468), Choerilus would be just
80, if we take 25 as the usual age at which a tragic
poet first exhibited. (Compare Welcker, /. c. and
Niike, p. 7.)

Of the character of Choerilus we know little
more than that, during a long life, he retained a
good degree of popular favour. The number of his
tragedies was 150, of his victories 13 (Suid. s. v.).

CHOERILUS.
behig exactly the number of victories assigned to
Aeschylus. The great number of his dramas not
only establishes the length of his career, but a
much more important point, namely, that the exhi-
bition of tetralogies commenced early in the time
of Choerilus ; for new tragedies were exhibited at
Athens only twice a year, and at this early period
we never hear of tragedies being written but not
exhibited, but rather the other way. In fact, it is
the general opinion, that Choerilus was the first
who composed written tragedies, and that even of
his plays the greater number were not written.

Some writers attributed to him the invention or
great improvement of masks and theatrical costume
(toIs Trpocrcimeiois Koi rf} <TK(vr) ruu (rrokwv hre-
XetpT70'€ are the words of Suidas, s. v.). These
inventions are in fact ascribed to each of the great
tragedians of this age ; and it is remarkable that
the passages on the authority of which they are
usually attributed to Aeschylus imply not so much
actual invention as the artistic perfection of what
previously existed in a rude form. It is evident,
moreover, that these great improvements, by whom-
soever made, must have been adopted by all the
tragedians of the same age. The poetical character
and construction of the plays of Choerilus probably
differed but little from those of Thespis, until the
period when Aeschylus introduced the second actor
— a change which Choerilus of course adopted, for
otherwise he could not have continued to compete
with Aeschylus. The same remark applies to the
separation made by Pratinas of the satyric drama
from the regular tragedy. It is generally supposed
that Choerilus had some share in eft'ecting this im-
provement, on the authority of a line from an un-
known ancient poet {ap. Flotium de JMetiis, p.
2633, ed. Putsch.),

•flvlKa ftev )3a(riAei)s ^v Xoipi\os qv 'Zarvpois.
But it seems more natural to take the words ev
SaTupots to mean i/ie tragic Chorus, at the time
when the persons composing it retained the cos-
tume of satyrs.

The name of Choerilus is mentioned in a very
curious fragment of the comic poet Alexis, from his
play Linus. (Athen. iv. p. 164, c; Meineke, i^ro^.
Com. Grace, iii. p. 443.) Linus, who is instructing
Hercules, puts into his hand some books, that he
may choose one of them to read, saying,

*Op(pevs eueariv, 'H<rio5os, rpaycvdia,

XoLpi\os, "O/xTjpos, ^Eirixapfji.os, avyypd^ixara

iravToSaird.
Here we have a poet for each sort of poetry :
Orpheus for the early mystic hymns, Hesiod for
the didactic and moral epos. Homer for the heroic
epos, Epicharmus for comedy ; but what are rpo-
ycf>Ua, XoipiXos ? The usual answer of those cri-
tics who abstain from evading the difficulty by an
alteration of the text is, Tragedy and the Satyric
Drama : but the question is a very difficult one,
and cannot be discussed here. (See Nake, p. 5.)
Possibly the passage may refer, after all, to the
epic poet, Choerilus of Samos, and there may be
some hit at his 6\\/o(pa'Yia (see below) in the choice
of Hercules, who selects a work on d\papTV(TLa.

Of all the plays of Choerilus we have no rem-
nant except the statement by Pausanias (i. 14. § 2)
of a mythological genealogy from his play called

'AAOTTT?.

The Latin grammarians mention a metre whioh
they call Choerilian. It was

(

CHOERILUS.

in fact, a dactylic hexameter stript of its final
catalexis. It must not be supposed that this metro
was invented by Ciiocrilus, for the Greek metrical
writers never mention it by that name. Perhaps
it got its name from the fact of the above-mentioned
line, in praise of Choerilus, being the most ancient
verse extant in this metre. (See Nake, pp. 257,
2G3 ; Gaisford's edition of Hephaestion, notes,
pp. 3.5.3, 354.)

2. Choerilus, a slave of the comic poet Ecphan-
TiDKs, whom he was said to assist in the composi-
tion of his plays. (Hesych. s.v. 'EKKexotpiKwuevr)
and Xoipi\ov ^EicipavriSos.) This explains the
error of Eudocia (p. 437), that the epic poet Choe-
rilus wrote tragedies. (Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com.
Grace, pp. 37, 38 ; Gaisford, ad Heph. p. 9Q.)

3. Choerilus of Samos, the author of an epic
poem on the wars of the Greeks with Xerxes and
Dareius. Suidas (s. v.) says, that he was a con-
temporary of Panyasis and a young man {veaviaKov)
at the time of the Persian war, in the 75th Olym-
piad. But this is next to impossible, for Plutarch
{Lys. 18) tells us that, when Lysander was at
Samos (b. c. 404), Choerilus was residing there,
and was highly honoured by Lysander, who hoped
that the poet would celebrate his exploits. This
was 75 years later than the 75th Olympiad : and
therefore, if this date has anything to do with
Choerilus, it must be the date of his birth (b. c.
479) ; and this agrees with another statement of
Suidas, which implies that Choerilus was younger
than Herodotus {^ovtivos avrov kcu iraiSiKa yeyo-
veuai (paa-iv). We have here perhaps the expla-
nation of the error of Suidas, who, from the con-
nexion of both Panyasis and Chociilus with Hero-
dotus, and from the fact that both were epic poets,
may have confounded them, and have said of Choe-
rilus that which can very well be true of Panyasis.
Perhaps Choerilus was even younger. Nake
places his birth about B. c. 470. Suidas also says,
that Choerilus was a slave at Samos, and was dis-
tinguished for his beauty ; that he ran away and
resided with Herodotus, from whom he acquired a
taste for literature ; and that he turned his atten-
tion to poetry : afterwards he went to the court of
Archelaus, king of Macedonia, where he died.
His death must therefore have been not later than
B. c. 399, which was the last year of Archelaus.
Athenaeus (viii. p. 345, e.) states, that Choerilus
received from Archelaus four minae a-day, and
spent it all upon good living {6\\^o(payiav). There
are other statements of Suidas, which evidently
refer to the later poet, who was contemporary with
Alexander. (See below.) There is some doubt
whether the accounts which made him a native
either of lasos or of Halicarnassus belong to this
class. Either of them is perfectly consistent with
the statement that he was a slave at Samos. (Coi
pare Steph. Byz. s. v. 'lacrcros ; Hesych. Miles.
40, ed. Meurs.; Phot. Lex. s.v. ^.a/juuKou rpoirov.)

His great work was on the Persian wars, but
its exact title is not known : it may have been
UepaiKd. It is remarkable as the earliest attempt
to celebrate in epic poetry events which were
nearly contemporary with the poet's life. Of its
character we may form some conjecture from the
connexion between the poet and Herodotus. There
are also fragments preserved by Aristotle from the
Prooemium (Jihet. iii. 14, and Schol.); by Ephorus
from the description of Dareius's bridge of boats,
in which the Scythians are mentioned (Strab. vii.

CHOEROBOSCUS. f-itj

p. 303) ; by Joscplius from the catalogue of tho
nations in the anny of Xerxes, among whom were
the Jews (c. Apion. i. 22, vol. ii. p. 454, ed. Ha-
vercamp, iii. p. 1183, ed. Oberthiir; compare Eu-
seb. Praep. Evaiig. ix. 9) ; and other fragments,
the place of which is uncertain. (See Nake.) The
chief action of the poem appears to have been the
battle of Salamis. The high estimation in which
Choerilus was held is proved by his reception into-
the epic canon (Suid. *. «.), from which, however,,
he was again expelled by the Alexandrian gram-
marians, and Antimachus was substituted in his.
place, on account of a statement, which was made
on the authoritj'- of Heracleides Ponticus, that
Plato very much preferred Antimachus to Choerilus.
(Proclus, Comm. in Plat. Tim. p. 28 ; see also an
epigram of Crates in the Greek Anthology, ii. p. 3,
eds. Brunck and Jac, with Jacobs's note, Animadv.
ii. 1. pp. 7-9.) The great inferiority of Choerilus to
Homer in his similes is noticed by Aristotle. ( 7b-
pic. viii. 1. § 24.)

4. Choerilus, probably of lasos, a worthless,
epic poet in the train of Alexander the Great.
(Curtius, viii. 5. § 8.) Horace says of him (£"/>.
ii. 1. 232—234),

" Gratus Alexandre regi Magno fuit ille
Choerilus, incultis qui versibus et male natis
Rettulit acceptos, regale nomisma, Philippos;"
and {Art. Pott. .J57, 358),

" Sic mihi, qui multum cessat, fit Choerilus ille,
Quem bis terque bonum cum risu miror."
From the former passage it is evident tliat we must
refer to this Choerilus the statement of Suidas re-
specting Choerilus of Samos, that he received a
gold stater for every verse of his poem. However
liberally Alexander may have paid Choerilus for
his flattery, he did not conceal his contempt for his.
poetry, at least if we may believe Acron, who
remarks on the second of the above passages, that
Alexander used to tell Choerilus that " he would
rather be the Thersites of Homer than the Achilles
of Choerilus." The same writer adds, that Choe-
rilus bargained with Alexander for a piece of gold
for every good verse, and a blow for every bad
one ; and the bad verses were so numerous, that
he was beaten to death. This appears to be
merely a joke.

Suidas assigns to Choerilus of Samos a poem
entitled AayLiaKa., and other poems. But in all
probability that poem related to the Lamian war,
B. c. 323 ; and, if so, it must have been the com-
position of this later Choerilus. To him also
Nake assigns the epitaph on Sardanapalus, which
is preserved by Strabo (xiv. p. 672), by Athenaeus
(viii. p. 336, a., who says, that it was translated
by Choerilus from the Chaldee, xii. p. 529, f. ;
compare Diod. ii. 23 ; Tzetz. Chil. iii. 453), and
in the Greek Anthology. (Brunck, Anal,, i. p.
185; Jacobs, i. p. 117; see Jacobs, Animadv.
*.yol. i. pt. 1, p. 376.) [P. S.]

CHOEROBOSCUS, GEO'RGIUS {T^wpyio':
Xoipo§o(TK6s), a Greek grammarian, who lived pro-
bably towards the end of the sixth century of the
Christian aera. He is the author of various gram-
matical and rhetorical works, of which only one
has been printed, namely "de Figuris poeticis,
oratoriis, et theologicis" (^repl rpSirov rwu Kara
voi'nTiKrjv Kol SreoXoyiicflv xp^Jctv), published with
a Latin translation together with the dissertation
of Proclus on divine and poetical instinct, by M<>-
relius, Paris, 1615, 12mo. His other works, the

693

CHRISTODORUS.

MSS. of which are scattered in the principal libra-
ries of this country (Bodleian) and the continent,
treat on various grammatical matters ; his treatise
on the Greek accent, the MS. of which is in the
\'atican library, seems to deserve particular atten-
tion. Several treatises on theological matters,
which are extant in MS. are likewise attributed to
him. But as Choeroboscus is generally quoted by
the earlier writers as Georgius Grammaticus, or
Georgius Diaconus — he was a priest — he might
sometimes have been confounded with some other
grammarian or theologian of that name. (Fabric.
liibl. Graec. vi. pp. 338—341 ; Leo Allatius, De
Geortjtis, pp. 31 8—321.) [W. P.]

CHOMATIA'NUS, DEME'TRIUS, a Graeco-
Roman jurist and canonist, who probably lived in
the early part of the 13th century. He was
chartophylax and afterwards archbishop of Bul-
garia, and wrote Quaestiones relating to ecclesias-
tical law, now in manuscript at Munich. (Heim-
bach, de Basil. Orig. p. 86.) This work is cited
by Cujas. (Observ. v. c. 4.) Freherus, in the
Chronologia in the first volume of the Jus Graeco-
Romanum of Leunclavius, under the year 913,
enumerates him among the commentators upon the
Basilica, but that he was so is denied by Booking.
(Institutionem, i. p. 108, n. 48.) It should be
added, that Booking (/. c), apparently with good
reason, in like manner refuses the character of
scholiast on the Basilica to Bestes and Joannes
Briennius [BrienniusJ, though they are named
as scholiasts in almost every modem work on
Graeco-Roman law. [J. T. G.]

CHONDOMA'RIUS. [Chnodomarius.]

CHONIATES. [NicETAS.]

CHORI'CIUS (XopiKios)y a rhetorician and so-
phist of Gaza, the pupil of Procopius of Gaza, and
afterwards of another sophist of the same place,
flourished in the reign of Justinian, about a. d.
520. His orations fonned, in the time of Photius,
a collection under the title of /iieXf rot koI a-vvToi^ds
Koyoiv Sidcpopni. 'i'hey were on very various sub-
jects, but chifriy panegyrical. Photius makes par-
ticular mention of a funeral oration for the rheto-
rician's teacher. (Oxi. 160 ; Fabric. BiLl. Graec. ix.
p. 760, X. p. 7 19, ed. Harles.) Twenty-one of Cho-
ricius's orations exist in MS., of which two have
been printed by Fabricius with a Latin version by
J. C. Wolf {BM. Graec. viii. p. 841, old ed.) and
a third by Villoison. {Anec. ii. pp. 21, 52.) [P.S.]

CHOS'ROES. king of Parthia. [Arsaces xxv.]

CHOSROES, king of Persia. [Sassanidae.]

CHRESTUS (X/njo-Toy), of Byzantium, a dis-
tinguished scholar of Hcrodes Atticus, lived in the
second century of the Christian aera, and taught
rhetoric at Athens, where he had sometimes as
many as a hundred auditors. Among the distin-
guished men who were his pupils, Philostratus
enumerates Hippodromus, Philiscus, Nicomedes,
Aristaenetus, and Callaeschrus. Chrestus was
given to wine. (Philostr. Vii. Soph. ii. 11.)

CHRISTODO'RUS (Xpi<TT6Bupos), a Greek
poet of Coptus in Egypt, was the son of Paniscus,
and flourished in the reign of Anastasius I., A. D.
491 — 518, He is classed by Suidas as an epic
poet (eiroTTOJcJy). 1. There is still extant a poem
of 416 hexameter verses, in which he describes the
statues in the public gymnasium of Zeuxippus.
This gymnasium was built by Septimius Severus
at Byzantium, and was bunit down a. d. 532.
The poem of Christodonxs is entitled ^EKtppaais

CHROMATIUS.

Twv ayaXfidruv rwv ets to ^T]p.6<nav yvjj.vd.criov ro
4niKaXovfji4vov tov Zcv^iitirou. It is printed in
the Aniiq. Consiant'mop. of Anselmus Banduri,
Par. 1711, Venet. 1729, and in the Greek Antho-
logy. (Brunck, Anal. ii. p. 456 ; Jacobs, iii. p. 161.)
He also wrote — 2. 'Icrai^pifca, a poem, in six books,
on the taking of Isauria by Anastasius. 3. Three
books of Epigrams, of which two epigrams remain.
(AnthoL Graec. /, e.) 4. Four books of Letters. 5.
noTpict, epic poems on the history and antiquities of
various places, among which were Constantinople,
Thessalonica, Nacle near Heliopolis, Miletus, Tral-
les, Aphrodisias, and perhaps others. Suidas and
Eudocia mention another person of the same name
a native of Thebes, who wrote 'I^euTi/ca 8i' l-nQv
and @a.v\j.a.Ta tuv dyicov dvayvcwv (where Kiister
proposes to read fiaprvpuj/) Koa/jLa koI Aa/niavov.
(Suidas, s. V. XpiaroSupos and Zfv^iinros ; Eudocia,
p. 436 ; Fabricius, Bill. Graec. iv. p. 468 ; Jacobs,
Anth. Graec. xiii. p. 871.) [P. S.]

CHRISTO'PHORUS {Xpi(rTO(t>6po5\ patriarch
of Alexandria, about a. d. 836, wrote an ex-
hortation to asceticism under the title ri ofMoiovrat,
6 fiios odros Ka\ els irolov rehos Karacrp^ipei.
There are citations from this work in Allatius, ad
Eustath. Antioch. p. 254, and Cotelerius, Monwn.
MSta. in Bihl. Caesar. There are MSS. of the
work at Vienna, Paris, Rome, Milan, and Oxford.
It was printed in Greek and Latin, with notes, by
F. Morellus, Par. 1608, who mistook it for the
work of Theophilus of Alexandria : &€0(pl\ou
^AKe^auSpflas Aoyos, rivi ofioiovrai dvOpwiros.
(Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. vii. p. 109.) There is
also a synodic epistle to the emperor Theophilus
Iconomachus, by Christophorus of Alexandria, Job
of Antioch, and Basil of Jerusalem, and 1455 other
bishops and clergy, on images, entitled 'ETrtcrToAT)
irpos rdu BaatXca OeScpiKov irepl twv dyiwu koI
(rfTTTuv ukSvuv, wliich is mentioned by Constin-
tinus Porphyrogenitus in his Narratio de Imay.
Edess. p. 90, and by the author of a MS. Narratio
de Irnag. B. Virg. ap. Lambec. viii. p. 334. The
work exists in MS. in the Codex Barocoianus, 148.
It was published, in Greek and Latin, first by
Corabefisius in his Manipul. Berum. Constant. Par.
1664, 4to., pp. 110 — 145, and afterwards by
Michael le Quien in his edition of Damascenus,
Par. 1712, i. p. 629. (Nessel, Catal. Bibl. Vin-
dobon, pt. V. p. 129 ; Cave, Hist. Lilt, sub anno ;
Fabricius, BM. Graec. viii. p. 84, ix. p 717, xi.
p. 594.) [P. S.]

CHRISTO'PHORUS the Caesar, son of Con-
stantine V. Copronymus. There is an edict
against image-worship issued by him and hia
brother Nicephorus, a. d. 775, in the Imperiul.
Decret. de Cult. Imag. of Goldastus, Franc. 1608,
4to., No. 8, p. 75. (Fabric. BilA. Graec. xii. p.
740.) For what is known of the life of Christo-
phoms, see Nicephorus. [P. S.]

CHRISTO'PHORUS, PATRFCIUS, a native
of Mytilene, whose time is unknown, wrote in
Iambic verse a Mcnologium, or history of the
saints, arranged according to the saints' days in
each month. The MS. was formerly in the Pala- *■
tine Library, but is now in the Vatican, Cod. 383,
No. 7. There are also MSS. of the whole or part
of the work at Venice, Moscow, and Paris. It is
cited more than once in the Glossarium of Meursius.
(Cave, Hist. Litt. vol. ii. Diss. pp. 5, 6 ; Fabric
BifjL Graec. xi. p. 594.) [P. S.]

ClIROMA'TIUS, a Latin writer and bishop oi

CHRYSANTAS.

Aqnileia, flourished at tlie close of the fourth cen-
tury and the coninioncement of the fifth. The
circumsUince of his baptizing Rufinus, about A. d.
370, shews, that he properly belongs to the for-
mer. The year and place of his birth are alike
unknown. It is supposed, that he was a Roman ;
but nothing cerUiin can be ascertained respecting
his native place. Though he condemned the writ-
ings of Origen, his friendship for Rufinus continued
uiinbated. Rufinus also dedicated to him some of
liis works, especially his Latin translation of Euse-
bius's ecclesiastical history. That Jerome had a
great esteem for him may be inferred from the fact
that he inscribed to him his commentaries on the
prophet Habakkuk and some other writings, lie
urged Jerome to translate the Hebrew Scriptures
into Latin. Being afterwards displeased with this
father, he advised him in a letter to cease attacking
Rufinus, and thus to put an end to the quarrel
subsisting between those who had formerly been
friends. He was a strenuous defender of Chrysos-
tom's cause in the West, for which he received
the thanks of the latter. (Chrysostom, £'/?tsi. 155,
vol. iii. p. 689, ed. Benedict.) Chromatins is sup-
posed to have died about 410. Jerome styles
him, most learned and holy ; but he seems to have
been a man of judgment and determination rather
than of great abilities. When Anastasius, the
Roman pontiff, condemned both Origen and Rufi-
nus, and signified his decision to Chromatins, the
bishop of Aquileia was so far from coinciding with
the pontifical decree, that he received Rufinus into
the communion of the church.

Of his works there are extant Homilies and
some Tracts on the beatitudes, on the remainder
of Matthew's Gospel, chap, v., part of chap, vi.,
and on Matth. iii. 14. A few epistles also remain.
The best edition of these pieces is that in the
Bihliotheca Putrum, vol. v., Lugd. 1677. They
had been previously published at Basel, 1528 ; at
Louvain, 1646 ; and at Basel, 1551. The epistle
to Jerome respecting Rufinus, and one addressed
to the emperor Honorius in defence of Chrysostom,
have been lost. Among Jerome's works there is
an epistle concerning the nativity of the blessed
Mary addressed to Jerome under the names of
Chromatins and Heliodoms, and another bearing
the same names directed to the same father. Both
are spurious. Several epistles addressed to Chro-
matins by Jerome are extant among the voluminous
works of the latter. (Cave, Historia Lileraria ;
Le Long, Bib. Sac. p. 675 ; Lardner's Warks, vol.
iv., Loud. 1827, 8vo.) [S.D.]

CHRYSANTAS {Xpvffdvras), a Persian peer
(o/Lu^Ttyuos), is said by Xenophon to have been a
man of superior powers of mind, but of diminutive
bodily stature. {Cyrop. ii. 3. ^ 5.) He is repre-
sented throughout the Cyropaedeia as deservedly
high in the favour of Cyrus, to whom he proved
himself most useful, not only by his gallantry and
promptitude in the field, but also by his wisdom in
the council, and the zeal with which he forwarded
the political plans of the prince. In the distribu-
tion of provinces after the conquest of Babylon, his
services were rewarded, according to Xenophon
(comp. Herod, i. 153), with the satrapy of Lydia
and Ionia. (Xen. Cyrop. ii. 2. § 17, &c., 3. $$ 5
—7, 4. $ 22, &c., iii. 1. $$ 1—6, 3. $ 48, &c.,
iv. 1. $§ 3, 4, 3. ^^ 15—23, v. 3. $ 6, vi. 2. $$
21, 22, vii. 1. ^ 3, 5. H 55, 56, viii. 1. $ 1, &c.,
4. $ 9, ^c, 6. $ 7.) ' ■ [E. E.J

CHRYSES.

Q^j9

CHRYSAOR {Xpveacap).' 1. A son of Posei-
don and Medusa, and consequently a brother of
Pegasus. When Perseus cut off the head of Me-
dusa, Chrysaor and Pegasus sprang forth from it.
Chrysaor became by Callirrhoe the father of the
three-headed Geryones and Echidna. (Hesiod,
Theog. 280, &c.; Hygin. Fab. Praef. and 151.)

2. The god with the golden sword or arms. In
this sense it is used as a surname or attribute of
several divinities, such as Apollo (Hom. //. xv.
256), Artemis (Herod, viii. 77), and Denieter.
(Hom. Hymn, in Cer. 4.) We find Chrj-saoreua
as a surname of Zeus with the same meaning, un-
der which he had a temple in Caria, which was a
national sanctuary, and the place of meeting for
the national assembly of the Carians. (Strab. xiv.
p. 660 ; comp. Paus. v. 21. § 5 ; Steph. Byz. s. v,
Xpvcraopls.) [L. S.]

CHRYSE'IS (Xpva-nh). [Astynome.] An-
other mythical personage of this name occurs in
Apollodorus (ii. 7. § 8). [L. S.]

CHRYSERMUS,(Xpuo-epMos), a Corinthian,
whom we find mentioned as the author of the fol-
lowing works : — 1. A histor}'^ of India, extending
to at least 80 books. 2. A history of Persia. 3.
A history of the Peloponnesus. 4. A treatise on
rivers. (Pint. £>e Fiuv. 1, 18, 20, FaralL Min.
10; Stob. Floril. xxxix. 31, C. 11; Phot. Bibl.
167.) The period at which he flourished is not
known. [E. E.]

CHRYSERMUS (XpuVep^tos), an ancient phy-
sician, who lived probably at the end of the
second or the beginning of the first century B. c,
as he was one of the tutors of Heracleides of Ery-
thrae (Gal. De Differ. Puis. iv. 10, vol. viii. p.
743), perhaps also of ApoUonius Mus, who was a
fellow-pupil of Heracleides. (Strab. xiv. 1 , p. 1 82,
ed. Tauchn.) His definition of the pulse has been
preserved by Galen (/. c. p. 741), as also one of
his medical formulae {De Compos. Medicam. sec.
Loc. ix. 2, vol. xiii. p. 243), and an anecdote of
him is mentioned by Sextus Empiricus {Pyrrhon.
Hypotyp. i. 14. § 84), and copied into Cramer's
Anecd. Graec. vol. iii. p. 412, where for 'Epuo-ep/ios
we should read Xpvaepixos. He is also mentioned
by Pliny. (//. N. xxii. 32.) [W. A.G.]

CHRYSES {Xpvavs). 1. A son of Ardys and
a priest of Apollo at Chryse. He was the father
of Astynome (Chryseis), and when he came to the
camp of the Greeks, offering a rich ransom for the
liberation of his daughter, he was treated by Aga-
memnon with harsh words. Chryses then prayed
to Apollo for vengeance, and the god sent a plague
into the camp of the Greeks, which did not cease
raging until Calchas explained the cause of it, and
Odysseus took Chryseis back to her father. (Horn.
//. i. 10, &c.)

2. A son of Agamemnon or Apollo by Astynome.
When Agamemnon restored Astynome to her fa-
ther, she was with child, and, on giving birth to a
boy, she declared him to be a son of Apollo, and
called him Chryses. Subsequently, when Orestes
and Iphigeneia fled to Chryses on their escape from
Tauris, and the latter recognized in the fugitives
his brother and sister, he assisted them in killing
king Thoas. (Hygin. Fab. 120, &c.)

3. A son of Minos and the nymph Pareia. He
lived with his three brothers in the island of Paros,
and having murdered two of the companions cl
Heracles, thcv were all put to death by the latter.
(Apollod. ii. 5. § y, iii. 1. § 2.)

roo

CHRYSIPPUS.

4. A son of Poseidon and Chrvsogeneia, and
father of Minyas. (Paus. ix. 36. § 3".) [L. S.]

CHRYSES (Xpva-ns), of Alexandria, a skilful
mechanician, flourished about the middle of the
sixth century after Christ. (Procop. de Aedif. Jtis-
tin. iii. 3.) [P. S.]

CHRYSIPPUS (Xpwo-tmros), a son of Pelops
by the nymph Axioche or by Danais (Plut. Pa-
ralL Hist. Gr. et Rom. 33), and accordingly a step-
brother of Alcathous, Atreus, and Thyestes. While
still a bo}', he was carried off by king Laius of
Thebes, who instructed him in dri\nng a chariot.
(Apollod. iii. 5. § 5.) According to others, he was
carried off by Theseus during the contests cele-
brated by Pelops (Hj-gin. Fab. 271) ; but Pelops
recovered him by force of arms. His step-mother
Hippodameia hated him, and induced her sons
Atreus and Thyestes to kill him ; whereas, ac-
cording to another tradition, Chrysippus was
killed by his father Pelops himself. (Paus. vi. 20.
§ 4 ; Hygin. Fab. 85 ; Schol. ad Thucyd. i. 9.)
A second mythical Chrysippus is mentioned by
Apollodorus (ii. 1. § 5). [L. S.]

CHRYSIPPUS (Xpvcrnnros). 1. Of Tyana,
a learned writer on the art of cookery, or more
properly speaking, on the art of making bread or
sweetmeats, is called by Athenaeus <ro(p6s ircix/jLO-
ToK6yo5., and seems to have been little known be-
fore the time of the latter author. One of his
works treated specially of the art of bread-making,
and was entitled 'AproKOiriKos. (Athen. iii. p.
1 ] 3, xiv. pp. 647, c, 648, a. c.)

2. The author of a work' entitled 'IroAt/co.
(Plut. ParalL Min. c. 28.)

CHRYSIPPUS, a learned freedman of Cicero,
who ordered him to attend upon his son in B. c.
52 ; but as he left young Marcus without the
knowledge of his patron, Cicero determined to
declare his manumission void. As, however, we
find Chrysippus in the confidence of Cicero again
in B. c. 48, he probably did not carry his threat
into effect. (Cic. ad Q. Fr. iii. 4, 5, ad Att. vii.
2,5,11.)

CHRYSIPPUS, VE'TTIUS, a freedman of
the architect Cyrus, and himself also an architect.
(Cic. ad Fam. vii. 14, ad Att. xiii. 29, xiv. 9.)

CHRYSIPPUS (Xpuo-iTTTTos), a Stoic philoso-
pher, son of Apollonius of Tarsus, but bom himself
at Soli in Cilicia. When young, he lost his pater-
nal property, for some reason unknown to us, and
went to Athens, where he became the disciple of
Cleanthes, who was then at the head of the Stoical
school. Some say that he even heard Zeno, a pos-
sible but not probable statement, as Zeno died B.C.
264, and Chrysippus was born B. c. 280. He does
not appear to have embraced the doctrines of the
Stoics without considerable hesitation, as we hear
that he studied the Academic philosophy, and for
some time openly dissented from Cleanthes. Dis-
liking the Academic scepticism, he became one of
the most strenuous supporters of the principle, that
knowledge is attainable and may be established on
certain foundations. Hence, though not the founder
of the Stoic school, he was the first person who
based its doctrines on a plausible system of reason-
ing, so that it was said, "if Chrysippus had not
existed, the Porch could not have been" (Diog.
Laert. vii. 183), and among the later Stoics his
opinions had more weight than those of either Zeno
or Cleanthes, and he was considered an authority
from which there was no appeal. He died B. c.

CHRYSIPPUS.

207, aged 73 (Laert. ^. c), thougli Valerius Maxi-
mus (viii. 7. § 10) says, that he lived till past 80.
Various stories are handed down by tradition to
account for his death — as that he died from a fit ol
laughter on seeing a donkey eat figs, or that he feL
sick at a sacrificial feast, and died five days after.
With regard to the worth of Chrysippus as a
philosopher, it is the opinion of Ritter that, in spite
of the common statement that he differed in some
points from Zeno and Cleanthes (Cic. Acad. ii. 47),
he was not in truth so much the author of any
new doctrines as the successful opponent of those
who dissented from the existing Stoic system, and
the inventor of new arguments in its support.
With the reasoning of his predecessors he appears
to have been dissatisfied, from the story of his tell-
ing Cleanthes that he only wished to learn the
principles of his school, and would himself provide
arguments to defend them. Besides his struggles
against the Academy, he felt very strongly the
dangerous influence of the Epicurean system ; and
in order to counterbalance the seductive influence
of their moral theory, he seems to have wished in
some degree to popularize the Stoic doctrine, and
to give to the study of ethics a more prominent
place than was consistent with his statement, that
physics (under which he included the whole science
of theology, or investigations into the nature of
God) was the highest branch of philosophy. This
is one of the contradictions for which he is re-
proached by Plutarch, whose work De Stoicorum
Jiepuff7ianiiis is written chiefly against his incon-
sistencies, some of which are important, some
merely verbal. The third of the ancient divisions
of philosophy, logic (or the theory of the sources of
human knowledge), was not considered by Chry-
sippus of the same importance as it had appeared
to Plato and Aristotle ; and he followed the Epi-
cureans in calling it rather the organum of philoso-
phy than a part of philosophy itself. He was also
strongly opposed to another opinion of Aristotle,
viz. that a life of contemplative solitude is best
suited to the wise man — considering this a mere
pretext for selfish enjoyment, and extolling a life
of energy and activity. (Plut. de Stoic. Rep. ii.)

Chrysippus is pronounced by Cicero {de Nat.
Dcor. iii. 10) " homo sine dubio versutus, et calli-
dus," and the same character of quickness and
sagacity was generally attributed to him by the
ancients. His industry was so great, that he is
said to have seldom written less than 500 lines
a-day, and to have left behind him 705 works.
These however seem to have consisted very largely
of quotations, and to have been undistinguished
for elegance of style. Though none of them are
extant, yet his fragments are much more numerous
than those of his two predecessors. His erudition
was profound, he is called by Cicero ( Tusc. i. 45)
"in omni historia curiosus," and he appears to have
overlooked no branch of study except mathematics
and natural philosophy, which were neglected by
the Stoics till the time of Posidonius. His taste
for analysing and refuting fallacies and sophistical
subtleties was derived from the Megarians (Plut.
Stoic. Hep. X.) : in the whole of this branch of
reasoning he was very successful, and has left nu-
merous treatises on the subject, e.g. nepl rctf nevre
TTTCDaewv, Trepl Ae^ewi', K. t. A. (Diog, Laert. vii.
192, 193.) He was the inventor of the kind of
argument called Sorites. {Chrysippi acervus, Pers.
Sat. vi. 80.) In person he was so slight, that hL?

CIIRYSIPPUS.

statue in the Ccrameicus was hidden by a neigh-
bouring figure of a horse ; whence Cameades, who,
as head of the Academy, bore him no great good-
will, gave him the soubriquet of Kpv^nnros.

(Orelli, Onom. Tidl. ii. p. 144; Ritter, Ges-
vhichte der Phil xi. 5, 1 ; Brucker, Hist. Crit. Phil.
II. ii. 9, 2 ; Baguet, de Chnjdppi vita, doctrina et
reliquiis Comment. Lovan. 1022; Petersen, Philo-
sophiae Chrysippeae Fimdamenta, Alton. 1827.)
The genei-al account of the doctrine of the Stoics is
given under Zeno. [G. E. L. C]

CHRYSIPPUS ( Xpuo-jTnros ), the name of
several physicians, who have been frequently con-
founded together, and whom it is sometimes diffi-
cult to distinguish with certainty.

1. Of Cnidos, has sometimes been confounded
with the celebrated Stoic philosopher of the same
name, who, however, lived about a century later.
He was the son of Erineus (Diog. Laert. viii. 89),
and must have lived in the fourth century b. c, as
he was a contemporary of Praxagoras (Cels. De
Med. Praef. lib. i. p. 5 ; Plin. //. N. xxvi. 6), a
pupil of Eudoxus of Cnidos and Philistion (Diog.
Laert. /. c), father of Chrysippus the physician to
Ptolemy Soter (id. vii. 186), and tutor to Era-
sistratus (id. I. c. ; Plin. H. N. xxix. 3 ; Galen,
De Ven. Sect. adv. Erasistr. c. 7, vol. xi. p. 171),
Aristogenes (id. De Ven. sect. adv. Erasistr. Rom.
Deg. c. 2, et De Cur. Rat. per Ven. Sect. c. 2,
vol. xi. pp. 197, 252), Medius (id. ihid.\ and Me-
trodorus. (Sext. Empir. cont. Matliem. i. 12, p.
271, ed. Fabric.) He accompanied his tutor
Eudoxus into Egypt (Diog. Laert. viii. 87), but
nothing more is known of the events of his life.
He wrote several works, which are not now ex-
tant, and Galen says {De Ven. Sect. adv. Erasistr.
Rom. Deg. c. 5, vol. xi. p. 221), that even in his
time they were in danger of being lost. Several
of his medical opinions are, however, preserved by
Galen, by whom he is frequently quoted and re-
ferred to. {De Ven. Sect. adv. Erasistr., ^c, vol.
xi. pp. 149, &c., 171, «&c., 197,221, &c.)

2. The son of the preceding, was a physician to
Ptolemy Soter, king of Egypt, B. c. 323—28.3,
and was falsely accused, scourged, and put to
death, but on what charge is not mentioned. (Diog.
Laert. vii. 186.)

3. A pupil of Erasi stratus (Diog. Laert. vii, 186),
who must have lived therefore in the third century
B. c. Some persons think he was the author
of the work De Brassica, " On the Cabbage,"
mentioned by Pliny {II. iV. xx. 33) and Plinius
Vulerianus {De Med. iv. 29), but this is quite
uncertain

4. A writer on Agriculture, Tewpyt/ca, mention-
ed by Diogenes Laertius (vii. 186), and distin-
guished by him from the pupil of Erasistratus.

5. A follower of Asclepiades, who must there-
fore (if Asclepiades of Bithynia be the person
meant) have lived in the first century B. c. One
of his works is quoted by Caelius Aurelianus {De
Morb. Chron. iv. 8, p. 537), and a physician of the
same name is mentioned by him in several other
passages (pp. 99, 107, 323, 376), but whether the
same person be meant in each passage is uncertain.

6. A native of Cilicia, who may perhaps have
been the tutor of Athenaeus (who was also born
in Cilicia), as Galen calls him the great-grandfather
of the sect of the Pneumatici. {De Diff. Puis. ii.
10, vol. viii. p. 631.) He lived probably about
the beginning of the Christian aera. [W. A. G ]

CHRYSOCEPHALUS.

701

CHRYSIPPUS (Xputn'TTiroj), a native of Cap-
padocia, was a celebrated ecclesiastical writer, who
lived during the middle of the fifth century of the
Christian aera. Chrysippus had two brothers,
Cosmas and Gabriel, all of whom received a learned
education in Syria, and were afterwards intrusted
to the care of the abbot Euthymius at Jerusalem.
There Chrysippus took orders, and became Oecono-
mus in the ** Monasterium Laurae," praefect of the
church of the Holy Resurrection, and custos of the
church of the Holy Cross, an office which he held
during ten years. He wrote many works on eccle-
siastical matters, and his style is at once elegant
and concise ; but his productions are lost except a
treatise entitled " Homilia de Sancta Deipara,'*
which is contained with a Latin translation in the
second volume of "Auctuarius Duceanus," and
some fragments of a small work entitled " Enco-
mium Theodori Martyris," which are extant in
Eustathius Constantinopolitanus " Liber de Statu
Vitae Functorum." (Cave, Hist. Liter, vol. i. p.
357.) [W. P.]

CHRYSOBERGES, LUCAS (Aow5s y.pv(To-
6epyT)s), an important writer on the Canon law
and other ecclesiastical and religious subjects, was
chosen patriarch of Constantinople in a. d. 1155,
presided at the synod of Constantinople in 1166,
and died in 1 167. His works are mostly lost, and
only some fragments are printed. Thirteen " De-
creta Synodalia" are contained in Leunclavius,
" Jus Graeco-Romanum." They treat on important
subjects, as, for instance. No. 2. " De Clericis qui
se immiscent saecularibus Negotiis ;" No. 4. " De
indecoris et scenicis Ritibus sanctorum notariorum
Festo abrogandis;" No. 13. " Ne Clerici turpi-
lucra fiant, aut medici," &c. A Greek poem in
iambic verses, and another poem on fasting, both
extant in MS. in the imperial library at Vienna,
are attributed to Chrysoberges, and it is believed
that he wrote his poem on fasting at the request of
a lady, before he was appointed to the patriarchal
see of Constantinople.

One Maximus Chrysoberges, who lived about
1400, wrote " Oratio de Processione Spiritus
Sancti," dedicated to the Cretans, and which is
printed with a Latin translation in the second
vol. of Leo AUatius, " Graecia Orthodoxa." (Cave,
Hist. Liter, ii. p. 390, ad an. 1155; Fabric. BiU.
Grace, xi. pp. 338, 339, ix. 679.) [W. P.j

CHRYSOCE'PHALUS, MACA'RIUS (Ma-
Kopios XpvaoKecpaXos), a Greek ecclesiastical writer
of great repute. The time at which he lived has
been the subject of much investigation : Cave says
that it is not correctly known ; Oudin thinks that
he lived about A. D. 1290 ; but Fabricius is of opi-
nion that he lived in the fourteenth century, as
would appear from the fact, that the condemnation
of Barlaam and Gregorius Acindynus took place in
the synod of Constantinople in 1351, in presence
of a great number of prelates, among whom there
was Macarius, archbishop of Philadelphia.

The original name of Chrysocephalus was
Macarius, and he was also archbishop of Philadel-
phia ; he was called Chrysocephalus because, hav-
ing made numerous extracts from the works of the
fathers, he arranged them under different heads,
which he called XP"*''" Kc^aKaia, or ""Golden
Heads." Chrj'socephalus was a man of extensive
learning : his works, which were very numerous,
were entirely on religious subjects, and highly es-
teemed in his day ; but only one, of comparatively

702 CHRYSOCOCCES.

tmall importance, the "Oratio in Exaltationem
Sanctae Cnicis," has been published, with a Latin
translation, by Gretserus, in his great work " De
Cruce." The most important work of Chrysoce-
phalus is his Commentary on St. Matthew, in three
volumes, each of which was divided into twenty
books. Only the first volume, containing twenty
books, is extant in the Bodleian, (Cod. Baronianus;
it is entitled 'E^riyqais eh to Kara. Mardatou ayiov
EvaYYe\iov, crvWeyeTcra Kal crvvTcdeTcra Ke(pa\ai-
uScos TTopd MaKupiov MtjtpoitoAitou *iAa5eA<^6to$
Tou Xpua-oKe(pd\ov, &c.) Fabricius gives the pro-
oemium to it, with a Latin translation. The most
important among his other works are " Orationes
XIV. in Festa Ecclesiae," " Expositio in Canones
Apostolonim et Conciliorum," which he wrote in
the island of Chios, "Magnum Alphabetum," a
Commentary or Lucas, so called because it is di-
vided into as many chapters as there are letters in
the alphabet, viz. twenty-four ; it is extant in the
Bodleian, and is inscribed Evayyf\iK(vv Siduoiav
bi\fiuT<av Xpv(roKe(pa\os auvriOricnv euBd^e Taireivos
MaKoipios *tAo56\^€ias, o otVeTTjy ttjs /nuKaplas
TpidSos. Fabricius gives the prooemium, " Cosmo-
genia," a Commentary on Genesis, divided into
two parts, the first of which is entitled " Cosrao-
genia,'"' and the second " Patriarchae." The MS.
works of Chrysocephalus were nearly all known to
Gretserus, and still more so to Leo Allatius, who
often refers to them, and gives some fragments or
passages of them in his works " De Concilio Flo-
rentino, adversus Creightonium," " Diatriba de
Script. Svmeon.," " De Psellis," &c. (Fabric.
BM. Gnicc. viii. pp. 675—683 ; Cave, IlisL Lit.
vol. ii. n. pp. 19, 20.) [W. P.]

CHRYSO'CHOUS (Xpva-oxoos), a poor man
at Alexandria, who may have lived between the
fifth and tenth centuries after Christ, of whom a
story is told by Nicolaus Myrepsus. (De Compos.
Medicam. xxiv. 60, 85, pp. 664, 666.) At the
age of thirtj'-two he lost his sight, upon which he
went to a chapel of the Blessed Virgin to offer up
prayers for his recovery. Here he is said to have
been directed to a place where he would find a
written paper, which contained a prescription for
making an eye-wash ; by means of which he was
himself restored to sight, and also gained a large
income by healing others. At his death he gave
the prescription to one of his daughters, and it has
been preserved by Nicolaus Mvrepsus. [ W. A. G.]

CHRYSOCOCCES, GEO'RGIUS {Tecipym 6
Xpv^^o'fOK/crjr), was a learned Greek physician,
who lived in the middle of the fourteenth century
of the Christian aera, and wrote several valuable
works on astronomy and mathematics. It would
seem that Georgius Chrysococces is identical with
Chrysococces the friend of Theodore Gaza, both of
whom were employed for some time in the library
of the Vatican, and saved several valuable Greek
MSS. from oblivion or destruction. None of the
works of Chrysococces have been printed, although
their publiaition would apparently be a valuable
acquisition to the history of astronomy. His prin-
cipal works extant in MS. are : 'E^i^yrjens els r-fiu
(rvvTot^iv Tav Ylepaouv (v KecpaXaiois jU^, avu roiis
A.(rTpovofjLiKo7i SiaypdfjLuaai^ Kal TeuypacpiKois
iriua^ip, '* Expositio in Constructionem Persarura
per Capita 47, cum Astronoraicis Designationibus,
et Geographicis Tabulis," in the Bibl. Arabrosiana.
It seems that this work is the same which we find
iu the Royal Library at Paris, imder the title

CHRYSOLORAS.

Fecapyiou tov 'X.pvaoK6KKri rod larpov 'karpovn-
fiiKa. There is another Codex in the same library,
intitled rewpy'iov larpov tov XpvcroKOKKr] irepl t7;i
evpTjcrecas rijs 7}/U€pas ttjs dnKws (Tv^iryias TJAtuu
Kal crcKi^vTjs, " De inveniendis Syzygiis Lunae
solaribus per singulos Anni Menses." In the
Royal Librar}' at Madrid is Tlais Se? KaTacxKevd^dP
'npoa-Kovov, iJTOi 'Ao-rpoAagoi', " Quomodo con-
struendum sit Horoscopium, aut Astrolabium." A
codex in the Ambrosian Library, inscribed^EKSoo-ts
els TO 'louSatKoi' e^aTrrepvyov, "Editio et Expositio
Syntagmatis Canonum Astronomicorum Judaico-
rum," is attributed to Georgius Chrysococces, who
has also left a MS. of Homer's Odyssey, written
and accompanied with scholia by himself, in the
year of the world 6844 (a. d. 133G), as it is said
in the copy of this work which was formerl}'- in
the Bibl. Palatina at Heidelberg, whence it was
sent to Rome by the Spaniards, and kept in the
Vatican library till 1815, when it was sent back
to Heidelberg with the rest of the Palatine library
by order of pope Pius VII. It is doubtful if
Georgius Chrysococces is the same Chrysococces
who wrote a history of the Byzantine empire, of
which a fragment on the murder of sultan Miirad
I. in A. D. 1 389 is given by Fabricius. The com-
plete astronomical works of Chrysococces, as stated
above, have not been published, but several of his
Astronomical and Geographical tables have been
inserted in various modern works on Astronomy
and Geography. (Fabric. BUjI. Graec. xii. pp. 54
57.) [W. P.]

CHRYSO'GONUS {Xpv<r6yovo5.) I. A cele-
brated player on the flute, who dressed in a sacred
robe (ttu^jkt) <rToAr}) played to keep the rowers in
time, when Alcibiades made his triumphal entry
into the Peiraeeus on his return from banishment
in B. c. 407. From a conversation between the
father of Chrysogonus and Stratonicus, reported by
Athenaeus, it st^ems that Chrysogonus had a brother
who was a dnimatic poet. Chrysogonus himself
was the author of a poem or dnima entitled TloKi-
Tci'a, which some attributed to Epicharraus. (Athen.
xii. p. 353, d., viii. p. 350, e., xiv. p. 648, d.)

2. The father of the poet Samus, was an inti-
mate friend and devoted servant of Philip V. of
Macedon. (b. c. 220 — 179.) He was employed
by Philip both in war and in peace, and possessed
great influence with the king, which he seems to
have exercised in an honoumble manner, for
Poh'bius says that Philip was most merciful when
he followed the advice of Chrysogonus. (Polyb.
v. 9, 97, vii. 12, ix. 23.)

CHRYSO'GONUS, L. CORNE'LIUS, a fa-
vourite freedman of Sulla, purchased, at Sulla's
sale of the goods of the prosciibed, the property of
S. Roscius Amerinus, which was worth 250
talents, for 2000 denarii, and afterwards accused
Roscius's son, who was also named S. Roscius
Amerinus, of the murder of his father, (b. c. 80.)
Cicero pronounced his first public oration in de-
fence of Roscius, and in that oration we have a
powerful picture of the profligate character of
Chrysogonus. It cannot be said with certainty
whether in this proceeding Chrysogonus was, a.s
Plutarch affirms, merely the instrument of Sulla.
(Plut. Cic. 3; Cic. pro S. Bosc. Amcr. ; Plin.
//. N. XXXV. 18. s. 58.) [P. S.]

CHRYSOLO'RAS, DEME'TRIUS (Ae/xTf-
Tpios 6 'Kpvcr6\u}pas)y a native of Thessalonica, was
a Greek priest renowned as a theologian, philow

CHRYSOLORAS.

plier, astronomer, and statesman. His uncommon
talents procured him an introduction to JohnCanta-
cuzenus, formerly emperor (John VI.) and from
1 355 a monk. Cantacuzenus recommended him to
the emperor Manuel 11.(1.391 — 14*25), by whom he
was employed in various important offices. Manuel
sent him on sevenil occasions as ambassador to
foreign courts. One hundred letters which Chry-
soloras wrote to that emperor are extant in MS. in
the Bodleian, and in the Royal Library at Paris.
Besides these letters, Chrysoloras wrote several
treatises on religious subjects, entitled AtoAo7oi,
such as " Dialogus adversus Demetrium Cydonium,
pro Nicolao Cabasila de Processions Spiritus
Sancti;" "Dialogus contra Latinos;" "Enco-
mium in S. Demetrium Martyrem ;" " Tractatus
ex Libris Nili contra Latinos de Processione Spi-
ritus Sancti ;" " Epistola ad Barlaamum de Pro-
cessione Spiritus Sancti," extant in a Latin trans-
lation, probably made by the same Barlaam with
his own refutation, in the Bibliotheca Patnun
Coloniensis ;" " Homilise de Transfiguratione
Christi ;"' " De Sepultura ;" " De Resurrectione ;"
" De Annunciatione,'' &c., extant in MS. in dif-
ferent libraries in England and on the continent.
" Disputatio coram Manuele Imperatore inter
Demetrium Chrysoloram et Antonium Asculanum
de Christi Verbis, Melius ei (Judae) esset si natus
non fuisset," Ex versione Georgii Trombae, Flo-
rence, 1618; it seems that the Greek text of this
work is lost. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. xi. p. 411, &c. ;
Cave, Hist. Lit. vol. ii. p. 520.) [W. P.]

CHRYSOLO'RAS, MANUEL {UavoxniK 6
'X.pvaoXwpas), one of the most learned Greeks of
his time, contributed to the revival of Greek litera-
ture in western Europe. Towards the close of the
fourteenth century the Greek empire was in the
greatest danger of being overthrown by sultan
Bayazid II., who, however, was checked in his
ambitious designs by Timur, and being taken
prisoner by him, died in captivity. Before this
event, and probably in A. d. 1389, Manuel Chry-
soloras was sent by the emperor Manuel Palaeologus
to some European kings (among others to the Eng-
lish), at whose courts he remained several years,
endeavouring to persuade them to undertake a
crusade against the Turks. His efforts, however,
were unsuccessful, for the western princes had no
confidence in the Greek emperor, nor in his pro-
mises to effect the union of the Greek with the
Latin church. Having become acquainted with
several of the most learned Italians, he accepted
their proposition to settle in Italy and to lecture
on the Greek language and literature. This he
did with great success in Venice, Florence, Milan
(1397), Pavia, and Rome : his most distinguished
pupils were Leonardo Aretino, Leonardo Bruni,
Poggio Bracciotini, Filelfo, Francisco Strozzi, and
many more. His renown as a learned priest and
eloquent orator were so great, that he was sent to
the council of Constance, where he died a short
time after his arrival, in the month of April, 1415.
He was buried in the church of the Dominicans at
Constance, and Aeneas S3'lyiu8 wrote his epitaph,
which is given in the works cited below.

Manuel Chrysoloras was the author of several
treatises on religious subjects, and a considerable
number of letters on various topics, which are ex-
tant in different libraries in Italy, France, Germany,
and Sweden. Only two of his works have been
printed, viz., 1. " Epistolae III de Comparatione

CHRYSOSTOMUS.

703

Veteris et Novae Romae," the Greek text with a
Liitin version by Petrus Lambecius, appended to
" Codices de Antiquitatibus Constantinop.'" Paris,
1665, fol. These letters are elegantly written.
The first is rather prolix, and is addressed to the
emperor John Palaeologus ; the second to John
Chrysoloras ; and the third to Demetrius Chryso-
loras. This John Chrysoloras, the contemporary of
Manuel and Demetrius Chrysoloras, wrote some
treatises and letters of little importance, several of
which are extant in MS. 2. 'EpwrTj/iaro sive
Quaestiones (that is, ** Grammaticales"), printed
probably for the first time in 1488, and frequently
reprinted at the latter end of that century and the
beginning of the next. This is a grammar of the
Greek language, and one of the first that circulated in
Italy. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. xi. p. 409, &c.) [W. P.]

CHRYSOPELEIA {Xpvaoir4\eLa), a hama-
dryad who was one day in great danger, as the
oak-tree which she inhabited was undermined by
a mountain torrent. Areas, who was hunting in
the neighbourhood, discovered her situation, led
the torrent in another direction, and secured the
tree by a dam. Chrysopeleia became by Areas
the mother of Elatus and Apheidas. (Apollod. iii.
9. $ 1 ; Tzetz. ad Lycaph. 480.) [L. S.]

CHRYSO'STOMUS, JOANNES (Xpuo-cJo-ra-
fios, golden-mouthed, so sumamed from the power
of his eloquence), was born at Antioch, most pro-
bably A. D. 347, though the dates 344 and 354
have also been given. His father Secundus was a
general in the imperial army, and his mother An-
thusa was left a widow soon after his birth. From
her he received his first religious impressions, so
that she was to him what Monica was to Augustin,
though, unlike Augustin, Chrysostom from his
earliest childhood was continually advancing in
seriousness and earnestness of mind, and underwent
no violent inward struggle before he embriiced
Christianity. To this circumstance, Neander
{Kirchengesch. iii. p. 1 440, &c.) attributes the pecu-
liar form of his doctrine, his strong feeling that the
choice of belief or unbelief rests with ourselves,
and that God's grace is given in proportion to our
own wish to receive it. Libanius taught him elo-
quence, and said, that he should have desired to
see him his successor in his school, if the Christians
had not stolen him. Before his ordination, he re-
tired first to a monastery near Antioch, and after-
wards to a solitary cavern, where he committed the
whole of the Bible to memory. In this cavern he
so injured his health that he was obliged to return
to Antioch, where he was ordained deacon by the
bishop Meletius, A. d. 381, who had previously
baptized him, and afterwards presbyter by Flavia-
nus, successor to Meletius, a. d. 386. At Antioch
his success as a preacher was so great, that on the
death of Nectarius, ai'chbishop of Constantinople,
he was chosen to succeed him by Eutropius, minis-
ter to the emperor Arcadius, and the selection was
readily ratified by the clergy and people of the im-
perial city, A. D. 397. The minister who appointed
him was a eunuch of infamous profligacy, and
Chrysostom was very soon obliged to extend to
him the protection of the church. Tribigild, tlm
Ostrogoth, aided by the treachery of Gainas, th«
imperial general, who hated and despised Eutropiua,
threatened Constantinople itself by his armies, and
demanded as a condition of peace the head of Eu-
tropius, who fled to 1>he sanctuary of the cathedral.
While he was grovelling in terror at the altax,

701-

CHRYSOSTOMUS.

Chrj-sostom ascended the pulpit, and by his elo-
quence saved his life for the time, though it was
aftervf ards sacrificed to the hatred of his enemies.

The sermons of the archbishop soon gave great
offence at Constantinople. The tone of his theology-
was always rather of a practical than a doctrinal
kind, and his strong sense of the power of the hu-
man will increased his indignation at the immora-
lity of the capital. He was undoubtedly rash and
violent in his proceedings, and the declamatory
character of his preaching was exactly adapted to
express the stem morality of his thoughts. He
was also disliked for the simplicity of his mode of
living, and the manner in which he diverted the
revenues of his see from the luxuries in which his
predecessors had consumed them, to himiane and
charitable objects. Many of the worldly-minded
monks and clergy, as well as the ministers and
ladies of the court, became his enemies, and at
their head appeared the empress Eudoxia herself,
who held her husband^'s weak mind in absolute
subjection. His unpopularity was spread still more
widely in consequence of a visitation which he held
in Asia Minor, two years after his consecration, in
which he accused several bishops of simony and
other gross crimes, and deposed thirteen of them.
(Comp. Horn. iii. in Act. Apost.) Meanwhile, a
contest had arisen in Egypt between Theophilus,
patriarch of Alexandria, and certain monks of Ni-
tria, who followed the opinions of Origen. At
their head were four of one family, known as the
Tall Brothers {aZiktpoi /MKpol), against whom
Theophilus seems to have been prejudiced by a
strictly private quarrel. (Palladius, ap. Chrysost.
ed. Montfauc. vol. xiii.) He excommunicated them,
^nd they fled to Constantinople, where they
sought the protection of Chrysostom and of the
€mpress. A long dispute followed, in the course
of which Theophilus, by artfully working on the
simplicity of Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, and
other prelates hostile to the opinions of Origen,
prejudiced them against Chrysostom as implicated
in the charge of heresy with which those views had
recently been branded by a synod. Eudoxia, who
had summoned Theophilus to Constantinople to
answer the charge of persecuting the Nitrian monks,
became his warm friend when she saw in him her
instrument for the destruction of Chrysostom ; and
he arrived at the capital of the East not as an ac-
cused person, but as the judge of its archbishop.
But the same causes which had brought on Chry-
sostom the hatred of the higher orders had made
him the idol of the people ; and as it was thought
unsafe to hold a synod against him within the
city, it was summoned to meet on an estate at
Chalcedon, called the oak, whence it is known by the
name of avvoZos npos ri]v Spvu. The accusations
against him were various ; his inhospitality was
especially put forward {on rrjv (piXo^evtav deeret,
pLovomriav iiriT-qdeijuv^ on fiovos eaOiei, daurcus
^wv KvkXcSvqjv fiiSu, Phot. Cod. 59), and the charge
of Origenism was used to blind the better part of
the assembly. Before this council Chrysostom
steadily refused to appear, until four bishops, noto-
riously his enemies, were removed from it, who are
called by Isidore of Pelusiura (i. 152) crvvepyoi v
udWou auvaTToffraTcu with Theophilus. He was
therefore deposed for contumacy, forty-five bishops
subscribing his sentence, to which was added a
hint to the emperor, that his sermons against
lludoxia subjected him to the penalties of treason.

CHRYSOSTOMUS.

At first he refused to desert the flock which God
had entrusted to him ; but, on hearing that there
was a danger of an insurrection in his favour, ho
retired from Constantinople, to which he was re-
called in a few daj'^s by a hasty message from tlie
empress, whose superstitious fears were alarmed
by an earthquake, which the enraged people con-
sidered as a proof of the divine anger at his banish-
ment. But in two months after his return he was
again an exile. The festivities attending the dedi-
cation of a silver statue of Eudoxia near the cathe-
dral had disturbed the worshippers, and provoked
an angry sermon from the archbishop, who, on
hearing that this had excited anew the enmitj'^ of
the empress, began another sermon with this exor-
dium : — "Herodias again rages, once more she
dances, she again requires the head of John." This
offence Eudoxia could not forgive. A new synod
of Eastern bishops, guided by the advice of Theo-
philus, condemned Chrysostom for resuming his
functions before his previous sentence had been
legally reversed, and he was hastily conveyed to
the desolate town of Cucusus, on the borders of
Isauria, Cilicia, and Armenia.

Chrysostom 's character shone even more brightly
in adversity than it had done in power. In spite
of the inclement climate to which he was banished,
and continual danger from the neighbourhood of
Isaurian robbers, he sent letters full of encourage-
ment and Christian faith to his friends at Constan-
tinople, and began to construct a scheme for spread-
ing the gospel among the Persians and Goths.
He met with much sympathy from otlier churches,
especially the Roman, whose bishop. Innocent, de-
clared himself his warm friend and supporter. All
this excited jealousy at Constantinople, and in the
summer of a. d. 407 an order came for his removal
to Pityus, in Pontus, at the very extremity of the
East-Roman empire. But the fatigues of his jour-
ney, which was performed on foot under a burning
sun, were too much for him, and he died at Cornana
in Pontus, in the 60th year of his age. His last
words were those of Job, — 5o|a tu 06^ irduTuu
evcKet/, and formed a worthy conclusion of a life
spent in God's service. His exile nearly caused a
schism at Constantinople, where a party, named
after him Johannists, separated from the church,
and refused to acknowledge his successors. They
did not return to the general communion till a. d.
438, when the archbishop Proclus prevailed on the
emperor Theodosius II. to bring back the bones of
Chrysostom to Constantinople, where they were
received with the highest honours, the emperor
himself publicly imploring the forgiveness of heaven
for the crime of his parents, Arcadius and Eudoxia.
Chrysostom, as we learn from his biographers, was
short, with a large bald head, high forehead, hollow
cheeks, and sunken eyes. The Greek church cele-
brates his festival Nov. 1 3, the Latin, Jan. 27-

The works of Chrysostom are most voluminous.
They consist of: 1. Homilies on different parts of
Scripture and points of doctrine and practice.
2. Commentaries, by which, as we learn from Sui-
das, he had illustrated the whole of the Bible,
though some of them afterwards perished in a fire
at Constantinople. 3. Epistles addressed to a great
number of different persons. 4. Treatises on va-
rious subjects, e. g. the Priesthood (six books),
Providence (three books), &c. 5. Liturgies. Of
the homilies, those on St. Paul are superior to any-
thing in ancient theology-, and Thomas Aquinas

CHRYSOSTOMUS.

said, that he would not accept the whole city of
Paris for those on St. Matthew, delivered at An-
tioch, A. u. 390-397. The letters written in exile
have been compared to those of Cicero composed
under similar circumstances ; but in freedom from
vanity and selfishness, and in calmness and resig-
nation, Chrysostoni's epistles are infinitely superior
to Cicero's. Among the collection of letters is one
from the emperor Honorius to his brother Arcadius
in defence of Chrysostom, found in the Vatican,
and published by Baronius and afterwards by
Monttaucon.

The merits of Chrysostom as an expositor of
Scripture are very great. Rejecting the allegorical
interpretations which his predecessors had put
upon it, he investigates the meaning of the text
grainniaticalh', and adds an ethical or doctrinal
application to a perspicuous explanation of the
sense. The first example of grammatical interpre-
tation had indeed been set by Origen, many of
whose critical remarks are of great merit ; but
Chrysostom is free from his mystical fancies, and
quite as well acquainted with the language of the
New Testament. The Greek expositors who fol-
lowed him have done little more than copy his
explanations. The commentary of Theodoret is a
faithful compendium of Chrysostom's homilies,
and so also are the works of Theophylact and
Oecumenius, so much so that to those who wish to
gain a knowledge of the results of his critical
labours, the study of the two latter may be recom-
mended as perfectly correct compilers from their
more prolix predecessor.

Of Chr3'sostom''s powers as a preacher the best
evidence is contained in the history of his life ;
there is no doubt that his eloquence produced the
deepest impression on his hearers, and while we
dissent from those who have ranked him with
Demosthenes and Cicero, we cannot fail to admire
the power of his language in expressing moral in-
dignation, and to sympathise with the ardent love
of all that is good and noble, the fervent piety, and
absorbing faith in the Christian revelation, which
I>ervade his writings. His faults are too great
diffuseness and a love of metaphor and ornament.
He often repelled with indignation the applause
with which his sermons were greeted, exclaiming,
" The place where you are is no theatre, nor are
you now sitting to gaze upon actors," {Iloin. xvii.
Matt, vii.) There are many respects in which he
shews the superiority of his imderstanding to the
general feelings of the age. We may cite as one
example the fact, that although he had been a
monk, he v/as far from exalting monachism above
the active duties of the Christian life. (See Horn.
vii. in Heb. iv. ; Horn. vii. in Ephes. iv.) " How
shall we conquer our enemies," he asks in one place,
" if some do not busy themselves about goodness at
all, while those who do withdraw from the battle?"
{Horn. vi. in 1 Cor. iv.) Again, he was quite free
from the view of inspiration which prevailed at
Alexandria, and which considered the Bible in
such a sense the word of God, as to overlook alto-
gether the human element in its composition, and
the diflference of mind and character in its authors.
Variations in trifles he speaks of as proofs of truth
{Horn. i. in Matth.) ; so that he united the prin-
cipal intellectual with the principal moral element
necessary for an interpretator of Scripture, a critical
habit of mind with a real depth of Christian fcel-
iug. At the same time he was not cilways free

CHRYSOSTOMUS.

705

from trie tendencies of the time, speaking often of
miracles wrought by the relics of martyrs, conse-
crated oil, and the sign of the cross, and of the
efficacy of exorcism, nor does he always express
himself on some of the points already noticed
with the same distinctness as in the examples
cited above. His works are historically valuable
as illustrating the manners of the 4th and 5th
centuries of the Christian aera, the social state of
the people, and the luxurious licence which dis-
graced the capital (See Jortin, Eccles. Hint. iv.
p. 169, &c.)

The most elaborate among the ancient authori-
ties for Chrysostom 's life are the following : — ■
1. Palladius, bishop of Helenopolis, whose work
(a dialogue) was published in a Latin translation
at Venice a. d. 1533, and in the original text at
Paris in 1680. It is to be found in Montfaucon's
edition of Clirj'sostom's works, vol. xiii. 2. The
Ecclesiastical Histories of Socrates (lib. vi.), Sozo-
menus (lib. viii.), Theodoret (v. 27). 3. The works
of Suidas ('IcDcti'j/Tjs), and Isidore of Pelusium (ii.
Epist. 42), besides several others, some published
and some in MS., of which a list will be found in Fa-
bricius {DM. Graec. vol viii. pp. 456-460). Among
the more modem writers it will suffice to mention
Erasmus (vol. iii. Ep.Wb^. p. 1331, &c., ed.Lugd.
Bat.), J. Frederic Meyer {Chrysostomiis Lutliera-
nits, Jena, 1680), with Hack's reply {S. J. Chry-
sostomus a LutlieranismQ vindtcatiis, 1683), Cave
(Script. Eccl. Hist. Litter, vol. i), Lardner {Credi'
bility of the Gospel Hist, part ii. vol. x. c. 118),
Tillemont {MemoiresEcclesiastiques^ vol. xi. pp. 1 —
405, &c.), and Montfaucon, his principal editor.
Gibbon's account {Decline and Fall, xxxii.) is
compiled from Palladius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theo-
doret, Tillemont, Erasmus, and Montfaucon. But
the best of all will be found in Neander {Kirchen-
gesch. ii. 3, p. 1440, &c.), who has also published a
separate life of Chrysostom.

Chrysostora's works were first published in Latin
at Venice in 1503, Comment, impensa et studio
Bernardini Staynini Tridinensis et Gregorii de
Gregoriis. Several editions followed at Basle, also
in Latin, and in 1 523 the Homilies on Genesis were
translated there by Oecolampadius (Hauschein).
In 1 536 his works were published at Paris, but
the most famous edition which appeared in that
city was cura Frontonis Ducaei, 1613, whose
translation is much commended by Montfaucon.
In Greek were first published at Verona, 1529,
the Homilies on St. Paul's Epistles, edited by
Gilbert Bishop of Verona, with a preface by Do-
natus, addressed to Pope Clement VII. In 1610-
1 3, the most complete collection of Chrysostom's
works which had yet appeared was published
at Eton by Norton, the king's printer, under
the superintendence of Henry Savil, in 8 vols.:
this edition contained notes by Casaubon and
others. In 1609, at Paris, F. Morell began to
publish the Greek text with the version of Ducaeus,
a task which was completed by Charles Morell in
1633. Of this edition the text is compiled from
that of Savil, and that of an edition of the Com-
mentaries on the New Testament, published at
Heidelberg by Commelin, 1591—1603. In 1718
-38 appeared, also at Paris, the editio optima by
Bernard de Montfaucon, in 13 vols, folio. He has
endeavoured to ascertain the date of the different
works, has prefixed to most of them a short dis-
sertation on the circumstances under which it in as

2z

'06

CHTHONIA.

written, with an inquiry into its autlienticity, and
has added very much hitherto unpublished, to-
gether with the principal ancient lives of Chrysos-
tom. Montfaucon was a Benedictme monk, and
was assisted bj' others of his order. Of separate
works of Chrj'sostom the editions and translations
are almost innumei-able. Erasmus translated some
of the homilies and commentaries ; and the edition
of two homilies (those on 1 Cor. and 1 Thess. iv.)
** Gr. Lat. interprete Joanne Cheko, Cantabrigiensi,
Londini, ap. Reyner Vuolfuin. 1543" is interest-
ing as the first book printed with Greek types in
England. Some of the homilies are translated in
the Library of the Fathers now publishing at Ox-
ford, and those on St. Matthew have been re-
cently edited by the Rev. F. Field, Fellow of
Trin. Coll. Cambridge. The number of MSS. of
Chrysostom is also immense : the principal of these
are in the royal library at Paris, the imperial
library at Vienna (to which collection two of great
value were added by Maria Theresa), and that of
St. Mark at Venice. [G. E. L. C]

CHRYSO'STOMUS, DION. [Dion.]

CHRYSO'THEMIS {Xpva6dftiis). There are
four mythical females of this name (Hygin. Fab.
170, Poet. Astr. ii. 25 ; Diod. v. 22; Hom. //. ix.
287), and one male, a son of Carmanor, the priest
of Apollo at Tarrha in Crete. He is said to have
been a poet, and to have won the first victory in
the Pythian games by a hymn on Apollo. (Paus.
X. 7. § 2.) ' [L. S.]

CHRYSO'THEMIS {Xpv(T6B(tiis) and EUTE'-
LIDAS (EureAfSos), statuaries of Argos, made in
bronze the statues of Damaretus and his son Theo-
pompus, who were each twice victorious in the
Olympic games. The victories of Demaretus were
in the 65th and 6Gth Olympiads, and the artists
of course lived at the same time (b. c. 520 and on-
wards). Pausanias describes one of the statues,
and quotes the inscription, which contained the
names of the artists, and which described them as
T^X"'"' €t5<JTey Ik TrpoT^fxav, which appears to
mean that, like the early artists in general, they
each belonged to a fiamilv in which art was here-
ditary, (x. 6. § 2.) ' [P. S.]

CHRYSUS (Xpvo-Js), the fourteenth (or thir-
teenth) of the family of the Asclepiadae, was the
youngest son of Nebrus, the brother of Gnosidicus,
and the father of Elaphus ; and lived in the sixth
century B. c. in the island of Cos. During the
Crissaean war, while the Amphyctions were be-
sieging the town of Crissa in Phocis, the plague
broke out among their army. Having consulted
the oracle of Delphi in consequence, they were
directed to fetch from Cos " the young of a stag,
together with gold," which was interpreted to
mean Nebrus and Chrysus. They accordingly
persuaded them both to join the camp, where
Chrysus was the first person to mount the wall at
the time of the general assault, but was at the
same time mortally wounded, B. c. 591. He was
buried in the hippodrome at Delphi, and worship-
ped by the inhabitants as a hero {ivayi^w). (Thes-
sali Oraiio, in Hippocr. Opera, vol. iii. p. 836,
&c.) [W. A. G.]

CHTHO'NIA {X0ovla\ may mean the subter-
raneous, or the goddess of the earth, that is, the
protectress of the fields, whence it is used as a
surname of infernal divinities, such as Hecate
(Apollon. Rhod. iv. 148 ; Orph. Hymn. 35. 9),
Nyx (Orph. Hi/mn. 2. 8), and Melinoe (Orph.

CHUMNUS.

Hymn. 70. 1 ), but especially of Demeter. (Herod.
ii.*]23; Ov^\\. Hymn. 39. 12; Artemid. ii. 35;
Apollon. Rhod. iv. 987.) Although the name, in
the case of Demeter, scarcely- requires explanation,
yet mythology relates two stories to account for it.
According to one of them, Clymenus and Chthonia,
the children of Phoroneus, founded at Hermione a
sanctuary of Demeter, and called her Chthonia
from the name of one of the founders. (Paus. ii.
35. § 3.) According to an Argive legend, Demeter
on her wanderings came to Argolis, where she was
ill-received by Colontas. Chthonia, his daughter,
was dissatisfied with her father's conduct, and,
when Colontas and his house were burnt by the
goddess, Chthonia was carried ofi" by her to Her-
mione, where she built a sanctuary to Demeter
Chthonia, and instituted the festival of the Chtho-
nia in her honour. (Paus. ii. 35. § 3 ; Did. of Ant.
s. V. Xd6via.) A third mythical personage of this
name occurs in ApoUodorus (iii. 15. § 1). [L. S.]

CHTHO'NIUS {xe6vios) has the same meaning
as Chthonia, and is therefore applied to the gods of
the lower world, or the shades (Horn. //. ix. 457 ;
Hesiod. Op. 435 ; Orph. Hymn. 17. 3, 69. 2, Ar-
gon. 973), and to beings that are considered as
earth-bom. (Apollod. iii. 4. § 1 ; Apollon. Rhod.
iv. 1398.) It is also used in the sense of "gods
of the land," or "native divinities." (Apollon.
Rhod. iv. 1322.) There are also several mythical
personages of the name of Chthonius. (Apollod. ii.
I. § 5, iii. 4. §§ 1, 5 ; Ov. Met. xii. 441 ; Diod.
V. 53 ; Paus. ix. 5. § 1 ; Hvgin. Fab. 178.) [L.S.]

CHUMNUS, GEORGIUS, a native of Can-
dace or Chandace, in the island of Crete, lived
most probably during the later period of the Greek
empire. He wrote a history in verse, beginning
with the creation of the world and going down to
the reign of David and Solomon, kings of Judaea,
which is extant in MS. in the imperial library at
Vienna, and was formerly in the library of John
Suzzo (Susius) at Constantinople. (Fabric. B^l.
Grace, xii. p. 43 ; Cave, Hist. Lit. vol. ii. D. p.
13.) [W. P.]

CHUMNUS, MICHAEL, a Graeco-Roman
jurist and canonist, who was nomopliylax, and
afterwards metropolitan of Thessalonica. He is
said by Pohl (ad Suares. Noiit. Basil, p. 138, n.
[a.]) to have lived in the 13th century, in the
time of Nicephorus Blemmydas, patriarch of Con-
stantinople, and to have been the author of va-
rious works. He is cited by Mat. Blastares
{Leunc. J. G. R. i. pp. 482, 487), and is known
by a short treatise on the degrees of relation-
ship {ir^pl rwv ^oKaa^wv [qu. )8a9;ud!i'] ttJs avy-
yevelas), inserted in the collection of Leuncla-
vius (i. p. 519). By Suarez (who erroneously
identifies Chumnus and Domnus), Chumnus is
mentioned among the scholiasts upon the Basilica
(Notit. Basil. § 42), but this seems to be an error.
(Bocking, Institulio7ien, Bonn, 1843, i. p. 108, n.
48 ; Heimbach, de Basil. Orig. p. 87.) [J. T. G.]

CHUMNUS, NICE'PHORUS, renowned as
a statesman, a philosopher, and a divine, lived in
the latter part of the 1 3th and in the beginning of
the 14th century. He was probably a native of
Constantinople, and belonged undoubtedly to one
of the first families in the Greek empire. Enjoy-
ing the confidence and friendship of the emperor
Andronicus Palaeologus tlie elder, ho was succes-
sivelj' appointed praefect of the Canicleus, keeper
of the imperial seal-ring, and niagnus siratopc

CHUMNUS.

darcha, and his merits were so great, that as early
as 1 29!} Andronicus asked the hand of his daugh-
ter, Irene, for one of his sons, John Palaeologus,
to whom she was married in the same year.
During the unfortunate civil contest between An-
dronicus the elder and his grandson, Andronicus
the younger, Chumnus remained faithful to his
imperial patron, and for some time defended the
town of Thessalonica, of which he was praefect,
against the troops of Andronicus the younger,
whom he compelled to raise the siege. It seems
that Chumnus had more influence and did more for
the support of Andronicus the elder, than any
other of the ministers of this unfortunate emperor.
Towards the end of his life Chumnus took orders
and retired into a convent, where he lived under
the name of Nathanael, and occupied himself with
literary pursuits. The time of his death has not
been ascertained, but we must presume that he
died after 1330, during the reign of Andronicus
the younger.

Nicephorus Chumnus is the author of numerous
works and treatises on philosophical, religious,
ecclesiastical, rhetorical, and legal subjects, none of
which have ever been printed ; they are extant in
MS. in the principal libraries of Rome, Venice,
and Paris. We give the titles of some of them as
they stand in Latin in the catalogues of those li-
braries : " Confutatio Dogmatis de Processione
Spiritus Sancti ;" " Serrao in Christi Transfigura-
tionem ;" " Symbuleuticus de Justitia ad Thessalo-
nicenses, et Urbis Encomium ;" " Ex Imperatoris
Decreto, ut Judices jurejurando obligentur, ad
Munus sancte obeundum ;" " Encomium ad Impe-
ratorem " (Andronicum II,) ; " Querela adversus
Niphonem ob male administratam Patriarchatus
Bui Provinciam ;" " Oratio funebris in Theoleptum
Metropolitara Philadelphiae ;" " Ad Imperatorem
de Obitu Despotae et Filii ejus," a letter to Andro-
nicus II. the elder, on the death of his son, the
despot John, who had married Irene, the daughter
of Chumnus ; " De Charitate, erga Proximum, et
omnia reliquenda ut Christum sequamur, &c. ;"
** De Mundi Natura ;" " De Primis et Simplicibus
Corporibus ;" " Quod Terra quum in Medio sit,
infra se nihil habeat ;" " Quod neque Materia ante
Corpora, neque Formae seorsim, sed haec ipsa
simul constent;" "Contra Plotinum de Anima
rationali Quaestiones variae, ubi de Meterapsychosi,
de Belluis, utrura Intellectu praeditae sint, nee ne,
de Corporum Resurrectione, et aliis disseritur ;"
" De Anima sensitiva et vegetiva ;" "Quod ncn
impossibile sit, etiam secundum physices Rationes,
collocatam esse Aquara in Firmamento, tum, quum
Orbis Terrarum creatus sit, eamque ibi esse et
perpetuo manere," &c. There are also extant
** Oratio in Laudem Imperatoris Andronici Senioris,"
1. M. TuUius Cicero,

CICERO.

707

.and a great number of letters on various subjects,
several of which seem to be of great interest for
history, while others, as well as the works cited
above, appear to be of considerable importance for
the history of Greek civilization in the middle
ages. (Fabric, Bib/. Grace, vol. vii, pp, 675, 676 ;
Cave, Hist. Liter, vol. ii. p. 494, ad an. 1320 ;
Nicephorus Gregoras, lib. vii. p. 168, ed. Paris;
Cantacuzenus, lib. i. p. 45, ed. Paris.) [W. P.]

C. CICEREIUS, the secretary {scriba) of the
elder Scipio Africanus, was a candidate for the
praetorship in b, c. 174 along with Scipio's son,
but when he saw that he was obtaining more votes
than the latter, he resigned in his favour. (Val.
Max. iv. 5. § 3, iii. 5. § 2.) Cicereius was, how-
ever, elected praetor in the following year (b. c.
173), and he obtained the province of Sardinia,
but was ordered by the senate to go to Corsica
first, in order to conduct the war against the in-
habitants of that island. After defeating the
Corsicans in battle, he granted them peace on the
payment of 200,000 pounds of wax, and then
passed over to Sardinia. On his return to Rome
next year (b. c. 172) he sued for a triumph on ac-
count of his victory in Corsica, and when this was
refused by the senate, he celebrated on his own
authority a triumph on the Alban mount, a practice
which had now become not unfrequent. In the
same year he was one of the three ambassadors
sent to the Illyrian king, Gentius ; and in b. c.
167 he was again despatched on the same mission.
In the year before (b. c, 168) he dedicated on the
Alban mount the temple to Juno Monetji, which
he had vowed in his battle with the Corsicans five
years before. (Liv. xli. 33, xlii. 1, 7, 21, 26
xlv. 17, 15.)

CI'CERO, the name of a family, little distin-
guished in history, belonging to the plebeian Clau-
dia gens, the only member of which mentioned
is C. Claudius Cicero, tribune of the plebs in b. c.
454. (Liv. iii. 31.) The word seems to be con-
nected with deer, and may have been originally
applied by way of distinction to some individual
celebrated for his skill in raising that kind of
pulse, by whom the epithet would be transmitted
to his descendants. Thus the designation will
be precisely analogous to Bulbus, Fabius, Lenttdus^
Fiso, Tuber 0, and the like. [W. R.]

CI'CERO, the name of a family of the Tullii.
The Tullii Cicerones had from time immemorial
been settled at Arpinum, which received the full
franchise in b. c, 188; but they never aspired
to any political distinction until the stock wag
raised by the great orator from that obscurity
into which it quickly relapsed after his death.
His genealogy, so far as it can be traced, is repre-
sented in the following table.

Married Gratidia.

2. M. TuUius Cicero.
Married H el via.

6. M. TuLLius Cicero,
the orator.
Married, 1. Terentia.
2. Publilia.

6. Q. TuUius Cicero.
Married Pomponia.

3. L. TuUius Cicero.

4. L. TuUius Cicero.

2z2

708

CICERO

CICERO.
6

Tullia. 7. M. Tulliud Cicero.

Married, ] . C. Piso Frugi.

2. Furius Crassipes.

3. P. Cornelius Dolabella.

Lentulus.

1. M. TuLLius Cicero, grandfather of the
orator, appears to have taken a lead in his own
community, and vigorously opposed the projects of
his fellow-townsman and brother-in-law, M. Grati-
diua, who had raised a great commotion at Arpi-
imra by agitating in favour of a law for voting by
ballot. The matter was referred to the consul
M. Aemilius Scaurus (b.c. 115), who complimented
Cicero on his conduct, declaring that he would
gladly see a person of such spirit and integrity
exerting his powers on the great field of the metro-
polis, instead of remaining in the seclusion of a
country town. The old man was still alive at the
birth of his eldest grandson (b.c. 106), whom he
little resembled in his tastes, for he was no friend
to foreign literature, and was wont to say, that his
contemporaries were like Syrian slaves, the more
Greek they knew, the greater scoundrels they
were. (Cic. de Leg. ii. 1, iii. 16, tie OraJ. ii. 66.)

2. M. TuLLius Cicero, son of the foregoing,
and father of the orator. He was a member of the
equestrian order, and lived upon his hereditary
estate, in the neighbourhood of Arpinum, near the
junction of the Fibrenus with the Liris, devoted to
literary pursuits, till far advanced in life, when he
removed to Rome for the purpose of educating his
two boys, Marcus and Quintus, and became the pro-
prietor of a house in the Carinae. His reputation
as a man of learning procured for him the society
and friendship of the most distinguished charac-
ters of the day, especially the orators M. Antonius
and L. Crassus, and the jurists Q. Scaevola and
C. Aculeo, the latter of whom was his brother-in-
law, being married to the sister of his wife Helvia.
Although naturally of a delicate constitution, by
care and moderation he attained to a good old age,
and died in the year b. c. 64, while his son, whose
rapid rise he had had the happiness of witnessing,
was canvassing for the consulship with every pros-
pect of success. {De Leg. ii. 1, de Oral. ii. 1, de
Off. iii. 19, ad Alt. i. 6.)

3. L. TuLLius Cicero, brother of the foregoing.
He accompained M. Antonius the orator to Cilicia
in B. c. 103 as a private friend, and remained with
him in the province untU his return the following
year. He must have lived for a considerable time
after this period, since he was in the habit of giving
his nephew many particulars with regard to the
pursuits of Antonius. {De Oral. ii. 1.)

4. L. TuLLius Cicero, son of the foregoing.
H** was the constant companion and schoolfellow
of the orator, travelled with him to Athens in B.C.
79, and subsequentl}' acted as his assistant in col-
lecting evidence against Verres. On this occasion
the Syracusans paid him the compliment of voting
him a public guest {hospcs) of their city, and trans-
mitted to him a copy of the decree to this effect
engraved on a tablet of brass. Lucius died in b. c.
68, much regretted by his cousin, who was deeply
attached to him. {De Fin. v. 1, c. Vcrr. iv. 11,
61, 64, 65, ad Alt. i. 5.)

8. Q. Tullius Cicero.

5. M. Tullius Cicero, the orator, eldest son of
No. 2. In what follows we do not intend to enter
deeply into the complicated political transactions of
the era during which this great man flourished,
except in so far as he was directly and personally
interested and concerned in the events. The com-
plete history of that momentous crisis must be ob-
tained by comparing this article with the biogra-
phies of Antonius, Augustus, Brutus, Caesar,
Catilina, Cato, Clodius Pulcher [Claudius],
Crass us, Lepidus, Pompeius, and the other
great characters of the day.

1. Biography of Cicero.

M, Tullius Cicero was bom on the 3rd of January,
B, c. 106, according to the Roman calendar, at that
epoch nearlj- three months in advance of the true
time, at the family residence in the vicinity of
Arpinum. No trustworthy anecdotes have been
preserved with regard to his childhood, for little
faith can be reposed in the gossiping stories col-
lected by Plutarch of the crowds who were wont
to flock to the school where he received the first
rudiments of knowledge, for the purpose of seeing
and hearing the young prodigy ; but we cannot
doubt that the aptitude for learning displayed by
himself and his brother Quintus induced their fa-
ther to remove to Rome, where he conducted their
elementary education according to the advice of
L. Crassus, who pointed out both the subjects to
which their attention ought chiefly to be devoted,
and also the teachers by whom the information
sought might be best imparted. These instructors
were, with the exception perhaps of Q, Aelius, the
grammarian {Brut. 56), all Greeks, and among the
number was the renowned Archias of Antioch,
who had been living at Rome under the protection
of LucuUus ever since B, c. 1 02, and seems to have
communicated a temporary enthusiasm for his own
pursuits to his pupil, most of whose poetical at-
tempts belong to his early youth. In his sixteenth
year (b. c. 91) Cicero received the manly gown,
and entered the formn, where he listened with the
greatest avidity to the speakers at the bar and from
the rostra, dedicating however a large portion of
his time to reading, writing, and oratorical exer-
cises. At this period he was committed by his
father to the care of the A'enenible Q. Mucins
Scaevola, the augur, whose side he scarcely ever
quitted, acquiring from his lips that acquaintance
with the constitution of his country and the prin-
ciples of jurisprudence, and those lessons of practical
wisdom which proved of inestimable value in his
future career. During b. c, 89, in accordance with
the ancient practice not yet entirely obsolete which
required every citizen to be a soldier, he served his
first and only campaign under Cn. Pompeius Strabo
(father of Pompeius Magnus), then engaged in
prosecuting with vigour the Social war, and was
present at the conference between his commander
and P. Vettius Scato, general cf the Marsi, by

I

CICERO,
whom the Romans had been signally defeated, a
few months before, and the consul P. Ilutilius
Lupus slain.

For upwai-ds of six years from the date of his brief
military career Cicero made no appearance as a public
man. During the whole of the fierce struggle between
Marius and Sulla he identified himself with neither
party, but appears to have carefully kept aloof from
the scenes of strife and bloodshed by which he was
surrounded, and to h.ive given himself up with in-
defatigable perseverance to those studies which
were essential to his success as a lawyer and ora-
tor, that being the only path open to distinction in
the absence of all taste or talent for martial achieve-
ments. Accordingly, during the above period he
first imbibed a love for philosophy from the dis-
courses of Phaedrus the Epicurean, whose lectures,
however, he soon deserted for the more congenial
doctrines instilled by Philo, the chief of the New
Academy, who with several men of learning had
fled from Athens when Greece was invaded by the
troops of Mithridates. From Diodotus the Stoic,
who lived and died in his house, he acquired a
scientific knowledge of logic. The principles of
rhetoric were deeply impressed upon his mind by
iMolo the Rhodian, whose reputation as a forensic
speaker was not inferior to his skill as a teacher ;
while not a day passed in which he did not apply
the precepts inculcated by these various masters in
declaiming with his friends and companions, some-
times in Latin, sometimes in Greek, but more fre-
quently in the latter language. Nor did he omit
to practise composition, for he drew up the treatise
commonly entitled De hiventione Rhetorica, wrote
his poem ]\faniis, and translated Aratus together
with the Oeconomics of Xenophon.

But when tranquillity was restored by the final
discomfiture of the Marian party, and the business
of the foram had resumed, in outward appearance
at least, its wonted course, the season seemed to
have arrived for displaying those abilities which
had been cultivated with so much assiduity, and
accordingly at the age of twenty-five Cicero came
forward as a pleader. The first of his extant
speeches, in a civil suit, is that for P. Quinctius
(b. c. 81), in which, however, he refers to some
previous efforts; the first delivered upon a criminal
trial was that in defence of Sex. Roscius of Ameria,
charged with parricide by Chrysogonus, a freed-
man of Sulla, supported, as it was understood, by
the influence of his patron. No one being dis-
posed to brave the wrath of the all-powerful dictator
by openly advocating the cause of one to whom he
was supposed to be hostile, Cicero, moved partly
by compassion and partly by perceiving that this
was a noble opportunity for commencing his career
as a protector of the oppressed (see de Off. ii. 14),
and establishing at considerable apparent but little
real risk his character as a fearless champion of
innocence, boldly came forward, pronounced a most
animating and powerful address, in which he did
not scruple to animadvert distinctly in the strongest
terms upon the cruel and unjust measures of the
favourite, and by implication on the tyranny of
those by whom he was upheld, and succeeded in
procuring the acquittal of his client. Soon after
(b. c. 79) he again came indirectly into collision
with Sulla ; for having undeiiaken to defend the
interests of a woman of Arretium, a preliminary
objection was taken against her title to appear in
court, inasmuch as she belonged to a town the in-

CICERO.

709

habitants of which in the recent troubles had been
deprived of the rights of citizenship. But Cicero
denounced the act by which she and her fellow-citi-
zens had been stripped of their privileges as utterly
unconstitutional and therefore in itself null and
void, and carried his point although opposed by the
eloquence and experience of Cotta. It does not
appear probable, notwithstanding the assertion of
Plutarch to the contrary, that Cicero experienced
or dreaded any evil consequences from the dis-
pleasure of Sulla, whose power was far too firmly
fixed to be shaken by the fiery harangues of a
young lawyer, although other circumstances com-
pelled him for a while to abandon the field upon
which he had entered so auspiciously. He had
now attained the age of twenty-seven, but his
constitution was far from being vigorous or his
health robust. Thin almost to emaciation, with a
long scraggy neck, his general appearance and
habit of body were such as to excite serious alarm
among his relations, especially since in addition to
his close application to business, he was wont to
exert his voice, when pleading, to the uttermost
without remission, and employed incessantly the
most violent action. Persuaded in some degree
by the earnest representations of friends and phy-
sicians, but influenced still more strongly by
the conviction that there was great room for im-
provement in his style of composition and in his
mode of delivery, both of which required to be
softened and tempered, he determined to quit Italy
for a season, and to visit the great fountains of arts
and eloquence. Accordingly (b. c. 79) he repaired
in the first instance to Athens, where he remained
for six months, diligently revising and extending
his acquaintance with philosophy by listening to
the famous Antiochus of Ascalon, studying rhetoric
under the distinguished and experienced Deme-
trius Syrus, attending occasionally the lectures
of Zeno the Epicurean, and enjoying the society
of his brother Quintus, of his cousin Lucius,
and of Pomponius Atticus, with whom he now
cemented that close friendship which proved one
of the chief comforts of his life, and which having
endured unshaken the fiercest trials, was dissolved
only by death. After quitting Athens be made a
complete tour of Asia Minor, holding fellowship
during the whole of his journey with the most
illustrious orators and rhetoricians of the East, —
Menippus of Stratoniceia, Dionysius of Magnesia,
Aeschylus of Cnidus, and Xenocles of Adramyt-
tium, — carefully treasuring up the advice which
they bestowed and profiting by the examples
which they afforded. Not satisfied even with this
discipline and these advantages, he passed over to
Rhodes (b. c. 78), where he became acquainted
with Posidonius, and once more placed himself
under the care of Molo, who took great pains to
restrain and confine within proper limits the ten-
dency to diffuse and redundant copiousness which
he remarked in his disciple.

At length, after an absencQ of two years, Cicero
returned to Rome (b. c. 77), not only more deeply
skilled in the theory of his art and improved by
practice, but almost entirely changed. His general
health was now firmly established, his lungs had
acquired strength, the habit of straining his voice
to the highest pitch had been conquered, his exces-
sive and unvarying vehemence had evaporated, the
whole form and character of his oratory both in
matter and delivery had assumed a steady, sub-

710

CICERO.

dued, composed, and well-regulated tone. Trans-
cendant natural talents, developed by such elaborate
and judicious training under the most celebrated
masters, stimulated by burning zeal and sustained
by indomitable perseverance, could scarcely fail to
command success. His merits were soon discerned
and appreciated, the prejudice at first entertained
that he was a mere Greekling, an indolent man of
letters, was quickly dissipated ; shyness and reserve
Avere speedily dispelled by the warmth of public
applause ; he forthwith took his station in the fore-
most rank of judicial orators, and ere long stood
alone in acknowledged pre-eminence ; his most
formidable rivals, Hortensius, eight years his senior,
and C. Aurelius Cotta, now (b. c. 76) canvassing
for the consulship, who had long been kings of the
bar, having been forced, after a short but sharp
contest for supremacy, to yield.

Cicero had now reached the age (of 30) at which
the laws permitted him to become candidate for
the lowest of the great offices of state, and although
comparatively speaking a stranger, and certainly
unsupported by any powerful family interest, his
reputation and popularity already stood so high, that
he was elected (b. c. 76") quaestor by the votes of
all the tribes. The lot decided that he should serve
in Sicily under Sex. Peducaeus, praetor of Lily-
baeum. During his tenure of office (b. c. 75) he
executed with great skill the difficult and delicate
task of procuring large additional supplies of corn
for the relief of the metropolis, then suifering from
a severe dearth, and at the same time displayed so
much liberality towards the farmers of the revenue
and such courtesy towards private traders, that he
excited no jealousy or discontent, while he main-
tained such strict integrity, rigid impartiality, and
disinterested self-denial, in all branches of his ad-
ministration, that the delighted provincials, little
accustomed to the exhibition of these virtues in the
person of a Roman magistrate, devised unheard-of
honours to testify their gratitude. Some of the
leading weaknesses in the character of Cicero, in-
ordinate vanity and a propensity to exaggerate
extravagantly the importance of his services, now
began to shew themselves, but they had not yet
acquired such a mastery over his mind as to pre-
vent him from laughing at the disappointments he
encountered. Thus we find him describing with
considerable humour in one of his speeches {pro
Plane. 26) the exalted idea he had formed at this
period of his own extraordinary merits, of the posi-
tion which he occupied, and of the profound sen-
sation which his proceedings must have caused at
Rome. He imagined that the scene of his duties
was, as it were, the stage of the world, and that
the gaze of all mankind had been watching his
performances ready to condemn or to applaud.
Full of the consciousness of this celebrity he land-
ed at Puteoli (b. c. 74), and intense was his mor-
tification when he discovered that even his own
acquaintances among the luxurious crowd who
thronged that gay coast were absolutely ignorant,
not only of what he had been doing, but even of
where he had been, a lesson, he tells us, which
though severe was most valuable, since it taught
him that, while the eyes of his countrymen were
bright and acute their ears were dull, and pointed
out the necessity of mingling with the people and
keeping constantly in their view, of frequenting
assiduously all places of general resort, and of ad-
miiting visitors and clients to his presence, imder

CICERO.

any circumstances, and at all hours, however in-
convenient or unseasonable.

For upwards of four years after his return to
Rome in the beginning of b. c. 74, the life of
Cicero presents an entire blank. That he was ac-
tively-engaged in the courts of law is certain, for
he himself informs us, that he was employed in a
multitude of causes {Brut. 92), and that his powers
had now attained to the full vigour of maturity ;
but we know not even the name of one of these
orations, except perhaps that, " Pro M. Tullio,"
some important fragments of which have been
recently brought to light. Meanwhile, LucuUua
had been pressing the war in the East against
Mithridates with great energy and the happiest
results ; the power of Pompey and of Crassus at
home had been steadily increasing, although a bad
feeling had sprung up between them in conse-
quence of the events connected with the final sup-
pression of the servile war of Spartacus. The}',
however, discharged harmoniously the duties of
their joint consulship (b. c. 70), and seem to have
felt that it was necessary for their interests to
control the high aristocratical faction, for by their
united exertions the plebeian tribunes recovered
the vital privileges of which they had been de-
prived by Sulla, and the equites were once more
admitted to serve as judices on criminal trials,
sharing this distinction with the senate and the
tribuni aerarii. In this year Cicero became can-
didate for the aedileship, and the issue of the
contest was if possible more triumphant than
when he had formerly solicited the suffrage of
the people, for he was chosen not only by a ma-
jority in every tribe, but carried a greater num-
ber of votes than any one of his competitors. A
little while before this gratifying demonstration
of public approbation, he undertook the manage-
ment of the most important trial in which he had
hitherto been engaged — the impeachment preferred
against Verres, for misgoveniment and complicated
oppression, by the Sicilians, whom he had ruled
as praetor of Syracuse for the space of three years.
(73 — 71.) Cicero, who always felt much more
inclined to appear in the character of a defender
than in the invidious position of an accuser, was
prevailed upon to conduct this cause by the earnest
entreaties of his provincial friends, who reposed
the most perfect confidence in his integrity and
good-will, and at the same time were fully alive to
the advantage that would be secured to their suit
from the local knowledge of their advocate. The
most strenuous exertions were now made by Verres,
backed by all the interest of the Metelli and other
powerful families, to wrest the case out of the
hands of Cicero, who, however, defeated the at-
tempt ; and, having demanded and been allowed
110 days for the purpose of collecting evidence,
instantly set out, accompanied by his cousin
Lucius, for Sicily, where he exerted himself so
vigorously, that he traversed the whole island in
less than two months, and returned attended by
all the necessary witnesses and loaded with docu-
ments. Another desperate effort was made by
Hortensius, now consul-elect, who was counsel for
the defendant, to raise up obstacles which might
have the effect of delaying the trial until the com-
mencement of the following year, when he counted
upon a more favourable judge, a more corrupt jury,
and the protection of the chief magistrates ; but
here again he was defeated by the promptitude

CICERO.

and decision of his opponent, who opened the case
very briefly upon the tifth of August, proceeded at
once to the examination of the witnesses, and the
production of the depositions and other papers,
which taken together constituted a mass of testi-
mony so decisive, that Verres gave up the contest
as hopeless, and retired at once into exile without
attempting any defence. The full pleadings, how-
ever, which were to have been delivered had the
trial been permitted to run its ordinary course
were subsequently published by Cicero, and form,
perhaps, the proudest monument of his oratorical
powers, exhibiting that extraordinary combination
of surpassing genius with almost inconceivable in-
dustry, of brilliant oratory with minute accuracy
of inquiry and detail, which rendered him irresis-
tible in a good cause and often victorious in a bad
one.

The most important business of his new office
(b. c. G9) were the preparations for the celebration
of the Flondia, of the Liberalia, and of the Ludi
Romani in honour of the three divinities of the
Capitol. It had become a common custom for the
aedilos to lavish enoraious sums on these shows, in
the hope of propitiating the favour of the multitude
and securing their support. Cicero, whose fortune
was very moderate, at once perceiving that, even if
he were to ruin himself, it would be impossible for
him to vie in splendour with many of those who
were likely to be his rivals in his upward course,
with very correct judgment resolved, while he
did nothing which could give reasonable offence,
to found his claims to future distinction solely on
those talents which had already won for him his
present elevation, and accordingly, although he
avoided everything like meanness or parsimony
in the games presented under his auspices, was
equally careful to shun ostentation and profuse
expenditure.

For nearly three years the history of Cicero is
again a blank, that is, until the close of B. c. 67,
when he was elected first praetor by the suffrages
of all the centuries, and this on three several ot^
casions, the comitia having been twice broken off
in consequence of the disturbances connected with
the passing of the Cornelian law. The duties of
this magistracy, on which he entered in January,
B. c. 66, were two-fold. He was called upon to
preside in the highest civil court, and was also re-
quired to act as commissioner (quaestor) in trials
for extortion, while in addition to his judicial
functions he continued to practise at the bar, and
carried through single-handed the defence of Cluen-
tius, in the most singular and interesting cause
cele/jre bequeathed to us by antiquity. But the
most important event of the year was his first ap-
pearance as a political speaker from the rostra,
when he delivered his celebrated address to the
people in favour of the Manilian law, maintaining
the cause of Pompey against the hearty opposition
of the senate and the optimates. That his conduct
on this occasion was the result of mature delibera-
tion we avnnot doubt. Nor will it be difficult to
discern his real motives, which were perhaps not
quite so pure and patriotic as his panegyrists would
have us believe. Hitherto his progress, in so far
as any external obstacles were concerned, had been
smooth and uninterrupted; the ascent had been
neither steep nor rough ; the quaestorship, the
aedileship, the praetorship, had been gained almost
without a struggle : but the great prize of the con-

CICERO.

711

sulship, on which every ambitious hope and desire
had long been fixed, was yet to be won, and he
had every reason to anticipate the most determined
resistance on the part of the nobles (we use the
word in the technical Roman sense), who guarded
the avenues to this the highest honour of the state
with watchful jealousy against the approach of any
new man, and were likely to strain every nerve to
secure the exclusion of the son of an obscure muni-
cipal knight. Well aware that any attempt to re-
move or soften the inveterate prejudices of these
men would be met, if not by open hostility and
insult, most surely by secret treachery, he resolved
to throw himself into the arms of the popular
faction, whose principles he detested in his heart,
and to rivet their favour by casting into the scale
of their idol the weight of his own influence with
the middle classes, his proper and peculiar party.
The popularity of the orator rose higher than ever ;
the friendship of Pompey, now certainly the most
important individual in the commonwealth, was
secured, and the success which attended the opera-
tions in the East smothered if it did not extinguish
the indignation of the senatorial leaders. Perhaps
we ought not here to omit adding one more to the
almost innumerable examples of the incredible in-
dustry of Cicero. It is recorded, that, during his
praetorship, notwithstanding his complicated en-
gagements as judge, pleader, and politician, he
found time to attend the rhetorical school of An-
tonius Gnipho, which was now rising to great
eminence. (Suet, de Illustr. Gramm. 7 ; Macrob.
Sat. iii. 12.)

During the eighteen months which followed {65-
64), Cicero having declined to accept a province,
kept his eye steadily fixed upon one great object,
and employed himself unceasingly in watching
every event which could in any way bear upon
the consular elections. It appears from his letters,
which now begin to open their treasures to us,
that he had six competitors, of whom the most
formidable were C. Antonius, a nephew of the
great orator, who perished during the Marian pro-
scription, and the notorious Catiline. The latter
was threatened Avith a criminal prosecution, and it
is amusing to observe the lawyer-like coolness with
which Cicero speaks of his guilt being as clear as
the noon- day sun, at the same time indicating a
wish to defend him, should such a course be for
his own interest, and expressing great pleasure at
the perfidy of the accuser who was ready to betray
the cause, and the probable corruption of the
judices, a majority of whom it was believed
might be bought over. Catiline was, however, ac-
quitted without the aid of his rival, and formed a
coalition with Antonius, receiving strenuous assis-
tance from Crassus and Caesar, both of whom now
began to regard with an evil eye the partizan of
Pompey, whose splendid exploits filled them with
increasing jealousy and alarm. That Cicero viewed
this union with the most lively apprehensions is
evident from the fragments of his address. In Toga
Candida, in which he appears to have dissected and
exposed the vices and crimes of his two opponents
with the most merciless severity. But his fears
proved groundless. His star was still in the ascen-
dant ; he was retunied by all the centuries, while
his colleague Antonius obtiiined a small majority
only over Catiline. The attention of the new
consul immediately after entering upon office (b, c.
63) was occupied with the agrarian law of RulluJ,

712

CICERO.

with regard to wliich we shall speak more fully
hereafter ; in quelling the tumults excited by the
enactment of Otho ; in reconciling the descendants
of those proscribed by Sulla to the civil disabilities
under which they laboured ; in defending C. Rabi-
rius, charged with having been concerned in the
death of Satuminus ; in bringing forward a measure
to render the punishment of bribery more stringent ;
in checking the abuses connected with the nomi-
nations to a legatio libera ; and in remedying va-
rious defects in the administration of justice. But
his whole thoughts were soon absorbed by the
precautions required to baffle the treason of Cati-
line. The origin and progress of that famous plot,
the consummate courage, prudence, caution, and
decision manifested throughout by Cicero under
circumstances the. most delicate and embarrassing,
are fully detailed elsewhere. [Catilina.] For
once the nation did not prove thankless to their
benefactor. Honours were showered down upon
him such as no citizen of Rome had ever enjoyed.
Men of all ranks and all parties hailed him as the
saviour of his country ; Catulus in the senate, and
Cato in the forum, addressed him as *' parens
patriae," father of his father-land ; thanksgivings
in his name were voted to the goda, a distinction
heretofore bestowed only on those who had
achieyed a victory in a field of battle ; and all
Italy joined in testifying enthusiastic Jidmiration
and gratitude. But in addition to the open and
instant peril from which the consul had preserved
the commonwealth, he had made a grand stroke of
policy, which, had it been firmly and honestly fol-
lowed out by those most deeply interested, miglit
have saved the constitution from dangers more re-
mote but not less formidable. The cquites or
monied men had for half a century been rapidly
rising in importance as a distinct order, and now
held the balance between the optimates or aristo-
cratic faction, the members of which, although ex-
clusive, selfish, and corrupt, were for their own
sjikes steadfast supporters of the laws and ancient
institutions, and felt no inclination for a second
Sulla, even had he been one of tiiemselves ; and the
populares or democratic faction, which had degene-
rated into a venal rabble, ever residy to follow any
revolutionary scheme promoted by those who could
stimulate their passions or buy their votes. Al-
though in such a state of affairs the equites were
the natural allies of the senate, from being deeply
interested in the preservation of order and tranquil-
lity, yet unfortunately the long-proti-acted struggle
for the right of acting as judices in criminal trials
had given rise to the most bitter animosity. But
when all alike were threatened with immediate
destruction this hostility was forgotten ; Cicero
persuaded the knights, who always placed confi-
dence in him aSi one of themselves, to act heartily
with the senate, and the senate were oidy too glad
to obtain their co-operation in such an emergency.
(Jould this fair fellowship have been maintained, it
must have produced the happiest consequences;
but the kindly feelings passed away with the crisis
which called them forth ; a dispute soon after arose
with the farmers of the Asiatic revenues, who de-
sired to be relieved from a disadvantageous con-
tract; neither side shewed any spirit of fair mutual
concession ; the whole body of the equites making
common cause with their brethren became violent
and unreasonable ; the senate remained obstinate,
tile ii'ail luud was rudely snapped asunder, and

CICERO.

Caesar, who had viewed this alliance with no small
dissatisfaction, contrived to paralyze the hands of
the only individual by whom the league could have
been renewed.

Meanwhile, Cicero could boast of having accom-
plished an exploit for which no precedent could be
found in the history of Rome. Of ignoble birth,
of small fortune, without family or connexions,
without military renown, by the force of his intel-
lectual powers alone, he had struggled upwards,
had been chosen to fill in succession all the high
offices of the state, as soon as the laws permitted
him to become a candidate, without once sustaining
a repulse ; in the garb of peace he had gained a
victory of which the greatest among his predecessors
would have been proud, and had received tributes
of applause of which few triumphant generals could
boast. His fortune, after mounting steadily though m
swiftly, had now reached its culminating point of ^
prosperity and glory ; for a brief space it remained
stationary, and then rapidly declined and sunk.
The honours so lavishly heaped upon him, instead
of invigorating and elevating, weakened and de-
based his mind, and the most splendid achievement
of his life contained the germ of his humiliation
and downfal. The punishment inflicted by order
of the senate upon Lentulus, Cethegus, and their
associates, although perhaps morally justified by
the emergency, was a palpable violation of the fun-
damental principles of the Roman constitution,
which solemnly declared, that no citizen could be
put to death until sentenced by the whole body of
the people assembled in their comitia ; and for this
act Cicero, as the presiding magistrate, was held
responsible. It was in vain to urge, that the con-
suls had been armed with dictatorial authority ;
for, although even a dictator was always liable to
be called to account, there was in the present in-
stance no semblance of an exertion of such power,
but the senate, formally assuming to themselves
judicial functions which they had no right to ex-
ercise, formally gave orders for the execution of a
sentence which they had no right to pronounce.
The argument, pressed again and again by Cicero,
that the conspirators by their guilt had forfeited
all their privileges, while it is virtually an admis-
sion of the principle stated above, is in itself a
mere flimsy sophism, since it takes for granted the
guilt of the victims — the very fact which no tribu-
nal except the comitia or commissioners nominated
by the comitia could decide. Nor were his ene-
mies, and those who secretly favoured the traitors,
long in discovering and assailing this vulnerable
point. On the last day of the year, when, accord-
ing to established custom, he ascended the rostni
to give an account to the people of the events of
his consulship, Metellus Celer, one of the new tri-
bunes, forbad him to speak, exclaiming, that tiie
man who had put Roman citizens to death without
granting them a hearing was himself unworth)' of
being heard. But this attack was premature. The
audience had not yet forgotten their obligations
and their recent escape ; so that when Cicero, in-
stead of simply taking the conmion oath to which
he was restricted by the interposition of the tri-
bune, swore with a loud voice that he had saved
the republic and the city from ruin, the crowd with
one voice responded, that he had swoni truly, and
escorted him in a body to his house with every
demonstration of respect and affection.

Having again refused to accept the government

CICERO.

I of a province, an emploj'ment for which he felt no
vocation, Cicero returned to the senate as a private
' individual (n. c. G2), and engaged in several angry
contests with the obnoxious tribune. But after
the excitement occasioned by these disputes, and
by the destruction of Catiline with his army which
followed soon after, had subsided, the eyes of men
were turned away for a while in another direction,
all looking forward eagerly to the arrival of Pom-
pey, who at length reached Rome in the autumn,
loaded with the trophies of his Asiatic campaigns.
But, although every one was engrossed with the
hero and his conquests, to the exclusion of almost
every other object, we must not pass over an event
which occurred towards the end of the year, and
which, although at first sight of small importance,
not only gave rise to the greatest scandal in the
city, but was indirectly the source of misfortune
and bitter suffering to Cicero. While the wife of
Caesar was celebrating in the house of her hus-
band, then praetor and pontifex maximus, the rites
of the Bona Dea, from which male creatures were
excluded with the most scrupulous superstition, it
was discovered that P. Clodius Pulcher, son of
Appius (consul B. c. 79), had found his way into
the mansion disguised in woman's apparel, and,
having been detected, had made his escape by the
help of a female slave. Instantly all Rome was in
an uproar. The matter was laid before the senate,
and by them referred to the members of the ponti-
fical college, who passed a resolution that sacrilege
had been committed. Caesar forthwith divorced
his wife. Clodius, although the most powerful in-
terest was exerted by his numerous relations and
connexions to hush up the affair, and attempts
were even made to stop the proceedings by vio-
lence, was impeached and brought to trial. In
defence he pleaded an alibi, offering to prove that
he was at Interamna at the very time when the
crime was said to have been committed ; but Cicero
came forward as a witness, and swore that he had
met and spoken to Clodius in Rome on the day in
question. In spite of this decisive testimony, and
the evident guilt of the accused, the judices, with
that corruption which formed one of the most fatal
symptoms of the rottenness of the whole social
fabric, pronounced him innocent by a majority of
voices, (b. c. 61.) Clodius, whose popular talents
and utter recklessness rendered him no insignificant
enemy, now vowed deadly vengeance against Cice-
ro, whose destruction from thenceforward was the
chief aim of his life. To accomplish this purpose
more readily, he determined to become a candidate
for the tribuneship ; but to effect this it was neces-
sary in the first place that he should be adopted
into a plebeian family by means of a special law.
This, after protracted opposition, was at length ac-
complished (b. c. 60), although irregularly, through
the interference of Caesar and Pompey, and he
was elected tribune in the course of B, c. 59.

While this underplot was working, the path of
Cicero had been far more thorny than heretofore.
Intoxicated b}' his rapid elevation, and dazzled by
the brilliant termination of his consulship, his self-
conceit had become overweening, his vanity uncon-
trollable and insatiable. He imagined that the
authority Avhich he had acquired during the late
perilous conjuncture would be permanently main-
tiiined after the danger was past, and that he would
be invited to grasp tlie helm and steer single-handed
ll'.e vessel of the state. But he slowly and pain-

CICERO.

713

fully discovered that, althougli addressed with
couriesy, and listened to with respect, he was in
reality powerless when seeking to resist the en-
croachments of such men as Pompey, Crassus, and
Caesar ; and hence he viewed with the utmost
alarm the disposition now manifested by these
three chiefs to bury their former jealousies, and to
make common cause against the aristocratic leaders,
who, suspicious of their ulterior projects, were using
every art to baffle and outmanoeuvre them. Hence
Cicero also, at this epoch perceiving how fatal such
a coalition must prove to the cause of freedom,
earnestly laboured to detach Pompey, with whom
he kept up a close but somewhat cold intimacy,
from Caesar ; but having failed, with that unstea-
diness and want of sound principle by which his
political life was from this time forward disgraced,
began to testify a strong inclination to join the
triumvirs, and in a letter to Atticus (ii, 5), B.C. 59,
actually names the price at which they could pur-
chase his adherence — the seat in the college of
augurs just vacant by the death of Metellus Celer.
Finding himself unable to conclude any satisfactory
arrangement, like a spoiled child, he expresses his
disgust with public life, and longs for an opportu-
nity to retire from the Vv^orld, and devote himself
to study and philosophic contemplation. But while
in the letters written during the stormy consulship
of Caesar (b. c. 59) he takes a most desponding
view of the state of the commonwealth, and seems
to consider slavery as inevitable, he does not ap-
pear to have foreseen the storm impending over
himself individually ; and when at length, after
the election of Clodius to the tribuneship, he began
to entertain serious alarm, he was quieted by posi-
tive assurances of friendship and support from
Pompey conveyed in tlie strongest terms. One of
the first acts of his enemy, after entering upon
office, notwithstanding the solemn pledge he was
said to have given to Pompey that he would not
use his power to the injury of Cicero, was to pro-
pose a bill interdicting from fire and water any
one who should be found to have put a Roman
citizen to death untried. Here Cicero committed
a fatal mistake. Instead of assuming the bold
front of conscious innocence, he at once took guilt
to himself, and, without awaiting the progress of
events, changed his attire, and assuming the garb
of one accused, went round the forum, soliciting
the compassion of all whom he met. For a brief
period public sympathy was awakened. A large
number of the senate and the equites appeared also
in mourning, and the better portion of the citizens
seemed resolved to espouse his cause. But all
demonstrations of such feelings were promptly re-
pressed by the new consuls, Piso and Gabinius,
who from the first displayed steady hostility, hav-
ing been bought by the promises of Clodius, who
undertook to procure for them what provinces they
pleased. The rabble were infuriated by the inces-
s;mt harangues of their tribune ; nothing was to
be hoped from Crassus ; the good offices of Caesar
had been already rejected ; and Pompey, the last
and only safeguard, contrary to all expectations,
and in violation of the most solemn engagements,
kept aloof, and from real or pretended fear of some
outbreak refused to interpose. Upon this, Cicero,
giving way to despair, resolved to yield to the
storm, and quitting Rome at the beginning of April,
(b. c. 58), reached Brundisium about the middle
of the month. From thence he crossed over to

714

CICERO.

Greece, and taking up his residence at Thessalonica,
where he was hospitably received by Plancius,
quaestor of Macedonia, remained at that place
until the end of November, when he removed to
Dyrrachium. His correspondence during the whole
of this period presents the melancholy picture of a
mind crushed and paralyzed by a sudden reverse
of fortune. Never did divine philosophy fad more
signally in procuring comfort or consolation to her
votary. The letters addressed to Terentia, to
Atticus, and others, are filled with unmfinly wail-
ing, groans, sobs, and tears. He evinces all the
desire but wants the physical courage necessary
to become a suicide. Even when brighter pros-
pects begin to dawn, when his friends were strain-
ing every nerve in his behalf, we find them receiv-
ing no judicious counsel from the object of their
solicitude, nought save renewed complaints, cap-
tious and querulous repinings. For a time indeed
his prospects were sufficiently gloomy. Clodius
felt no compassion for his fallen foe. The instant
that the departure of Cicero became known, a law
was presented to and accepted by the tribes, for-
mally pronouncing the banishment of the fugitive,
forbidding any one to entertain or harbour him,
and denouncing as a public enemy whosoever should
take any steps towards procuring his recall. His
magnificent mansion on the Palatine, and his ela-
borately decorated villas at Tusculum and Formiae
were at the same time given over to plunder and
destruction. But the extravagant and outrageous
violence of these measures tended quickly to pro-
duce a strong reaction. As early as the beginning
of June, in defiance of the laws of Clodius, a move-
ment was made in the senate for the restoration of
the exile ; and, although this and other subsequent
efforts in the same year were frustrated by the un-
friendly tribunes, still the party of the good waxed
daily stronger, and the general feeling becmne more
decided. The new consuls (b. c. 57) and the whole
of the new college of tribunes, led on by Milo,
took up the cause ; but great delay was occasioned
by fonnidable riots attended with fearful loss of
life, until at length the senate, with the full appro-
bation of Pompey, who, to give greater weight to
his words, read a speech which he had prepared
and written out for the occasion, determined to in-
vite the voters from the different parts of Italy to
repair to Rome and assist in carrying a law for the
recall of him who had sjvved his country from ruin,
passing at the same time the strongest resolutions
against those who should venture under any pre-
text to internipt or embarrass the holding of the
assembly. Accordingly, on the 4th of August, the
bill was submitted to the comitia centuriata, and
carried by an overwhelming majority. On the
same day Cicero quitted Dyrrachium, and crossed
over to Brundisium, where he was met by his
wife and daughter. Travelling slowly, he received
deputations and congratulatory addresses from all
the towns on the line of the Appian way, and hav-
ing arrived at the city on the 4th of September, a
vast multitude poured forth to meet and escort him,
fonning a sort of triumphal procession as he entered
the gates, while the crowd collected in groups on
the steps of the temples rent the air with acclama-
tions when he passed through the forum and as-
cended the capitol, there to render homage and
thanks to Jupiter !Maximus.

Nothing at first sight can appear more strange
and inexplicable than the abrupt downM of Cicero,

CICERO.

when suddenly hurled from a commanding emi-
nence he found himself a helpless and ahuost friend-
less outcast ; and again, on the other hand, the
boundless enthusiasm with which he was greeted on
his return by the selfsame populace who had exult-
ed so tiiriously in his disgrace. A little considera-
tion will enable us, however, to fathom the mys-
tery. From the moment that Cicero laid down
his consulship he began to lose ground with all
parties. The senate were disgusted by the arrogant
assumption of superiority in an upstart stranger ;
the equites were displeased because he would not
cordially assent to their most unreasonable and
unjust demands ; the people, whom he had never
attempted to flatter or cajole, wcfc by degrees
lashed into fury against one who was unceasingly
held up before their eyes as the violator of their
most sacred privileges. Moreover, the triumvirs,
who were the active though secret movers in the
whole afiiiir, considered it essential to their designs
that he should be humbled and taught the risk and
folly of playing an independent part, of seeking to
mediate between the conflicting factions, and thus
in his own person regulating and controlling all.
They therefore gladly availed themselves of the
energetic malignity of Clodius, each dealing with
their common victim in a manner highly charac-
teristic of the individual. Caesar, who at all times,
even under the greatest provocation, entertained a
warm regard and even respect for Cicero, with his
natural goodness of heart endeavoured to withdraw
him from the scene of danger, and at the same time *
to lay him under personal obligations ; with this
intent he pressed him to become one of his legates :
this being declined, he then urged him to accept
the post of commissioner for dividing the public
lands in Campania ; and it was not until he found
all his proposals steadfastly rejected that he con-
sented to leave him to his fate. Crassus gave him
up at once, without compunction or regret : they
had never been cordial friends, had repeatedly
quarrelled openly, and their reconciliations had
been utterly hollow. The conduct of Pompe}', as
might have been expected, was a tissue of selfish,
cautious, calculating, cold-blooded dissimulation; in
spite of the affection and unwavering confidence
ever exhibited towards him by Cicero, in spite of
the most unequivocal assurances both in public and
private of protection and assistance, he quietly de-
serted him, without a pang, in the moment of great-
est need, because it suited his own plans and his
own convenience. But soon after the departure of
Cicero matters assumed a very different aspect;
his value began once more to be felt and his ab-
sence to be deplored. The senate could ill aflPord
to lose the most able champion of the aristocracy,
who possessed the greater weight from not properly
belonging to the order; the knights were touched
with remorse on account of their ingratitude to-
wards one whom they identified with themselves,
who had often served them well, and might again
be often useful ; the populace, when the first fer-
vour of angry passion had passed away, began to
long for that oratory to which they had been wont
to listen with such delight, and to remember the
debt the}' owed to him who had saved their tern- _
pies, dwellings, and property from destruction ;
while the triumviri, trusting that the high tone of
their adversary would be brought low by this se-
vere lesson, and that he would henceforth be pns-
sive, if not a subservient tool, were eager to ciitck

CICERO.

mid overawe Clodius, who was now no longer dis-
posed to be a mere instrument in their hands, but,
breaking loose from all restraint, had already given
symptoms of open rebellion. Their original pur-
pose was fully accomplished. Although the return
of Cicero was glorious, so glorious that he and
others may for a moment have dreamed that he
was once more all that he had ever been, yet he
iiimself and those around him soon became sensible
that his position was entirely changed, that his
spirit was broken, and his self-respect destroyed.
After a few feeble ineffectual struggles, he was
forced quietly to yield to a power which he no
longer dared to resist, and was unable to modify or
guide. Nor were his masters content with simple
acquiescence in their transactions ; they demanded
positive demonstrations on their behalf. To this
degradation he was weak enough to submit, con-
senting to praise in his writings those proceedings
which he had once openly and loudly condemned
{ad Att. iv. 5), uttering sentiments in public to-
tally inconsistent with his principles {ad Att. iv. 6),
professing friendship for those whom he hated and
despised {ad Fam. i. 9), and defending in the se-
nate and at the bar men who had not only distin-
guished themselves as his bitter foes, but on whom
he had previously lavished every term of abuse
which an imagination fertile in invective could sug-
gest. {Ad Fam. vii. 1, v. 8.)

Such was the course of his life for five years
(b. c. 57-52), a period during the whole of which
Jhe kept up warm social intercourse with the mem-
bers of the triumvirate, especially Pompey, who
remained constantly at Rome, and received all out-
ward marks of high consideration. A large por-
tion of his time was occupied by the business of
pleading ; but being latterly in a great measure
released from all concern or anxiety regarding pub-
lic affairs, he lived much in the country, and found
leisure to compose his two great political works,
the De Republica and the De Leyibus.

After the death of Crassus (b. c. 53) he was ad-
mitted a member of the college of augurs, and to-
Avards the end of b. c. 52, at the very moment
when his presence might have been of importance
in preventing an open rupture between Pompey
and Caesar, he was withdrawn altogether from
Italy, and a new field opened up for the exercise
of his talents, an office having been thrust upon
him which he had hitherto earnestly avoided. In
order to put a stop in some degree to the bribery,
intrigues, and corruption of every description, for
which the Roman magistrates had become so noto-
rious in their anxiety to procure some wealthy
govennnent, a law was enacted during the third
consulship of Pompey (b. c. 52) ordaining, that no
consul or praetor should be permitted to hold a
province until five years should have elapsed from
the expiration of his office, and that in the mean-
time governors should be selected by lot from those
persons of consular and praetorian rank who had
never held any foreign command. To this number
Cicero belonged : his name was thrown into the
urn, and fortune assigned to him Cilicia, to which
were annexed Pisidia, Pamphylia, some districts
(of Cappadocia) to the north of mount Taurus, and
the island of Cyprus. His feelings and conduct on
this occasion present a most striking contrast to
those exhibited by his countrymen under like cir-
cumstances. Never was an honourable and lucra-
tive appointment bestowed on one less willing to

CICERO.

accept it. His appetite for praise seems to have
become more craving just in proportion as his real
merits had become less and the dignity of his posi-
tion lowered ; but Rome was the only theatre on
which he desired to perform a part. From the
moment tliat he quitted the metropolis, his letters
are filled with expressions of regret for what he
had left behind, and of disgust with the occupa-
tions in which he was engaged ; every friend and
acquaintance is solicited and importuned in turn to
use every exertion to prevent the period of his ab-
sence from being extended beyond the regular and
ordinary space of a single year. It must be con-
fessed that, in addition to the vexatious interrup-
tion of all his pursuits and pleasures, the condition
of the East was by no means encouraging to a man
of peace. The Parthians, emboldened by their
signal triumph over Crassus, had invaded Syria ;
their cavalry was scouring the country up to the
very walls of Antioch, and it was generally be-
lieved that they intended to force the passes of
mount Amanus, and to burst into Asia through Cili-
cia, which was defended by two weak legions only,
a force utterly inadequate to meet the emergency.
Happily, the apprehensions thus excited were not
realized : the Parthians received a check from
Cassius which compelled them in the mean time to
retire beyond the Euphrates, and Cicero was left
at liberty to make the circuit of his province, and
to follow out that system of impartiality, modera-
tion, and self-control which he was resolved should
regulate not only his own conduct but that of every
member of his retinue. And nobly did he redeem
the pledge which he had voluntarily given to his
friend Atticus on this head — strictly did he realise
in practice the precepts which he had so well laid
down in former years for the guidance of his bro-
ther. Nothing could be more pure and upright
than his administration in every department ; and
his staff, who at first murninrcd loudly at a style
of procedure which most grievously curtailed their
emoluments, were at length shamed into silence.
The astonished Greeks, finding themselves listened
to with kindness, and justice dispensed with an
even hand, breathed nothing but love and grati-
tude, while the confidence thus inspired enabled
Cicero to keep the publicans in good-humour by
settling to their satisfaction many complicated dis-
putes, and redressing many grievances which had
sprung out of the wretched and oppressive arrange-
ments for the collection of the revenue. Not con-
tent with the fame thus acquired in cultivating the
arts of peace, Cicero began to thirst after military
renown, and, turning to account the preparations
made against the Parthians, undertook an expedi-
tion against the lawless robber tribes who, dwell-
ing among the mountain fastnesses of the Syrian,
frontier, were wont to descend whenever an oppor-
tunity offered and plunder the surrounding dis-
tricts. The operations, which were carried on
chiefly by his brother Quintus, who was an expe-
rienced soldier and one of his legati, were attended
with complete success. The barbarians, taken by
surprise, could neither escape nor offer any effectual
resistance ; various clans were forced to submit ;
many villages of the more obstinate were destroyed;
Pindenissus, a strong hill fort of the Eleutherocilices,
was stormed on the Saturnalia (b. c. 51), after a
protracted siege ; many prisoners and much plun-
der were secured ; the general was saluted as im-
perutor by his troops ; a despatch was transmitted

716

CICERO.

to the senate, in which these achievements were
detailed with great poiup ; every engine was set to
work to procure a flattering decree and supplica-
tions in honour of the victory; and Cicero had now
the weakness to set his whole heart upon a triumph
— ^a vision which he long cherished with a degree
of childish obstinacy which must have exposed
him to the mingled pity and derision of all who
were spectators of his folh'. The following spring
(b. c. 50) he again made a progress through the
different towns of his province, and as soon as the
year of his command was concluded, having re-
ceived no orders to the contrary, delegated his au-
thority to his quaestor, C. Caelius, and quitted
Laodicea on the yOth of July (b. c. 50), having
arrived in that city on the 31st of the same month
in the preceding year. Returning homewards by
Ephesus and Athens, he reached Brundisium in
the last week of November, and arrived in the
neighbourhood of Rome on the fourth of Januarj-
(b. c. 49), at the very moment when the civil
strife, which had been smouldering so long, burst
forth into a blaze of war, but did not enter the
city because he still cherished sanguine hopes of
being allowed a triumph.

From the middle of December (b. c. 50) to the
end of June (b. c. 49) he wrote almost daily to
Atticus. Tl>e letters which form this series exhibit
a most painful and humiliating spectacle of doubt,
vacillation, and timidity, together with the utter
absence of all singleness of purpose, and an utter
want of firmness, either moral or physical. At
first, although from h.ibit, prejudice, and conviction
disposed to follow Pompey, he seriousl}' debated
whether he would not be justified in submitting
quietly to Caesar, but soon afterwards accepted
from the former the post of inspector of the Cam-
panian coast, and the task of preparing for its de-
fence, duties which he soon abandoned in disgust.
Having quitted the vicinity of Rome on the 17th
of January, he spent the greater portion of the
two following months at Formiae in a state of
miserable restlessness and hesitation ; murmuring at
the inactivity of the consuls ; railing at the policy
of Pompey, which he pronounced to be a tissue of
blunders ; oscillating first to one side and then to
the other, according to the passing rumours of the
hour ; and keeping up an active correspondence all
the while with the leaders of both parties, to an
extent which caused the circulation of reports little
favourable to his honour. Nor were the suspicions
thus excited altogether without foundation, for it
is perfectly evident that he more than once was on
the point of becoming a deserter, and in one epistle
{ad Aft. viii. 1) he explicitly confesses, that he had
embarked in the aristocratical cause sorely against
his will, and that he would at once join the crowd
who were flocking back to Rome, were it not for
the incumbrance of his lictors, thus clinging to the
last with pitiable tenacity to the faint and fading
prospect of a military pageant, which must in his
case have been a mockery. His distress was if
possible augmented when Pompey, accompanied
by a large number of senators, abandoned Italy;
for now arose the question fraught with perplexity,
whether he could or ought to stay behind, or was
bound to join his friends ; and this is debated over
and over again in a thousand different shapes, his in-
tellect being all the while obscured by irresolution
and fear. These tortures were raised to a climax by
a person:;! interview with Caesar, who Uiged him to

CICERO,
return to Rome and act as a mediator, a proposal
to which Cicero, who appears, if we can trust his
own account, to have comported himself for tlie
moment with considerable boldness and dignity,
refused to accede, unless he were permitted to use
his own discretion and enjoy full freedom of speech
— a stipulation which at once put an end to the
conference. At last, after many lingering delays
and often renewed procrastination, influenced not
so much by any overpowering sense of rectitude or
consistency as by his sensitiveness to public opi-
nion, to the " sermo hominura " whose censure he
dreaded far more than the reproaches of his own
conscience, and impressed also with a strong belief
that Caesar must be overwhelmed by the enemies
who were closing around him, he finally decided
to pass over to Greece, and embarked at Brundi-
sium on the 7th of June (b. c. 49). For the space
of nearly a year we know little of his movements ;
one or two notes only have been preserved, which,
combined with an anecdote given by Macrobius
(Sat. ii. 3), prove that, during his residence in the
camp of Pompey he was in bad health, low spirits,
embarrassed by pecuniary difficulties, in the habit
of inveighing against everything he heard and saw
around him, and of ginng way to the deepest des-
pondency. After the battle of Pharsalia (August
9, b. c. 48), at which he was not present, Cato,
who had a fleet and a strong body of troops at
Dyrrachium, offered them to Cicero as the person
best entitled by his rank to assume the comuKuid ;
and upon his refusing to have any further concern
with warlike operations, young Pompey and some
others of the nobility drew their swords, and, de-
nouncing him as a traitor, were with difficulty
restrained from slaying him on the spot. It is
impossible to tell whether this narrative, which
rests upon the authority of Plutarch, is altogether
correct ; but it is certain that Cicero regarded the
victory of Caesar as absolutely conclusive, and felt
persuaded that ferther resistance was hopeless.
While, therefore, some of his companions in arms
retired to Achaia, there to watch the progress of
events, and others passed over to Africa and ISpaia
determined to renew the struggle, Cicero chose
rather to throw himself at once upon the mercy of
the conqueror, and, retracing his steps, landed at
Brundisium about the end of November. Here
he narrowly escaped being put to death by the
legions which arrived from Pharsalia under the
orders of M. Antonius, who, although disposed to
treat the fugitive with kindness, was with the
greatest difficulty prevailed upon to allow him to
contiiuie in Italy, having received positive instruc-
tions to exclude all the retainers of Pompey except
such as had received special permission to return.
At Brundisium Cicero remained for ten months
until the pleasure of the conqueror could be known,
who was busily engaged with the wars which
sprung up in Egypt, Pontus, and Africa. During
the whole of this time his mind was in a most
agitated and unhappy condition. He was con-
stantly tormented with unavailing remorse on ac-
count of the folly of his past conduct in having
identified himself with the Pompeians when he ,
might have remained unmolested at home ; he was^
filled with apprehensions as to the manner in which'
he might be treated by Caesar, whom he had so
often offended and so lately deceived ; he moreover
was visited by secret shame and compunction for
having at once given up his associates upon the

CICERO.
tirst turn of fortune ; above all, he was haunted
by the foreboding that they niipfht after all prove
victorious, in which event his fate would have been
dcsporate ; and the cup of bitterness was filled by
the unnatural treachery of his brother and nephew,
who were seeking to recommend themselves to
those in power by casting the foulest calumnies
and vilest aspersions upon their relative, whom
they represented as having seduced them from their
duty. This load of misery was, however, light-
ened by a letter received on the 12th of August
(b. c. 47) from Caesar, in which he promised to
forget the past, and be the same as he had ever
been — a promise which he amply redeemed, for on
his arrival in Italy in September, he greeted Cicero
with frank cordiality, and treated him ever after
Avith the utmost respect and kindness.

Cicero was now at liberty to follow liis own
pursuits without interruption, and, accordingly,
until the death of Caesar, devoted liimself with
exclusive assiduity to literary labours, finding con-
solation in study, but not contentment, for public
display and popular applause had long been almost
necessary to his existence ; and now that the se-
nate, the forum, and the courts of law were silent,
or, at all events, no longer presented an arena for
free and open discussion, the calm delights of spe-
culative research, for which he was wont to sigh
amid the din and hurry of incessant business,
seemed monotonous and dull. Posterity, however,
has good cause to rejoice that he was driven to
seek this relief from distracting recollections ; for,
during the years B. c. 46, 45, and 44, nearly the
whole of his most important works on rhetoric
and philosophy, with the exception of the two
political treatises named above, were arranged and
published. In addition to the pain produced
by wounded vanity, mixed with more honourable
sorrow arising from the degradation of his coun-
try, he was harassed by a succession of domestic
annoyances and griefs. Towards the close of
B. c. 46, in consequence, it would appear, of some
disputes connected with pecuniary transactions, he
divorced his wife Terentia, to whom he had been
united for upwards of thirty years, and soon after
married a young and wealthy maiden, Publilia, his
ward, but, as might have been anticipated, found
little comfort in this new alliance, which was spee-
dily dissolved. But his great and overpowering
affliction was the death of his beloved daughter,
Tullia (early in B. c. 45), towards whom he che-
rished the fondest attachment. Now, as formerly,
philosophy afforded no support in the hour of trial;
grief for a time seems to have'been so violent as
almost to affect his intellects, and it was long be-
fore he recovered sufficient tranquillity to derive
any enjoyment from society or engage with zest in
his ordinary occupations. He withdrew to the
small wooded island of Astura, on the coast near
Antium, where, hiding himself in the thickest
groves, he could give way to melancholy thoughts
without restraint ; gradually he so far recovered as
to be able to draw up a treatise on Consolation, in
imitation of a piece by Crantor on the same topic,
and found relief in devising a variety of plans for
a monument in honour of the deceased.

The tumults excited by Antony after the mur-
der of Caesar (b. c. 44) having compelled the lead-
ing conspirators to disperse in different directions,
Cicero, feeling that his own position was not free
from danger, set out upon a journey to Greece |

CICERO. 717

with the intention of being absent until the new
consuls should have entered upon office, from whose
vigour and patriotism he anticipated a happy
change. While in the neighbourhood of Rhegium
(August 2, B. c. 44), whither he had been driven
irom the Sicilian coast by a contrary wind, he was
persuaded to return in consequence of intelligence
that matters were likely to be arranged amicably
between Antony and the senate. How bitterly
this anticipation was disappointed is sufficiently
proved by the tone and contents of the first two
Philippics ; but the jealousy which had sprung up
in Antony towards Octavianus soon induced the
former to quit the city, while the latter, commen-
cing that career of dissimulation which he main-
tained throughout a long and most prosperous life,
affected the wannest attachment to the senate,
and especially to the person of their leader, who
was completely duped by these professions. From
the beginning of the year B. c. 43 until the end of
April, Cicero was in the height of his glory ;
within this space the last twelve Philippics were all
delivered and listened to with rapturous applause ;
his activity was unceasing, at one moment en-
couraging the senate, at another stimulating the
people, he hurried from place to place the admired
of all, the very hero of the scene ; and when at
length he announced the result of the battles under
the walls of Mutina, he was escorted by crowds to
the Capitol, thence to the Rostra, and thence to
his own house, with enthusiasm not less eager than
was displayed when he had detected and crushed
the associates of Catiline. But when the fatal nev-rs
arrived of the union of Lepidus with Antony (29th
May), quickly followed by the defection of Octa-
vianus, and when the latter, marching upon Rome
at the head of an armed force, compelled the comitia
to elect him consul at the age of 1 9, it was but too
evident that all was lost. The league between the
three usurpers was finally concluded on the 27th
of November, and the lists of the proscribed finally
arranged, among whom Cicero and sixteen others
wei-e marked for immediate destruction, and agents
forthwith despatched to perpetrate the murders
before the victims should take alarm. Although
much care had been taken to conceal these pro-
ceedings, Cicero was warned of his danger while
at his Tuscuian villa, instantly set forth for the
coast with the purpose of escaping by sea, and
actually embarked at Antium, but was driven by
stress of weather to Circeii, from whence he coasted
along to Formiae, where he landed at his villa,
diseased in body and sick at heart, resolving no
longer to fly from his fate. The soldiers sent in
quest of him were now known to be close at hand,
upon which his attendants forced him to enter a
litter, and hurried him through the woods towards
the shore, distant about a mile from the house. As
they were pressing onwards, they were overtaken
by their pursuers, and were preparing to defend
their master with their lives, but Cicero command-
ed them to desist, and stretching forward called
upon his executioners to strike. They instantly
cut off his head and hands, which were conveyed
to Rome, and, by the orders of Antony, nailed to
the Rostra.

A glance at the various events which form the
subject of the above narrative will sufficiently de-
monstrate, that Cicero was totally destitute of the
qualifications which alone could have fitted him to
sustain the character of a great independent states-

718

CICERO.

man amidst those scenes of turbulence and revolu-
tionary violence in which his lot was cast. So
long as he was contented in his struggle upwards
to play a subordinate part, his progress was marked
by extraordinary, well-merited, and most honour-
able success. But when he attempted to secure the
highest place, he was rudely thrust down by
bolder, more adventurous, and more commanding
spirits ; when he sought to act as a mediator, he
became the tool of each of the rivals in turn ; and
when, after much and protracted hesitation, he had
finally espoused the interests of one, he threw an
air of gloom and distrust over the cause by timid
despondency and too evident repentance. His
want of firmness in the hour of trial amounted to
cowardice; his numerous and glaring inconsistencies
destroyed all confidence in his discretion and judg-
ment ; his irresolution not unfrequently assumed
the aspect of awkward duplicity, and his restless
craving vanity exposed him constantly to the snares
of insidious flattery, while it covered him with
ridicule and contempt. Even his boasted patriotism
was of a very doubtful, we might say of a spurious
stamp, for his love of country was so mixed up with
petty feelings of personal importance, and his
hatred of tyranny so inseparably connected in his
mind with his own loss of power and consideration,
that we can hardly persuade ourselves that the
former was the disinterested impulse of a noble
heart so much as the prompting of selfishness and
vain glory, or that the latter proceeded from a
generous devotion to the rights and liberties of his
fellow-citizens so much as from the bitter con-
sciousness of being individually depressed and
overshadowed by the superior weight and emi-
nence of another. It is vain to undertake the de-
fence of his conduct by ingenious and elaborate
reasonings. The whole case is placed clearly be-
fore our eyes, and all the common sources of fallacy
and unjust judgment in regard to public men are
removed. We are not called upon to weigh and
scrutinize the evidence of partial or hostile wit-
nesses, whose testimony may be coloured or per-
verted by the keenness of party spirit. Cicero is
his own accuser, and is convicted by his own de-
positions. The strange confessions contained in
his coiTespondence call for a sentence more severe
than we have ventured to pronounce, presenting a
most marvellous, memorable, and instructive spec-
tacle of the greatest intellectual strength linked
indissolubly to the greatest moral weakness.

Upon his social and domestic relations we can
dwell with unmixed pleasure. In the midst of al-
most universal profligacy he remained uncontami-
nated ; surrounded by corruption, not even malice
ever ventured to impeach his integrity'. To his
dependents he was indulgent and warm-hearted,
to his friends aff'ectionate and true, ever ready to
assist them in the hour of need with counsel, in-
fluence, or purse ; somewhat touchy, perhaps, and
loud in expressing resentment when offended, but
easily appeased, and free from all rancour. In his
intercourse with his contemporaries he rose com-
pletely above that paltry jealousy by which literary
men are so often disgraced, fully and freely ac-
knowledging the merits of his most formidable
rivals, — Hortensius and Licinius Cah^is, for the
former of whom he cherished the wannest regard.
Towards the members of his own family he uni-
formly displayed the deepest attachment. Nothing
could be more amiable than the readiness with

CICERO.

which lie extended his forgiveness to his unworthy
nephew and to his brother Quintus, after they liad
been guilty of the basest and most unnatural
treachery and ingratitude ; his devotion through
life to his daughter TuUia, and his despair upon
her death, have already called forth some remarks,
and when his son, as he advanced in years, did
not fulfil the hopes and expectations of his father,
he was notwithstanding treated with the utmost
forbearance and liberality. One passage onlj^ in
the private life of Cicero is obscured by a shade of
doubt. The simple fact, that when he became
embarrassed by pecuniary difficulties he divorced
the mother of his children, to whom he had been
united for upwards of thirty j'^ears, and soon after
married a rich heiress, his own ward, appears at
first sight suspicious, if not positively discreditable.
But it must be remembered that we are altogether
ignorant of the circumstances connected with this
transaction. From a series of obscure hints con-
tained in letters to Atticus, we infer that Terentia
had been extravagant during the absence of her
husband in the camp of Pompey, and that she had
made some arrangements with regard to her will
which he looked upon as unfair and almost dis-
honest ; in addition to which, we know from other
sources that she was a woman of imperious and
unyielding temper. On the other hand, the con-
nexion with Publilia could not have been contem-
plated at the period of the divorce, for we find that
his friends were busily employed for some time in
looking out for a suitable match, and that, among
others, a daughter of Pompey was suggested.
Moreover, if the new alliance had been dictated
by motives of a purely mercenary nature, more
anxiety would have been manifested to retain the
advantages which it procured, while on the contra-
rary we find that it was dissolved very quickly in
consequence of the bride having incautiously tes-
tified satisfaction at the death of Tullia, of whose
influence she may have been jealous, and that
Cicero steadily refused to listen to anj- overtures,
although a reconciliation was earnestly desired on
the part of the lady.

(Our great authority for the life of Cicero is his
own writings, and especially his letters and ora-
tions. The most important passages will be found
collected in Meierotto, " Ciceronis Vita ex ipsius
scriptis excerpta," Berolin. 1783, and in the " Ono-
masticon Tullianum," which forms an appendix to
Orelli's Cicero, Zurich, 1826—1838. Much that
is curious and valuable may be collected from the
biographies of the orator and his contemporaries by
Plutarch, whose statements, however, must always
be received with caution. Something may be
gleaned from Velleius Paterculus also, and from the
books of Appian and of Dion Cassias which belong
to this period. These and other ancient testimo-
nies have been diligently arranged in chronological
order in the " Historia M. TuUii Ciceronis," by F.
Fabricius. Of modern works that of Middleton
has attained great celebrity, although it must be
regarded as a blind and extravagant panegyric ;
some good strictures on his occasional inaccuracies
and constant partiality will be found in Tunstall's
" Epistola ad Middletonum," Cantab. 1741. and in
CoUey Cibber's " Character and Conduct of Cicero,'^
London, 1747 ; but by far the most complete and
critical examination of all points relating to Cicero
and his times, down to the end of B, c. 56, is con-
tained in the fifth volume of Drumann's ** Gesch-

CICERO.

ichte Roms," a work not yet brought to a conclu-
Bion.)

II. Writings of Cickro.

Tlie works of Cicero are so numerous and diver-
sined, that it is necessary for the sake of distinct-
ness to separate them into classes, and accordingly
they may be conveniently arranged under five
heads : — 1. Philosophical works. 2. SpeecJies. 3.
Correspo7iilence. 4. Poems. 5. Historical and
MisceUaneoiis works. The last may appear too
vagiie and comprehensive, but nothing of impor-
tance belonging to this section has been preserved.

1. Philosophical Works.

Several of the topics handled in this department
are so intimately connected and shade into each
other by such fine and almost imperceptible grada-
tions, that the boundaries by which they are
separated cannot in all cases be sharply defined,
and consequently some of the subdivisions may
appear arbitrary or inaccurate ; for practical pur-
poses, however, the following distribution will be
found sufficiently precise : —

A. Philosophy of Taste or Rhetoric. B. Political
Philosophy. C. Philosophy of Morals. D. Specu-
lative Philosophy. E. TJieology.

In the table given below, those works to which
an asterisk is prefixed have descended to us in a
very imperfect and mutilated condition, enough,
however, still remaining to convey a clear concep-
tion of the general plan, tone, and spirit ; of those
to which a double asterisk is prefixed, only a few
fragments, or even a few words, survive ; those
printed in Italics are totally lost ; those included
within brackets are believed to be spurious : —

Rhetoricorum s. De Inventione
Rhetorica libri II.

De Partitione Oratoria.

De Oratore libri III.

Brutus s. De Claris Oratoribus.

Orator s. De Optimo Genere
dicendi.

De Optimo Genere Oratorum.

Topica.

Communes Loci.

[Rhetoricorum ad C. Herennium
libri IV.]

* De Republica libri VI.
*DeLegibus libri (VI.?)

* * De Jure Civili.
Epistola ad Caesarem de Ordi-

nanda Republica.

De Officiis libri III.

* * De Virtutibus.
Cato Major s. De Senectute.
Laelius s. De Amicitia.

* * De Gloria libri II.

f * * De Consolatione s. De Luctu
^ minuendo.

f * Academicorum libri IV.

/ De Finibus libri V.

I Tusculanarura Disputationum

D. ^culativcy parad"oIaStoicorumsex.

I'atlosophy. \ * , Hortensius s. De Philoso-
f phia.
( * Timaeus ex Platone.

* * Protagoras ex Platone,

A. Philosophy
of Taste.

B. PolUical
Philosophy.

C. Philosophy
of Mcrals.

E. Tlieology.

CICERO. 719

De Natura Doorum libri III,
De Divinatione libri II.

* De Fato.

* * De Auguriis-Auguralia.
The Editio Princeps of the collected philoso-
phical works of Cicero was printed at Rome in
1471, by Sweynheym and Pannartz, 2 vols, folio,
and is a work of excessive rarity. The first vo-
lume contains De Natura Deomm, De Divinatione,
De Officiis, Paradoxa, Laelius, Cato Major, Versus
duodecim Sapientium ; the second volume, Quaes-
tiones Tusculanae, De Finibus, De Fato, Q. Cicero
de Petitione Consulatus, Fragments of the Horten-
sius, Timaeus, Academicae Quaestiones, De Legibus.

We have belonging to the same period, De
Officiis, De Amicitia, De Senectute, Somniura
Scipionis, Paradoxa, Tusculanae Quaestiones, in
2 vols, folio, without place or date, but known to
have been published at Paris about 147 Ij by Gering,
Crantz, and Friburger.

Also, the De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione,
De Fato, De liegibus, Hortensius, (Modestus,) De
Disciplina Militari, appeared in 1 vol. 4 to., 1471,
at Venice, from the press of Vindelin de Spira.

An excellent edition, intended to embrace the
whole philosophical works of Cicero, was com-
menced by J. A. Goerenz, and carried to the extent
of three volumes, 8vo., which contain the De Legi-
bus, Academica, De Finibus, Leipz. 1809 — 1813.

Before entering upon an examination of Cicero's
philosophic writings in detail, we must consider very
briefly the inducements which first prompted Cicero
to devote his attention to the study of philosophy,
the extent to which his original views were subse-
quently altered and enlarged, the circumstances
under which his various treatises were composed,
the end which they were intended to accomplish,
the degree of importance to be attached to these
works, the form in which they are presented to the
reader, and the opinions really entertained by the
author himself.

Cicero dedicated his attention to philosophy in the
first instance not merely as a branch of general educa-
tion, but as that particular branch which was likely
to prove peculiarly serviceable to him in attaining
the great object of his youthful aspirations — orato-
rical fame. (See Paradox, praef., De Ojf. prooem.)
He must have discerned from a very early period
that the subtle and astute, though often sophistical,
arguments advanced by rival sects in supporting
their own tenets and assailing the positions of their
adversaries, and the habitual quickness of objection
and readiness of reply which distinguished the
oral controversies of the more skilful disputants
could be turned to admirable account in the wordy
combats of the courts; and hence the method pursued
by the later Academy of probing the weak points
and detecting the fallacies of all systems in succes-
sion, possessed the strongest attractions for one
who to insure success must be able to regard each
cause submitted to his judgment under many dif-
ferent aspects, and be prepared to anticipate and
repel exceptions, of whatever nature, proceeding
from whatever quarter. We have already seen,
in the biographical portion of this article, that
Cicero allowed no opportunity to escape of gaining
an intimate acquaintance with the doctrines of the
most popular sects, without resigning himself ex-
clusively to one ; and he was fully sensible that he
owed much of the signal success which attended
his efibrts, after his return from Greece, to this

720

CICERO.

training in philosophy, which he emphatically de-
nominates "■ the fount;iin-he<xd of all pert'ect elo-
quence, the mother of all good deeds and good
words." {Brut. 93.) During his residence at
Athens and at Rhodes he appears to have imbibed
a deep and earnest attachment for the pursuit
Avhich he henceforward viewed as something better
and nobler than a mere instrument for acquiring
dialectic skill. Accordingly, every moment that
could be snatched from his multifarious avocations
was employed with exemplary zeal in accumulat-
ing stores of philosophic lore, which were carefully
treasured up in his memory. But the incessant
demands of business long prevented him from ar-
ranging and displaying the we^ilth thus acquired;
and had not the disorders of the times compelled
him upon two occasions to retire for a brief space
from public life, he would probably never have
communicated to the world the fruits of his scien-
tific researches. The first of the two periods
alluded to above was when after his recall from
exile he found himself virtually deprived of all po-
litical influence, and consequently, although busily
engaged in discharging the duties of a pleader,
found leisure to compose his De Oratore, De Repub-
lican and De Legibus. The second period reached
from his return to Italy after the battle of Pharsalia
until the autumn after the death of Caesar, during
the greater portion of which he lived in retirement
and produced the rest of his philosophical works,
some of them being published even subsequent to
his re-appearance on the stage of public affairs.
But, although these were all finished and sent
abroad between the end of B. c. 46 and the middle
of B. c. 44, it would be absurd to suppose that the
varied information required for such a task could
have been brought together and distributed into a
series of elaborate treatises in the course of sixteen
or eighteen months. It seems much more proba-
ble, as indicated above, that the materials were
gradually collected during a long course of reading
and inquiry, and carefully digested by reflection
and frequent discussion, so that when a convenient
season had arrived, the design already traced out
was completed in all its details. Thus we find in
the dialogue upon Laws (i. 20) a reference to the
debates which had taken place among the wise on
the nature of the Supreme Good, the doubts and
difficulties with which the question was still en-
cumbered, and the importance of arriving at some
correct decision ; after which the speaker proceeds
briefly to express the same sentiments which nine
years afterwards were expanded and formally
miiintained in the De Finibus. (Comp. Acml. i. 3.)
In order to understand clearly the nature of
these works and the end which they were intended
to serve, we must bear in mind the important fact,
that they were almost the first specimens of this
kind of literature ever presented to the Romans in
their own language. With the exception of the
poems of Lucretius and some other publications on
the doctrines of Epicurus by an Amafinius and a
Rabirius, so obscure that Cicero seems to have
thought them not worth the trouble of perusal,
there was absolutely nothing. Hence Cicero was
led to form the scheme of drawing up a series of
elementary treatises which should furnish his coun-
trymen with an easy introduction to the knowledge
of the tenets professed by the leading sects of
Greece on the most imporUmt branches of politics,
morals, metaphysics, and theology. We must, if

CICERO,
we desire to form a fair judgment, never forget
that the design proposed was to communicate in a.
correct and precise but familiar and attractive form
the results at which others had arrived, not to ex-
pound new conceptions — to present a sharp and
striking outline of the majestic structures reared
by the labours of successive schools, not to claim
distinction as the architect of a new edifice. The
execution of this project demanded extensive re-
search, a skilful selection of the best portions of
the best authors, the accurate adjustment and har-
monious combination of these loose fragments, a
choice of familiar examples and apt illustrations
to shed light on much that would necessarily ap-
pear dark and incomprehensible to the inexperi-
enced, and, most difficult of all, the creation of
terms and phraseology capable of expressing with
clearness and exactitude a class of ideas altogether
new. If then we find upon examination that this
difficult undertaking, requiring the union of talents
the most opposite, of unwearying application, deli-
cate discrimination, refined taste, practical skill in
composition, and an absolute command over a stub-
bom and inflexible dialect, has been executed with
consummate ability, we have no right to complain
that many of the topics are handled somewhat
superficially, that there is an absence of all origi-
nality of thought, and that no effort is made to
enlarge the boundaries of the science. Nor have
we any reason to regret the resolution thus formed
and consistently carried out. We are put in pos-
session of a prodigious mass of most curious and
interesting information bearing upon the history of
philosophy, conveyed in the richest and most win-
ning language. Antiquity produced no works
which could rival these as manuals of instruction ;
as such they were employed until the downfal of
the Roman empire ; they stood their ground and
kept alive a taste for literature during the middle
ages ; they were still zealously studied for a long
period after the revival of learning; they even
now command respect from the purity of the moral
principles which they inculcate, and serve as mo-
dels of perfect style and diction. We arrive at the
conclusion, that Cicero is fully entitled to the praise
of having accomplished with brilliant success all
that he engaged to perform. In philosophy he
must be regiu'ded as the prince of popular com-
pilers, but nothing more. It is cert<iin that he
could not have put forth his powers in a manner
better calculated to promote the interests and ex-
tend the influence of his favourite pursuit.

The greater number of these essays, in imita-
tion of the writings of many of the Greek phi-
losophers, are thrown into dialogue — a form ex-
tremely well suited for the purposes of instruction,
since it affords facility for familiar explanation and
for the introduction of those elucidations and di-
gressions so necessary to communicate clearness
and animation to abstract propositions, which, if
simply enunciated in a purely scientific shape,
must unavoidably appear to the learner dull and
spiritless. In a dialogue, also, the teacher is not
compelled to disclose his own opinions, but may
give full scope to his ingenuity and eloquence in
expounding and contrasting the views of others.
The execution is, upon the whole, no less happy
than the design. One cannot fail to be impressed
[ with the dexterity exhibited in contriving the
■ machinery of the different conversations, the tact
; with which the most appropriate personages are se*

CICERO.

lected, the scrapulous accuracy with which their
respective characters are distinguished and pre-
served throughout, and the air of calm dignity
which pervades each separate piece. At the same
time, we must confess, that there is throughout a
want of that life and reality which lends such a
charm to the dialogues of Plato. We feel that
most of the colloquies reported by the Athenian
might actually have been held ; but there is a stiff-
ness and formality about the actors of Cicero, and
a tendency to lecture rather than to converse, which
materially injures the dramatic effect, and in fact
in some degree neutralizes the benefit to be derived
from this method of imparting knowledge. He
has also rather abused the opportunities presented
for excursions into the attractive regions which lie
out of the direct path, and so much space is some-
times occupied by enthusiastic declamations, that
the main subject is for a time thrown out of sight
and forgotten.

The speculative opinions entertained by Cicero
himself are of little importance, except as a mere
matter of curiosity, and cannot be ascertained
with certainty. In all controversies the chief
arguments of the contending parties are drawn out
with the strictest impartiality, marshalled in strong
relief over against each other, and the decision then
left to the reader. The habit of stating and com-
paring a multitude of conflicting theories, each of
which could number a long array of great names
among its supporters, would naturally confirm that
disposition to deny the certainty of human know-
ledge which must have been imbibed in early life
by the pupil of Philo of Larissa ; while the multi-
tude of beautiful and profound reflections scattered
over the writings of the Greek sages would lead an
unbiassed mind, honest in its search after truth, to
select what was best in each without binding him-
self exclusively to one.

(Those who desire to follow out this subject may
consult Brucker, Historia Critica Philosophiae, vol.
ii. pp. 1 — 70 ; Gaultier de Sibert, Examen de la
Philosophie de Ciceron^ in the Alemoires de VAca-
deinie des hiscriptions, vols. xlii. and xliii. ; Ritter,
Geschichte der Philosophie^ vol. iv. pp. 76 — 168;
(t. Waldin, De Philosoph. Cic. Platonica, Jena,
1 753 ; J. G. Zierlein, De PhilosopL Cic. Hal. 1770;
J. C. Brieglieb, Progr, de Philosoph. Cic. Cob.
1784; M. Fremling, P/«7osojo/i. Oic. Lund. 1795;
H. C. F. Hulsemann, Delndole Philosoph. Cic. Luneb.
1799; D. F. Gedicke, Historia Philosoph. antiquae
ex Cic. Scriptis, Berol. 1815; J. A. C. Van Heusde,
M. Tull. Cic. ^tAoTTAaTwf, Traj. ad Rhen. 1836 ;
R. Kiihner, M. TuU. Cic. in Philosophiam ejusgue
Partes Merita^ Hamburg, 1825. The last men-
tioned work contains a great quantity of informa-
tion, distinctly conveyed, and within a moderate
compass.)

A. Philosophy of Taste, oa Rhetoric.

The rhetorical works of Cicero may be consi-
dered as a sort of triple compound formed by com-
bining the information derived from the lectures
and disquisitions of the teachers under whom he
studied, and from the writings of the Greeks, es-
pecially Aristotle, Theophrastus, and Isocrates,
with his own speculative researches into the nature
and theory of tlie art, corrected in his later years
by the results of extensive experience. Rhetoric,
considered as a science depending upon abstract
principles which might be investigated philosophi-

CICERO.

721

cally and developed in formal precepts, had hitherto
attracted but little attention in Rome except among
the select few who were capable of comprehending
the instructions of foreign professors delivered in a
foreign tongue ; for the Latin rhetoricians were
long regarded, and perhaps justly, as ignorant pre-
tenders, who brought such discredit on the study by
their presumptuous quackery, that so late as B. c.
92, L. Crassus, who was not likely to be an unjust
or illiberal judge in such matters, when censor was
desirous of expelling the whole crew from the city.
Thus Cicero had the honour of opening up to the
masses of his countrymen a new field of inquiry
and mental exercise, and of importing for general
national use one of the most attractive production*
of Athenian genius and industry.

The Editio Princeps of the collected rhetorical
works of Cicero was printed at Venice by Alexan-
drinus and Asulanus, fol. 1485, containing the De
Oratore, the Orator, the Topica, the Partitiones
Oratoriae, and the De Optimo Genere Oratorum,
and was reprinted at Venice in 1488 and 1495,
both in fol. The first complete edition, including,
in addition to the above, the Brutus, the Rhetoricu
ad Herennium, and the De Inventione, was pub-
lished at Venice by Aldus in 1514, 4to., edited in
part by Naugerius. Of modern editions the most
notable are the following : that by Schiitz, which
contains the whole. Lips. 1 804, 3 vols. 8vo. ; tho
" Opera Rhetorica Minora," by Wetzel, Lignitz,
1807, containing all with the exceptions of the De
Oratore, the Brutus, and the Orator; and the
Orator, Brutus, Topica, De Optimo Genere Ora-
torum, with the notes of Beier and Orelli, Zurich,
1830, 8vo.

I. BJietoricorum s. De Inventioiie Rhetorica
Libri II.

This appears to have been the earliest of the
efforts of Cicero in prose composition. It was in-
tended to exhibit in a compendious systematic form
all that was most valuable and worthy of note in
the works of the Greek rhetoricians. Aristotle
had already performed this task in so far as his own
predecessors were concerned ; and hence his writ-
ings, together with those of his disciples and of the
followers of Isocrates, would supply all the neces-
sary materials for selection and combination. Ac-
cording to the original plan, this treatise was to
have embraced the whole subject ; but there is no
reason to fix upon the exact number of four books
as the extent contemplated, and it certainly never
was completed. The author, after finishing the
two which have descended to us, seems to have
thrown them aside, and speaks of them at a later
period perhaps too slightingly {de Oral. i. 2) as
a crude and imperfect performance. After a short
preface regarding the origin, rise, progress, use and
abuse of eloquence, we find an enumeration and
classification of the different branches of the sub-
ject. The whole art must be considered under
five distinct heads : — 1. Its general character and
the position which it occupies among the sciences
{genus). 2. The duty which it is called upon to
peribmi (ojicium). 3. The end which it seeks to
attain {Jinis). 4. The subject matter of a speech
{materia). 5. The constituent elements of which.
a speech is made up {partes rhetoricae). After
remarking cursorily, with regard to the genus, that
the art of rhetoric is a branch of civil knowledge
{civilis scientiae), that its offidum is, to \ise all tha

3a

722

CICERO.

methods most suitable for persuasion by oratory,
and its finis to achieve this persuasion, Cicero con-
fines himself for the present to the materia and
partes. Now the materia., subject-matter, or form
of a speech, may belong to one of three classes, ac-
cording to the nature of the audience. (Comp.
Partit. Oral. 3.) 1. The gentis demonstrativum
(yevos iTTiSfiKTiKOu), addressed to mere listeners
who study the oratory as an exhibition of art.
2. The genus delibcrativum {yivos (Tvii€ov\€vtik6v)
addressed to those who judge of the future as in
legislative and political assemblies. 3. The gefius
Judiciale (yevos SikuvikSv), addressed to those who
judge of the past as in courts of law. Again, the
paries rlietoriine or constituent elements of a speech
are five. 1. The invention of arguments (ifiwntio).

2. The arrangement of these arguments {dispositio).

3. The diction in which these arguments are ex-
pressed (eloquutio). 4. The clear and distinct per-
ception in the mind of the things and words which
compose the arguments and the power of producing
them at the fitting season {memoria). 5. The
delivery, comprehending the modulation of the
voice, and the action of the body (proyiuntiatio).
These points being premised, it is proposed to treat
of inventio generally and independently, and then
to apply the principles established to each of the
three classes under which the materia may be
ranged, according to the following method :

Every case which gives rise to debate or differ-
ence of opinion {controversia) involves a question,
and this question is termed the constitution {con-
stilutio) of the case. The constitution may be
fourfold. 1. When the question is one of fact
{controversia facti)^ it is a cotistitutio conjecturaiis.
2. When both parties are agreed as to the fact, but
differ as to the name by which the fact ought to be
distuiguished {controversia nominis)., it is a consti-
ttUio dcfinitiva. 3. When the question relates to
the quality of the fact {generis controversia), it is a
cotistitutio gencralis. 4. When the question con-
cerns the fitness or propriety of the feet (quum aut
quern, aid quicum-, aut quomodo, aui apud quos, aut
quo jure, aut quo tempore agere oportcat quaeretur),
it is a constitutio translativa. Again, the constitutio
gencralis admits of being divided into — a. The
constitutio juridicialis, in which right and wrong,
reward and punishment, are viewed in the abstract;
and b. The constitutio vegotialis, where they are
considered in reference to existing laws and usages;
and finally, the constitutio juridicialis is subdivided
into a. The constitutio absoluta, in which the ques-
tion of right or wrong is viewed with reference to
the fact itself; and )8. The constitutio assumptiva,
in which the question of right and wrong is viewed
not witli reference to the fact itself, but to the ex-
ternal circumstances under which the fact took
place. The constitutio assumptivq. is itself fourfold
— (1) concessio, when the accused confesses the
deed with which he is charged, and does not jus-
tify it but seeks forgiveness, which may be done in
two ways, (a) by purgatio, when the deed is ad-
mitted but moral guilt is denied in consequence of
its having been done unwittingly {imprudentia), or
by accident {casu), or unavoidably {necessitate),
(/8) by deprecatio, when the misdeed is admitted
to have been done, and to have been done wilfully,
but notwithstanding forgiveness is sought — a very
rare contingency ; (2) remotio criminis, when the
accused defends himself by casting the blame on
another; (3) relatio criminis, when the deed is

CICERO.

justified by previous provocation ; (4) comparatio,
when the deed is justified by pleading a praise-
worthy motive.

The constitution of the case being determined,
we must next examine whether the case be simple
{simplex) or compound {conjuncta), that is, whether
it involves a single question or several, and whether
the reasonings do or do not depend upon some
written document {in ratione, an in scripto sU con-
troversia). We must then consider the exact
point upon which the dispute turns {quaestio), the
plea in justification {ratio), the debate which will
arise from the reply to the plea of justification
{jmlicutio), and the additional arguments by which
the defendant seeks to confirm his plea of justifica-
tion after it had been attacked by his opponent
(firmamentum), which will convert the judicatio
into a disceptatio (comp. Part. Orat. 30), and so
lead more directly to a decision.

These matters being duiy weighed, the orator
must proceed to arrange the different divisions of
his speech {partes orationis), which are six in
number.

1. The Eorordium oi introduction, which is di-
vided into a. the Principium or opening, and b. the
Insimiatio, of which the great object is to awak-
en the attention and secure the goodwill of the
audience. 2. The Narratio or statement of the
caae. 3. The Partitio or explanation of the man-
ner in which the speaker intends to handle the
case, indicating at the same time those points on
which both parties are agreed, and those on which
they differ. 4. The Confirmatio or array of argu-
ments by which the speaker supports his case.
5. The JRepreJiensio or confutation of the arguments
employed by the antagonist. 6. The Co?iclusio or
peroration, consisting of a. the Enumeratio or brief
impressive summary of the whole ; b. the Indigna-
tio, which seeks to enlist the passions of the
audience, and, c. tiie Conqtiestio or appeal to their
sympathies.

Each of these six divisions is discussed separately,
and numerous rules and precepts are laid down for
the guidance of the orator.

In the second book the fifth and sixth of the
above divisions, the Confirmatio and Reprehensio
are considered at large with direct reference to
cases belonging to the Genus Jwliciaie, and to each
of the four constitutions and their subdivisions,
after which the two remaining classes, the Genus
Deliberativum and the Genus Demonstrativum, are
very briefly noticed, and the dissertation upon
Rhetorical invention closes somewhat abruptly.

We have no means of deciding with certainty
the exact time at which these books were com-
posed and published. The expressions employed
in the De Oratore (i. 2), " quoniam quae pueris
aut adolescentulis nobis ex commentai'iolis nostris
inchoata ac rudia exciderunt, vix hac aetate digna
et hoc usu quem ex causis, quas dixinius, tot
tantisque consecuti sumus" (comp. i. 6), point un-
questionably to the early youth of Cicero, but
without enabling us to fix upon any particular
year. They formed, very probably, a portion of
the fruits of that study continued incessantly
during the period of tranquillity which prevail-
ed in the city while Sulla was engaged in pro-
secuting the Mithridatic war (b. c. 87 — 84), and
bear the appearance of notes tiiken down from the
lectures of some instructor, arranged, simplified,
and expanded by reference to the original sources.

CICERO.

The work is repeatedly quoted by Quintilian,
sometimes under the title Libri Rhetorici^ some-
times as Lil)ri Artis R/wtoricae, generally as Rhe-
torica (comp. Serv. ad Virg. Aen. viii. 3*2 1 , ix. 48 1 ),
and we might infer from a passage in Quintilian
(ii. 14. $ 5), that De Rhetorke was the appellation
selected by the author ; at all events, the addition
/><! hiventione Rlietonca rests upon no ancient
authority.

An account of the most important editions of
the Dc Inventiojic is given below, after the remarks
upon the R/wtorica ad Herennium.

2. De PartUione Oratoria Dialogus.

This has been correctly described as a catechism
of Rhetoric, according to the method of the middle
Academy, by way of question and answer, drawn
up by Cicero for the instruction of his son Marcus,
in which the whole art is comprised under three
heads. 1. The Vis Oraioris, in which the subject
is treated with reference to the speaker ; 2. the
Oratio, which treats of the speech ; 3. the Quaestio,
which treats of the case.

The precepts with regard to the speaker are
ranged under five heads. 1. Inventio. 2. Collo-
catio. 3. Eloquutio. 4. Actio. 5. Memoria.

The precepts with regard to the speech are also
under five heads. 1, Exordium. 2. Narratio.
3. Confirmatio. 4. Reprehensio. 5. Peroratio.

The case may be a. Infinita, in which neither
persons nor times are defined, and then it is called
■propositum or consultation or it may be 6. Finita, in
which the persons are defined, and then it is called
causa ; this in reality is included in the former.

The precepts with regard to the quaestio infinita
or co7isultatio are ranged under 1. Cognitio, by
which the existence, the nature, and the quality of
the case are determined; 2. Actio, which discusses
the means and manner in which any object may
be obtained.

The precepts with regard to the quaestio finita or
atusa are ranged under three heads, according as
the aise belongs to 1. the Genus Demonstrativum ; 2.
the Genus Deliberativum ; 3. the Genus Judidale.

The different coyistitutiones are next passed under
review, and the conversation concludes with an
exhortation to the study of philosophy.

These partUiones, a term which corresponds to
the Greek Siatpecrets, may be considered as the
most purely scientific of all the rhetorical works of
Cicero, and form a useful companion to the treatise
De Inventione; but from their strictly technical
character the tract appears dry and uninteresting,
and from the paucity of illustrations is not unfre-
quently somewhat obscure. From the circumstance
that Cicero makes no mention of this work in his
other writings, some critics have called in question
its authenticity, but there seems to be no evidence
either internal or external to justify such a sus-
picion, and it is repeatedly quoted by Quintilian
without any expression of doubt. Another debate
has arisen as to the period when it was composed.
We are told at the commencement that it was
drawn up during a period when the author was
completely at leisure in consequence of having been
at length enabled to quit Rome, and this expres-
sion has been generally believed to indicate the
close of the year b. c. 46 or the beginning of B. c.
45, shortly before the death of Tullia and the de-
parture of Marcus for Athens, when, as we know

ra his correspondence, he was devoting himself

CICERO.

723

tf°'

with the greatest diligence to literarj pursuits.
{Ad Fum. vii. 28, ix. 26.) Hand has, However,
endeavoured to prove (Ersch and Griiber's En-
cyclop'ddie, art. Cicero), that we may with greater
probability fix upon the year B. c. 49, when Cicero
after his return from Cilicia suddenly withdrew from
Rome about the middle of January (ad A it. vii.
10), and having spent a considerable time at
Formiae, and visited various parts of Campania,
proceeded to Arpinum at the end of March, in-
vested his son with the manly gown, and after-
wards made him the companion of his flight. But
this critic seems to have forgotten that Cicero
never entered the city from the spring of B. c. 51
until late in the autumn of b. c. 47, and therefore
could certainly never have employed the phrase
" quoniam aliquando Roma exeundi potestas data
est," and still less could he ever have talked of
enjoying *' summum otium " at an epoch perhaps
the most painful and agitating in his whole life.

The earliest edition of the Partitiones Oratoriae,
in a separate form, which bears a date, is that by
Gabr. Fontana, printed in 1472, 4to., probably at
Venice. There are, however, two editions, supposed
by bibliographers to be older. Neither of them
has place, date, nor printer's name, but one is
known to be from the press of Moravus at Naples.
The commentaries of G. VaUa and L. Strebaeus, with
the argument of Latomius, are found in the edition
of Seb. Gryphius, Leyden, 1541 and 1545, 8vo.,
often reprinted. We have also the editions of Ca-
merarius. Lips. 1549 ; of Sturmius, Strasburg, 1 565 ;
of Minos, Paris, 1582 ; of Maioragius and Marcel-
linus, Venice, 1587 ; of Hauptmann, Leipzig, 1741.
In illustration, the disquisition of Erhard. Reus-
chius, " De Ciceronis Partitionibus Oratoriis,"
Helmstaedt, 1723, will be found useful.

3. De Oratore ad Quintum Fratrem Libri III.

Cicero having been urged by his brother Quintus
to compose a systematic work on the art of Oratory,
tlie dialogues which bear the above title were
drawn up in compliance with this request. They
were completed towards the end of b. c. 55 (ad
Att. iv. 13), about two years after the return of
their author from banishment, and had occupied
much of his time during a period in which he h.ad
in a great measure withdrawn from public life, and
had sought consolation for his political degradation
by an earnest devotion to literary pursuits. All his
thoughts' and exertions were thus directed in one
channel, and consequently, as might be expected, the
production before us is one of his most brilliant ef-
forts, and will be found to be so accurately finished
in its most minute parts, that it may be regarded as
a master-piece of skill in all that relates to the
graces of style and composition. The object in
view, as explained by himself, was to furnish a
treatise which should comprehend all that was
valuable in the theories of Aristotle, Isocrates, and
other ancient rhetoricians, and at the same time
present their precepts in an agreeable and attrac-
tive form, disembarrassed of the formal stiffness and
dry technicalities of the schools. (Ad Fam. i. 9,
adAtt.\\. 16.)

The conversations, which form the medium
through which instruction is conveyed, are sup-
posed to have taken place in b. c. 91, immediately
before the breaking out of the Social war, at the
moment when the city was violently agitated by
the proposal of the tribune M. Livius Drugus, to

724

CICERO.

grant to the senators the right of acting in common
with the equites as judices on criminal trials. The
measure was vehemently opposed by the consul
Philippus, who was in consequence regarded as a
traitor to his order, and supported by all the in-
fluence and talent of L. Licinius Crassus, the most
celebrated orator of that epoch, who had filled the
preceding year the office of censor. This venerable
statesman is represented as having retired to his
villa at Tuscuhun during the celebration of the
Roman games, in order that he might collect his
thoughts and brace up his energies for the grand
struggle which was soon to decide the contest.
He was accompanied to his retirement by two
youths of high uromise, C. Amelius Cotta (consul
B. c. 75) and P. Sulpicius Rufus, and there joined
by his father-in-law and fonner colleague in the
consulship (b, c. 95), Q. Mucius Scaevola, renown-
ed for his profound knowledge of civil law, and by
his friend and political ally, M. Antonius (consul
B. c. 99), whose fiune as a public speaker was
little if at all inferior to that of Crassus himself.
The three consular sages having spent the first day
in reflections upon politics and the aspect of public
afliairs, unbend themselves on the second by the
introduction of literary topics. The whole party
being stretched at ease under the shadow of a
spreading plane, the elders, at the earnest solicita-
tion of Cotta and Sulpicius, commence a discourse
upon oratory, which is renewed the following
morning and brought to a close in the afternoon.
At the end of the first dialogue, Scaevola, in order
that strict dramatic propriety may be observed
(see ad Att. iv. ](j), retires, and his place, in the
two remaining colloquies, is supplied by Q. Lutatius
Catulus, and his half-brother, C. Julius Caesar
Strabo, both distinguished as public speakers, the
former celebrated for the extreme purity of his dic-
tion, the latter for the pungency of his wiL

An animated debate first arises on the qualifications
essential for pre-eminence in oratory. Crassus,
who throughout must be regarded aa expressing the
sentiments of Cicero, after enlarging upon the im-
portance, the dignity, and the universiil utility of
eloquence, proceeds to describe the deep leai'ning,
the varied accomplishments, and the theoretical
skill which must enter into the combination which
shall form a perfect orator, while Antonius, although
he allows that universal knowledge, if attainable,
would mightily increase the power of those who pos-
sessed it, is contented to pitch tlie standard much
lower, and seeks to prove that the orator is more
likely to be embarrassed thiui benefited by aiming
at what is beyond his refich, and that, by attempt-
ing to master the whole circle of the liberal ai'ts, he
will but waste the time that might be more profit-
ably en)ployed, since the natural gifts of quick ta-
lents, a good voice, and a pleasing delivery, when
improved by practice, self- training, and expeinence,
are in themselves amply sufficient to produce the re-
sult sought. This preliminary controvers}', in which,
however, both parties agree in reality, as to what
is desirable, although they differ as to what is prac-
ticable, being terminated, Antonius and Crassus
enter jointly upon the T^x^oKoyla (ud Att. iv.
16) of the subject, and expound the principles and
rules upon which success in the rhetorical ai't de-
pends and by the observance of which it may be
achieved. The former discusses at large in the se-
cond book, the invention and arrangement of argu-
mentsy and winds up with a dissertation on menwri/y

CICERO.

tlie continuous flow of his discourse being broken
and relieved by an essay, placed in the mouth of
Caesar, upon the nature and use of humour, a di-
gression, both amusing in itself, and interesting ge-
nerally, as evincing the miserable bad taste of the
Romans in this department. In the third book,
Crassus devotes himself to an exposition of the or-
naments of rhetoric, comprising all the graces of
diction, to which are added a few remarks upon de-
livery, that is, upon the voice, pronunciation, and
action of the speaker.

The MSS. of the De Oratore known up to the
early part of the 15th century, were all imperfect.
There were blanks extending in Bk. i. from c. "Jo.
§ 128 to c. .34. § 157, and from c. 43. § 193 to Bk.
ii. c. 59. § 1 9, although in the Erfurt MS. only
as far as Bk. ii. c. 3. § 13; in Bk. ii. fromc. 1*2. §
50 to c. 14. § 60 ; and in Bk. iii. from c 5. § 17
to c. 28. § 1 10. These gaps were first supplied by
Gaspai-inus of Barziza, from a MS. found at Lodi,
and hence called Codex Laudcnsis, 1419, which in
addition to the Rlietorica ad Hercnnium, the De In-
ventione, the Brutus and the Orator contained the
three books De Oratore entire. This MS., which is
now lost, was repeatedly copied, and its contents
soon became known all over Italy ; but itisuncer-
tjiin whether the whole was transcribed, or merely
those passages which were required to fill up exist-
ing deficiencies.

The Editio Princeps of the De Oratore was print-
ed at the monastery of Subiaco, by Sweynheym and
Pannartz, in 4to. between 1465 and 1467. The
most useful editions are those by Peai'ce, Cam1>.
1716, 1732, and Lond. 1746, 1771, 1795, 8vo.; by
J. F. Wetzel, Brunswick, 1794, 8vo. ; by Harles,
with the notes of Pearce and others, Leipzig, 1816,
8vo. ; by 0. M. Muller, Leipzig, U.19, 8vo. ; by
Heinichsen, Copenhagen, 1830, 8vo,

Literature : — J. A. Emesti, De Praeslaniia Li-
broTuin Cic. de Oratore Prolusio, Lips. 1736, 4 to. ;
C. F. Matthiae, Frotegotnenen zu Cic. Gespr'dchen
voni Redner, Worms, 1791, and Frankfort, 1812,
8to. ; H. A. Schott, Comment, qua Cic. de Fine
Eloifuentiae Senlentia euavdnatur. Lips. 1801 ; G.
E. Gierig, Von dem asthetiscften Werthe der Bucher
de^ Cic. vom Redner, Fulda, 1807 ; J. F. Schaar-
schraidt, De Froposito Libri Cic. de Oratore, Schnee-
berg, 8vo. ; 1804; E. L. Trompheller, Versuch
einer Charakteristik der Ciceronischn Buclier vom
Redner, Coburg, 1830, 4to.

4. Brutus 8. de Claris Oratoriljus.

This work is in the form of a dialogue, the
speakers being Cicero himself, Atticus, and M.
Brutus ; the scene a grass plot, in front of a colon-
nade, attiiched to the house of Cicero at Rome,
with a stauie of Plato close at hand. It contains
a complete critical history of Roman eloquence,
from the earliest epochs, commencing with L. Ju-
nius Brutus, Appius Claudius, M. Curius, and
sundry sages of the olden time, whose fame rested
upon obscure tradition alone, passing on to those
with regai'd to whose talents more certain informa-
tion could be obtained, such as Cornelius Cethegus
and Cato, the censor, advancing gradually till it
reached such men as Catulus, Licinius Crassus, and
M. Antonius, whose glory was bright in the recol-
lection of many yet alive, and ending with those
whom Cicero himself had heard with admiration as
a youth, and rivalled as a man, the greatest of whom
was Hortensius, and with him the list closes, living

CICERO,
orators being excluded. Prefixed, are some sliort,
but graphic sketches, of tbe most renowned Grecian
models ; the whole discourse being interspersed
with clever observations on the speculative princi-
ples of the art, and many important historical de-
tails connected with the public life and services of
the individuals enumerated. Great taste and dis
crimination are displayed in pointing out the cha-
racteristic merits, and exposing the defects, of the
various styles of composition reviewed in turn, and
the work is most valuable as a contribution to the
history of literature. But, from the desire to ren-
der it absolutely complete, and. at the same time,
to confine it within moderate limits, the author is
compelled to hurr}' from one individual to another,
without dwelling upon any for a sufficient period to
leave a distinct impression on the mind of the read-
er ; and, while we complain of the space occupied
by a mere catalogue of uninteresting names, by
which we are wearied, we regret that our curiosity
should have been excited, without being gratified,
in regard to many of the shining lights which shed
such a lustre over the last century of the common-
wealth.

The Brutus was composed next in order, although
at a long interval, after the De RepMica, at a pe-
riod when Caesar was already master of the state,
it was written before the (kito^ the Cuto itself
coming immediately before the Orator, a combina-
tion of circumstances wliich fixes it down to the
year B. c. 46. (Brut. 1, 2, .5, 6, Orai. 7, de Diviv.
ii. 1.)

The Brutus was unknown until the discovery of
the Codex Laudensis described above. Hence all
the MSS. being confessedly derived from this source
do not admit of being divided into families, although
the text might probably be improved if the trans-
cripts existing in various Euroi)ean libraries were
more carefully examined and compared.

The Editio Princeps of the Brutus was that
printed at Rome, by Sweynlieym and Pannartz,
1469, 4to., in the same volume with the De Oratore
and the Orator. The best edition is that by Ellendt,
with very copious and useful prolegomena, Kiinigs-
berg, 1826, 8vo., to which we may add an useful
school edition by Billerbeck, Hannover, 1828.

5. Ad M. Brutum Orator.

Cicero having been frequently requested by M.
Brutus to explain his views with regard to what
constituted a faultless orator, this term being un-
derstood to denote a public speaker in the senate
or in the forum, but to exclude the eloquence dis-
played by philosophers in their discourses, and by
poets and historians in their writings, endeavours
in the present essay to perform the task imposed
on him. We must not, therefore, expect to find
here a series of precepts, the result of observation
and induction, capable of being readily applied in
practice, or a description of anything actually ex-
isting in nature, but rather a fancy picture, in
which the artist represents an object of ideal
beauty, such as would spring from the union of all
the prominent characteristic excellences of the
most gifted individuals, fused together and concen-
trated into one hannonious whole.

He first points out that perfection must consist
in absolute propriety of expression, and that this
could be obtained only by occasional judicious
transitions from one style to another, by assuming,
according to the nature of the subject, at one time

CICERO.

726

a plain, familiar, unpretending tone ; by rising at
another into lofty, impassioned, and highly orna-
mented declamation ; and by observing in general
a graceful mediu»i between the two extremes ; by
ascending, as the Greeks expressed it, from the
IcTxvov to the a5/)({*', and falling back from the
aBpov to the fieaov, — instead of adhering stead-
fastly, after the fashion of most great orators, to
one particular form. He next passes on to combat
an error very prevalent among his countrymen,
who, admitting that Athenian eloquence was the
purest model for imitation, imagined that its es-
sence consisted in avoiding with scrupulous care
all copious, flowing, decorated periods, and in ex-
pressing every idea in highly polished, terse, epi-
grammatic sentences — a system which, however
interesting as an effort of intellect, must necessarily
produce results which will fall dull and cold upon
the ear of an ordinary listener, and, if carried out
to its full extent, degenerate into offensive man-
nerism. After dwelling upon these dangers and
insisting upon the folly of neglecting the practice
of Aeschines and Demosthenes and setting up such
a standard as Thucydides, Cicero proceeds to shew
that the orator must direct his chief attention to
three points, which in fact comprehend the soul of
the art, ihe ivluxt, tlie wliere, and the Iiow ; the mat-
ter of his speech, the arrangement of that matter,
the expression and enunciation of that matter
each of which is in turn examined and discussed.
The perfect orator being defined to be one who
clearly demonstrates to his hearers the truth of the
position he maintains, delights them by the beauty
and fitness of his language, and wins them over to
his cause (" is, qui in foro, causisque civilibus, ita
dicet, ut probet, ut delectet, ut flectat"), we are
led to consider the means by which these ends are
reached. The groundwork and foundation of the
whole is true wisdom, but true wisdom can be
gained only by the union of all the highest natural
endowments with a knowledge of philosophy and
all the chief departments of literature and science ;
and thus Cicero brings us round to the conclusion,
which is in fact the pervading idea of this and the
two preceding works, that he who would be a per-
fect orator must be a perfect man. What follows
(fi-ora c. 40 to the end) is devoted to a dissertation
on the harmonious ari"angement of words and the
importance of rhythmical cadence in prose compo-
sition— a curious topic, which attracted much at-
tention in ancient times, as may be seen from the
elaborately minute dulness of Dionysius of Hali-
carnassus, but possesses comparatively little inte-
rest for the modern reader.

The Orator was composed about the beginning
of B. c. 45, having been undertaken immediately
after the completion of the Cato. Cicero declares,
that he was willing to stake his reputation for
knowledge and taste in his own art upon the merits
of this work : " Mihi quidem sic persuadeo, me
quidquid habuerim judiciidedicendo in ilium librum
contulisse ;" and every one must be channed by
the faultless purity of the diction, the dexterity
manifested in the choice of appropriate phraseology,
and the sonorous flow with which the periods roll
gracefully onwards. There is now and then per-
haps a little difficulty in tracing the connexion of
the different divisions ; and while some of the most
weighty themes are touched upon very slightly,
disproportionate space is assigned to the remarks
upon the music of prose ; but this probably arose

726

CICERO.

from the subject having been entirely passed over
in tlie two preceding treatises. For it must be
borne in mind that the De Oratore, the Brutus,
and the Orator were intended to constitute a con-
nected and continuous series, forming a complete
oystem of the rhetorical art. In the first are ex-
pounded the principles and rules of oratory, and the
qualifications natural and acquired requisite for suc-
cess ; in the second the importance of these qualifi-
cations, and the use and application of the principles
and niles are illustrated by a critical examination of
the leading merits and defects of the greatest pub-
lic speakers ; while in the third is delineated that
ideal perfection to which the possession of all the
requisite qualifications and a strict adherence to
all the principles and rules would lead.

The Editio Princeps of the Orator is that men-
tioned above, under the Brutus, printed at Rome
in 1469. The best is that by Meyer, Lips. 1827,
8vo. ; to which we may add the school edition of
Billerbeck, Hannover, 1829, 8vo.

Literature : — P. Ramus, Brutinae Quaestiones in
Orulorem Cic.y Paris. 1547, 4to., 1549, 8vo. ;
J. Perionius, Oratio pro Cic. Oratore contra P.
Ramum, Paris. 1547, 8vo. ; A. Maioragius, In
Oratorem Cic. Commentarius, Basil. 1 552 ; M.
Junius, In Oratorem Cic. Scholia, Argent. 1585,
Bvo. ; H. A. Burchardus, Animadversiones ad Cic.
Oratorem^ Berolin. 1815, 8vo.

6. De Optimo Genere Oratorum.

We have already noticed in the remarks on the
Orator the opinion advocated by several of the
most distinguished speakers of this epoch, such as
Brutus and Calvus, that the essence of the true
Attic style consisted in employing the smallest
possible number of words, and concentrating the
meaning of the speaker into subtle, terse, pointed
sentences, which, however, from being totally de-
void of all ornament and amplitude of expression,
were for the most part stiff, lean, and drj', the very
reverse of Cicero's style. In order to refute practi-
cally this prevalent delusion, Cicero resolved to
render into Latin the two most perfect specimens of
Grecian eloquence, the orations of Aeschines and
Demosthenes in the case of Ctesiphon. The trans-
lation itself has been lost ; but a short preface, in
which the origin and object of the undertaking is
explained, is still extant, and bears the title given
above, De Optimo Genere Oratorum.

The Editio Princeps of this tract, in an indepen-
dent form, is that published with the commentary
of Achilles Statius, Paris, 1551, 4to., and 1552,
8vo. We have also " De Optimo Genere Oratorum,
ad Trebatium Topica, Oratoruie Partitiones, cum
Commentario, ed. G. H. Saalfrank, vol. i. Ratisbon,
1823, 8vo."

7. Topica ad C. Trebatium.

C. Trebatius, the celebrated jurisconsult, having
found himself unable to comprehend the Topics of
Aristotle, which treat of the Invention of Argu-
ments, and having failed in procuring any expla-
nation from a celebrated rhetorician, whose aid he
sought, had frequently applied to Cicero for infor-
mation and assistance. Cicero's incessant occupa-
tions prevented him for a long time from attending
to these solicitations ; but when he was sailing to-
wards Greece, the summer after Caesar's death, he
was reminded of Trebatius by the sight of Velia,
a city with which the lawyer was closely connected,
and accordingly, while on board of the ship, drew

CICERO.

up from recollection the work before us, and Jis-
spatched it to his friend from Rhegium on the 27th
of July, B. c. 44.

We are here presented with an abstract of the ori-
ginal, expressed in plain, familiar terms, illustrated
by examples derived chiefly from Roman law in-
stead of from Greek philosophy, accompanied by a
premise to expound orally, at a future period, any
points which might still appear confused or obscure.
We cannot, of course, expect to find in such a
book any originality of matter ; but when we con-
sider the circumstances under which it was com-
posed, and the nature of the subject itself, we can-
not fail to admire the clear head and the wonderful
memory which could produce at once a full and ac-
curate representation of a hard, complicated, and
technical disquisition on the theory of rhetoric.

The Editio Princeps is without place, date, or
printer's name, but is believed to have been pub-
lished at Venice about 1472. The commentaries
upon this work are very numerous. The most ce-
lebrated are those by Boethius, G. Valla, Mclanc-
thon, J. Visorius, Hegendorphinus, Latomus, Go-
veanus, Talaeus, Curio, Achilles Statius, &c., which
are contained in the editions printed at Paris by
Tiletanus in 1543, 4to., by David in 1550, 4to.,
by Vascosanus in 1554, 4to., and by Richardus
in 1557 and 1561, 4to.-

8. Communes Loci.

All that we know regarding this work is com-
prised in a single sentence of Quintilian (ii, 1.
$11): "Communes loci, sive qui sunt in vitia
directi, quales legiraus a Cicerone compositos ; seu
quibus quaestiones generaliter tractantur, quales
sunt editi a Quinto quoque Hortensio." Orelli
supposes, that the Paradoaa are here spoken of ;
but this opinion is scarcely borne out by the ex-
pression in the preface to which he refers.

9. RJteioricorum ad C. Herenriium Lihri IV.

A general view of the whole art of Rhetoric,
including a number of precepts and rules for
the guidance of the student. Passages from this
treatise are quoted by St. Jerome {adv. Rujin.
lib. i. p. 204, ed. Basil.), by Priscian, by Rufinus
{de Comp. et Meir. Orat. pp. 315, 321 of the lUe-
tores Atitiq. ed. Pith.), and by other ancient gram-
marians, who speak of it as the work of Cicero,
and as such it was generally received by the most
distinguished scholars of the fifteenth century,
Leonardus Arretinus, Angelus Politianus, and
Laurentius Valla. At a very early period, how-
ever, its authenticity was called in question by
Raphael Rhegius and Angelus Decembrius, and
the controversy has been renewed at intervals
down to the present day. Almost all the best
editors agree in pronouncing it spurious, but the
utmost diversity of opinion has existed with
regard to the real author. Regius propounded
no less than three hypotheses, assigning it at
one time to Q. Comiticius, who was quaestor
B. c. 81, and an unsuccessful candidate for the
consulship in B. c. 64 ; at another, to Virginius, a
rhetorician contemporary with Nero; and lastly,
to Timolaus, son of queen Zenobia, who had an
elder brother Herennianus. Paulus and Aldus
Manutius, Sigonius, Muretus, Barthius, and
many of less note, all adopted the first suppo-
sition of Regius. G. J. Vossius began by deciding
in favour of the younger Q. Coniificius, the colleague

CICERO,
of Cicero in the auguratc {ad Fam. xii. 17 — 30),
but afterwards changed his mind and fixed upon
Tullius Tiro ; Julius Caesar Scaliger upon M. Gal-
lio ; Nascimbaenius upon Laureas Tullius ; while
more recently Schiitz has laboured hard to bring
home the paternity to M. Antonius Gnipho, and
Van Ileusde to Aelius Stilo. The arguments
which seem to prove that the piece in question is
not the production of Cicero are briefly as follows :
1. It could not have been composed before the De
Oratore^ for Cicero there (i. 2) speaks of his juve-
nile efforts in this department as rough and never
brought to a conclusion, — a description which cor-
responds perfectly with the two books De Inven-
tione, whereas the Ad Hcrennium is entire and
complete in all its parts ; moreover, the author of
the Ad Ilercnnium complains at the outset that he
was so oppressed with family affairs and business,
that he could scarcely find any leisure for his
fiivourite pursuits — a statement totally inapplicable
to the early career of Cicero. 2. It could not have
deen written after the De Oratore^ for not only
does Cicero never make any allusion to such a per-
formance among the numerous labours of his later
years, but it would have been quite unworthy of
his mature age, cultivated taste, and extensive ex-
perience : it is in reality in every way inferior to
the De Inventione^ that boyish essay which he treats
so contemptuously. We shall not lay any stress
here upon the names of TerentiA and young Tul-
lius which occur in bk. i. c. 12, since these words
are manifest interpolations. 3. Quintilian repeat-
edly quotes from the De Inveidione and other ac-
knowledged rhetorical pieces of Cicero, but never
notices the Ad Herennium. 4. Marius Victorinus
in his commentary on the De Inventione, makes no
allusion to the existence of the Ad Herennium; it
is little probable that he would have carefully dis-
cussed the imperfect manual, and altogether passed
over that which was complete. 5. Servius refers
three times {ad Virg. Aen. viii. 321, ix. 481, 614)
to the " Rhetorica" and Cassiodorus {Rlietor. comp.
pp. 339, 341, ed. Pith.) to the « Ars Rhetorica" of
Cicero ; but these citations are all from the De In-
ventione and not one from the Ad Herennium.

The most embarrassing circumstance connected
with these two works is the extraordinary resem-
blance which exists between them — a resemblance
so strong that it is impossible to doubt that there
is some bond of union. For although there are
numerous and striking discrepancies, not only is
the general arrangement the same, but in very
many divisions the same precepts are conveyed in
nearly if not exactly the same phraseology, and
illustrated by the same examples. Any one who
will compare Ad Herenn. i. 2, ii. 20, 22, 23,
25, 27, with De Invent, i. 7, 42, 45, 48, 49, 51,
will at once be convinced that these coincidences
cannot be accidental ; but the single instance to be
found Ad Herenn. ii. 23, and De Im-ent. i. 50 would
alone be sufficient, for in both we find the same
four lines extracted for the same purpose from
the Trinummus, and Plautus censured for a fault
of which he is not guilty, the force of his expres-
sion having been misunderstood by his critics.
We cannot suppose that the author of the Ad He-
rennium copied from the De Inventione^ since the
former embraces a much wider compass than the
latter ; still less can we believe that Cicero would
be guilty of a shameless plagiarism, which must
have been open to such easy detection. Both par-

CICERO.

r27

ties cannot have derived their matter from a com-
mon Greek original, for not only is it incredible
that two persons translating independently of each
other should have rendered so many phrases in
words almost identical, but the illustrations from
Roman writers common to both at once destroy
such an explanation. Only two solutions of the
enigma suggest themselves. Either we have in
the Ad Herennium and the De Inventione the notes
taken down by two pupils from the lectures of the
same Latin rhetorician, which were drawn out at
full length by the one, and thrown aside in an
unfinished state by the other after some alterations
and corrections had been introduced ; or we have
in the Ad Herennium the original lectures, pub-
lished subsequently by the professor himself. This
last idea is certainly at variance with the tone as-
sumed in the preliminary remarks, but may receive
some support from the claim put forth (i. 9) to
originality in certain divisions of insinuationes^
which are adopted without observation in the De
Inventione. Whatever conclusion we may adopt
upon this head, it is clear that we possess no evi-
dence to determine the real author. The case
made out in favour of Cornificius (we cannot tell
which Cornificius) is at first sight plausible. Quin-
tilian (iii. 1. § 21, comp. ix. 3. § 89) frequently
mentions a certain Cornificius as a writer upon
rhetoric, and in one place especially (ix. 3. § 98)
enumerates his classification of figures, which cor-
responds exactly with the Ad Herennium (iv. 15,
&c.) ; and a second point of agreement has been
detected in a citation by Julius Rufinianus. {De
Fig. Se/it. p. 29.) But, on the other hand, many
things are ascribed by Quintilian to Cornificius
which nowhere occur in the Ad Herennium; and,
still more fatal, we perceive, upon examining the
words referred to above (ix. 3. § 93), that the re-
marks of Cornificius on figures must have been
taken from a separate and distinct tract confined
to that subject. We can accord to Schiitz the
merit of having demonstrated that M. Antonius
Gnipho mat/ be the compiler, and that there is no
testimony, external or internal, to render tliis posi-
tion untenable ; but we cannot go further. There
are several historical allusions dispersed up and
down reaching from the consulship of L. Cassius
Longinus, B. c. 107, to the death of Sulpicius in
B. c. 88 ; and if Burmann and others are correct in
believing that the second consulship of Sulla is
distinctly indicated (iv. 54, 68), the fact will be
established, that these books were not published
before b. c. 80.

The materials for arriving at a correct judgment
with regard to the merits of this controversy, will
be found in the preface of the younger Burmann,
to his edition of the Rlietorica ad Herennium and
De Inventione^ printed at Leyden in 1761, 8vo.,
and republished with additional notes by Linde-
mann, Leipzig, 1 828, 8vo. ; in the prooemium of
Schiitz to his edition of the rhetorical works of
Cicero, Leipzig, 1804, 3 vols. 8vo., enlarged and
corrected in his edition of the whole works of
Cicero, Leipzig, 1814 ; and in the disquisition of J.
van Heusde, De Aelio Siitone, Utrecht, 1 839 ; to
which we may add, as one of the earliest authori-
ties, Utrum Ars Rlietorica ad Herennium Ciceroni
faUo inscribatur^ appended to the Problemata in
Quintil. Instit. Orat. by Raphael Regius, published
at Venice in 1492.

The Editio Princeps of the Rhotorica ad Heren-

728

CICERO.

nium was printed along with the De Inventione,
under the title " Ciceronis Rhetorica Nova et
Vetus," by Nicol. Jenson, in 4to,, Venice, 1470;
and bibliographers have enumerated fourteen more
belonging to the fifteenth century. The best edi-
tion in a separate form is that of Burmann, or the
reprint of Lindemann, mentioned above.

B. Political Philosophy.
1. De Republica Libri VI.
This work on the best form of government and
the duty of the citizen, was one of the earliest of
Cicero's philosophical treatises, drawn up at a
period when, from his intimacy with Pompey,
Caesar and Crassus being both at a distance, he
fancied, or at least wished to persuade others, that
he was actually grasping the helm of the Roman
commonwealth {de l)iv. ii. 1 ). Deeply impressed
with the arduous nature of his task, he changed
again and again not only various minute details
but the whole general plan, and when at length
completed, it was received with the greatest favour
by his contemporaries, and is referred to by him-
self repeatedly with evident satisfaction and pride.
It was commenced in the spring of b. c. 54 {ad
Att. iv. 14, comp. 16), and occupied much of his
attention during the summer months of that year,
while he was residing at his villas in the vicinity
of Cumae and of Pompeii. {Ad Q. Fr. ii. 14.) It
was in the first instance divided into two books
{ad Q. Fr. iii. 5), then expanded into nine {ad Q.
Fr. I. c), and finally reduced to six {de Ijeff. i. 6,
ii. 10, de Div. ii. I). The form selected was that
of Dialogue, in imitation of Plato, whom he kept
constantly in view. The epoch at which the
several conferences, extending over a space of three
days, were supposed to have been held, was the
Jjatinae feriae^ in the consulship of C. Sempronius
Tuditanus and M.' Aquillius, b. c. 129 ; the
dramatis personae consisted of the younger Afri-
canus, in whose suburban gardens the scene is laid,
and to whom the principal part is assigned ; his
bosom friend C. Laelius the Wise ; L. Furius
Pliilus, consul B. c. 130", celebrated in the annals
of the Numantine war, and bearing the reputation
of an eloquent and cultivated speaker {Brut. 28) ;
M.' Manilius, consul B. c. 149, under whom Scipio
served as military tribune at the outbrccik of the
third Punic war, probably the same person as
Manilius the famous jurisconsult ; Sp. Mummius,
the brother of him who sacked Corinth, a man of
moderate acquirements, addicted to the discipline
of the Porch ; Q. Aelius Tubero, son of Aemilia,
sister of Africanus, a prominent opponent of the
Oracchi, well skilled in law and logic, but no
onitor; P. Rutilius Rufus, consul B. c. 105, the
most worthy citizen, according to Velleius, not
merely of his own day, but of all time, who having
been condemned in a criminal trial (b. c. 92), al-
though innocent, by a conspiracy among the
equites, retired to Smyrna, where he passed the
remainder of his life in honourable exile ; Q. Mu-
cins Scaevola, the augur, consul B. c. 117, the first
preceptor of Cicero in jurisprudence ; and lastly,
C. Fannius, the historian, who was absent, how-
ever, on the second day of the conference, as we
learn firom the remarks of his father-in-law Laelius,
and of Scaevola, in the De AmicUia (4, 7). In
order to give an air of probability to the action of
the piece, Rutilius is supposed to have been visited
at Smyrna by Cicero during his Asiatic tour, and on

CICERO,
that occasion to have spent some days in recount-
ing the particulars of this memorable conversation,
in which he had taken a part, to his young friend
v/ho afterwards dedicated the De Republica to the
person who was his travelling companion on this
occasion. It is hard to discover who this may have
been, but historical considerations go far to prove
that either Q. Cicero or Atticus was the individual
in question. {De Rep. i. 8, Brut. 22 ; Mai, Praef.
§ iv.) The precise date at which the De Repub-
lica was given to the world is unknown ; it could
scarcely liave been before the end of b. c. 54, for
the work was still in an unfinished state at the
end of September in that year (ck/ ^rt. iv. 16'),
and during the month of October scarcely a day
passed in which the author was not called upon to
plead for some client {ad Q. Fr. iii. 3) ; on the
other himd, it appears from an expression in the
correspondence of Caelius with Cicero, while the
latter was in Cilicia {ad Fain. viii. 1 ), that the
" politic! libri " were in general circulation in the
early part of B. c. 51, while the language used is
such as would scarcely have been employed except
with reference to a new publication.

The greater number of the above particulars are
gleaned from incidental notices dispersed over the
writings of Cicero. The dialogues themselves, al-
though known to have been in existence during
the tenth century, and perhaps considerably later,
had ever since the revival of literature eluded the
most earnest search, and were believed to have
been irrecoverably lost with the exception of the
episode of the Somnium Scipionis, extracted entire
from the sixth book by Macrobius, and sundry
fragments quoted by grammarians and ecclesiastics,
especially by Lactantius and St. Augustin. But
in the year 1 822, Angelo Mai detected among the
Palimpsests in the Vatican a portion of the iong-
sought-for treasure, which had been partially
obhterated to make way for a commentary of St.
Augustin on the Psahns. A full history of this
volume, which seems to have been brought from
the monjistery of Bobio during the pontificate of
Paulus v., about the beginning of the 7th century,
is contained in the first edition, printed at Rome
in 1822, and will be found in most subsequent edi-
tions. Although what has been thus unexpectedly
restored to light is in itself most valuable, yet,
considered as a whole, the work presents a sadly
deformed and mutilated aspect. These imperfec-
tions arise from various causes. In the first place,
the commentary of Augustin reaches from the 1 1 9th
to the 140th psalm, but the remainder, down to
the 150th psalm, written, as may be fairly inferred,
over sheets of the same MS., has disappeared, and
gaps occur in what is left to the extent of 0"4 pages,
leaving exactly 302 pages entire in double columns,
each consisting of fifteen lines. In the second
place, it must be remembered that to prepare an
ancient MS. for the reception of a new writing,
it must have been taken to pieces in order to wash
or scrape every page separately, and that, no atten-
tion being paid to the arrangement of these disjecta
membra, they would, when rebound, be shuffled
together in utter disorder, and whole leaves would
be frequently rejected altogether, either from being
decayed or from some failure in the cleaning pro-
cess. Accordingly, in the palimpsest in question
the different parts of the original were in the ut-
most confusion, and great care was required not
only in deciphering the faint characters, but in re-

CICERO.

storing the proper sequence of the sheets. Alto-
gether, after a minute calculation, we may estimate
that by the palimpsest we have regained about
one-fourth of the whole, and if the fragments col-
lected from other sources be added, they will in-
crease the proportion to one-third. The MS. is
written in very large well-formed capitals, and
from the splendour of its appearance those best
skilled in palaeography have pronounced it to be
the oldest MS. of a classic in existence, some being
disposed to carry it back as far as the second or third
century, the superinduced M3. being probably earlier
than the tenth century. In the first book, the first 33
pages are wanting, and there are fourteen smaller
blanks scattered up and down, amounting to 38
pages more. A few words are wanting at the be-
ginning of the second book, which runs on with
occasional blanks, amounting in all to 50 pages,
until we approach the close, which is very defective.
The third book is a mere collection of disjointed
scraps ; of the fourth the MS. contains but a few
lines, the same is the case with the fifth, and the
sixth is totally wanting.

The object of the work was to determine the
best form of government, to define the duties of all
the members of the body politic, and to investigate
those principles of justice and morality which
must form the basis of every system under which
a nation can expect to enjoy permanent prosperity
and happiness. We cannot doubt that Cicero was
stimulated to this undertaking by perceiving the
destruction which threatened the liberties of his
country ; and, in the vain hope of awakening those
around him to some sense of their danger, he re-
solved to place before their eyes a lively represen-
tation of that constitution by which their fore-
fathers had become masters of the world.

The materials of which this production was
formed appear, for we can speak with little cei-
tainty of the last four books, to have been distri-
buted in the following manner : —

The greater pai-t of the prologue to the first book
is lost, but we gather that it asserted the supe-
riority of an active over a purely contemplative
career. After a digression on the uncertainty and
worthlessness of physical pursuits, the reivl business
of the piece is opened, the meaning of the word
republic is defined, and the three chief forms of
government, the monai-chical, the aristocratical, and
the democratical, are analyzed and compared,
Scipio awarding the preference to the first, al-
though, since all in their simple shape are open to
corniption and degeneracy, and contain within
themselves the seeds of dissolution, the ideal of a
perfect constitution would be a compound of all
these three elements mixed in due proportions — a
combination to which the Roman constitution at
one time closely approximated.

The subject being pursued in the second book
leads to a history of the origin and progress of the
Roman state ; and, passing from the particular to
the general, the remainder of the book is occupied
by an examination of the great moral obligations
which serve as the foundation of all political union.

The third book, as we glean from Lactantius and
St. Augustin, contaii^ed a protracted discussion on
me famous paradox of Carneades, that justice was
a visionary delusion.

The fourth book entered upon the duties of citi-
zens in public and private life, and enlai'ged upon
general eduaition and moral training.

CICERO.

729

In the prologue to the fifth oook, of which we
know less than of any of the preceding, Cicero in-
dulged in lamentations on the general depravity of
morals which were becoming rapidly more corrupt.
The main topic in what followed was the adminis-
tration of laws, including a review of the practice
of the Roman courts, beginning with the paternal
jurisdiction of the kings, who were the sole
judges in the infancy of the city.

We can hardly hazard a conjecture on tne con-
tents of the sixth book, with the exception of the
well-known Somnium Scipionis, in which Scipio re-
lates that he saw in a dream, when, in early youth,
he visited Masinissa, in Africa, the form of the first
Africanus, which dimly revealed to him his future
destiny, and urged him to press steadily forward
in the path of virtue and of true renown, by an-
nouncing the reward prepared in a future state for
those who have served their country in this life
with good faith.

The authorities chiefly consulted by Cicero, in
composing the De Republica, are concisely enume-
rated in the first chapter of the second book de Di-
vinatione. " Sex de Republica libros scripsimus —
Magnus locus philosophiaeque proprius, a Platone,
Aristotele, Theophrasto totaque Peripateticorum
familia tractus uberrime." To these we must add
Polybius, from whom many of the most important
opinions are directly derived (e. g. comp. Polyb.
vi. 3, 6, 7).

The Editio Princeps of the recovered De Repub-
lica was printed, as we have seen above, at Rome,
in 1822, with copious prolegomena and notes by
Mai ; this was followed by the edition of Creuzer
and Moser, Frankf. 1826, 8vo.. which is the most
complete that has hitherto appeared. The following
also contains useful matter, " La Republique de Ci-
ceron, d'apres la texte inedit, recerament decouvert
et commente par M. Mai, bibliothecaire de Vatican,
avec une traduction francaise, un discours prelimi-
naire et des dissertations historiques, par M. Ville-
niain, de T Academie francaise, ii tomes, Paris,
Michaud, 1823."

Literature :— F. C. Wolf, Ohserv. Orit. t« M. Ttdl.
Cic. Oral, pro Scauro, et pro Tullio., et librorum De
Rep. Fragm. 1824 ; Zacharia, Staatswissenschaftliclte
Betrachtungen iiber Ciceros neu aufgefundenes Werk
vom Stadte, Heidelberg, 1823,

The fragments known before the discovery of
Mai are included in all the chief editions of the
collected works, and were published with a French
translation by Bernardi, ii tomes, Paris, 1807.

2. De Legihus Lihri III.

Three dialogues, in a somewhat mutilated condi-
tion, on the nature, the origin, and the perfection of
laws. These have given rise to a series of contro-
versies respecting the real author of the work, the
time at which it was written, its extent when en-
tire, its proper title, the date of publication, the ex-
istence of a prologue, or preface, the sources from
which the author derived his materials, and the de-
sign which he proposed to accomplish. On each of
these points it is necessary to say a few words.

1. The opinion that Cicero was not the author,
rests solely upon the fact that, contrary to his usual
practice in such matters, he nowhere makes mention
of these books ; no notice of them is taken in the
catalogue of his philosopliical writings, inserted in
the De Divinatione (ii. 1), nor in any part of his
correspondence with Atticus, which generally con-

730

CICERO.

tains some account of the literary labours in which
he was from time to time engaged, nor in any of
those passages where a reference might very natu-
rally have been expected (e. g. Tiisc. iv. 1, Brut. v.
19), while the expressions which have been ad-
duced as containing indirect allusions, will be found
upon examination to be so indistinct, or to have
been so unfeirly interpreted, that they throw no
light whatever on the question, (e. g. de Orat. i.
42, ad At/, xiv. 17.) On the other hand, " M.
TuUius ... in libro de legibus primo," and " Cicero
in quinto de legibus," are the words with which
Lactantius (De Opif. Dei., i.) and Macrobius (vi. 4)
introduce quotations, and all the best scholars agree
in pronouncing that not only is there no internal
evidence against the authenticity of the treatise,
but that the diction, style, and matter, are in every
respect worthy of Cicero, presenting no trace of a
late or inferior hand, of interpolation, or of forgery.
Even if we do not feel quite certain that the sen-
tence in Quintilian (xii. 3), " M. Tullius non
modo inter agendum numquam est destitutus scien-
tia juris, sed ctiam componere aliqua de eo coepe-
rat," was intended to indicate the work before as,
yet the word cocperat may be allowed at least to
suggest a solution of the difficulty. Taking into
account the actual state of these dialogues as they
have descended to us, remarking the circumstance,
which becomes palpable upon close examination,
that some portions are complete, full, and highly
polished, while others are imperfect, meagre, and
rough, we are led to the conclusion, that the plan
was traced out and partially executed ; that, while
the undertaking was advancing, some serious inter-
ruption occurred, possibly the journey to Cilicia ;
that being thus thrown aside for a time, the natu-
ral disinclination always felt by Cicero to resume a
train of thought once broken off (comp. de Le(j. i.
y) combined with a conviction that the disorders
of his country were now beyond the aid of philo-
sophic remedies, prevented him from ever following
out his original project, and giving the last touches
to the unfinished sketch. This supposition will
account in a satisfactory manner for the silence ob-
served regarding it in the De Divinatiojie^ the Bn(r
tus., and elsewhere ; and if it was in progress, as we
shall see is very probable, towards the close of B. c.
52, we can be at no loss to explain why it makes
no figure in the epistles to Atticus, for no letters
between the friends are extant for that year, in con-
sequence, perhaps, of both being together at Rome.
Chapman, in his Chronological Dissertation, avoids
the objection altogether by supposing, that the de
Legibus was not written until after the de Divina-
tio7ie^ but from what is said below, it will appear
that this hypothesis is probably erroneous, and, ac-
cording to the view we have given, it is certainly
unnecessary.

2. Since we find in the work allusions to the ele-
vation of Cicero to the augui-ate (ii. 12, iii, 19), an
event which did not take place until the vacancy
caused by the death of Crassus (b. c. 53) was
known at Rome, and also to the death of Clodius
(ii. 17, B. c. 52), and since Cato and Porapey are
both named as alive (iii. 1 8, i. 3, iii. 9), it is mani-
fest that the action of the drama belongs to some
epoch between the beginning of the year, B. c. 52,
and the battle of Pharsalia, b. c. 48 ; but on the
other hand this evidence will only enable us to de-
cide that the drama was conijiosed after the 18th of
January, b. c. 52, the day when Clodius perished,

CICERO.

without defining any second limit before which it
must have been composed. When, however, we
remark the evident bitterness of spirit displayed
towards Clodius and his friends, together with the
suppressed, but not concealed, dissatisfaction, with
the conduct of Pompey (ii. 16, 41, iii. 9, 21), we
are led to suppose that these paragraphs were
penned under the influence of feelings recently ex-
cited, such as might have been roused by the pro-
ceedings which distinguished the trial of Milo,
We are inclined, therefore, to think that the date
of the action of the drama, and the date of compo-
sition, are nearly identical, and that both may be
assigned to the middle or end of b. c. 52.

3. With regard to the number of books at one
time in existence, we are certain that there were
more than three, for Macrobius (/. c.) quotes the
fifth ; but how many there may have been is purely
a matter of conjecture. Fabricius, Hiilsemann, and
Wagner, decide that there were just five ; Goerenz
argues very ingeniously that there must have been
six ; Davis fixes that there were eight.

4. The title De Legibus rests on the authority
of nearly all the MSS. One alone exhibits Do
Jure Civili et I^igibus, which doubtless arose from a
desire to include the supposed contents of the later
books. (See de Leg. iii. 5 fin. ; Gell. i. 22.)

5. If we are correct in our position, that Cicero
never finished his work, it follows that it was not
published during his life, and, therefore, remained
unknown to his contemporaries.

6. As to the existence of a prologue, we should
naturally have imagined that this was a question of
fact, affording no scope for reasoning. Nevertheless
the point also has been keenly debated. Turnebus,
in one commentary, considers that the first few
chfipters constitute a regular introduction, but he
afterwards changed his mind, and, startled by the
abruptness with which the conversation opens,
maintained that the exordium had been lost. Goe-
renz and Moser, the most judicious editors, adopt
the first conclusion of Turnebus.

7. In all that relates to external form and deco-
ration Plato is evidently the model, and the imita-
tion throughout is most close and accurate. But
the resemblance extends no farther than the surftice:
the definitions, the propositions, the arguments, and
the whole substance, except what is immediately
connected with Roman law, can be traced to the la-
bours of the Stoics, especially to the <pvcr(Kai deaeis,
the irepl koAov, the ir^pl Si/caioo-uj'Tjs, and above all
the Trepl vofxov of Chrysippus ; for the few fragments
which have been preserved of these tracts ai'e still
sufficient to shew that not only did Cicero draw his
materials from their stores, but in some instances
did little more than translate their words. Even in
the passages on magistrates the ideas of Plato,
Aristotle, and Theophrastus are presented with the
modifications introduced by Dion (Diogenes ? ) and
Panaetius. [De Leg. iii. 6.)

8. The general plan of the work is distinctly
traced in one of the opening chapters (i. 5, 17).
It was intended to comprehend an exposition of the
nature of justice and its connexion with the nature
of man, an examination of the laws by which states
ought to be governed, and a review of the different
systems of legislation which had been adopted by
different nations.

Accordinglj', in the first book we have an inves-
tigation into the sources of justice and virtue. It
is laid down (1), That the Gods are the ultimate

CICERO.
Rource of jiBtice ; (2) That men, being bound
together by a community of faculties, feelings, and
dosin'8, are led to cultivate social union — and hence
justice, without which social union could not exist.
Thus human nature is a second source of justice,
liut since human nature is intimately connected
with God by reason and virtue, it follows that God
and the moral nature of man are the joint sources
of justice, law being the practical exposition of its
principles. Much more stress is, however, laid
upon the second of these two sources than upon the
first, which is quickly dismissed and kept out of
sight.

In the second book the author explains his views
of a Model Code, illustrated by constant references
to the ancient institutions of Rome. Attention is
first called to the laws which relate to religion and
sacred observances, which are considered under the
different heads of divine worship in general, inclu-
ding the solemnities to be observed in the perform-
ance of ordinances, and the classification of the
Gods according to the degrees of homage to which
they are severally entitled ; the celebration of fes-
tivals ; the duties of the various orders of priests ;
the exhibition of public games; the maintenance
of ancient rites ; the punishment of perjury and
impurity ; the consecration of holy places and
things ; and the respect to be paid to the spirits of
the departed.

The third book treated of Magistrates, com-
mencing with a short exposition of the nature and
importance of their functions as interpreters and
enforcers of the laws. This is followed by a disser-
tation on the expediency of having one magistrate
in a state to whom all the rest shall be subordinate,
which leads to certain reflections on the authority
of the consuls, as controlled by the tribunes. Here,
however, there is a great blank, the part which is
lost having contained, it would appear, an inquiry
into the functions of all the chief officers of the
Roman republic. What remains consists of three
discussions, one on the power exercised by tribunes
of the plebeians, a second on the propriety of sup-
plying the vacancies in the senate from the number
of those who had held certain appointments, and,
thirdly, on the advantages and drawbacks of voting
by kiilot.

The scene of these dialogues is laid in the villa
of Cicero, in the neighbourhood of his native Ar-
pinum, near the point where the Fibrenus joins the
Liris. The Editio Princeps forms part of the edi-
tion of the philosophical works printed at Rome in
2 vols. fol. by Sweynheym and Pannartz, 1471 ; see
above, p. 719, b. The editions of Davis, Camb.
1 727-8, containing the notes of the old commentators,
and an improved text, were long held in high esti-
mation, and frequently reprinted, but is now super-
seded by those of Goerenz, Leip. 1809, 8vo., forming
the first volume of the collected philosophical works;
uf Moser and Creuzer, Frankf. 1824, 8vo., contain-
ing everything that the scholar can desire ; and of
Bake, Leyden, 1 842, 8vo., which is the most recent.

3. De Jure Civili in Artem redigendo.

A. Gellius quotes a sentence from a work of Cicero
which he says bore the above title. The subject of
civil law was also discussed in one of the last books
De Legibus, but the words of Gellius can apply
only to an independent treatise. See Orelli's Cicero
vol. iv. pt. ii. p. 478. (Gell. i. 22 ; Quintil. xii. 3.
§ 10 ; Macrob. y\. 4; Cic. de Leg. iii. 20.)

CICERO.

731

4. Epistola ad Caesarem de RepiMica ordinanda.

Cicero, in a letter to Atticus, (xii. 40,) written
in June, b. c. 45, tells his friend, that he had made
several attempts to compose an address to Caesar,
in imitation of those of Aristotle and Theopompus
to Alexander, but had hitherto failed (iu/x&ou-
XixniK6v saepe conor : nihil reperio). A few days
later, however, it appears to have been finished
{ad Att. xiii. 26), and was soon after sent to At-
ticus {ad Ait. xii. 49), but never forwarded to the
dictator; for, having been previously submitted to
his friends for their approbation, they made so many
objections, and suggested so mfiny alterations, that
Cicero threw it aside in disgust. {Ad Att. xii. 51,
52, xiii. 1, 27, 28, 31.)

C. Philosophy of Morals.

1. De Offidis Libri III.

A treatise on moral obligations, viewed not so
much with reference to a metaphysical investiga-
tion of the basis on which they rest, as to the
practical business of the world and the intercourse
of social and political life. It was composed and
published late in the year B. c. 44, certainly after
the end of August (iii. sub fin.), and is addressed
to young Marcus, at that time residing at Athens
under the care of Cratippus the Peripatetic. This
being a work professedly intended for the purposes
of instruction, Cicero does not dwell upon the
conflicting doctrines of rival sects, but endeavours
rather to inculcate directly those views which he
regarded as the most correct ; and, rejecting the
form of dialogue, enunciates the difterent pre-
cepts with the authority of a teacher addressing
his pupil. The discipline of the Stoics is princi-
pally followed. In the first two books , the Trepl
Ka07)KovT6s of Panaetius served as a guide, and
not a little was borrowed from Diogenes of Babylon,
Antipater of Tarsus, Hecato, Posidonius, Antipater
of Tyre, and others enumerated in the commentary
of Beier and the tract of Lynden on Panaetius.
Notwithstanding the express declaration of Cicero
to the contrary, we cannot, from internal evidence,
avoid the conclusion, that the Greek authorities
have in not a few passages been translated ver-
batim, and translated not very happilj"-, for the
unyielding character of the Latin language ren-
dered it impossible to express accurately those nice
gradations of thought and deliaite distinctions
which can be conveyed with so much clearness
and precision by the copious vocabulary and grace-
ful flexibility of the sister tongue. (See the essay
of Garve named at the end of the article.) The
third book, which is occupied with questions in
casuistry, although it lays claim to greater origi-
nality than those which precede it, was certainly
formed upon the model of the irepl KadrjKom-ds
of the Stoic Hecato. But while tlie skeleton of
the whole work is unquestionably of foreign origin,
the examples and illustrations are taken almost
exclusively from Roman history and Roman litera-
ture, and are for the most part selected with great
judgment and clothed in the most felicitous diction.

In the first book, after a few preliminary re-
marks, we find a threefold division of the subject.
When called upon to perform any action we must
inquire, 1. Whether it is honestum, that is, good
in itself, absolutely and abstractedly good ; 2.
Whether it is utile, that is, good when considered
with reference to external objects ; 3. What course

732

CICERO.

we must pursue when tlie lionestum and the utile
are at variance. Moreover, the Iionesiutn and the
utile each admit of degrees which also fall to be
examined in order that we may make choice of the
highest. The general plan being thus sketched, it
is followed out by a discussion of the four consti-
tuent elements into which the lionestum may be
resolved : a. Sapieniia^ the power of discerning
truth ; b. Justitia et Beneficentia^ which consist in
studying the welfare of those around us, in render-
ing to every one his own, and in preserving con-
tracts inviolate ; c. FortHudo^ greatness and strength
of mind ; d. Temperantia, the faculty of doing and
saying everything in a becoming manner, in the
proper place, and to the proper extent. Each of
these is explained at length, and the book closes
with a debate on the degrees of the honestum^ that
is, the method of deciding, when each of two
lines of conduct is honestuin^ which is to be pre-
ferred as superior {honestius) to the other.

The second book is devoted to the utile^ and
considers how we may best conciliate the favour of
our fellow-men, apply it to our own advancement,
and thus arrive at wealth and public distinction,
enlarging peculiarly on the most pure and judicious
mode of displaying liberality, whether by pecuniary
gifts or by aid of any other description. This is
succeeded by a short notice of two ntilitates passed
over by Panaetius — the care of the health and the
care of the purse, after which a few words are
added on the comparison of things expedient with
ejich other.

In the third book it is demonstrated that there
never can be any real collision between the hone»-
ium and the utile; but that when an action is
viewed through a proper medium the hnnestum will
invariably be found to be inseparable from the
utile and the utile from the limiestum^ a proposition
which had been briefly enunciated at the beginning
of book second, but is here fully developed and
largely illustrated. A number of difficult cases
are then stated, which serve as exercises in the
application of the rules laid down, among which a
prominent place is assigned to the story of Regulus.

'I'he Editio Princeps of the De Officiis is one of
the oldest specimens of classical typography in
existence, having been printed along with the
ParculoA'a by Fust and Schoffer at Mayence in
1465 and again in 1466, both in small 4 to. These
aie not of excessive rarity, and occur more fre-
quently upon vellum than upon paper. Next
tomes an edition in 4to., without date or name of
place or of printer, but generally recognised as from
the press of Ulric Zell, at Cologne, about 1467,
which were followed by that of Ulric Hann, foL,
llome, 1468-9, also without name or date, that of
Sweynheym and Pannartz, Rome, foL, 1469, of
Vindelin de Spira, Venice, fol,, 1470, and of
Kggesteyn, Strasburg, 4to., 1770. Many of these
have given rise to lengthened controversies among
bibliographers, the substance of which will be
found in Dibdin's " Introduction to the Classics,"
Lond. 1827. Among the almost countless editions
which have appeared since the end of the 15th
century, it is sufficient to specify those of Heusinger,
Brunswick, 8vo., 1 783, which first presented a really
pure text and has been repeatedly reprinted ; of
Gemhard, Leipzig, 8vo., 1811 ; and of Beier, 2
vols. 8vo., Leipzig, 1820-21, which may be con-
sidered as the best.

Literature : — A. Bnsclier, EtMcae Ciceronianop

CICERO.

Lihri II., Hamb. 1610; R. G. Rath, Cicero de
Officiis in brevi conspeciu. Hall. 1803; Thorbecke,
Priticip. phil. mor. e Ciceronis Op., Leyden, 1817;
and the remarks which accompany the translation
of Garve, of which a sixth edition was published
at Breslau in 1819.

2. De Virtutibus.

This work, if it ever existed, which is far from
being certain, must have been intended as a sort
of supplement to the De, Officiis, just as Aristotle
added a tract, irepl dperuv, to his Ethics. (Hieron.
i?i Zachar. Propliet. Comment, i. 2 ; Charisius, ii.
p. 186.)

3. Cato Major s. De Senedute.

This little tract, drawn up at the end of b. c.
45 or the commencement of b. c. 44, for the pur-
pose of pointing out how the burden of old age
may be most easily supported, is addressed to
Atticus, who was now in his sixty-eighth year,
while Cicero himself was in his sixty-second or
sixty-third. It is first mentioned in a letter
written from Puteoli on the 11th of May, B. c. 44
{ad Ait. xiv. 21, comp. xvii. 11), and is there
spoken of as already in the hands of his friend.
In the short introductory dialogue, Scipio Aemili-
anus and Laelius are supposed to have paid a nsit
during the consulship of T. Quinctius Flamininus
and M.' Acilius Balbus (b. c. 150 ; see c. 5 aiid
10) to Cato the censor, at that time 84 years old.
Beholding with admiration the activity of body
and cheerfulness of mind which he displayed, they
request him to point out bj' what means the
weight of increasing years may be most easily
borne. Cato willingly complies, and commences a
dissertation in which he seeks to demonstrate how
unreasonable are the complaints usually urged re-
garding the miseries which attend the close of a
protracted life. The four principjil objections are
stated and refuted in regular succession. It is
held that old age is wretched, 1. Because it in-
capacitates men for active business ; 2. Because it
renders the body feeble ; 3. Because it deprives
them of the enjoyment of almost all pleasures ;
4. Because it heralds the near approach of death.
The first three are met by producing examples of
many illustrious personages in whom old age was
not attended by any of these evils, by arguing that
such privations are not real but imaginary mis-
fortunes, and that if the relish for some pleasures
is lost, other delights of a more desirable and sub-
stantial character are substituted. The fourth o!)-
jection is encountered still more boldly, by an
eloquent declaration that the chief happiness of old
age in the eyes of the philosopher arises from the
conviction, that it indicates the near approach of
death, that is, the near approach of the period
when the soul shall be released from its debasing
connexion with the body, and enter unfettered
upon the paths of immortality.

This piece has always been deservedly esteemed
as one of the most graceful moral essays bequeath-
ed to us by antiquity. The purity of the language,
the liveliness of the illustrations, the dignity of the
sentiments, and the tact with which the character
of the strong-minded but self-satisfied and garru-
lous old man is maintained, have excited universal
applause. But however pleasing the picture here
presented to us, every one must perceive that it is
a fancy sketch, not the faithful copy of a scene

CICERO.

from nature. In fact the whole treatise is a tissue
of special pleading on a question which is discussed
in the same tone of extravagance on the opposite
side by .Juvenal in his tenth satire. The logic
also is bad, for in several instances general propo-
sitions are attacked by a few specious particular
cjises which are mere exceptions to the rule. No
one can doubt the truth of the assertions, that old
age does incjipacit<xte us for active business, tiiat it
does render the body feeble, and that it does blunt
the keenness of our senses ; but while it is a per-
fectly fair style of argument to maintain that these
are imaginary and not real ills, it is utterly absurd
to deny their existence, because history affords a
few instances of favoured individuals who have
been exempted from their influence.

Cicero appears to have been indebted for the
idea, if not for the plan, of this work to Aristo of
Chios, a Stoic philosopher (c. 1 ) ; much has been
trant.lated almost literally from the Republic of
Plato (see cc. 2, 3, 14), and more freely from the
Oeconomics and Cyropaedeia of Xenophon. The
passage with regard to the immortality of the soul
is derived from the Timaeus, the Phaedon, the
Phaedrus, and the Menon (see Kiihner, p. 116),
and some editors have traced the observations upon
the diseases of young men (c. 19) to Hippocrates.
It must be remarked, that although Cato was a
rigid follower of the Porch, the doctrines here pro-
pounded have little of the austerity of that sect,
but siivour more of the gentle and easy discipline
of the Peripatetics. (Kiihner, l. c.)

The iive earliest editions of the Cato Major
were all printed at Cologne, the first three by
Ulric Zell, the fourth by Winter de Homborch,
the fifth by Arnold Therhoemen, not one of which
bears a date, but some of them are certainly older
than the edition of the collected philosophical works
printed at Rome, in 2 vols. foL, by Sweynheym
and Paimartz, which contains the De Senectute.
[See above, p. 719, b.] The best modern editions
are those of Gemhard, which include the Paradoxa
aUo, Leipzig, 8vo., 1819, and of Otto, Leipzig,
1830.

4. Lojellus 8. De Amicitla.

This dialogue was written after the preceding,
to which it may be considered as fonning a com-
panion. Just as the dissertation upon old age was
placed in the mouth of Cato because he had been
distinguished for energy of mind and body pre-
served entire to the very close of a long life, so the
steadfast attachment which existed between Scipio
and Laelius pointed out the latter as a person pe-
ciUiarly fitted to enlai'ge upon the advantciges of
friendship and the mode in which it might best be
cultivated. To no one could Cicero dedicate such
a treatise with more propriety than to Atticus, the
only individual among his contemporaries to whom
he gave his whole heart.

The imaginary conversation is supposed to have
tiiken place between Laelius and his two sons-in-
law, C. Fannius and Q. Mucins Scaevola, a few
days after the death of Africanus (u. c. 129), and
to have been repeated, in after times, by Scaevola
to Cicero. Laelius begins by a panegyric on his
friend. Then, at the request of the young men,
he explains his own sentiments with regard to the
origin, nature, limits, and value of friendship ;
traces its connexion with the higher moral virtues,
and lays down the rules which ought to be ob-

CICERO. 733

served in order to render it permanent and mutu-
ally advant;igeous. The most pleasiiig feature in
this esstiy is the simple sincerity with which it ig
impressed. The author exists aside the alfcctatiou
of learning, and the reader feels convinced through-
out that he is speaking from his heai"t. In giviiig
full expression to the most amiable feelings, his
experience, knowledge of human nature, and sound
sense, enabled him to avoid all fantastic exaggera-
tion, and, without sacrificing his dignified tone, or
pitching his standard too low, he brings down the
subject to the level of ordinary comprehension, and
sets before us a model which all may imitate.

The exordium is taken from the Theaetetus, and
in the 8th chapter we detect a correspondence with
a passage in the Lysis of Plato ; the Ethics of
Aristotle, and the Memorabilia of Socrates by Xen-
ophon aftbrded some suggestions ; a strong resem-
blance can be tracttd in the fragments of Theo-
phrastus Trepl (pi\las^ and some hints are supposed
to have been taken from Chrysippus ircpl (pi\ias
and rrcpl rov SiKoi^fiu. (Kiihner, p. 118.)

The Editio Princeps was printed at Cologne by
Joh. Guldenschaff, the second, which includes the
Paradoxa, at the same place by Ulric Zell ; neither
bears any date, but both are older than the collec-
tion of the philosophical works printed at Rome
in 2 vols. fol. by Sweynheym and Pannartz, 1471,
which contains the Laelius. The best modern
editions are those of Gernhard, Leipzig, 8vo. 1825,
and of Beier, Leipzig, 12mo. 1828.

5. De Gloria Libri II.

Cicero completed a work under the above title,
in two books dedicated to Atticus, on the 4th of
July, B. c. 44. A few words only having beeu
preserved, we have no means of detennining the
manner or tone in which the subject was handled.
Petrarch was in possession of a MS. of the De
Gloria, which afterwards passed into the hands of
Bernardo Giustiniani, a Venetian, and then disap-
peared. Paulus Manutius and Jovius circulated a
story that it had been destroyed by Petrus Alcyo-
nius, who had stolen numerous passages and in-
serted them in his own treatise De Exilic; but
this calumny has been refuted by Tiraboschi in
his history of Italian literature. (See Orelli's Ci-
cero, vol iv. pt. ii. p. 487: Cic de Off. ii. 9, ad AH.
XV. 27, xvi. 2.)

6. De Consolatioiic s. De Luctu minuendo.
This treatise was written b. c. 45, soon after
the death of his beloved daughter, TuUia, when
seeking distraction and relief in literary pursuits.
We learn from Pliny (praef. H.N.\ that the work of
Crantor the Academician was closely followed. A
few inconsidex-able fragments have been preserved
chieriy by Lactantius, and will be found in Orelli's
Cicero, vol. iv. pt. ii. p. 489. The tract published
at Venice in 1583 under the title Consolatio Cicc-
ronis is a notorious forgery, executed, as is gene-
rally believed, by Sigonius or Vianellus. (Cic. ad
Att. xii. 20, 23, Tuscul. iii. 28, 31 ; Augustin, dc
Civ. Dei, xix. 4 ; liieron. Epitaph. Nepot.)

D. Speculative Philosophy.

1. Academicorum Libri II.

The history of this work before it finally quitted

the hands of its author is exceedingly curious and

somewhat obscure, but must be cleaily understood

before we can explain the relative position of those

734

CICERO.

portions of it which have been transmitted to mo-
dem times. By comparing carefully a series of
letters written to Atticus in the course of B. c. 45
{ad Att. xiii. 32, 12-14, 16, 18, 19, 21-23, 25, 35,
44), we find that Cicero had drawn up a treatise
upon the Academic Philosophy iii the form of a
dialogue between Catulus, LucuUus, and Horten-
sius, and that it was comprised in two books, the
first bearing the name of Catulus, the second that
of Lucullus. A copy was sent to Atticus, and
soon after it had reached him, two new introduc-
tions were composed, the one in praise of Catulus,
the other in praise of Lucullus. Scarcely had this
been done, when Cicero, from a conviction that
Catulus, Lucullus, and Hortensius, although men
of highly cultivated minds, and well acquainted
with general literature, were known to have been
little conversant with the subtle arguments of ab-
struse philosophy, determined to withdraw them
altogether, and accordingly substituted Cato and
Brutus in their place. {Ad. Att. xiii. 16.) Imme-
diately after this change had been introduced, he
received a communication from Atticus represent-
ing that Varro was much offended by being passed
over in the discussion of topics in which he was
deeply versed. Thereupon, Cicero, catching eagerly
at the idea thus suggested, resolved to recast the
whole piece, and quickly produced, under the old
title, a new and highly improved edition, divided
into four books instead of two, dedicating the whole
to Varro, to whom was assigned the task of de-
fending the tenets of Antiochus of Ascalon, while
the author himself undertook to support the views
of Philo, Atticus also taking a share in the con-
versation. But although these alterations were
effected with great rapidity, the copy originally
sent to Atticus had in the meantime been repeat-
edly transcribed : hence both editions passed into
circulation, and a part of each has been preserved.
One section, containing 12 chapters, is a short
fragment of the first book of the second or Varro-
nian edition ; the other, containing 49 chapters, is
the entire second book of the first edition, to which
is prefixed the new introduction noticed above {ad
Att, xiii. 32), together with the proper title of
Lueu/liis. Thus it appears that the first book of
the first edition has been altogether lost, and the
whole of the second edition, with the exception of
the fragment of the first book already inentioned
and a few scraps quoted by Lactantius, Augustin,
:iiid the grammarians. Upon examining the dates
of the letters referred to, it will be seen that the
fii-st edition had been despatched to Atticus about
the middle of June, for the new introductions were
written by the 27th {ad Ait. xiii. 32) ; that the
second edition, which is spoken of with great com-
placency— " Libri quidem ita exierunt (nisi forte
me communis (piKavria decipit), ut in tali genere
ne apud Graecos quidem simile quidquam" — was
fully completed towards the close of July {ad Att.
xiii. 15), a few days before the last touches had
been given to the De Finibus (xiii. 19) ; and that
it was actually in the possession of Varro before
the ides of August, (xiii. 35, 44.) Goerenz has
taken great pains to prove that these books were
published under the title of Academica, and that
the appellation Academicae Quaestiones, or Acade-
Mteac Disjmtationcs^ by which they are frequently
distinguished, are without authority and altogether
inappropriate.

The object proposed was, to give an accurate

CICERO.

narrative of the rise and progress of the Academic
Philosophy, to point out the various modifications
introduced by successive professors, and to demon-
strate the superiority of the principles of the New
Academy, as taught by Philo, over those of the
Old Academy, as advocated by Antiochus of Asca-
lon. It is manifestly impossible, under existing
circumstances, to detennine with certainty the
amount of difference between the two editions.
That there was a considerable difference is certain,
for, although Cicero was in the fixst instance in-
duced to depart from his plan merely because he
considered the topics discussed out of keeping with
the character of the individuals who were repre-
sented as discussing them, still the division of the
two books into four necessarily implies some im-
portant change in the arrangement if not in the
substance of the subject-matter. We are, moreover,
expressly informed, that many things were omitted,
and that the four books of the second edition, al-
though more concise than the two of the first,
were at the same time better and more brilliant
{splendidiora, breviora, meliora). It is probable
that the first book of the first edition, after giving
a sketch of the leading principles of the different
branches of the Academy as they grew out of each
other in succession, was occupied with a detailed
investigation of the speculations of Cameades, just
as those of Philo, which were adopted to a certain
extent by Cicero himself, form the leading theme
of the second. What remains of the first book of
the second edition enables us to discover that it
was devoted to the history of Academic opinions
from the time of Socrates and Plato, who were re-
garded as the fathers of the sect, down to Antiochus,
from whom Cicero himself had in his youth received
instruction while residing at Athens. The second
book may have been set apart for an inquiry into
the theories of Arcesilas, who, although the real
founder of the New Academy, appears to have
been alluded to in the former edition only in an
incidental and cursory manner; while the third
and fourth books would embrace the full and clear
development and illustration of his pregnant though
obscure doctrines, as explained in the eloquent dis-
quisitions of Cameades and Philo. Such is the
opinion of Goerenz, and although it does not ad-
mit of strict proof, yet it is highly plausible in it-
self, and is fully corroborated by the hints and
indications which appear in those portions of the
dialogue now extant.

The scene of the Catulus was the villa of that
statesman at Curaae, while the Lucullus is supposed
to have been held at the mansion of Hortensius
near Bauli. The dialogues of the second edition
commence at the Cumanum of Varro ; but, as we
learn from a fragment of the third book quoted by
Nonius Marcellus, the parties repaired during the
course of the conference to the shores of the Lu-
crine lake.

The Editio Princeps is included in the collection
of Cicero's philosophical works printed in 2 vols,
fol. by Swej-nhej'm and Pannartz, Rome, 1471,
see above, p, 7 1 9, b. The edition of Da\-is, Camb.
8vo. 1725, was frequently reprinted, and for along
period remained the standard, but is now super-
seded by those of Goerenz, Leipzig, Bvo. 1810,
forming the first volume of his edition of the philo-
sophical works of Cicero; and of Orelli, Zurich,
8vo. 1827

CICERO.

2. D« Mnibus Donorum et Malorum Libri V.

A series of dialogues dedicated to M. Brutus, in
which the opinions of the Grecian schools, especi-
ally of the Epicureans, the Stoics, and the Peripa-
tetics, on the Supreme Good, that is, the f^nis,
object, or end, towards which all our thoughts,
desires, and jictions are or ought to be directed, —
the kernel, as it were, of practical wisdom, — are
expounded, compared, and discussed. The style
is throughout perspicuous and highly polished, the
doctrines of the different sects are stated with ac-
curate impartiality according to the representations
contained in accredited authorities ; but, from the
abstruse nature of many of the points investigated,
and the subtilty of the arguments by which the
different positions are defended, this treatise must
be regarded as the most difficult, while it is the
most perfect and finished, of all the philosophical
performances of Cicero.

These conversations are not supposed to have
been all held at the same period, nor in the same
place, nor between the same parties. They agree
in this, that, after the fashion of Aristotle {ud Att.
xiii. 19), the author throughout assumes the most
prominent place, and that the rest of the actors,
at least those to whom important parts are as-
signed, were dead at the time of publication — a
precaution taken to avoid giving umbrage to living
men by exciting jealousy in reference to the cha-
racters which they are respectively represented as
supporting (dfrjAoTUTnjroi/, id /ore putaram, ad
Att. I. c), but the time, the scene, and the per-
formers are twice changed. In the third and fourth
books they are different from those in the first and
second, and in the fifth from those in any of the
preceding.

The first book opens with an apology for the
study of philosophy ; after which Cicero relates,
for the information of Brutus, a debate which took
place at his Cumanum, in the presence of C. Vale-
rius Triarius, between Cicero himself and L. Man-
lius Torqiuitus, who is represented as being praetor
elect and just about to enter upon his office — a
circumstance which fixes this imaginary colloquy
to the close of the year B. c. 50, a date agreeing
perfectly with the allusion (ii. 18) to the excessive
power then wielded by Pompey. Cicero, being
challenged by Torquatus to state his objections to
the discipline of Epicurus, briefly impugns in ge-
neral terms his system of physics, his imperfect
logic, and, above all, the dogma that the Supreme
Good is Plejisure, and the Supreme Evil, Pain.
This elicits from Torquatus a lengthened explana-
tion of the sentiments really entertained by Epi-
cunis and the worthiest of his followers respecting
?J5o»^, sentiments which he contends had been
misunderstood and misrepresented, but whose truth
he undertakes to demonstrate in a series of propo-
sitions ; in opposition to which Cicero, in the se-
cond book, sets in array the reasonings by which
the Stoics assailed the whole system. In the
third book we find ourselves in the library of
young LucuUus in his Tusculan villa, to which
Cicero had rep.iired for the purpose of consulting a
work of Aristotle, and there meets Cato, immersed
in study and surrounded by the books of the Stoics.
In this way a controversy arises, in which Cicero
maintains, that there was no real discordance be-
tween the ethics of the Porch and those previously
promulgated by the Old Academy and the Peripa-

CICERO.

I^h

t(!tic8 ; that the differences were merely verbal, and
that Zeno had no excuse for breaking olF from
Plato and Aristotle, and establishing a new school,
which presented the same truths in a worse form.
These assertions are vigorously comlwited by Cato,
who argues, that the principles of his sect were
essentially distinct, and descants with great energy
on the superior purity and majesty of their ideas
concerning the Supreme Good ; in reply to which
Cicero, in the fourth book, employs the weapons
with which the New Academy attacked the Stoics.
The second discourse is supposed to have been
held in B. c. 52, for we find a reference (iv. 1 ) to
the famous provision for limiting the length of
speeches at the bar contained in a law passed by
Pompey against bribery in his second consulship,
an enactment here spoken of as having recently
come into force. This was the year also in which
L. Lucullus the elder died and left his son under
the guardianship of Cato.

In the fifth book we are carried back to b. c. 79
and transported from Italy to Athens, where Ci-
cero was at that time prosecuting bis studies. [See
above, p. 709, b.] The dramatis personae are Cicero
himself, his brother Quintus, his cousin Lucius,
Pomponius Atticus, and M. Pupius Piso. These
friends having met in the Academia, the genius of
the place calls up the recollection of the mighty
spirits who had once trod that holy ground, and
Piso, at the request of his companion, enters into a
full exposition of the precepts inculcated by Aris-
totle and his successors on the Summum Bonum,
the whole being wound up by a statement on the
part of Cicero of the objections of the Stoics, and a
reply from Piso. The reason which induced Cicero
to carry this last dialogue back to his youtliful
days was the difficulty he experienced in finding a
fitting advocate for the Peripatetic doctrines, which
had made but little progress among his country-
men, M. Brutus and Terentiiis Varro were both
alive, and therefore excluded by his plan ; L. Lu-
cdlus, although dead, was not of sufficient weight
to be introduced with propriety on such an occa-
sion ; Piso alone remained, but in consequence of
the quarrel between Cicero and himself arising out
of his support of Clodius, it was necessary to choose
an epoch when their friendship was as yet unsha-
ken. (See Goerenz, introd. xix.) It will be ob-
served that throughout, the author abstJiins entirely
from pronouncing any judgment of his own. The
opinions of the Epicureans are first distinctly ex-
plained, then follows the refutation by the Stoics ;
the opinions of the Stoics are next explained, then
follows the refutation by the New Academy ; in
the third place, the opinions of the Peripatetics are
explained, then follows the refutation by the Stoics.
In setting forth the opinions of Epicurus, in addi-
tion to the writings of that sage enumerated by
Diogenes Laertius, much use seems to have been
made of his epistle to Menoeceus and his inpi
Kvpiwv So^wv, and not unfrequently the very words
of the original Greek have been literally translated;
while the lectures of Phaedrus and Zeno [see above,
p. 709] would supply accurate infonnation as to
the changes and additions introduced by the suc-
cessive disciples of the Garden after the death of
their master. Tlie Stoical refutation of Epicurus,
in book second, was probably derived from Chry-
sippus irepl tov Ka\ov Kot Ttjs -nSovijs and from the
writings and oral communications of Posidoniua
[see above, p. 709, b.] ; the Stoical doctrines in book

736

CICERO.

third were taken from Zeno, from Diogenes, and
from Chrysippus irepl reXcSv ; the refutation of the
Stoics in book fourth probably proceeds from Car-
neades. The Peripatetical doctrines in book fifth
are from Aristotle and Theophrastus, as explained
and enlarged by Antiochus of Ascalon ; while the
Stoical objections are in all probability due to Dio-
dotus [see above p. 709, a.], who, we are told else-
where, was strongly opposed to Antiochus. {Acad.
ii. 36.)

In determining the precise date at which the
work before us was comploted and published, we
cannot agree with Goerenz, that the expression
**dHO magna a-uvrdyfiaTa absolvi" (ad Alt. xiL
45, 11 th June, b. c. 45) can with certainty be
made to comprehend both the De Finibus and the
Academica. No distinct notice of the former oc-
curs until the 27th of June, when, in a letter to
Atticus, (xiii. 32,) we find "Torquatus Romae est.
Misi ut tibi daretur," where Torqwilus denotes
the first book. On the 24th of July {ad Alt,
xiii. 12), the treatise is spoken of as finished.
" Nunc illam trfpi reKuv avma^tv, sane mihi pro-
batam, Bruto, ut tibi placuit, despondimus." Again,
on the 30th of the same month, " Ita confeci quin-
que libros vepl nKouv, ut Epicurea L. Torquato,
Stoica M. Catoni, wepiirarvTiKd M. Pisoni darem.
'AfijAoTUTTTjToi' id fore putarara, quod omnes illi
decesserant" {ad Att. xiii. 19); and we learn from
an epistle, despatched only two days afterwards
{ad Att. xiii. 21, comp. 22), that it had been for
some time in the hands of Atticus, through whom
Halbus had obtained a copy of the fifth book, while
the widow Caerellia, in her philosophic zeal, had
contrived by some means to get possession of the
whole. Cicero complains of this for two reasons ;
first, because it was but fitting that since the work
was dedicated to Brutus it should be presented to
him before it became trite and stale, and in the se-
cond place, because he had made some changes in
the last book ; which he was desirous to insert be-
fore finally dismissing it from his hands. It is not
unlikely that the fonnal present;Uion to Bmtus took
place about the middle of August, when he paid a
visit to Cicero at his Tusculanum {ad Att. xiii. 44),
and that two editions of the fifth book, diflfering in
fcome respects from each other, may have gone
abroad, which will account for some singular varia-
tions and interpolations which have long exercised
the ingenuity of editors. (See Goerenz. praef. p.
xiv.)

The Editio Princeps in 4to. is without date,
name of place or printer, but is believed to have
appeared at Cologne, from the press of Ulric Zell,
about 1467, and was followed by the edition of
Joannes ex Colonia, 4to., Venice, 1471. The edi-
tion of Davis, 8vo., Cambridge, 1728, was long
held in high estimation, and frequently reprinted,
but is now superseded by those of Rath, Hal. Sax.
8vo., 1804 ; of Goerenz, Leipz. 1813, 8vo., forming
the third volume of the collected philosophical
works; of Otto, Leipz. 8vo., 1831 ; and, last and
best of all, of Madvig, Copenhagen, 1839, 8vo.

3. Tusculanarum Disputaiionem Libri V.

This work, addressed to M. Brutus, is a
series of discussions on various important points of
practical philosophy supposed to have been held in
the Tusculanum of Cicero, who, on a certain occa-
sion, soon after the departure of Brutus for the go-
venunent of Gaul (b. c. 46), requested one of the

CICERO.

numerous circle of friends and visitors by whom he
was surrounded, to propose some subject for debate
which he then proceeded to examine as he sat or
walked about. These exercises were continued for
five days, a new topic being started and exhausted
at each successive conference. There is an utter
want of dramatic effect in this collection of dialo-
gues, for the antagonist is throughout anonymous,
and is not invested with any life or individuality,
but is a sort of a man of straw who brings forward
a succession of propositions which are bowled down
by Cicero as fast as they are set up. This person-
age is usually designated in MSS. by the letter A,
and editors have amused themselves by quarrelling
about the import of the symbol which they have
variously interpreted to mean Atticus, Adolescem^
Auditor, and so forth. There is little room for
doubt as to the period when this work was actually
composed, since it abounds in allusions to historical
events and to fonner treatises which enable us,
when taken in connexion with other circumstances,
to determine the question within very narrow limits.
Thus, in the eleventh chapter of the fifth book, we
have a reference to the De Finibus which was not
published until the month of August, e. c. 45,
while the dissertations before us were familiarly
known before the middle of May in the following
year {ad Att. xv. 24), and must consequently have
been given to the world early in B. c. 44, since the
task appears to have been imdertaken just at the
time when the Academica were completed {ad Att.
xiii. 32). Schiitz {Proleg.) has satisfactorily proved
that Tusculanae Disputationes is the true title, and
not Tusculanae Quacstiones as a few MSS. have it.

The first book treats of the wisdom of despising
death which, it is maintained, cannot be considered
as an evil either to the living or to the dead, whether
the soul be mortal or immortal. This leads to an
investigation of the real nature of death, and a re-
view of the opinions entertained by different philo-
sophers with regard to the soul. The arguments
for its immortality are derived chiefly from the
writings of the Stoics and of Plato, especially from
the Phaedon.

The second book is on the endurance of pain, in
which it is demonstrated, after Zeno, Aristo, and
Pyrrho, that pain is not an evil, in opposition tu
Aristippus and Epicurus, who held it to be the
greatest evil, to Hieronymus of Rhodes, who placed
the chief good in the absence of pain, and to the
numerous band of philosophers, belonging to differ-
ent schools, who agreed that pain was an evil, al-
though not the greatest of evils. Here everything
is taken from the Stoics.

In the third book it is proved that a wise man ia
insensible to sorrow ; and the doctrines of the Pe-
ripatetics, of Epicurus, of the Cyrenaics, and of
Crantor, being examined in turn, and weighed
against the tenets of Zeno, are found wanting. The
authorities chiefly consulted appear to have been
Chrysippus, Cleanthes, Cleitomachus, Antiochus of
Asciilon, Cameades, and Epicurus Trept rcKovs.

The thesis supported in the fourth book, which
forms a continuation to the preceding, is, that the
wise man is absolutely free from all mental dis-
quietude (animi perlurbaiione). We have first a
curious classification of perturbations in which the
terras sorrow, joy, fear, pity, and a host of others,
are carefully analysed and defined according to the
discipline of the Porch ; and, after a few remarks
upon the main proposition, we find a long essay on

CICERO.

the best means of tranquilliaing the heart, and for-
tifying it against the attacks of all those passions
and desires which must be regarded as diseases of
the mind. Here again the Stoics, and especially
Zeno and Chrysippus, are chiefly followed, although
peveral hints can be traced to Aristotle, Plato, and
even to the Pythagoreans.

The fifth book contains a reply in the affirmative
to the question, whether virtue is in itself sufficient
to insure happiness, thus carrj^ing out to its full ex-
tent the grand moral dogma of the Stoics in opposition
to the more qualified views of the Peripatetics and
Academics. The materials for this section were
supplied by Plato, Aristotle, Theophrastus, Xeno-
crates, Speusippus, Polemo, Cameades, and the
Stoics, (v. 12, 13, 18, 27.)

Although each of these five books is complete
within itself and independent of the rest, yet we
feel inclined to adopt the hypothesis of Olivet, that
they were dra\vn up and digested according to a
regular and well-imagined plan, and ought to be
taken in connexion with each other as forming one
harmonious whole. In feet, all the reasonings con-
verge to one point. They all act in unison to de-
fend one position — that man possesses within himself
the means of securing his own happiness. To make
this evident it was necessary to expose the folly of
those alarms, and the weakness of those assailants
by which tranquillity is scared away from the hu-
man bosom. Hence, the fear of death, and the fear
of pain, are shewn to be the result of ignorance and
error, while joy, sorrow, love, hatred, with the
whole array of desires and passions which excite
such tumults, are treated as mere visionary unsub-
stantial forms which the sage can dissipate by a vi-
gorous exertion of his will.

The Tusculan Disputations are certainly inferior
in recondite learning, in subtle reasoning, and in
elaborately finished composition, to the Academica,
the De Finibus., and the De Officiis ; yet no one
among the philosophical essays of Cicero is more
deservedly popular, or forms a better introduction to
such studies, on account of the easy, familiar, and
perspicuous language in which the ideas are ex-
pressed, and the liveliness imparted to each of the
discourses by the numerous entertaining and apt
illustrations, many of which being poetical quota-
tions from the earlier bards, are in themselves highly
interesting to the grammarian and the historian of
literature. Certainly no work has ever been more
enthusiastically, perhaps extravagantly, admired.
Erasmus, after ascribing to it every conceivable ex-
cellence both in matter and manner, declares his
conviction, that the author was directly inspired
from heaven, while another worthy deems that his
faith must have been of the same quality with that
of Al^niham.

The Editio Princeps was printed at Rome by
Ulric Han, 4to., 1469; the second by Gering,
Crantz, and Friburg, fol., Paris, about 1471, fol-
lowed by several others in the 15th century. Of
modern editions, that of Davis, 8vo., Camb. 1709,
containing the emendations of Bentley, was long
highly valued and was frequently reprinted, but is
now superseded by those of Rath, Hal. Bvo., 1805 ;
of Orelli, including the Paradoxa, and enriched
with a collection of the best commentaries, Zurich,
8vo., 1 829 ; of Kiihner, Jenae, 8vo. 1 829, second
edition, 1 835 ; and of Moser, Hannov., 3 vols.
8vo., 1836-37, which is the most complete of
any.

CICERO.
4. Paradoxa.

737

Six favourite Paradoxes of the Stoics explained
in familiar language, defended by popular argu-
ments, and illustrated occasionally by examples
derived from contemporary history, by which
means they are made the vehicles for covert attacks
upon Crassus, Hortensius, and Lucullus, and for
vehement declamation against Clodius. This must
not be viewed as a serious work, or one which the
author viewed in any" other light than that of a
mere jeu rf' esprit ('* Ego vero, ilia ipsa, quae vix
in gymnasiis et in otio Stoici probant, ludens con-
jeci in communes locos, prae/.), for the proposi-
tions are mere philosophical quibbles, and the
arguments by which they are supported are palpa-
bly unsatisfectoiy and illogical, resolving them-
selves into a juggle with words, or into induction
resting upon one or two particular cases. The
theorems enunciated for demonstration are, l.That
which is morally fair (to Ka\6v) is alone good
(dyadov). 2. Virtue alone is requisite to secure
happiness. 3. Good and evil deeds admit of no
degrees, i. e. all crimes are equally heinous, all vir-
tuous actions equally meritorious. 4. Every fool
is a madman. 5. The wise man alone is free, and
therefore every man not wise is a slave. 6. The
wise man alone is rich.

The preface, which is addressed to M. Brutus,
must have been written early in B. c. 46, for Cato
is spoken of in such terms that we cannot doubt
that he was still alive, or at all events that intelli-
gence of his fate had not yet reached Italy, and
there is also a distinct allusion to the De Claris
Oratoribus as already published. But although
the offering now presented is called a " parvum
opusculum," the result of studies prosecuted during
the shorter nights which followed the long watch-
ings in which the Brutus had been prepared, it is
equally certain that the fourth paradox bears de-
cisive evidence of having been composed before the
death of Clodius (b. c. 52), and the sixth before
the death of Crassus (b. c. 53). Hence we must
conclude that Cicero, soon after his arrival at Rome
from Bnindusium, amused himself by adding to a
series of rhetorical trifles commenced some j-eais
before, and then despatched the entire collection to
his friend.

The Editio Princeps of the Paradoxa was print-
ed along with the De OJlciis, by Fust and Schiiffer,
at Mayence, 4to., 1465, and reprinted at the same
place by Fust and Gernshem, fol., 1466, They
were published along with the De Officiis, De
Amicitia, and De Senedute^ by Sweynheym and
Pannartz, 4to., Rome, 1469; and the same, with
the addition of the Somnium Scipionis, by Vindelin
de Spira, Venice, 4to., 1470 ; besides which there
are a very great number of other editions belong-
ing to the 15th century. The most useful editions
are those of Wetzel, 8vo., Lignitz, 1808, and of
Gemhard, 8vo., Leipz. 1819, the former containing
also the De Senedute and the De Amicitia., the
latter the De Senedute. The Paradoxa were pub-
lished separately by Borgers, 8vo., Leyden, 1826.

5. Hortensius s. De Philosophia.

A dialogue in praise of philosophy, drawn up
for the purpose of recommending such pursuits to
the Romans. Hortensius was represented as de-
preciating the study and asserting the superior
claims of eloquence j his arguments were combated

3b

738

CICERO.

by Q. Lutatius Catulus, L. Licinius Lucullus, Bal-
bus the Stoic, Cicero himself, and perhaps other
personages. The work was composed and pub-
lished B. c. 45, immediately before the Academica,
but the imaginary conversation must have been
supposed to have been held at some period earlier
than B. c. 60, the year in which Catulus died. A
considerable number of unimportant fragments
have been preserved by St Augustin, whose ad-
miration is expressed in language profanely hyper-
bolical, and by the grammarians. These have
been carefully collected and arranged by Nobbe,
and are given in Orelli's Cicero^ vol. iv. pt. ii. pp.
479—486. (Cic. de Divin. ii. 1, Tuscid. ii. 2.)

6. Timaeus s. De Universo.

We possess a fragment of a translation of Plato's
Timaeus, executed after the completion of the
Academica, as we learn from the prooemium. It
extends from p. 22, ed. Bekker, with occasional
blanks as far as p. 54, and affords a curious spe-
cimen of the careless and inaccurate style in which
Cicero was wont to represent the meaning of his
Greek originals. It was first printed in the edition
of Sweynheym and Pannartz, 1471, and with a
commentary by G. Valla, at Venice, in 1485. It
is given in Orelli's Cicero^ vol. iv. pt. ii. pp. 495
—513.

7. Protagoras ex Platone.

A translation of the Protagoras of Plato into Latin.
At what period this was executed we cannot deter-
mine, but it is generally believed to have been an
exercise undertaken in early youth. A few words
seem to have been preserved by Priscian on Do-
natus, which will be found in Orelli's Cicero^ vol.
ii. pt. ii. p. 477. (Comp. Cic. de Of. iL 24 ;
Quintil. X. 5. § 2.)

E. Theology.
1 . De Natura Deorum Libri III.
Three dialogues dedicated to M. Brutus, in
which the speculations of the Epicureans and the
Stoics on the existence, attributes, and providence
of a Divine Being are fully stated and discussed at
length, tlie debate being illustrated and diversified
by frequent references to the opinions entertained
upon these topics by the most celebrated philoso-
phers. The number of sects and of individuals
enumerated is so great, and the field of philosophic
research thrown open is so wide, that we can
scarcely believe that Cicero could have had recourse
to original sources for the whole mass of informa-
tion which he lavishes so profusely on his subject,
but must conclude that he made use of some useful
manual or summary, such as were doubtless com-
piled by the preceptors of those days for the use of
their pupils, containing a view of the tenets of
different schools presented in a condensed form.
Be that as it may, in no production do we more
admire the vigorous understanding and varied
learning of the author, in none does he display a
greater command over appropriate language, in
none are liveliness and grace more happily blended
with lucid arrangement and brilliant eloquence.
Although the materials may have been collected
by degrees, they were certainly moulded into
shape with extraordinary rapidity, for we know
that this work was published immediately after the
Tusculan Disputations, and immediately before the
De DivinaiwM {de Div. ii. 1), and that the whole

CICERO.

three appeared in the early part of b. c. 44. The
imaginary conversation is supposed to have been
held in the presence of Cicero, somewhere about
the year B. c. 76, at the house of C. Aurelius
Cotta, the pontifex maximus (consul B. c. 75), who
well sustains the part of a New Academician,
attacking and overthrowing the doctrines of others
without advancing any dogma of his own, while
the discipline of the Porch, mixed up however
with much that belongs rather to Plato and Aris-
totle, is developed with great earnestness and
power by Q. Lucilius Balbus, the pupil of Panae-
tius, and the doctrines of the Garden are playfully
supported by Velleius (trib. pleb. B. c. 90), who
occupies himself more in ridiculing the speculations
of different schools than in any laboured defence
of those espoused by himself. Accordingly, in the
first book he opens with an attack upon Plato and
the Stoics ; he then adverts briefly to the theories
of no less than 27 of the most famous philosophers,
commencing with Thales of Miletus and ending
with Diogenes of Babylon, characterising them, in
many cases not unjustly, as little superior to the
dreams of madmen, the fables of poets, or the
superstitions of the vulgar. Passing on from this
motley crew to Epicurus, he pronounces him
worthy of all praise, first, because he alone placed
the argunwnt for the existence of gods upon its
proper and only firm basis, — the belief implanted
by nature in the hearts of all mankind ; secondly,
because he assigncti to them their real attributes,
happiness, immortality, apathy ; representing them
as dwelling within themselves, susceptible of neither
pleasure nor pain from without, bestowing no
benefits and inflicting no evils on men, but fit
objects of honour and worship on account of their
essential excellence, a series of propositions which
are carefully elucidated by an inquiry into the
form^ the mode of existetice, and the mental consti-
tution of divine beings, Cotta now comes forward,
takes up each point in succession, and overturns
the whole fabric piecemeal. He first proves that
the reasons assigned by Epicurus for the existence
of gods are utterly inadequate ; secondly, that,
granting their existence, nothing can be less digni-
fied than the form and attributes ascribed to them ;
and thirdly, granting these forms and qualities,
nothing more absurd than that men should render
homage or feel gratitude to those from whom they
have not received and do not hope to receive any
benefits.

The second book contains an investigation of the
question by Balbus, according to the principles of
the Stoics, who divided the subject into four heads.
1. The existence of gods. 2. Their nature. 3.
Their government of the world. 4. Their watch-
ful care of human affairs (providence), which is in
reality included under the third head. The ex-
istence of gods is advocated chiefly a. From the
universal belief of mankind ; b. From the well-
authenticated accounts of their appearances upon
earth ; c. From prophesies, presentiments, omens,
and auguries ; d. From the evident proofs of de-
sign, and of the adaptation of means to a beneficent
end, everywhere visible in the arrangements of the
material world ; e. From the nature of man himself
and his mental constitution ; /. From certain phy-
sical considerations which tend clearly and un-
equivocally to the establishment of a system of
pantheism, the introduction of which is somewhat
curious in this place, since, if admitted, it would

CICERO.
at once destroy all the preceding arguments ; g.
From the gradual upward progression in the works
of creation, from plants to animals and from the
lower animals to man, which leads us to infer that
the series ascends from man to beings absolutely
perfect. In treating of the nature of the gods,
the pantheistic principle is again broadly asserted,
— God is the Universe and the Universe is God, —
whence is derived the conclusion that the Deity
must be spherical in form, because the sphere is the
most perfect of figures. But while the Universe
is God as a whole, it contains within its parts
many gods, among the number of whom are the
heavenly bodies. Then follows a curious digres-
sion on the origin of the Greek and Roman Pan-
theon, and on the causes which led men to commit
the folly of picturing to themselves gods differing
in shape, in age, and in apparel ; of assigning to
them the relationships of domestic life, and of as-
cribing to them the desires and passions by which
mortals are agitated. Lastly, the government
and providence of the gods is deduced from three
considerations : (o) From their existence, which
being granted, it necessarily follows, that they
must rule the world. {$) From the admitted
truth, that all things are subject to the laws of
Nature ; but Nature, when properly defined and
understood, is another name for God. (7) From
the beauty, harmony, wisdom, and benevolence,
manifested in the works of creation. This last
section is handled with great skill and effect ; the
absurdity of the doctrine which taught that the
world was produced by a fortuitous concourse of
atoms is forcibly exposed, while the arguments de-
rived from astronomy, from the structure of plants,
of fishes, of terrestial animals, and of the human
frame, form a most interesting essay on natural
theology. The whole is wound up by demonstrat-
ing that all things serviceable to man were made
for his use, and that the Deity watches over the
safety and welfare, not only of the whole human
race collectively, but of every individual member
of the family.

In the third book Cotta resmnes the discourse
for the purpose not of absolutely demolishing
what has been advanced by Balbus, but of setting
forth, after the fashion of the Sceptics, that the
reasonings employed by the last speaker were un-
satisfactory and not calculated to produce convic-
tion. In following his course over the different
divisions in order, we find two remarkable blanks
in the text. By the first we lose the criticism
upon the evidence for the visible appearances of
the gods on earth ; the second leaves us in igno-
rance of the doubts cast upon the belief of a general
ruling Providence. We have no means of disco-
vering how these deficiencies arose ; but it has
been conjectured, that the chapters were omitted
by some early Christian transcriber, who conceived
that they might be quoted for a special purpose by
the enemies of revealed religion.

The authorities followed in these books, in so
far as they can be ascertained, appear to have
been, for the Epicurean doctrines, the numerous
works of Epicurus himself, whose very words are
sometimes quoted, and the lectures of his distin-
guished follower Zeno, which Cicero had attended
while residing at Athens ; in the development of
the Stoic principles much was derived from Clean-
tlies, from Chrysippus, from Antipater of Tarsus,
and from Posidonius irept Qiwv^ while in the dex-

CICERO.

739

terous and subtle logic of Cotta we may unques-
tionably trace the master-spirit of Cameades as
represented in the writings of his disciple Cleito-
machus. (Kiihner, p. 98.)

The Editio Princeps is included in the collection
of the philosophical works of Cicero printed by
Sweynheym and Pannartz, in 2 vols, fol., Rome,
1 471. [See above, p. 719, b.] The edition of Davis,
Camb. 8vo., 1718, long held the first place, and
has been often reprinted ; but that of Moser and
Creuzer, 8vo., Leipz. 1818, must now be regarded
as the best. The pretended 4th book published
by Seraphinus at Bologna, 8vo., 181 1, is an absurd
forgery, if indeed the author ever intended or
hoped to deceive, which seems doubtful.

2. De Divinatione Libri II.

This is intended as a continuation of the pre-
ceding work, out of which the inquiry naturally
springs. We are here presented with an exposi-
tion of the conflicting opinions of the Porch and
the Academy upon the reality of the science of
divination, and the degree of confidence which
ought to be reposed in its professors. In the first
book the doctrines of the Stoics are defended by Q.
Cicero, who begins by dividing divination into two
branches. 1. The divination of Nature. 2. The
divination of Art. To the first belong dreams,
inward presages, and presentiments, and the ecsta-
tic phrenzy, during which the mind inspired by a
god discerns the secrets of the future, and pours
forth its conceptions in prophetic words; in the
second are comprehended the indications yielded by
the entrails of the slaughtered victim, by the flight,
the cries, and the feeding of birds, by thunder and
lightning, by lots, by astrology, and by all those
strange sights and sounds which were regarded as
the shadows cast before by coming events. A cloud
of examples is brought to establish the certainty of
each of the various methods, cases of failure being
explained away by supposing an error in the inter-
pretation of the sign, while the truth of the general
principles is confirmed by an appeal to the concur-
ring belief of philosophers, poets, and mankind at
large. Hence Quintus maintains, that we are jus-
tified in concluding that the future is revealed to
us both from within and from without, and that
the information proceeds from the Gods, from Fate,
or from Nature ; having, however, previously in-
sisted that he was not bound to explain how each
circumstance came to pass, it being sufficient for
his purpose if he could prove that it actually did
come to pass.

In the second book Cicero himself brings for-
ward the arguments of Carneades, who held that
divination was altogether a delusion, and that the
knowledge which it pretends to convey, if real,
would be a curse rather than a blessing to men.
He then proceeds to confute each of the proposi-
tions enunciated by his antagonist, and winds up
by urging the necessity of upholding and extending
the influence of true religion, and of waging a
vigorous war in every quarter against superstition
under every form.

Although many modem writers may be and
probably are quite correct in their assertion, that
the whole religious system of the Romans was a
mere engine of government, that it was a deliberate
cheat, in which men of education were tlie de-
ceivers and the ignorant populace the dupes, yet
we have no right in the present instance, and ihi

3b2

740

CICERO.

same remark extends to all the philosophical writ-
ings, to pronounce that the reasonings employed
by Cicero are to be taken as the expression of his
own views. Here and elsewhere he alwa3'8 care-
fully guards himself against such an imputation ;
his avowed object in every matter of controversy
was merely to assist the judgment of the reader
by stating feirly the strong points upon both sides
of the question, scrupulously leaving the inference
to be drawn by each individual, according to the
impression produced. In the piece before us what-
ever may have been the private convictions of the
author, it would have been little seemly in a mem-
ber of that august college whose duty to the state
consisted in presiding over and regulating augury
to declare openly, that the whole of the discipline
which he was required to enforce was a tissue of
fraud and imposture ; and Cicero above all others
was the last man to be guilty of such a breach of
public decency.

The scene of the conversation is the Lyceum in
the TuBculanum of Cicero. The tract was com-
posed after the death of Caesar, for that event is
spoken of in the course of the debate.

Cicero appears to have consulted Chrysippus,
who wrote several works upon this subject, especi-
ally a book entitled irtpl xRVCH-oov, to have availed
himself of the labours of Posidonius and Diogenes
of Babylon irfpl navriKrjs, and to have derived
some assistance from Cratippus, Antipater, Plato,
and Aristotle. In the second book he avowedly
followed Cameades, and there is a reference (ii.
47) to Panaetius also. (See KUhner, p. 100.)

The Editio Princeps is included in the collection
of Cicero's philosophical works, printed in 2 vols,
fol., by Sweynheym and Pannartz, Rome, 1471.
The edition of Davis, Camb. 8vo., 1721, containing
the De Fato also, was for a long period the stan-
dai'd, but has now given way to that of Rath,
Hal. 8vo., 1807, and especially to that superin-
tended by Creuzer, Kayser, and Moser, 8vo.,
Frankt 1828, which is superior to every other.

3. De Fato Liber Singularis.

A dialogue to complete the series upon specula-
tive theology, of which the De. Natura Deorum
and the De Divinatione form the first two parts.
{De Divin. ii. 1.) It is a confused and mutilated
fragment on the subject of all others the most per-
plexing to unaided reason, the doctrine of predes-
tination and its compatibility with free-will. The
beginning and the end are wanting, and one if not
more chasms break the continuity of what remains.
We find it generally stated that the work con-
sisted of two books, and that the whole or the
greater portion of what has been preserved belongs
to the second ; but there is no evidence whatever
to prove in what manner it was originally divided,
nor do we know whether it was ever finished,
although, judging from the careless style of the
composition, we are led to infer that the author
left his task incomplete. It would appear to have
contained, or to have been intended to contain, a
review of the opinions held by the chief philoso-
phic sects upon Fate, or Destiny, the most promi-
nent place being assigned to the Stoics — who
maintained that Fate, or Destiny, was the great
ruling power of the Universe, the x6yos or anima
mundi, in other words, the Divine Essence from
which all impulses were derived — and to the Aca-
demics, who conceived that the movements of the

CICERO.

mind were voluntary, and independent of, or at
least not necessarily subject to, external controuL
The scene of conversation is the Puteolanum of
Cicero, where he spent the months of April and
May after the death of Caesar, the speakers being
Cicero himself, and Hirtius, at that time consul-
elect.

The De Fato has generally been published along
with the De Divinatione ; all the editions of the
latter, mentioned above contain it, and the same
remarks apply.

4. De Auguriis — Auguralia.

Charisius quotes three words from a work of
Cicero under the former title, Servius refers ap-
parently to the same under the latter designation.
We know nothing more upon the subject. (Cha-
risius, i. p. 98, corap. p. 112 j Serv. ad Virg. Aen.
V. 737.)

2. Speeches.

In oratory Cicero held a position very different
from that which he occupied in relation to philo-
sophy, whether we consider the amount of exertion
and toil bestowed on each pursuit respectively, or
the obstacles external and internal which impeded
his advancement. Philosophy was originally view-
ed by him merely as an instrument which might
prove useful in fabricating weapons for the strife of
the bar, and in bestowing a more graceful form on
his compositions. Even after he had learned to
prize more fully the study of mental science, it was
regarded simply as an intellectual pastime. But
the cultivation of eloquence constituted the main
business of his whole life. It was by the aid of
eloquence alone that he could hope to emerge from
obscurity, and to rise to wealth and honour. Upon
eloquence, therefore, all his energies were concen-
trated, and eloquence must be held as the most
perfect fruit of his talents.

Cicero was peculiarly fortunate in flourishing
during the only epoch in the history of his country
which could have witnessed the full development
of his intellectual strength ; had he lived fifty
years earlier public taste would not have been
sufficiently refined to appreciate his accomplish-
ments, fifty years later the motive for exertion
would have ceased to exist. In estimating the
degree of excellence to which Cicero attained, we
must by no means confine ourselves, as in the
case of the philosophical works, to a critical ex-
amination of the speeches in reference to the matter
which they contain, and the style in which they
are expressed, for in an art so eminently practical
the result gained is a most important element in
the computation. Even had the orations which
have come down to us appeared poor and spirit-
less, we should nevertheless have been justified in
concluding, that the man who unquestionably ob-
tained a mastery over the minds of his hearers,
and who worked his way to the first offices of
state by the aid of eloquence alone, must have
been a great orator ; while, on the other hand, we
could not have pronounced such an opinion with
confidence from a mere perusal of his orations,
however perfect they may appear as writings, un-
less we possessed the assurance, that they were
always suited to the ears of those who listened to
them, and generally produced the effect desired.
This being premised, we may very briefly glance
at the merits of these works as literary composi-

CICERO.

tions, and then consider their characteristics with
reference to the class to which they severally be-
long, and the audiences to whom they were ad-
dressed ; as deliberative or judicial ; delivered in
the senate, from the rostra, or before the tribunal
of a judge.

Every one must at once be struck by the abso-
lute command which Cicero had over the resources
of his native tongue. His words seem to gush
forth without an effort in an ample stream ; and
the sustained dignity of his phniseology is pre-
served from pompous stiffness by the lively sallies
of a ready wit and a vivid imagination, while the
happy variety which he communicated to his
cadences prevents the music of his carefully-mea-
sured periods from falling on the ear with cloying
monotony. It is a style which attracts without
startling, which fixes without fatiguing the atten-
tion. It presents a happy medium between the
florid exuberance of the Asiatic school and the
meagre dryness which Calvus, Brutus, and their
followers mistook for Attic terseness and vigour.
But this beauty, although admirably calculated to
produce a powerful impression for the moment,
loses somewhat of its charm as soon as the eye is
able to look steadily upon its fascinations. It is
too evidently a work of art, the straining after
effect is too manifest, solidity is too often sacrificed
to show, melody too often substituted for rough
strength ; the orator, passing into a rhetorician,
seeks rather to please the fancy than to convince
the understanding ; the declaimer usurps the place
of the practical man of business.

If the skill of Cicero in composition is surpass-
ing, not less remarkable was his tact and judgment.
No one ever knew human nature better, or saw
more clearly into the recesses of the heart. No one
was ever more thoroughly familiar with the na-
tional feelings and prejudices of the Romans, or
could avail himself more fully of such knowledge.
But although prompt to detect the weaknesses of
others, he either did not perceive or could not
master his own. The same wretched vanity which
proved such a fruitful source of miserj' in his
political career, introduced a most serious vice into
his oratory, — a vice which, had it not been pal-
liated by a multitude of virtues, might have proved
fatal to his reputation. On no occasion in bis
speeches can he ever forget himself. We perpetu-
ally discover that he is no less eager to recommend
the advocate than the cause to his judges.

The audiences which Cicero addressed were
either the senate, the persons entrusted with the
administi-ation of the laws, or the whole body of
the people convoked in their public meetings.

In the senate, during the last days of the Re-
public, eloquence was for the most part thrown
away. The spirit of faction was so strong that in
all important questions the final issue was ^together
independent of the real bearing of the case or of
the arguments employed in the debate. Of the ex-
tant orations of Cicero, nineteen were addressed to
the Senate viz. the first against Rullus, the first
and fourth against Catiline, twelve of the Philippics,
including the second, which was never delivered,
the fragments of the In Toga Candida and of the
In Clodium et Curionem, the In Pisonem^ and the
De Provinciis Consularibiis. Each of these is ex-
amined separately ; it is enough to remark at pre-
sent, that the first fifteen were called forth by great
emergencies, at periods when Cicero for a brief

CICERO.

741

apace was regarded as the leader of the state, and
would, therefore, exert himself with spirit and con-
scious dignity ; that the three following contain the
outpourings of strongly-excited personal feelings,
that against Piso especially, being a singular speci-
men of the coarsest invective, while theZ)e Pro-
vinciis, which alone is of a strictly deliberative
character, is a lame attempt to give a false colouring
to a bad cause.

Occasional failures in the courts of justice would
be no indication of want of ability in the advocate,
for corruption was carried to such a frightful extent,
that the issue of a trial was frequently determined
before a syllable had been spoken, or a witness ex-
amined; but it would appear that Cicero was gene-
rally remarkably fortunate in procuring the ac-
quittal of those whose cause he supported, and,
except in the instance of Verres, he scarcely ever
appeared as an accuser. The courts of justice were
the scene of all his earliest triumphs; his devotion
to his clients alone won for him that popularity to
which he owed his elevation ; he never was seen
upon the rostra until he had attained the rank of
praetor, and there is no record of any harangue in
the senate until two j'^ears later. We have some
difficulty in deciding the precise amount of praise
to be awarded to him in this branch of his pro-
fession, because we are in no instance in possession
of both sides of the case. We know not how
much is a masterly elucidation, how much a clevei
perversion of the truth. The evidence is not before
us ; we see points which were placed in prominent
relief, but we are unable to discover the facts which
were quietly kept out of view, and which may
have been all-important. What we chiefly admire
in these pleadings is the well-concealed art with
which he tells his story. There is a sort of grace-
ful simplicity which lulls suspicion to sleep ; the
circumstances appear so plain, and so natural, that
we are induced to follow with confidence the guid-
ance of the orator, who is probably all the while
leading us aside from the truth.

Although the criterion of success must be ap-
plied with caution to the two classes of oratory
we have just reviewed, it may be employed without
hesitation to all dealings with popular assemblies.
We must admit that that man must be one of the
greatest of orators who will boldly oppose the pre-
judices and passions of the vulgar, and, by the
force of his eloquence, will induce them to abandon
their most cherished projects. This Cicero frequent-
ly did. We pass over his oration for the Manilian
law, for here he had the people completely on his
side ; but when, two years afterwards, he came for-
ward to oppose the Agrarian law of the tribune
Rullus, he had to struggle with the prejudices, in-
terests, and passions of the people. The two
speeches delivered on this occasion have come down
to us, and are triumphs of art. Nothing can be
more dexterous than the tact with which he iden-
tifies himself with his hearers, reminds them that
he was the creature of their bounty, then lulls all
suspicion to sleep by a warm eulogy on the Gracchi,
declares that he was far from being opposed to the
principle of such measures, although strongly op-
posed to the present enactment, which was in fact
a disguised plot against their liberties, and then
cunningly taking advantage of some inadvertence
in the wording of the law, contrives to kindle their
indignation by representing it as a studied insult to
their favourite Pompey, and through him to them

74«i

CICERO.

Reives. Not less remarkable is the ingenuity witli
which, in the second address, he turns the tables
upon his adversary, who had sought to excite the
multitude by accusing Cicero of being a supporter
of Sulla, and demonstrates that Rullus was the real
partizan of the late dictator, since certain clauses in
the new rogation would have the effect of ratifying
some of his most obnoxious acts. The defenders
of the scheme were forced to abandon their design,
and left the consul master of the field, who boasted
not unreasonably, that no one had ever carried a
popular assembly more completely with him when
arguing in favour of an Agrarian law, than he had
done when declaiming against it. His next exhi-
bition was. if possible, still more marvellous. The
love of public amusements which has always formed
a strong feature in the Italian character, had gra-
dually become an engrossing passion with the
Romans. At first the spectators in the theatres
occupied the seats without distinction of rank or
fortune. The elder Scipio, however, introduced an
ordinance by which the front benches in the orches-
tra were reserved for the senate; but, notwithstand-
ing the immense influence of Africanus, the inno-
vation gave a heavy blow to his popularity. Ac-
cordingly, when Roscitu Otho carried a law by
which places immediately behind the senators were
set apart for the equestrian order, the populace
were rendered furious ; and when Otho, not long
after the new regulation was put in force, entered
the theatre, he was greeted with a perfect storm of
disapprobation. The knights on the other hand,
shewed every inclination to support their benefactor,
both parties grew more violent, and a riot seemed
inevitable, when Cicero entered, called upon the
spectators to follow him to the area of a neighbour-
ing temple, and there so wrought upon their feelings
that they returned and joined heartily in doing
honour to Otho. Such a victory needs no com-
ment. The address is unhappily lost.

In order to avoid repetition, an account of each
oration is given separately with the biography of the
individual principally concerned. The following
table presents a view of all the speeches whose
titles have been preserved. As before, those which
have totally perished are printed in italics ; those to
which two asterisks are prefixed survive only in a
few mutilated fragments ; those with one asterisk
are imperfect, but enough is left to convey a clear
idea of the work.

Pro P. Quinctio, b. c. 81. [Quinctius.]
Pro Sex. Roscio Amerino, B. c. 80. [Roscius.]
Pro Muliere Arretina. Before his journey to

Athens. (See above, p. 709, and pro Cctecin.

33.)

* Pro Q. RoBcio Comoedo, b. c. 76. [Roscius.]
Pro Adolescentibus Siculis^ B. c 75. (See Plut.

Cic. 6.)

* * Quimi Quaestor Lilybaeo decederet, b. c 74.
Pro Scamandro, b. c. 74. (See pro Cluent. 17.)

[Clubntius.]

• • Pro L. Vareno, B. c. 71, probably. [Varenus.]

• Pro M. Tullio, B. c. 71. [M. Tui.lius.]

Pro C. Mustio. Before a. c. 70. (See Ver. Act.

ii. 53. Never published, according to Pseud-

Ascon. in 53.)
In Q. Caecilium, b. c. 70. [Vbrres.]
In Verrem Actio prima, 5th August, B. c. 70.

[Vkrrjes.]
In Verrem Actio secunda. Not delivered. [Ver-

RB&]

CICERO.

* Pro M. Fonteio, b. c. 69. [Fonteius.]

Pro A. Caecina, b. c. Q9, probably. [Caecina.]

* * Pro P. Oppio, B. c. 67. [Oppius.]
Pro Lege Manilla, b. c. 66. [Manilius,]

** Pro C. Fundanio, b. c. 66. [Fundanius.]
Pro A. Cluentio Avito, b. c. 66. [Cluentilts.]

* * Pro C. Manilio, b. c. 65. [Manilius.]
Pro L. CorvinOf B. c. 65. (See Q. Cic. de j^iil

cons. 5.)

* * Pro C. Comelio. Two orations, b. c. 6.\

[Cornelius.]
Pro C. Calpurnio Pisone, B. c. 64. [Piso.]

* * Oratio in Toga Candida, b. c. 64. See above,

p. 711, b. [Catilina.]

* * Pro Q. Gallio, b. c. 64. [Gallius.]
Orationes Consulares. {Ad Att. ii. 1; b. c. 63.)

1. In Senatu^ 1st January.

• 2. De Lege Agraria, Oratio

prima, in senatu.
De Lege Agraria, Oratio } [Rullus,]

secunda, ad populum.
De Lege Agraria, Oratio

tertia, ad populum.

• • 3. De L. Roscio Othone. [Otho.]

• 4. Pro C. Rabirio. [Rabirius.]

• * 5. De Proscriptorum Liberis.

6. In deponenda Provincia. [Catilina, p.

680.]

7. In Catilinam prima Oratio,

8th Nov.

8. „ secunda, 9th Nov. } [Catilina.]

9. „ tertia,
10. „ quarta, 5th Dec.

Pro Murena. Towards the end of b. c. 63, but
before 10th Dec. [Murena.]

* * Contra Concionem Q. Metelli, 3rd Jan., b. c.
62. [Metellus.]

Pro P. Comelio Sulla, b. c. 62. [Sulla.]

* * In Clodium et Curionem, b. c. 61. [See M.

Tullius.]
[Pro A. Licinio Archia. Generally assigned to

b. c. 61. [Archlas.]]
Pro Scipione Nasica, b. c. 60. {Ad Att. ii. 1.)
Pro L. Valerio Flacco, b. c. 59. [L. Flaccus.]
Pro A. Minudo Thermo. Twice defended in b. c.

59. [Therm us.]
Pro AscUio. Before b. c. 56. {Pro Cael. 10.)

[Rufus.]
Pro M. Cispio. After B. c. 57. {Pro Plane. 31.)
[Post Reditum in Senatu, 5th Sept., b. c 57.]
[Post Reditum ad Quirites, 6th or 7th Sept., a c.

[Pro Domo sua ad Pontifices, 29th Sept., B. c. 57.]

[De Haruspicum Responsis, b. c. 56.]

Pro L. Calpurnio Pisone Besiia, 11th Feb., B. c.

56. {Ad Q. Fr. ii. 13. % 6.)
Pro P. Sextio. Eariy in March, b. c. 56. [Sextius.]
In Vatinium Interrogatio. Same date. [ Vatinius.]
Pro M. Caelio Rufo. [Rufus.]
Pro L. Comelio Balbo, b, c. 56. [Balbus.]
De Provinciis Consularibus, b. c. 56. [A. Ga-

BINIUS.]

* * De Rege Alexandrine, B.C. 56. [A. Gabinius;

Ptolemaeus Auletes.]
In L. Pisonem, b. c. 55. [Piso.]

* * In A. Gabinium. (Quintil. xi. 1. § 73.)
Pro Cn. Plancio, b. c. 55. [Plancius.]
Pro Caninio GaUo^ B. c. 55. [Gallus.]

Pro C, Rabirio Postumo, B. c. 54. [Rabiriui

POSTUMUS.]

* * Pro Vatinio, B. c. 54. [Vatinius.]

CICERO.

• Pro M. Aemllio Scauro, b. c. 54. [Scaurls.]
Pro Crasso in Senatu, B. c. 54. {Ad Fam. i. 9.

§7.)
Fro Druso^ a. c. 54. {Ad Att. iv. 15.) [Drusus.]
Pro a Messio, B. c 54. {Ad Att. iv. 15.) [Mks-

sius.)
De lieatinorum Cattsa contra Interamnates. {Ad

Att. iv. 15.)

• • De Aere alieno Milonis Interrogatio, b. c. 53.

[MlLO.]

Pro T. Annio Milone, b. c. 52. [MiLO.]

Pro M. Saufeio. Two orations. B. c. 52. [Sau-

FKIUS]

Contra T. Munatium Plancum. In Dec B. C. 52.

(See Ad Fam. viiu 2, Philipp. vi. 4 ; Dion Cass.

xl. 55.)
Pro Cornelia Dolabella^ B. C 50. {Ad Fam. iii. 10.)
[Pro M. Marcello, b. c. 47. [M. Marcbllus.] J
Pro Q. Ligario, B. c. 46. [Q. Ligarius.]
Pro Rege Deiotaro, a c. 45. [Dkiotarus.]
De Pace., in Senatu, 17 March, b. c. 44. (Dion

Cass. xliv. 63.)

It will be seen from the marks attached to the
Orations in the above lists that doubts are enter-
tained with regard to the genuineness of those
Pro Archia, Post Reditum in Senatu, Pro Domo
sua ad Pontifices, De Haruspicum Responsis, Pro
M. Marcello. An account of the controversy with
regard to these is given under M. Marcellus.

The following are universally allowed to be spu-
rious, and therefore have not been admitted into
the catalogue :
["Responsio ad Orationem C. Sallustii Crispi,"

[Sallustius.]
Oratio ad Populum et ad Equites antequam iret in

exilium.
Epistola s. Declamatio ad Octavianum.
Oratio adversus Valeriiun.
Oratio de Pace.]

The Editio Princeps of the Orations is probably
that printed in 1471 at Rome by Sweynheym and
Pannartz, foL, under the inspection of Andrew,
bishop of Aleria. Another edition was printed in
the same year at Venice, by Valdarfer; and a
third at Venice, in 1472, by Ambergau, both in
folio ; besides which there is a fourth, in very
ancient characters, without date, name of place
or printer, which many bibliographers believe to
be the earliest of all. The most useful editions
are those of Jo. Roigny, fol., Paris, 1536, contain-
ing a complete collection of all the commentaries
which had appeared up to that date ; of Graevius,
3 vols, in 6 parts, Amsterdam, 1695 — 1699, form-
ing part of tlie series of Varionun Classics in 8vo.,
and comprising among other aids the notes of
Manutius and Lambinus entire ; to which we may
add that of Klotz, Leipzig, 1835, 3 vols. 8vo., with
excellent introductions and annotations in the Ger-
man language. The best edition of each speech
will be noticed when discussing the speech itself.

3. Correspondence.

Cicero during the most important period of his
life maintained a close correspondence with Atticus,
and with a wide circle of literary and political
friends and connexions. Copies of these letters
do not seem to have been systematically preserved,
and so late as b. c. 44 no regular collection had
been formed, although Tiro was at that time in
possession of about seventy, which he is supposed

CICERO.

743

to have published with large additions after the
death of his patron. {Ad Att. xvi. 5, comp. ud
Fam. xvi. 17.) We now have in all upwards of
eight hundred, undoubtedly genuine, extending
over a space of 26 j'ears, and commonly arranged
in the following manner :

1. ** Epistolarum ad Familiares s. Epistolarura
ad Diversos Libri XVI," titles which have been
permitted to keep their ground, although the for-
mer conveys an inaccurate idea of the contents,
and the Latter is bad Latin. The volume contiiins
a series of 426 epistles, commencing with a formal
congratulation to Pompey on his success in the
Mithridatic war, written in the course of b. c. 62,
and terminating with a note to Cassius, despatched
about the beginning of July, B. c. 4;{, announcing
that Lepidus had been declared a public enemy b}'
the senate, in consequence of having jione over to
Antony. They are not placed in chronological
order, but those addressed to the same individuals,
with their replies, where these exist, are grouped
together without reference to the date of the rest.
Thus the whole of those in the third book are
addressed to Appius Pulcher, his predecessor in the
government of Cilicia ; those of the fourteenth to
Terentia ; those of the fifteenth to Tiro ; those of
the fourth toSulpicius, Marcellus, and Figulus, with
replies from the two former; while the whole of
those in the eighth are from M. Caelius Rufus,
most of them transmitted to Cicero while in his
province, containing full particulars of all the poli-
tical and social gossip of the metropolis.

2. " Epistolarum ad T. Pomponium Atticuni
Libri XVI." A series of 396 epistles addressed lo
Atticus, of which eleven were written in the years
B. c. 68, 67, 65, and 62, the remainder after the
end of B. c. 62, and the last in Nov. b. c. 44. {Ad
Att. xvi. 15.) They are for the most part in
chronological order, although dislocations occur
here and there. Occasionally, copies of letters re-
ceived from or sent to others — from Caesar, Antony,
Balbus, Hirtius, Oppius, to Dolabella, Plancus, &c.,
are included; and to the 16th of the last book no
less than six are subjoined, to Plancus, Capito, and
Cupiennius.

3. "Epistolarum ad Q. Fratrem Libri III."
A series of 29 epistles addressed to his brother,
the first written in b. c. 59, while Quintus was
still propraetor of Asia, containing an admirable
summary of the duties and obligations of a provin-
cial governor ; the last towards the end of B. c. 54.

4. We find in most editions " Epistolarum ad
Bnitum Liber," a series of eighteen epistles all
written after the death of Caesar, eleven from
Cicero to Brutus, six from Brutus to Cicero, and
one from Bnitus to Atticus. To these are added
eight more, first published by Cratander, five from
Cicero to Brutus, three from Brutus to Cicero.
The genuineness of these two books has proved a
fruitful source of controversy, and the question
cannot be said to be even now fully decided, al-
though the majority of scholars incline to believe
them spurious. [Brutus, No. 21.]

5. In addition to the above, collections of letters
by Cicero are quoted by various authors and gram-
marians, but little has been preserved except the
names. Thus we can trace that there must have
once existed two books to Cornelius Nepos, three
books to Caesar, three books to Pansa, nine books
to Hirtius, eiglit books to M. Brutus, two books to
young M. Cicero, more than one book to Calvus,

744

CICERO.

more tlian one book to Q. Axius, single letters to
M. Titinius, to Cato, to Caerellia, and, under the
title of " Epistola ad Pompeium," a lengthened
naiTative of the events of his consulship. (Ascon.
ad Orai. pro Plane, c. 34, pro Suil. c. 24.)

Notwithstanding the manifold attractions offered
by the other works of Cicero, we believe that the
man of taste, the historian, the antiquary, and the
student of human nature, would willingly resign
them all rather than be deprived of the Epistles.
Greece can furnish us with more profound philoso-
phy, and with superior oratory ; but the ancient
world has left us nothing that could supply the
place of these letters. Whether we regard them
as mere specimens of style, at one time reflecting
the conversational tone of familiar every-day life
in its most graceful form, at another sparkling with
wit, at another claiming applause as works of art
belonging to the highest class, at another couched
in all the stiff courtesy of diplomatic reserve ; or
whether we consider the ample materials, derived
from the purest and most inaccessible sources,
which tliey supply for a history of the Roman con-
stitution during its last struggles, affording a deep
insight into the personal dispositions and motives
of the chief leaders, — or, finally, seek and find in
them a complete key to the character of Cicero
himself, unlocking as they do the most hidden
Becrets of his thoughts, revealing the whole man in
all his greatness and all his meanness, — their value
is altogether inestimable. To attempt to give any
idea of their contents would be to analyze each in-
dividually.

The Editio Princeps of the Epistolae ad Fami-
liares was printed in 1467, 4to., being the first
work which issued from the press of Sweynheym
and Pannartz at Rome. A second edition of it
was published by these typographers in 1469, foL,
under the inspection of Andrew of Aleria, and two
others were produced in the same year at Venice
by Jo. de Spira.

Editions of the Epistolae ad Atticum^ ad M.
Bruium^ ad Q. Frairem, were printed in 1470 at
Rome by Sweynheym and Pannartz, and at Venice
by Nicol. Jenson, both in folio ; they are taken
from different MSS., and bibliographers cannot
decide to which precedence is due. The first which
exhibited a tolerable text was that of P. Victorius,
Florence, 1571, which follows the MS. copy made
by Petrarch. The commentaries of P. Manutius
attached to the Aldine of 1 548, and frequently re-
printed, are very valuable.

The most useful edition is that of Schlitz, 6 vols.
8vo., Hal 1809 — 12, containing the whole of the
Epistles, except those to Brutus, arranged in chro-
nological order and illustrated with explanatory
notes. The student may add to these the transla-
tion into French of the letters to Atticus by Mon-
gault, Paris, 1738, and into German of all the
letters by Wieland, Zurich, 1808 — 1821, 7 vols.
8vo., and the work of Abeken, Cicero in seinen
Brie/en^ Hanov. 1835.

4. PoKTiCAL Works.

Cicero appears to have acquired a taste for
poetical composition while prosecuting his studies
under Archias. Most of his essays in this depart-
ment belong to his earlier years ; they must be
regarded as exercises imdertaken for improvement
or amusement, and they certainly in no way in-
creased his reputation.

CICERO.

1. ** Versus Hoinerici. Translations from Ho-
mer. (See rfe /^i«. V. 18.) The lines which are
found de Divin. ii. 30, Tusculan. iii. 26, 9, de Fin. v.
1 8 ; Augustin, de Civ. Dei, v. 8, amounting in all
to 44 hexameters, may be held as specimens.

2. * Arati PJiaenomena.

3. ** Arati Prognostica.

About two-thirds of the former, amounting to
upwards of five hundred hexameter lines, of which
470 are nearly continuous, have been preserved,
while twenty-seven only of the latter remain.
The translation is for the most part very close —
the dull copy of a dull original. Both pieces were
juveline efforts, although subsequently corrected
and embellished. {De Nat. Deor. ii. 41, comp.
ad Att. ii. 1.) [Aratus, Aviknus, Gkrmam-
cus.]

4. ** Ala/ones. Capitolinus {Gordian. 3) men-
tions a poem under this name ascribed to Cicero,
of which nearly two lines are quoted by Nonius,
(s. V. Praevitis.)

5. Uxorius. } r, n -L V i

6. NUus. S SeeCapitohn.Z.c.

7. ** Limon, Four hexameter lines in praise
of Terence from this poem, the general subject of
which is unknown, are quoted by Suetonius. ( Vit,
Terent. 5.)

8. * * Marias. Written before the year B. c
82. (De Leg. i. 1 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 26.) A spirited
fragment of thirteen hexameter lines, describing a
prodigy witnessed by Marius and interpreted by
him as an omen of success, is quoted in de
Divinatione (i. 47), a single line in the de Legibus
(i. 1), and another by Isidorus. (Orig. xix. 1.)

9. * De Rebus in Consulatu gestis. Cicero wrote
a history of his own consulship, first in Greek
prose, which he finished before the month of June,
a c. 60 {ad Att. ii, 1), and soon afterwards a Latin
poem on the same subject, divided, it would seem,
into three parts. A fragment consisting of seventy-
eight hexameters, is quoted from the second book
in the de Divinaiione (i. 11-13), three lines from
the third in a letter to Atticus (ii. 3), and one
verse by Nonius, {s. v. Eventus.)

10. * ♦ De meis Temporibus. We are informed
by Cicero in a letter belonging to a c. 54 {ad Fam.
i. 9), that he had written three books in verse
upon his own times, including, as we gather from
his words, an account of his exile, his sufferings,
and his recall — the whole being probably a con-
tinuation of the piece last mentioned. Four dis-
jointed lines only remain (Quintil. xi. 1. § 24, ix.
4. § 41), one of which is, " Cedant arraa togae
concedat laurea linguae," and the other, the un-
lucky jingle so well known to us from Juvenal (x.
122), " 0 fortunatam natam me consule Romam."

11. * * Tamelastis. An elegy upon some un-
known theme. One line and a word are found in
the commentarj' of Servius on Virgil. {Ed. i. 58.)

12. * * Libellus Jocularis. Our acquaintance
with this is derived solely from Quintilian (viii. 6.
§ 73), who quotes a punning couplet as the words
of Cicero " in quodam joculari libello."

13. Pontius Glaticus. Plutarch tells us that
Cicero, while yet a boy, wrote a httle poem in
tetrameters with the above title. The subject is
unkno\vn. (Plut. Cic. 2.)

14. Epigramma in Tironem. Mentioned by
Pliny. {Ep. vii. 4.)

The poetical and other fragments of Cicero are
given in their most accurate form, with useful in-

CICERO.

troductory notices, iu the edition of the whole
works by Nobbe, 1 vol. 4to., Leipz. 1827, and
again with some improvements by Orelli, vol. iv.
pt. ii., 1828.

5. Historical and Misckllankous Works.

1. * * De meis ConsUiis 8. Meoruvi Consiliorum
ExjMsitio. We find from Asconius and St. Augus-
tin that Cicero published a work under some such
title, in justification of his own policy, at the
period when he feared that he might lose his elec-
tion for the consulship, in consequence of the op-
position and intrigues of Crassus and Caesar. A
few sentences only remain. (Ascon. ad Oral, in
Tog. Cand. ; Augustin. c. Julian. Felag. v. 5 ;
Fronto, Exc. Elocut.)

2. De Consulatu {ttfpl ttjs vnarelas). The only
purely historical work of Cicero was a commentary
on his own consulship, written in Greek and
finished before the month of June, B. c. 60, not
one word of which has been saved. {Ad Att. ii.
3 ; Pint. Cues. 8; Dion Cass. xlvi. 21 ; comp. ad
Fam. v. 12.)

3. De Latide Caesaris. It is clear from the
commencement of a letter to Atticus (iv. 5 ; 10th
April, B. c. 56), that Cicero had written a book or
pamphlet in praise of Caesar. He does not give
the title, and was evidently not a little ashamed of
his performance.

4. * * M. Cato s. Laus M. Catonis. A panegy-
ric upon Cato, composed after his death at Utica
in B.C. 46, to which Caesar replied in a work en-
titled Anii&ito. [Caesar, p. 555, a.] A few
words only remain. {Ad Att. xii. 40 ; Gell. xiii.
\Q ', Macrob. vi. 2; Priscian, x. 3, p. 485, ed.
KrehL)

5. Laus Porciae. A panegyric on Porcia, the
sister of M. Cato and wife of L. Domitus Aheno-
barbus, written in B. c. 45, soon after her death.
{Ad Att. xiii, 37, 48.)

6. * * Oeconomica ex Xenophonie. Probably not
so much a close translation as an adaptation of the
treatise of Xenophon to the wants and habits of
the Romans. It was composed in the year b. c.
80, or in 79, and was divided into three books,
the arguments of which have been preserved by
Servius. The first detailed the duties of the mis-
tress of a household at home, the second the duties
of the master of a household out of doors, the
third was upon agriculture. The most important
fragments are contained in the eleventh and twelfth
books of Columella, which together with those
derived from other sources have been carefully
collected by Nobbe {Ciceronis Opera, Leipzig,
1827), and will be found in OrelU's Cicero, vol. iv.
pt. 2. p. 472. (Serv. ad Virg. Georg. i. 43 ; Cic.
de Of. ii. 24.)

7. Cltorographia, Priscian, according to the text
usually received (xvi.l 6), mentions " Chorographiam
Ciceronianam," but the most recent editor, Krehl,
supposes " orthographiam " to be the true reading,
while others substitute " chronographiam." If
" chorographia" be correct, it may refer to the geo-
graphical work in which Cicero was engaged B. c.
59, as we read in letters to Atticus. (iu 4, 6, 7.)

8. Admiranda. A sort of commonplace book or
register of curioiis facts referred to by the elder
Pliny. (//. N. xxxi. 8, 28, comp. xxix. 16, vii. 2,
21.)

It is doubtful whether works under the follow-
ing titles were ever written by Cicero :—

CICERO.

745

1. De Ortliographia. 2. De Re MUitari. 3.
Synonyma. 4. De Numerosa Oraiione ad Tironem,
5. Orpheus s. de Adolescente Studioso. 6. De Me-
moria. Any tracts which have been published
from time to time under the above titles as works
of Cicero, such as the De Re MUitari attached to
many of the older editions, are unquestionably
spurious. (See Angelo Mai, Catalog. Cod. Anv-
bros. cl. ; Bandini, Catalog. Bibl. Laurent, iii. p.
465, and Suppl. ii. p. 381 ; Fabric. Bibl. Lat. i.
p. 211; Orelli, Ciceronis Opera, vol iv. pt. ii.
p. 584.)

The Editio Princeps of the collected works of
Cicero was printed at Milan by Alexander Minu-
tianus, 4 vols, fol., 1498, and reprinted with a few
changes due to Budaeus by Badius Ascensius,
Paris, 4 vols, fol., 1511. Aldus Manutius and
Naugerius published a complete edition in 9 vols,
fol., Venet., 1519 — 1523, which served as the
model for the second of Ascensius, Paris, 1522, 2
or 4 vols. foL None of the above were derived
from MS. authorities, but were merely copies of
various earlier impressions. A gradual progress
towards a pure text is exhibited in those which
follow: — Cratander, Basil. 1528, 2 vols, fol., cor-
rected by Bentinus after certain Heidelberg MSS. ;
Hervagius, Basil. 1534, 4 vols, fol.; Junta, Ven.
1534 — 1537, 4 vols. foL, an entirely new recension
by Petrus Victorius, who devoted his attention
especially to the correction of the Epistles from the
Medicean MSS. ; Car. Stephanus, Paris, 1555, 4
vols, fol., containing many new readings from
MSS. in France ; Dionysius Lambinus, Lutet. ap.
Bemardum Turrisanum, 1566, 4 vols, fol., with an
ample commentary, — in every respect more worthy
of praise than any of the foregoing, and of the
greatest importance to the critic ; (?rMfer, Hamburg,
Froben. 1618, 4 vols, fol., including the collations
of sundry German, Belgian, and French MSS., fol-
lowed in a great measure by Jac. Gronovius, Lug.
Bat. 1691, 4 vols. 4to., and by Verburgius, Amst.
Wetstein. 1724, 2 vols, fol., or 4 vols. 4to., or 12
vols. 8vo., which comprehends also a large collection
of notes by earlier scholars ; Olivet, Genev. 1743 —
1749, 9 vols. 4to., with a commentary " in usum
Delphini," very frequently reprinted ; Emesti,
Hal. Sax. 1774 — 1777, 5 vols. 8vo., in 7 parts,
immeasiuTibly superior, with all its defects, to any
of its predecessors, and still held by some as the
standard; Schutz, Lips. 1814—1823, 20 vols.,
small 8vo., in 28 parts, with useful prolegomena
and summaries prefixed to the various works. The
small editions printed hy Elzevir, Amst. 1684 —
1699, 11 vols. 12mo., by Foulis, Glasg. 1749, 20
vols. 16mo., and by Barbou, Paris, 1768, 14 vols.
r2mo., are much esteemed on account of their
neatness and accuracy.

All others must now, however, give place to
that of Orelli, Turic. 1826—1837, 9 vols. 8vo., in
1 3 parts. The text has been revised with great
industry and judgment, and is as pure as our pre-
sent resources can render it, while the valuable
and well-arranged selection of readings placed at
the bottom of each page enable the scholar to form
an opinion for himself, There is unfortunately no
commentary, but this want is in some degree sup-
plied by an admirable " Onomasticon Tullianum,'*
drawn up by Orelli and Baiter jointly, which
forms the three concluding volumes.

The seventh volume contains the Scholiasts upon
Cicero, C. Marius Victorinus, Rufinus, C. Juliua

74«

CICERO.

Victor, Boethius, Favonius Eulogius, Asconlus
Pedianus, Scholia Bobiensia, Scholiasta Gronovi-
anuB.

6. Q. TuLLius CicKRO, son of No. 2, was born
about B. c. 102, and was educated along with his
elder brother, the orator, whom he accompanied to
Athens in B. c. 79. (Z>e Fin. v. 1.) In B. c. 67
he was elected aedile, and held the office of praetor
in B. c. 62. After his period of service in the city
had expired, he succeeded L. Flaccus as governor
of Asia, where he remained for upwards of three
years, and during his administration gave great
offence to many, both of the Greeks and of his
own countrymen, by his violent temper, unguarded
language, and the corruption of his favourite freed-
man, Statius. The murmurs arising from these
excesses called forth from Marcus that celebrated
lettei {ad Q. Fr. i. 2), in which, after warning him
of his faults and of the unfavoiu^ble impression
which they had produced, he proceeds to detail
the qualifications, duties, and conduct of a perfect
provincial ruler. Quintus returned home in b. c.
58, soon after his brother had gone into exile, and
on his approach to Rome was met by a large body
of the citizens {pro Sejct. 31), who had flocked to-
gether to do him honour. He exerted himself
strenuously in promoting all the schemes devised
for procuring the recall of the exile, in consequence
of which he was threatened with a criminal prose-
cution by App. Claudius, son of C. Clodius {odAtt.
iii. 17), and on one occasion nearly fell a victim to
the violence of one of the mercenary mobs led on
by the demagogues. {Pro Sext. 35.) In b c. 55
he was appointed legatus to Caesar, whom he at-
tended on the expedition to Britain, and on their
return was despatched with a legion to winter
among the Nervii. (b. c. 54.) Here, immediately
after the disasters of Titurius Sabinus and Aurun-
culeius Cotta, his camp was suddenly attacked by
a vast multitude of the Eburones and other tribes
which had been roused to insurrection by Ambi-
orix. The assault was closely pressed for several
days in succession, but so energetic were the mea-
sures adopted by Cicero, although at that very
time suflFering from great bodily weakness, and so
bravely was he supported by his soldiers, that they
were enabled to hold out until relieved by Caesar,
who was loud in his commendations of the troops
and their commander. (Caes. B. G. v. 24, &c.)

Quintus was one of the legati of the orator in
Cilicia, b. c. 51, took the chief command of the mili-
tary operations against the mountaineers of the
Syrian frontier, and upon the breaking out of the
civil war, insisted upon sharing his fortunes and
following him to the camp of Pompey. {Ad Att.
ix. 1, 6.) Up to this time the most perfect confi-
dence and the warmest afifection subsisted between
the brothers; but after the battle of Pharsalia
(b. c. 48) the younger, giving way to the bitter-
ness of a hasty temper exasperated by disappoint-
ment, and stimulated by the representations of his
Bon, indulged in the most violent language towards
M. Cicero, wrote letters to the most distinguished
persons in Italy loading him with abuse, and, pro-
ceeding to Alexandria, made his peace with Caesar.
(b. c. 47.) {Ad Att. xi. 5, 9, 13, 14—16, 20.) A
reconciliation took place after his return to Italy ;
but we hear little more of him until the year b. c.
43, when he fell a victim to the proscription of the
triumvirs.

Quintus, in addition to his military reputation.

CICERO.

was an aspirant to iiterarj' fame also, and in poetry
Cicero considered him superior to himself. {Ad Q.
Fr. iii. 4.) The fact of his having composed four
tragedies in sixteen days, even although they may
have been mere translations, does not impress us
with a high idea of the probable quality of his pro-
ductions {ad Q. Fr. iii. 5) ; but we possess no spe-
cimens of his powers in this department, with the
exception of twenty- four hexameters on the twelve
signs, and an epigram of four lines on the love of
women, not very complimentary to the sex. {An^
tholoff. Lai. v. 41, iii. 88.) In prose we have an
address to his brother, entitled De Petitione Con-
siilattis, in which he gives him very sound advice
as to the best method of attaining his object.

Quintus was married to Pomponia, sister of
Atticus ; but, from incompatibility of temper, their
union was singularly unhappy. As an example of
their matrimonial squabbles, the reader may refer
to a letter addressed to Atticus (v. 1 ), which con-
tains a most graphic and amusing description of a
scene which took place in the presence of the lady's
brother-in-law. (Appian, B. C. iv. 20 ; Dion Cass,
xl. 7, xlvii. 10.)

7. M. Tui-Lius Cicero, only son of the orator
and his wife Terentia, was bom in the year b. c.
65, on the very day, apparently {ad Att. i. 2), on
which L. Julius Caesar and C. Marcius Figulus
were elected consuls. He is frequently spoken of,
while a boy, in terms of the warmest affection, in
the letters of his father, who watched over his
education with the most earnest care, and made
him the companion of his journey to Cilicia. (b. c.
51.) The autumn after their arrival he was sent
along with his school-fellow and cousin, Quintus,
to pay a visit to king Deiotarus {ad Att. v. 17),
while the proconsul and his legati were prosecuting
the war against the highlanders of Amanus. He
returned to Italy at the end of b. c. 50, was in-
vested with the manly gown at Arpinum in the
course of March, b. c. 49 {ad Att. ix. 6, 19), being
then in his sixteenth year, passed over to Greece
and joined the army of Pompey, where he received
the command of a squadron of cavalry, gaining
great applause from his general and from the whole
arm}' by the skill which he displayed in military
exercises, and by the steadiness with which he
endured the toils of a soldier's life. {De Off. ii.
1 3.) After the battle of Pharsalia he remained at
Brundisium until the arrival of Caesar from the
East {ad. Fain. xiv. 1 1, ad Att. xi. 18), was chosen
soon afterwards (b. c. 46), along with young
Quintus and a certain M. Caesius, to fill the office
of aedile at Arpinum {ad Farm. xiiL 11), and the
following spring (b. c. 45) expressed a strong wish
to proceed to Spain and take part in the war
against his former friends. He was, however,
persuaded by his father to abandon this ill-judged
project {ad Att. xii. 7), and it was determined
that he should proceed to Athens and there prose-
cute his studies, along with several persons of his
own age belonging to the most distinguished
families of Rome. Here, although pro\'ided with
an allowance upon the most liberal scale {ad Att.
xii. 27, 32), he fell into irregular and extravagant
habits, led astray, it is said, by a rhetorician
named Gorgias. The young man seems to have
been touched by the remonstrances of Cicero and
Atticus, and in a letter addressed to Tiro {ad Fain.
xvi. 21), expresses great shame and sorrow for his
past misconduct, giving an account at the siuue

CICERO.

time of his reformed mode of life, and diligent ap-
plication to philosophy under Cratippusof Mytilene
— representations confirmed by the testimony of
various individuals who visited him at that period.
(Ad Alt. xiv. 16, XV. 4, 6, 17, 20, xvi. 1, odFam.
xii. 16.) After the death of Caesar he was raised
to the rank of military tribune by Brutus, gained
over the legion commanded by L. Piso, the lieu-
tenant of Antonius, defeated and took prisoner C.
Antonius, and did much good service in the course
•f the Macedonian campaign. When the republi-
can army was broken up by the rout at Philippi,
he joined Sext. Pompeius in Sicily, and taking ad-
vantage of the amnesty in favour of exiles, which
formed one of the terms of the convention between
that chief and the triumvirs when they concluded
a short-lived peace (b. c. 39), returned to the
metropolis. Here he lived in retirement and ob-
scurity, until Octavianus, touched perhaps with
remorse on account of his former treachery to the
family, caused him to be admitted into the college
of augurs, and after his final rupture with Anto-
ny, assumed him as his colleague in the consul-
ship, (b. c. 30, from 13th Sept.) By a singular
coincidence, the despatch announcing the capture
of the fleet of Antony, which was immediately fol-
lowed by his death, was addressed to the new
consul in his official capacity, and thus, says
Plutarch, " the divine justice reserved the com-
pletion of Antony's pimishraent for the house of
Cicero," for the arrival of the intelligence was im-
mediately followed by a decree that all statues
and monuments of Antony should be destroyed,
and that no individual of that family should in
time coming bear the name of Marcus. Middleton
has Ihllen into the mistake of supposing that the
victory thus announced was the battle of Actium,
but this was fought about eleven months before
the event in question. Soon after the termination
of his office, Cicero was nominated governor of
Asia, or, according to others, of Syria, and we
hear no more of him.

Young Cicero was one of those characters whose
name would never have appeared on the page of
history had it not been for the fame of his father ;
and that fame proved to a certain extent a misfor-
tune, since it attracted the eyes of the world to va-
rious follies and vices which might have escaped un-
noticed in one enjoying a less illustrious parentage.
Although naturally indolent {ad Att. vi. 1), the
advantages of education were by no means lost
upon him, as we may infer from the style and tone
of those two epistles which have been preserved
{ad Fam. xvi. 21, 25), which prove that the praise
bestowed on his compositions by his father did not
proceed from mere blind partiality {ad Att. xiv. 7.
XV. 17), while his merits as a soldier seem unques-
tionable. Even the stories of his dissipation scarcely
justify the bitterness of Seneca and Pliny, the lat-
ter of whom records, upon the authority of Tergilla,
that he was able to swallow two congii of wine at
a draught, and that on one occasion, when intoxi-
cated, he threw a cup at M. Agrippa, an anecdote
which Middleton, who is determined to see no
fault in any one bearing the name of Cicero, oddly
enough quotes as an example of courage and high
spirit.

(PHn. H. N. xxii. 3, &c., xiv. 28; Senec.
Suasar. 6, de Bene/, iv. 30 ; Plut. Cic. and Brut.;
Appian, B. C. iv. 19, 20, v. 2 ; Dion Cass. xiv. 15,
xlvi. 3, 18, 41, 19.)

CICURINUS.

747

8. Q. TuLLius Cicero, son of No. 6, and of
Pomponia, sister of Atticus, must have been bom
about B. c. 66 or 67, for we find that it was pro-
posed to invest him with the manly gown in the
year B.C. 51 {ad Att. v. 20). He passed a consi-
derable portion of his boyhood with his cousin
Marcus, under the eye of his uncle, whom he ac-
companied to Cilicia, and who at an early period
remarked his restless vehemence and self-confidence,
observing that he required the curb, while his own
son stood in need of the spur {ad Att. vi. 1, 3, 7),
although he at the same time had formed a favour-
able opinion of his disposition from the propriety
with which he conducted himself amidst the
wrangling of his parents {ad Att. I. c). Before
leaving Cicilia, however, he appears to have begun
to entertain some doubts of his nephew's upright-
ness, and these suspicions were fully verified by a
letter which the youth, tempted it would seem by
the prospect of a great reward, despatched to Caesar
soon after the outbreak of the civil war, betraying
the design which his father and his uncle had
formed of quitting Italy. {Ad Att. x. 4^ 7.) His
unamiable temper broke forth with savage violence
after the battle of Pharsalia, when he loaded his
uncle with the most virulent vituperation in hopes
that he might thus the more easily propitiate the
conqueror. Having obtamed pardon from Caesar
he accompanied him to Spain, ever seeking to gain
favour by railing against his own nearest relations,
and after the death of the dictator was for a while
the right-hand man of Antony {ad Att. xiv. 20),
but, having taken some offence, with characteristic
fickleness he went over to Brutus and Cassius, by
whom he was kindly received, was in consequence
included in the proscription of the triumvirs, and
was put to death at Rome in b. c. 43. He is said
on this occasion to have in some degree made
amends for his former errors by the steadfastness
with which he refused to divulge the place where
his father was concealed, even when pressed by
torture. (Dion Cass, xlvii. 10.) [W. R.]

CICURrNUS, the name of a patrician family
of the Veturia gens. Varro says (Z. L. vii. 91,
ed. Miiller), that the Veturii obtained the surname
of Cicurii from their quiet and domesticated {cicur)
disposition. Cicurinus seems to have been the
name of two distinct families of the Veturia gens,
which were called respectively the Crassi Cicurini
and Gemini Cicurini : the members of each are
given below in chronological order.

1. P. Veturius Geminus Cicurinus, consul
B. c. 499 with T. Aebutius Elva. In this year siege
was laid to Fidenae, Crustumeria was taken, and
Praeneste revolted from the Latins to the Romans.
In Livy (ii. 19) his praenomen is Caius, but Diony-
sius (v. 58) has Publius; and the latter name is pre-
ferable, as it seems likely enough that the P. Vetu-
rius, who was one of the first two quaestors, was
the same as the consul, (Plut, Poplic 12.)

2. T. Veturius Geminus Cicurinus, consul
a c. 494 with A. Virginius Tricostus Caelioman-
tanus, in which year the plebs seceded to the sacred
mountain, and the tribunate of the plebs was esta-
blished. Cicurinus was sent against the Aequi,
who invaded the Latin territory this year; but
they retired at his approach, and took refuge in
the mountains. (Liv. ii. 28-30 ; Dionys. vi. 34 j
Ascon. in Cornel, p. 76, ed. Orelli.)

3. T. Veturius Geminus Cicurinus, consul
& c. 462, with L. Lucretius Triciptinus, defeated

748

CILNII.

the Volsci, and on this account entered the city
with the honour of an ovation. (Liv. iii. 8, 10 ;
Dionys. ix. 69 ; Diod. xi, 81.)

4. C. Vbturius p. f. Gkminus Cicurinus,
consul B, c. 455 with T. Rorailius Rocus Vaticanus,
marched with his colleague against the Aequi.
They defeated the enemy, and gained immense
booty, which however they did not distribute
among the soldiers, but sold on account of the
poverty of the treasury. They were in consequence
both brought to trial in the next year : Veturius
was accused by L. Alienus, the plebeian aedile,
and sentenced to pay a fine of 10,000 asses. As
some compensation for his ill-treatment by the
plebeians he was elected augur in 453. (Liv. iiL
31, 32 ; Dionys. x. 33 ; Diod. xii. 5.)

5. Sp. Veturius Sp. p. P. n. Crassus Cicu-
rinus, one of the first decemvirate, B. c. 451 f Fast.
Capitol.), called L. Veturius by Livy (iii. 33; and
T. Veturius by Dionysius (x. 56).

6. Sp. Veturius Crassus Cicurinus, consular
tribune in b. c. 417. Livy (iii. 47) calls him Sp.
Rutilius Crassus ; but this no doubt is a false read-
ing, for Diodorus (xiii. 7) has Sp. Veturius, and
the Rutilia gens was moreover plebeian, and had
not the cognomen of Crassus.

7. M. Veturius Tl f. Sp. n. Crassus Cicurinus,
consular tribune B. c. 399, — the only patrician
elected this year ; his five colleagues were all ple-
beians. (Liv. V. 13 ; Diod. xiv. 54.)

8. C. Veturius Crassus Cicurinus, consular
tribune B. c. 377, and a second time in 369 during
the agitation of the Licinian laws. (Liv. vL 32, 36;
Diod. XV. 61,77.)

9. L. Veturius L. p. Sp. n. Crassus Cicurinus,
consular tribune two years successively, b. c. 368,
367, in the latter of which years the Licinian laws
were earned. (Liv. vi. 38, 42.)

CIDA'RIA (Ki8ap/o), a surname of the Eleusi-
nian Demeter at Pheneus, in Arcadia, derived
either from an Arcadian dance called Klhapis^ or
from a royal head-dress of the same name. (Pans.
TiiL15. §1.) [L.S.]

CILIX (KtAi{), a son of Agenor and Telephassa.
He and his brothers Cadmus and Phoenix were
sent out by their father in search of Europa, who
had been carried off by Zeus. Cilix settled in the
country which derived from him the name of Cili-
Cia. He is called the father of Thasus and Thebe.
^ Herod. viL 91 ; Apollod. iii. 1. § 1 ; Hygin. Fab.
178; Diod. V. 49.^ [L. S.J

CILLA (Kj\Ao), a daughter of Laomedon and
Placia or Leucippe, and a sister of Priam. At the
time when Hecabe was pregnant with Paris, the
seer Aesacus declared that mother and child must
be put to death in order to avert a great calamity ;
but Priam, who referred this prophetic declaration
to Cilia and her son Menippus by Thj-moetus,
made them suffer instead of Hecabe and Paris.
(-> pollod. iii. 12. § 8; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 224.) [L.S.]

CILLAS or CILLUS (Kt'AAas or KiWos), the
charioteer of Pelops, whose real name, according to
a Troezenian tradition, was Sphaerus. His tomb
was shewn near the town of Cilia in the neigh-
bourhood of the temple of Apollo. (Pans. v. 10.
§ 2; Strab. xiii. p. 613.) [L. S.]

CrLNlI, a powerful family in the Etruscan
town of Arretium, who seem to have been usually
firm supporters of the Roman interests. They were
driven out of their native town in B. c. 301, by
the party opposed to thein, but were restored by

CILO.

the Romans. The Cilnii were nobles or Lncu-
mones in their state, and some of them in ancient
times may have held even the kingly dignity.
(Comp. Hor. Carm. i. 1. 1, iii, 29. 1, Serm. i, 6.
3.) Till the fall of the republic no separate indi-
vidual of this family is mentioned, for the ** Cil-
nius" of Silius Italicus (vii. 29) is a poetical
creation, and the name has been rendered chiefly
memorable by C. Cilnius Maecenas, the intimate
friend of Augustus. [Maecenas.] It appears
from sepulchral inscriptions that the Etruscan fonn
of the name was Cfenle or C/elne, which was
changed by the Romans into Cilnius, much in the
same way as the Etruscan Lecne was altered into
Liciniiis. (Mliller, Etrusker, i. p. 414.)

CILO or CHILO, a Roman surname, seems to
have been written in either way, as we find both
forms on coins of the Flaminia gens. (Eckhel, v.
p. 212.) The Latin grammarians, however, state
that Cih was applied to a person with a long and
narrow head, and Chilo to one with large or thick
lips. (Velius Long. p. 2234, Flav. Caper, p. 2242,
Charis. p. 78, ed. JPutschius ; Festus, s. v. Chilo.)

CILO, a Roman senator, called by Appian
KiWup, proscribed in B. c 43 ^Appian, B. C. iv.
27), may perhaps be the same as the Cilo, the
friend of Toranius and Cicero, whom the latter
mentions in b. c 45. (Cic. ad Fain, vi, 20.)

CILO, or CHILO, L, FLAMl'NIUS, occurs
only on coins, of which a specimen is annexed.
The obverse represents the head of Venus, and
the reverse Victory driving a biga. The interpre-
tation of the inscription on the obverse, IIII. VlR.
Pri. Fl., is not certain. We know that Julius
Caesar increased the number of the superintendents
of the mint from three to four, and it has therefore
been supposed that this Flaminius Chilo was one
of the first four superintendents appointed by Cae-
sar, and that the above letters refer to this, being
equivalent to IllVir primitsjiandae monetae. (Ec-
khel, t. pp. 212, 213.)

CILO, JU'NIUS, procurator of Pontus in the
reign of Claudius, brought the Bosporan Mithri-
dates to Rome in a. d. 50, and received after-
wards the consular insignia. (Tac. Ann. xii. 21.)
Dion Cassius speaks (Ix. 33) of him as governor of
Bithynia, and relates an amusing tale respecting
him. The Bithynians came before Claudius to
complain of Cilo having taken bribes, but as the
emperor could not hear them on account of the
noise, he asked those standing by his side what
they said. Narcissus thereupon told him that they
were returning thanks to Cilo, upon which Clau-
dius appoirted him to the government of the pro-
vince for tM 0 years longer.

CILO, or CHILO, P. MA'GIUS, murdered at
Peiraeeus, in B. c. 45, M. Claudius Marcellus, who
had been consul in 51, and killed himself imme-
diatelv afterwards. Cilo was a friend and client of
Marcellus and a rumour was circulated at the time
by Caesar's enemies, that the dictator had instigated
him to commit the murder. Brutus wrote to Cicero

CIMBER.

to defend Ciesar from this charge. The real motive
for the crime seems to have been, that Marcellus
refused to advance Cilo a sum of money to relieve
him from his embarrassments. (Cic. ad Att. xiii. 10,
ad Fam. iv. 12.) Valerius Maximus (ix. 11. § 4)
says, that Cilo had served under Pompey, and
that he was indignant at Marcellus preferring an-
other friend to him. Livy {^Epit. 115) calls him
Cn. Magius.

CILO SEPTIMIA'NUS, L. FA'BIUS, to
whom an inscription quoted by Tillemont after
Onuphrius Panvinius gives the names Catinius
Acilianus Lepidus Fulginianus, was consul in a. d.
193 and 204, and was the chosen friend of Sep-
timius Severus, by whom he was appointed prae-
fect of the city and tutor to his two sons. Having
endeavoured to mediate between the brothers, he
incurred the hatred of the elder, who after the
murder of Geta gave orders that the man who had
ever acted towards him the part of a father, and
whom he had often addressed by that title, should
be included in the massacre which followed. The
Boldiers hastened to the mansion of Cilo, and after
plundering it of all the costly furniture and other
precious effects, dragged him from the bath, com-
pelled him to walk through the streets in his
wooden slippers and a single scanty garment,
buffeting him as they hurried along with the in-
tention of putting him to death when they should
have reached the palace. This gratuitous cruelty
proved his salvation. For the populace, beholding
one whom they had been wont to honour treated
with such indignity, began to murmur, and were
joined by the city-guards. A tumult was immi-
nent, when Caracalla came forth to meet the mob,
and partly through fear, partly perhaps touched
for a moment with compunction, threw his own
cloak over the shoulders of his former preceptor,
once more addressed him as father and master,
gave orders that the tribune and his attendants
who had been sent to perpetrate the crime should
themselves be put to death, not, says Dion, because
they had wished to slay their victim, but because
they had foiled to do so, and continued to treat
him with the outward semblance at leaat of re-
spect. The ot![v other anecdote preserved with
regard to Cilo is, that he saved the life of Macrinus
at the time when the latter was upon the point of
sharing the fate of Plautianus [Plautianus],
whose agent he was, and thus the destruction of
Caracalla was indirectly hastened by the friend
and benefactor whom he had sought to destroy.
(Dion Cass. Ixxvii. 4, Ixxviii. 11; Spartian. Cara-
eaU. 4 ; Aurel. Vict. Epit. 20.) [W. R.]

CIMBER, C. A'NNIUS, the son of Lysidicus,
had obtained the praetorship from Caesar, and was
one of Antony's supporters in b. c. 43, on which
account he is vehemently attacked by Cicero. He
was charged with having killed his brother, whence
Cicero caJls him ironically Fhiladelphus, and per-
petrates the pun Nisi forte jure Germanum Cimher
occidit, that is, " unless perchance he has a right
to kill his own countryman," as Cimber is the
name of a German people, and Germanus signifies
in Latin both a German and a brother. (Cic.
PhU. xiii. 12, xi. 6 ; Quintil. viii. 3. § 27 ; comp.
Cic. ad Att. xv. 13; Suet Aug. 86.) Cimber
was an orator, a poet, and an historian, but his
merits were of a low order, and he is ridiculed by
Virgil in an epigram preserved by Quintilian (/. c).
(Huschke, De C. Annio Cimhro, Rostoch. 1824.)

CIMON.

749

CIMBER, P. GABI'NIUS, one of the Catili-
narian conspirators, B. c. 63. (Cic. in Cat. iii. 3,
5, 6, iv. 6.)

CIMBER, L. TI'LLIUS (not TulHus), one of
the murderers of Caesar, b, c. 44. When Caesar
first became supreme, Cimber was one of his
warmest supporters (Cic. Philipp. ii. 11; Senec.
de Ira., iii. 30) ; and we find Cicero making use of
hi^ influence with the Dictator in behalf of a
friend {Ad Fam. vi. 12). He was rewarded
with the province of Bithynia. But for some
reason (Seneca says from disappointed hopes) he
joined the conspirators. On the fatal day, Cimber
was foremost in the ranks, under pretence of pre-
senting a petition to Caesar praying for his brother's
recall from exile. Caesar motioned him away;
and Cimber then, seizing the Dictator's gown with
both hands drew it over his neck, so as to pull
him forward. After the assassination, Cimber
went to his province and raised a fleet, with which
(if we may believe the author of the Pseudo-Bru-
tus Epistles to Cicero, i. 6) he defeated Dolabella,
When Cassius and Brutus marched into Macedo-
nia, Cimber co-operated with the fleet, and appears
to have done good service. (Appian, B. C. iv. 102,
105.) He was a bold active man, but addicted to
wine and riotous living, so that he asked jokingly.
Ego quemquam feram., qui vinumferre non possum?
(Senec. Epist. 83. 11.) [H. G. L.]

CIMON (Kl/Muv). 1. Nicknamed from his sil-
liness KooAe/uos (Plut. Cim. 4), will be best de-
scribed by the following table.

Cypselus =t= the same wife =t= Stesagoras I.

Miltiades I. Cimon I.

(Herod, vi. 35.)

Stesagoras II. Miltiades II.

(Her. vi. 38.) (The victor at Marathon.)

Married Hegesipyle, the
daughter of Olorus, a
Thracian king.

Cimon II. Elpinice.

He was banished by Peisistratus from Athens,
and during his banishment won two OljTnpic
victories with his four-horse chariot. He allowed
Peisistratus to be proclaimed victor at the second,
and was in consequence suffered to return to
Athens. But when after the death of Peisistratus
he gained another Olympic victory with the same
horses, he was secretly murdered by order of the
sons of the tyrant. (Herod, vi. 103.)

2. Grandson of the preceding, and son of the
great Miltiades, is mentioned in Herodotus as pay-
ing his father's fine and capturing Ei'on. (vi. 136,
vii. 107.) This latter event, the battle of Eury-
medon, the expedition in aid of Sparta, and his
death in Cyprus, are the only occasions in which
he is expressly named by his relation, Thucydides ;
whose summary, moreover, of the history of this
period leaves us by its briefness necessarily depen-
dent for much on the additional authorities, which
form the somewhat heterogeneous basis of Plu-
tarch's biography. We find here the valuable con-
temporary recollections of Ion of Chios (cc. 5. 9),
and the almost worthless contemporary gossip and
scandal of the Thasian Stesimbrotus : some little

7S0

CIMON.

also from the poets of the time, Cratinus, Melan-
thius, and Archelaus. He seems to have followed
Thiicydides, though not very strictly, as a guide in
general, while he filled up the details from the
later historians, perhaps from Theopompus more
than from Ephorus, whose account, as followed
probably by Diodorus (xi. 60), differs materially.
He appears to have also used Callisthenes, Cratinus,
Phanodemus, Diodorus Periegetes, Gorgias, and
Nausicrates ; Aristotle, Eupolis, Aristophanes, and
Critias.

On the death of Miltiades, probably in B. c.
489, Cimon, we are told by Diodorus (Excerpta,
p. 255), in order to obtain the corpse for burial,
took his father's place in prison till his fine of
50 talents should be paid. [Miltiades.] It ap-
pears, however, certain (see Dem, c. Androt. p.
603) that the drifiia, if not the imprisonment,
of the public debtor was legally inherited by
the son, and Cornelius Nepos, whose life comes
in many parts from Theopompus, states the con-
finement to have been compulsory. The fine
was eventually paid by Callias on his marriage
with Elpinice, Cimon's sister. [Callias, No. 2,
p. 567, b.] A more diflicult point is the previous
connexion and even marriage of Cimon with this
sister or half-sister, which was recorded by nume-
rous writers, but after all was very probably the
scandal of Stesimbrotus and the comedians. (Eupo-
lis, ap. Plut. dm. 15, comp. 4 ; Nepos, Cim. 1 ;
Athen. xiii. p. 589.) Nor, again, can we very
much rely on the statement which Plutarch in-
troduces at this time, that he and Themistocles
vied with each other at the Olympian games in
the splendour of their equipments and banquets.
(Plut. Themist. 5.) It is more credible that his
first occasion of attracting notice and admiration
was the forwardness with which, when the city
in B. c. 480 was to be deserted, he led up to
the citadel a company of young men to offer
to the goddess their now unserviceable bridles.
(Plut. dm, 5.) After the battle of Plataea,
Aristeides brought him forward. They were
placed together in 477 at the head of the Athenian
contingent to the Greek armament, under the
supreme command of Pausanias. Cimon shared
the glory of transferring that supremacy to Athens,
and in the first employment of it reduced the Per^
sian garrison at Eion, and opened the important
district in the neighbourhood for Athenian coloni-
zation. (Plut. Cim^Q\ Herod, vii. 107 ; Thuc. i. 98;
Nepos, Cim. 2 ; Schol. ad Aesch. de Feds. Leg. p.
755, &c., ed. Reiske ; Clinton, F. H. iL App. ix.)
In honour of this conquest he received from his coun-
trymen the distinction, at that time unprecedented,
of having three busts of Hermes erected, inscribed
with triumphal verses, but without mention of the
names of the generals. (Plut. Cim. 6 ; Aesch. c.
Ctesiph. p. 573, ed. Reiske.) In 476, apparently
under his conduct, the piratical Dolopians were
expelled from Scyros, and a colony planted in their
room ; and the remains of Theseus discovered
there, were thence transported, probably after some
years' interval (b. c. 468) with great pomp to
Athens. (Plut. Cim. 8 ; Paus. i. 17. § 6, iii. 3. § 6.)

The reduction of Carystus and Naxos was,
most likely, effected under his command (Thuc. i.
98) ; and at this period he was doubtless in war
and politics his country's chief citizen. His co-
adjutor at home would be Aristeides ; how far he
contributed to the banishment of Themistocles may

CIMON.

be doubtfiil. (Comp. Plut. Arist. 25, Them. 24.)
The year b. c 466 (according to Clinton ; Kriiger
and others persist in placing it earlier) saw the
completion of his glory. In the command of the
allied forces on the Asiatic coast he met a Persian
fleet of 350 ships, attacked them, captured 200,
and following the fugitives to the shore, by the
river Eurymedon, in a second and obstinate en-
gagement on the same day, routed the land arma-
ment ; indeed, according to Plutarch, he crowned
his victory before night by the defeat of a rein-
forcement of 80 Phoenician ships. (Plut. dm. 12 ;
Thuc. i. 100 ; Diod. xi. 60, with Wesseling's note.)
His next achievement was the expulsion of the
Persians from the Chersonese, and the subjection
of the territory to Athens, accompanied perhaps
with the recovery of his own patrimony. The
effect of these victories was doubtless very great ;
they crushed perhaps a last aggressive movement,
and fixed Persia finally in a defensive position.
In later times it was believed, though on evidence,
as was shewn by Callisthenes, quite insufficient,
that they had been succeeded by a treaty (the
famous peace of Cimon) negotiated through Callias,
and containing in its alleged conditions the most
humiliating concessions. They placed Cimon at
the height of his power and glory, the chief of that
empire which his character had gained for Athens,
and which his policy towards the allies was ren-
dering daily firmer and completer. Themistocles,
a banished man, may perhaps have witnessed his
Asiatic triumphs in sorrow ; the death of Aristeides
had left him sole possessor of the influence they
had hitherto jointly exercised : nor had time yet
matured the opposition of Pericles. (Plut. Cim. 13,
14.) Still the loss of the old friend and the rar
pidly increasing influence of the new opponent
rendered his position precarious.

The chronology of the events that follow is
henceforth in most points disputed ; according
to Clinton's view, which cannot hastily be de-
serted, the revolt of Thasos took place in 465;
in 463 Cimon reduced it; in the year interven-
ing occurred the earthquake and insurrection at
Sparta, and in consequence, upon Cimon's urgent
appeal, one if not two (Plut. Cim. 16 ; comp.
Aristoph. Lysistr. 1137) expeditions were sent
from Athens, under his command, to assist the
Spartans. In these occurrences were found the
means for his humiliation. During the siege of
Thasos, the Athenian colonists on the Strymon
were cut off by the Thracians, and Cimon seems
to have been expected, after his victory there, to
retrieve this disaster : and, neglecting to do so, he
was on his return brought to trial ; but the accu-
sation of having taken bribes from Alexander of
Macedon, was, by Pericles at any rate, not strongly
urged, and the result was an acquittal. The ter-
mination of his Lacedaemonian policy in the jea-
lous and insulting dismissal of their Athenian
auxiliaries by the Spartans, and the consequent
rupture between the two states was a more serious
blow to his popularity. And the victory of his
opponents was decided when Ephialtes and Peri-
cles, after a severe struggle, carried their measure
for reducing the authority of the aristocratic Areio-
pagus. Upon this it would seem his ostracism
ensued. Soon after its commencement (b. c. 457)
a Lacedaemonian army, probably to meet the views
of a violent section of the defeated party in Athens,
posted itself at Tanagra. The Athenians advanced

CIMON.

to meet it : Ciraon requested permission to fight
ill his place ; the generals in suspicion refused : he
departed, begging his own friends to vindicate his
character : they, in number a hundred, placed in the
ensuing battle his panoply among them, and fell
around it to the last man. Before five years of
his exile were fully out, b. c. 453 or 454, he was
recalled on the motion of Pericles himself; late
reverses having inclined the people to tranquillity
in Greece, and the democratic leaders perhaps
being ready, in fear of more unscrupulous oppo-
nents, to make concessions to those of them who
were patriotic and temperate. He was probably
employed in effecting the five years' truce with
Sparta which commenced in 450. In the next
year he sailed out with 200 ships to Cyprus, with
the view of retrieving the late mishaps in Egypt.
Here, while besieging Citium, illness or the effects
of a wound carried him off. His forces, while sail-
ing away with his remains, as if animated by his
spirit, fell in with and defeated a fleet of Phoeni-
cian and Cilician galleys, and added to their naval
victory a second over forces on shore. (Plut. Cim.
1 4—1 9 ; Thuc. i. 112 ; Diod. xi. 64, 86, xii. 3, 4 ;
Theopomp. ap. Ephori fragm. ed. Marx, 224.)

Cimon's character (see Plut. Cim. 4, 5, 9, 10, 16,
Peric. 5) is marked by his policy. Exerting himself
to aggrandize Athens, and to centralize in her the
power of the naval confederacy, he still looked
mainly to the humiliation of the common enemy,
Persia, and had no jealous feeling towards his
country's rivals at home. He was always an ad-
mirer of Sparta : his words to the people when
urging the succours in the revolt of the Helots
were, as recorded by Ion (Plut. Cim. 16) "not to
suffer Greece to be lamed, and Athens to lose its
yoke-fellow." He is described himself to have
had something of the Spartan character, being de-
ficient in the Athenian points of readiness and
quick discernment. He was of a cheerful, convi-
vial temper, free and indulgent perhaps rather than
excessive in his pleasures {jpiKo-nST-qs Kol d^ie\-/is^
Eupolis, ap. Plut. Cim. 15), delighting in achieve-
ment for its own sake rather than from ambition.
His frankness, affability, and mildness, won over
the allies from Pausanias ; and at home, when the
recovery of his patrimony or his share of spoils had
made him rich, his liberality and munificence were
unbounded. His orchards and gardens were thrown
open; his fellow demesmen(Aristot. ap.Plut. Cim.
10; comp. Cic. rfe Q^. ii. 18 and Theopomp. ojo.J^Acw.
xii. 533) were free daily to his table, and his public
bounty verged on ostentation. With the treasure
he brought from Asia the southern wall of the citadel
was built, and at his own private charge the founda-
tion of the long walls to the Peiraeeus, works which
the marshy soil made difficult and expensive, were
laid down in the most costly and eflicient style.
According to the report of Ion, the tragic poet, who
as a boy supped in his company (Plut. Cim. 5, 9),
he was in person tall and good-looking, and his
hair, which he wore long, thick and curly. He
left three sons, Lacedaemonius, Eleus, and Thessa-
lus, and was, according to one account, married to
Isodice, a daughter of Euryptolemus, the cousin of
Pericles, as also to an Arcadian wife. (Diodorus
Periegetes, ap. Plut. Cim. 16.) Another record gives
him three more sons, Miltiades, Cimon, and Pei-
sianax. (Schol. ad Aristid. iii. p. 515, Dindorf.)

(Herod., Thucyd.; V\\\i. Cimon; Nepos, Cmow;
Diodorus. Plutarch's life of Cimon is separately

CINADON.

751

edited in an tiseful form by Arnold Ekker, Utrecht,
1843, in which references will be found to other
illustrative works.) [A. H. C]

CIMON. 1. Of Cleonae, a painter of great
renown, praised by Pliny (//. N. xxxv. 34) and
Aelian. ( V. H. viii. 8.) It is difficult to ascer-
tain, from Pliny's obscure words, wherein the
peculiar merits of Cimon consisted : it is certain,
however, that he was not sjitisfied with drawing
simply the outlines of his figures, such as we seo
in the oldest painted vases, but that he also repre-
sented limbs, veins, and the folds of garments.
He invented the Calayraplia, that is, not the pro-
file, according to the common interpretation (Cay-
lus, Mem. de VAcad. vol. xxv. p. 265), but the
various positions of figures, as they appear when
looking upwards, downwards, and sideways; and
he must therefore be considered as the first painter
of perspective. It would appear from an epigram
of Simonides (Anthol. Palat. ix. 758), that he wag
a contemporary of Dionysius, and belonged there-
fore to the 80th Olympiad ; but as he was cer-
tainly more ancient, Klfunv should in that passage
be changed into Mixov. (Bottiger, Arch'dolog. d.
Malerei, p. 234, &c.; Miiller, Handb. § 99.)

2. An artist who made ornamented cups.
(Athen. xi. p. 781, e.) [L. U.]

CI'NADON (KtvoSwi/), the chief of a conspiracy
against the Spartan peers {bfwioi) in the first year
of Agesilaus II. (b. c. 398—397.) This plot" ap-
pears to have arisen out of the increased power of
the ephors, and the more oligarchical character
which the Spartan constitution had by this time
assumed. (Thirl wall's Greece^ iv. pp. 373 — 378 ;
Manso's Sparta, iii. 1, p. 219, &c. ; Wachsmuth,
Helten.Alter. i. 2, pp. 214, 215, 260, 262.) Cina-
don was a young man of personal accomplishment
and courage, but not one of the peers. The de-
sign of his conspiracy was to assassinate all the
peers, in order, as he himself said, "that he might
have no superior in Lacedaemon." The first hint
of the existence of the plot was given by a sooth-
sayer, who was assisting Agesilaus at a sacrifice.
Five days afterwards, a person came to the ephors,
and told them the following story : He had been
taken, he said, into the agora by Cinadon, who
asked him to count the Spartans there. He did
so, and found that, including one of the kings, the
ephors, the senators, and others, there were less
than forty. " These," said Cinadon, " account
your enemies, but the others in the agora, who are
more than four thousand, your confederates," Ha
then referred to the like disparity which might be
seen in the streets and in the country. The leaders
of the conspiracy, Cinadon further told him, were
few, but trustworthy ; but their associates were in
fact all the Helots, and Neodamodes, and Hypo-
meiones, who, if the Spartans were mentioned in
their presence, were unable to conceal their fero-
cious hatred towards them. For arms, he added,
there were at hand the knives, swords, spits,
hatchets, and so forth, in the iron market ; the
rustics would use bludgeons and stones, and the
artificers had each his own tools. Cinadon finally
warned him, he said, to keep at home, for the time
of action was at hand.

Upon hearing this account, the ephors called no
assembly, but consulted with the senators as they
happened to meet them. Cinadon, who had been
at other times employed by the ephcrs on impor-
tant commissions, was sent to Aulon in Messenia,

752 CINCINNATUS.

with orders tn take certain persons prisoners ; but
secret instructijns were given to some young men
who were sent with him, and the choice of whom
was so managed as not to excite his suspicions.
This step was taken because the ephors were igno-
rant of the number of the conspirators. Accord-
ingly, Cinadon was seized and tortured : letters
were sent to Sparta mentioning the persons whom
he had denounced as his confederates ; and it is a
remarkable proof of the formidable character of the
conspiracy that among them was Tisamenus, the
soothsayer, a descendant of Tisamenus the Eleian,
who had been admitted to the full franchise. (He-
rod, ix. 33.) Cinadon was then brought to Sparta,
and he and the other conspirators were led in irons
through the streets, and scourged as they went,
and 80 they were put to death. (Xen. Hell, iil 3,
§§ 4—1 1 ; Aristot Pdit. V. 6. § 2.) [P. S.]

CINAETHON {Kivadewv), of Lacedaemon, one
of the most fertile of the Cyclic poets, is placed by
Eusebius {Chron. 01. 3. 4) in B. c. 765. He was
the author of: 1. Telegonia {Ti]\jiyovla\ which
gave the history of Odysseus from the point where
the Odyssey breaks off to his death. (Euseb.
I. c.) 2. Genealogies^ which are frequently re-
ferred to by Pausanias (ii. 3. § 7, 18. § 5, iv. 2.
§ 1, viii. 53. § 2 ; comp. Schol. ad Horn. It. iii.
1 75), and which must consequently have been ex-
tant in A. D. 175. 3. Herac/eia ('HpoKAcja), con-
taining an account of the adventures of Heracles.
(Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. i. 1357.) 4. Oedipodia
(OiStiroSia), the adventures of Oedipus, is ascrib-
ed to Cinaethon in an ancient inscription (Heeren,
in BiU. d. alien Literal, und Kunst^ voL iv. p. 57),
but other authorities speak of the author as un-
certain. (Paus. ix. 5. § 5 ; Schol. ad Eurip.
Plioen. 1760.) 5. The Little Iliad ('lAidj niKpa)
was also attributed by some to Cinaethon. (Schol.
Vat. ad Eur. Troad. 822 ; comp. Welcker, Epis-
dier Cydus, p. 243.)

CINAETHUS or CYNAETHUS {Klvaieosox
Kiiwiflos), of Chios, a rhapsodist, who was gene-
rally supposed by the ancients to have been the
author of the Homeric hymn to Apollo. He is
said to have lived about the 69th Olympiad (b. c.
504), and to have been the first rhapsodist of the
Homeric poems at Syracuse. (Schol. ad Pind.
Nem. ii. 1.) This date, however, is much too low,
as the Sicilians were acquainted with the Homeric
poems long before. Welcker (Epischer Cyclus^ p.
243) therefore proposes to read Karei riiv €kttjv fj
rrfv ivv6.Ti]v 'OA. instead of Kord. ri\v i^rjKoa-Trjv
evvdrrfv *OA., and places him about e. c. 750.
Cinaethus is charged by Eustathius (ad II. i. p. 16,
ed. Polit.) with having interpolated the Homeric
poems. (Fabric. Bibl. iSraec. i. p. 508.)

CI'NCIA GENS, plebeian, of small importance.
None of its members ever obtained the consulship:
the first Cincius who gained any of the higher
offices of the state was L. Cincius Alimentus,
praetor in b. c. 209. The only cognomen of this
gens is Alimkntus : those who occur without a
surname are given under Cincius.

CINCINNA'TUS, the name of a patrician
family of the Quinctia gens. Some of the Quinctii,
mentioned without a surname, probably belonged
to this fiunily.

1. L. QUINCTIUS L. p. L. N. CiNCINNATUS,

plays a conspicuous part in the civil and military
transactions of the period in which he lived. He
particularly distinguished himself as a violent oppo-

CINCINNATUS.

nent of the claims of the plebeians. He was born
about B. c. 519. (Niebuhr, vol. ii. note 927.) The
storj' of his having been reduced to poverty by the
merciless exaction of the bail forfeited by the flight
of his son Caeso (Liv. iii. 13) has no foundation.
(Niebuhr, ii. p. 289.) In b. c. 460 he was ille-
gally appointed consul suffectus in the room of P.
Valerius. (Liv. iii. 19 ; Niebuhr, ii. p. 295.) Irri-
tated by the death of his son Caeso, he proposed a
most arbitrary attempt to oppose the enactment of
the Terentilian law, but the design was abandoned.
(Liv. iii. 20, 21.)

Two years afterwards (b. c. 458), according to
the common storj', Cincinnatus was appointed dic-
tator, in order to deliver the Roman consul and
army from the perilous position in which they had
been placed by the Aequians. (Plin. H. N. xviii.
4 ; Cic. de Senect. 1 6, who however refers the story
to his second dictatorship.) The story of the man-
ner in which he effected this is given by Livy (iii.
26-29). The inconsistencies and impossibilities
in the legend have been pointed out by Niebuhr
(ii. pp. 266-269), who is inclined to regard it as
altogether fabulous. During his dictatorship, in
defiance of the tribunes, he held the comitia for
the trial of Volscius, through whose evidence his
son Caeso had been condemned, and who was
charged with false witness. The accused went
into voluntary exile. (Dion. Exc. de Sent. 22, p.
151, ed. R, ; Zonar. vii. 15.) In B. c. 450 Cin-
cinnatus was an unsuccessful candidate for the
oflSce of decemvir. (Liv. iii. 35.) In the disputes
about the law for opening the consulship to the
plebeians, we find him the advocate of milder mea-
sures. (Liv. iv. 6.) In B.c. 439, at the age of
eighty, he was a second time appointed dictator to
oppose the alleged machinations of Spurius Maelius.
(Liv. iv. 13 — 15.) This is the last event recorded
of him.

2. L. QuiNCTius L. P. L. n. Cincinnatus,
son of No. 1, was consular tribune in B. c. 438.
In the following year he was appointed master of
the horse by the dictator Aemilius Mamercus.
(Liv. iv. 16, 17 ; Diod. xii. 38.) In 425 he was
a second time elected consular tribune (Liv. iv.
35; Diod. xii. 81), and, according to Livy (iv. 44),
a third time in 420.

3. T. QuiNCTius L. p. L. n. Cincinnatus Pkn-
Nus, son of L. Cincinnatus, and son-in-law of A.
Postumius Tubertus, was consul in B. c 431. In
this year the Aequians and Volscians renewed
their attacks, and encamped on mount Algidus.
The danger was so pressing, that it was resolved
to appoint a dictator. The opposition of the con-
suls was overruled ; and Cincinnatus, to whose lot
it fell to do so, named as dictator his father-in-law.
Cincinnatus and Postumius then led separate ar-
mies against the enemy, who sustained a severe
defeat. (Liv. iv. 26-29.) Cincinnatus was again
consul in 428 (Liv. iv. 30 ; Diod. xii. 75) and
consular tribune in 426. (liiv. iv. 31 ; Diod. xii.
80.) With two of his colleagues he command-
ed against the Veientians, but sustained a de-
feat, on which Aemilius Mamercus was appoint-
ed dictator. In the capacity of legatus he aided
the dictator in the victory which he gained over
the Veientians and Fidenatians. Having been
subsequently brought to trial for his ill-conduct
against the Veientians, he was acquitted on the
ground of his services under the dictators, Postu-
mius and Aemilius. (Liv. iv. 41.)

CINEAS.

4. Q. QuiNCTius L. F. L. n. Cincinnatus,
consular tribune in b. c. 415, and again in 405.
(Liv. iv. 49, 61 ; Diod. xiii. 34, xiv. 17.)

5. T. QUINCTIUS CiNCINNATUS CaPITOMNUS,

consular tribune in b. c. 388, and again in 384.
In 380, in the war with the Praenestines, he was
appointed dictator, gained a decisive victory over
them on the banks of the Alia, and in nine days
captured nine towns. (Liv. vi. 4, 18, 28, 29;
Diod. XV. 23, 3b'; Eutrop, ii. 2; Festus, s. v.
Triens.)

6. L. QuiNCTius CiNCINNATUS, consular tri-
bune in B. c. 386, again in 385, and a third time in
377, when, with his colleague Ser. Sulpicius, he
i-aised the siege of Tusculum, of which the Latins
had nearly made themselves masters. (Liv. vi. 6,
32, 33 ; Diod. xv. 25, 28, 61.)

7. C. QuiNCTius CiNCINNATUS, consular tribune
in B. c, 377. (Liv. vi. 32.)

8. Q. QuiNCTius CiNCINNATUS, consular tribune
in B. c. 369. (Liv. vi. 36.)

9. T. QuiNCTius CiNCINNATUS CaPITOLINUS,

consular tribune in B. c. 368, and in the following
year master of the horse to the dictator M. Furius
Camillus, when the Licinian laws were carried.
Livy calls him T. Quinctius Pennus, and as we
have the surnames Cincinnatus Capitolinus in the
Capitoline Fasti, his full name may have been
T. Quinctius Pennus Cincinnatus Capitolinus.
(Liv. vi. 38, 42 ; Diod. xv. 78.) [C. P. M.]

CI'NCIUS. 1. M. CiNcius, praefect of Pisae
in B. c. 194, wrote to the senate to inform them of
an insurrection of the Ligures. (Liv. xxxiv. 56.)
He is probably the same as the M. Cincius Ali-
mentus, tribune'of the plebs in 204 [p. 132, aj.

2. L. CiNCius, the procurator or bailiff of Atti-
cus, is frequently mentioned in Cicero's letters.
{Ad Ait. i. 1,7, 8, 16, 20, iv. 4, a., vi. 2, ad Q.
Fr. ii. 2, iii. 1. § 2.)

3. Cincius, who was entrusted with the govern-
ment of Syria in a. d. 63, during the expedition of
Corbulo. (Tac. Ann. xv. 25.)

CI'NEAS (Ktyeas), a Thessalian, is mentioned
by Demosthenes, in a well-known passage {de Cor.
p. 324), as one of those who, for the sake of pri-
vate gain, became the instruments of Philip of
Macedon in sapping the independence of their
country. Polybius (xvii. 14) censures Demosthenes
for bringing so sweeping a charge against a number
of distinguished men ; but he does not enter spe-
cially into the question with respect to Cineas and
the Thessalians. (Comp. Dem. de Cor. p. 245, de
C/iers. p. 105 ; Diod. xvi. 38, 69.) [E. E.]

CI'NEAS (Kii/e'as), a Thessalian, the friend
and minister of Pyrrhus, king of Epeirus. He
was the most eloquent man of his day, and re-
minded his hearers (in some degree) of Demos-
thenes, whom he heard speak in his youth. Pyr-
rhus prized his persuasive powers so highly, that
" the words of Cineas (he was wont to say) had
won him more cities than his own arms." He
was also famous for his conversational powers, and
some instances of his repartees are still preserved.
(Plin. H. N. xiv, 12.) That he was versed in
the philosophy of Epicurus is plain from the
anecdote related by Cicero {Cat. Maj. 13) and
Plutarch. {Pyrrh. 20.) But this is no ground
for assuming that he professed this philosophy.
At all events he did not practise it ; for, instead
of whiling away life in useless ease, he served
Pynhus long and actively : and he took so much

CINESIAS.

758

interest in the art of war, as to epitomise the
Tactica of Aeneas (Aelian, Tact. 1); and this,
no doubt, is the work to whicli Cicero refers when
he speaks of Cineas' books de re militari {ad Fain.
ix. 25). Dr. Arnold says Plutarch mentions his
CommentJiries, but it does not appear to what he
refers. The historical writer referred to by Stmbo
(vii. fin. p. 329) may be the same person.

The most famous passage in his life is his
embassy to Rome, with proposals for peace from
Pyrrhus, after the battle of Heraclea (b. c. 280).
Cineas spared no arts to gain favour. Thanks to
his wonderful memory, on the day after his arrival
he was able (we are told) to address all the senators
and knights by name (Plin. H. N. vii. 24) ; and
in after times stories were current that he sought
to gain them over by offering presents to them and
their wives, which, however, were disdainfully re-
jected. (Plut. P^rr/i. 18 ; Diod. £drf. Vatic. xx\i.\
Liv. xxxiv. 4.) The terms he had to offer were
hard, viz. that all the Greeks in Italy should be
left free, and that the Italian nations from Samnium
downwards should receive back aU. they had for-
feited to Rome. (Appian, Sainn. Fragm. x.) Yet
such was the need, and such the persuasiveness
of Cineas, that the senate would probably have
yielded, if the scale had not been turned by the
dying eloquence of old Appius Caecus. [Clau-
dius, No. 10.] The ambassador returned and
told the king (say the Romans), that there was no
people like that people, — their city was a temple,
their senate an assembly of kings. Two years
after (b. c. 278), when Pj-rrhus was about to cross
over into Sicily, Cineas was again sent to nego-
tiate peace, but on easier terms ; and though the
senate refused to conclude a treaty while the king
was in Italy, his minister's negotiations were in
effect successful. (Appian, Samn. Fragm. xi.) Ci-
neas was then sent over to Sicily, according to his
master's usual policy, to win all he could by per-
suasion, before he tried the sword. (Plut. Pyrrh.
22.) And this is the last we hear of him. He
probably died before Pyrrhus returned to Italy in
B. c. 276, and with him the star of his master's
fortune set. He was (as Niebuhr says) the king's
good genius, and his place was filled by unworthy
favourites. [H. G. L.]

CINE'SIAS (Kti/Tjo-Zias), a dithyrambic poet of
Athens. The Scholiast on Aristophanes {Ran.
153) calls him a Theban, but this account seems
to be virtually contradicted by Plutarch {de Glor.
Ath. 5), and may perhaps have arisen, as Fabricius
suggests {Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 117), from confound-
ing him with another person of the same name.
(Comp. Aristot. ap. Schol. ad Aristoph. Av. 1379.)
Fabricius himself mentions Evagoras as his father,
on the authority apparently of a corrupt fragment
of Plato, the comic poet, which is quoted by Ga-
len. (See Dalechamp, ad Aiken, xii. p. 551.) In
the " Gorgias" of Plato (p. 501, e.) he is expressly
called the son of Meles. His talents are said to
have been of a very inferior order. Plutarch (/.c.)
calls him a poet of no high repute or creative
genius. The comic wrivdr, Pherecrates {ap. Plut.
de Miis. 30), accuses him of having introduced sad
corn^ptions into music and to this Aristophanes
perhaps alludes in the word a(r/j.aTOKdiJ.inas. {Nuh.
332.)' In the Birds (1372—1409), he is intro-
duced as wishing to fly up to Olympus to bring
down from the clouds, their proper region, a fiesh
supply of ** rambling odes, aii'-tost and snow<-

30

754

CINNA.

beaten" {depo^oviJTovs /col pi(po€6\ovs dvaSoKds,
corap. Aristot. BJiet iii. 9. § 1). But he presented
many salient points, besides the character of his
poems, to the attacks of comedy. Athenaeus tells
U8 (xii. p, 551), that he was so tall and thin as to
be obliged to wear, for the support of his body, a
species of stays made of the wood of the linden
tree. Hence Aristophanes {Av. 1378) calls him
(piXipivQv. hence, too {Ran. 1433), he makes Eu-
ripides propose to fit Cinesias, by way of wings, to
a fellow-rogue, Cleocritus ; and in a fragment of
the rTjpuTciJTjs (op. AtJien. L c.) he speaks of him
as a fit ambassador from the Dithyrambic poets to
their shadowy brethren of the craft in Hades.
(Comp. Strattis, ap. Aihcn. L c. ; Dalechamp, ad
loc.y and the authors there referred to.) A more
legitimate ground of satire was furnished by his
impiety, which was open and excessive, and his
very profligate life ; and we learn from Lysias, the
orator (ap. Athen. I. c), who himself attacked him
in two orations, — now lost with the exception of
the fragment here referred to, — that not a year
passed in which he was not assailed on this score
by the comic poets. He had his revenge however ;
for he succeeded in procuring (probably about b. c.
390) the abolition of the Choragia, as far as regard-
ed comedy, which had indeed been declining ever
since the Archonship of Callias in B. c. 406. In
consequence of this Strattis attacked him in his
play called "Cinesias." (Schol. ad Arisi. Ran.
404 ; Fabric. BM. Grace, ii. p. 497; Bbckh, Pull.
Econ. of Athens, bk. iii. ch. 22 ; Clinton, subannig
406, 388, 337.) From Lysias also {ap. AUien. I.e.)
we learn, that Cinesias abandoned prudently the
practice of his art, and betook himself to the trade
of an inforaier, which he found a very profitable
one. (Comp. Perizon. ad Ael. V. H. iii. 8, x. 6;
Schol. ad Aristoph. U. cc. ; Plut. de Superst. 10 ;
Harpocrat. and Suid. s. v. Kivnaias.) [E. E.]

CINGE'TORIX, a Gaul, one of the first men
in the city of the Treviri {Treves^ Trier). He
attached himself to the Romans, though son-in-law
to Indutiomarus, the head of the independent party.
When this leader had been put to death by order
of Caesar, he was promoted to be chief of his
native city. (Caes. B. G. v. 3, 55 — 58, vi. 8.)
Caesar {B. G. v. 22) mentions another Cingetorix,
a chief of the Kentish Britons. [H. G. L.]

CINGO'NIUS VARRO. [Varro.]

CINNA, an early Roman jurist, mentioned by
Pomponius (Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 2. § 44), among the
disciples of Servius Sulpicius. [T. Caesius.] He
is cited by Ulpian (Dig. 23. tit. 2. s. 6), and by
Javolenus. (Dig. 35, tit. 1. s. 40. § 40. ) There
are no data to identify him with any of the various
historical Cinnas of his age. He was later than
the celebrated L. Cornelius Cinna, who was consul
in B. c. 87-84 ; but may have been his son. [Cinna,
No. 3,] The grandson, Cn. Com. Cinna Magnus,
consul in a. d. 5, is of rather too late a date, and,
moreover, is termed by Seneca {de Clem. i. 9), a
stupid man, "quod nostro jurisconsultominime con-
venit," says Maiansius, who seems disposed to
identify the jurist with the poet C. Helvius Cinna,
the author of Smyrna. (Maiansius, ad XXX.
JCtos. ii. p. 143.) [J. T. G.]

CINNA, CATULUS, a Stoic philosopher, a
teacher of M. Aurelius, (Capitol. Anton. Phil. 3 ;
Antonin. i. 13.)

CINNA, CORNE'LTUS. Cinna was the name
of a patrician family of the Cornelia gens.

CTNNA.

1. L. Cornelius L. f. Cinna, consul in b. c.
127. (Fast. Sic.)

2. L. Cornelius L. f. L. n. Cinna, son of

No. 1, the famous leader of the popular party,
during the absence of Sulla in the East. (a. c. \S'i
— 84.) He was praetorian legate in the Marsic
war. {Qac. pro Font. \o^ In B. c. 87, when
Sulla was about to take the command against
Mithridates, he allowed Cinna to be elected consul
with Cn. Octavius, on condition of his taking
an oath not to alter the constitution as tlien exist-
ing. (Plut. Sull. 10; Dion Cass. Frag. 117.)
Yet Cinna's first act as consul was to impeach
Sulla (Cic. in Cat. iii. 10, Brut. 47, Tusc. Di«}\
V. 19); and as soon as the general had left Italy,
he began his endeavour to overpower the senate,
by forming a strong popular party out of the new
citizens, chiefly of the Italian states, who had
lately been enrolled in the 35 old tribes, whereas
they had before voted separately as eight tribes
(Appian, B. C. i. 55, 56 ; Cic. Philipp. viii. 2 ;
Veil. Pat. ii. 20) ; and by their aid it was pro-
posed to recall Marius and his party. The other
consul, Octavius, was ill fitted to oppose the
energy of the popular leaders (Plut. Mar. 41, 42,
Sertor. 4) ; yet Sulla had left the party of the
senate so strong, that on the day of voting, Octa-
vius was able to defeat his opponents in the forum,
and Cinna fled the chy. He was soon joined by
Sertorius and others, who assisted in raising the
Italians against the party now in power at Rome ;
for which the senate, by unconstitutionally depos-
ing him from the consulate, had given him a very
specious pretext. Cinna and his friends then
marched upon Rome and invested it from the
land, while Marius, having landed from Africa,
blockaded it on the sea-side ; and to his life more
properly belong the siege and capture of the city,
with the massacre of Sulla's friends. [Marius.]

Next year (b. c. 86) Cinna and Marius made
themselves consuls ; but Marius dying in January,
was succeeded by L. Valerius Flaccus. Him Cinna
got rid of by appointing him to the command
against Mithridates, hoping thereby also to provide
Sulla with a new enemy. But Flaccus was killed
by his legatus C. Flavius Fimbria. (Veil. Pat. ii.
23 ; Appian, B. C. i. 75.) In b. c. 85, Cinna
entered on his third consulate with Cn. Papirius
Carbo, an able man, who had already been of great
use to the party. Sulla now threatened to return
and take vengeance on his enemies ; and the next
year (b. c. 84), Cinna and Carbo being again consuls,
he fulfilled his threat. Cinna had assembled an
army at Bnindisium, and sent part of it across to
Libumia, intending to meet Sulla before he set foot
in Italy ; but when he ordered the rest to follow,
a mutiny arose, and in the effort to quell it he was
slain. [For the sequel see Sulla.]

Cinna was a bold and active man, but his bold-
ness was akin to rashness, and his activity little
directed by judgment. Single-handed he could do
nothing ; he leant for support first on Sertorius,
then on Marius, then on Carbo ; and fell at last
from wanting the first quality of a general, ability
to command the confidence of his troops. Velleius's
character of him is more antithetical than true,
(ii. 24.)

3. L. Cornelius L. f. L. n, Cinna, son of No.
2. When very young he joined M. Lepidus in
overthrowing the constitution of Sulla (b. c. 7H) ;
and on the defeat and death of Lepidus in Sar-

CINNA.

diuia, he went with M. Perperna to join Sortoriiis
in Spain. (Suet. CWs. 5 ; Plut Ser/.\5.) Caesar,
his brother-in-law, wishing to make nse of him
against the party of the senate, procured his recall
from exile. But his father had been proscribed by
Sulla, and young Cinna was by the laws of pro-
scription unable to hold office, till Caesar, when
dictator, had them repealed. He was not elected
praetor till B. c. 44. By that time he had become
discontented with Caesar's government ; and
though he would not join the conspirators, he ap-
proved of their act. And so great was the rage of
the mob against him, that notwithstanding he was
praetor, they nearly murdered him ; nay, they
did murder Ilelvius Cinna, tribune of the plebs,
•whom they mistook for the praetor, though he was
at the time walking in Caesar's funeral procession.
(Plut. Brut. 18, Caes. 68 ; Suet. Cues. 52, 85, &c.;
Val. Max. ix. 9. § 1.) Cicero praises him for not
taking any province (Philipp. iii. 10) ; but it may
be doubted whether the conspirators gave him the
choice, for the praetor does not seem to have been
a very disinterested person. He married a daugh-
ter of Pompeius Magnus.

4. Cinna, probably brother of the last, served
as quaestor under Dolabella against Brutus. (Plut.
Brut. 25 ; Cic. Philipp. x. 6.)

5. Cn. Cornelius Cinna Magnus, son of No.
3, and therefore grandson of Pompey, whence he
received the surname of Magnus. Though he sided
with Antony against Octavius, he was preferred
to a priesthood by the conqueror, and became con-
sul in A. D. 5. (Senec. de Clem. i. 9 ; Dion Cass,
Iv. 14. 22.) [H. G. L.]

The name of Cinna occurs, in the form of Cina,
cn asses, semisses, and trientes. A specimen of one
is given below : the obverse represents the head of
Janus, the reverse the prow of a ship.

CINNA.

755

CINNA, C. HE'LVIUS, a poet of considerable
renown, was the contemporary, companion, and
friend of Catullus. (Catull. x., xcv., cxiii.) The
year of his birth is totally unknown, but the day
of his death is generally supposed to be a matter
of common notoriety ; for Suetonius (Caes. 85) in-
forms us, that immediately after the funeral of
Julius Caesar the rabble rushed with fire-brands to
the houses of Brutus and Cassius, but having been
with difficulty driven back, chanced to encounter
Helvius Cinna, and mistaking him, from the re-
semblance of name, for Cornelius Cinna, who but
the day before had delivered a violent harangue
against the late dictator, they killed him on the
spot, and bore about his head stuck on a spear.
The same story is repeated almost in the same
words by Valerius Maximus (ix. 9. § 1), by Ap-
pian (B. C. ii. 147), and by Dion Cassius (xliv.
50), with th's addition, that they all three call
Helvius Cinna a tribune of the plebeians, and
Suetonius himself in a previous chapter (50) had
Bpr>ken of Helvius Cinna as a tribune, who was to

have brought forward a law authorizing Caesar to
marry whom he pleased and as many as he pleased,
in order to make sure of an heir. Plutarch likewise
(Caes. 68) tells us that Cinna, a friend of Caesar,
was torn to pieces under the supposition that he
was Cinna, one of the conspirators. None of the
above authorities take any notice of Cinna being
a poet ; but Plutarch, as if to supply the omission,
when relating the circumstances over again in the
life of Brutus (c. 20), expressly describes the
victim of this unhappy blunder as voi-qriKos dvi^p
{■^v S4 Tis Kivuas^ iroirfTiKds dmfip — the reading
iroKiTMos dfT^p being a conjectural emendation of
Xylander). The chain of evidence thus appearing
complete, scholars have, with few exceptions, con-
cluded that Helvius Cinna, the tribune, who per-
ished thus, was the same with Helvius Cinna the
poet ; and the story of his dream, as narrated by
Plutarch (Caes. I. c.) has been embodied by Shak-
speare in his Julius Caesar.

Weichert, however, following in the track of
Reiske and J. H. Voss, refuses to admit the iden-
tity of these personages, on the ground that chro-
nological difficulties render the position untenable.
He builds almost entirely upon two lines in Virgil's
ninth eclogue, which is commonly assigned to B. c.
40 or 41.

Nam neque adhuc Vario videor, nee dicere Cinna
Digna, sed argutos inter strepere anser alores,

arguing that, since Varius was alive at this epoch,
Cinna must have been alive also ; that the Cinna
here celebrated can be no other than Helvius Cinna;
and that inasmuch as Helvius Cinna was alive in
B. c. 40, he could not have been murdered in b. c.
44. But, although the conclusion is undeniable if
we admit the premises, it will be at once seen that
these form a chain, each separate link of which is a
pure hypothesis. Allowing that the date of the pas-
toral has been correctly fixed, although this cannot
be proved, we must bear in mind — 1. That Varo
and not Vario is' the reading in every MS. 2.
That even if Vario be adopted, the expression in
the above verses might have been used with per-
fect propriety in reference to any bard who had
been a contemporary of Virgil, although recently
dead. 3. That we have no right to assert dogma-
tically that the Cinna of Virgil must be C. Helvius
Cinna, the friend of Catullus. Hence, although
we may grant that it is not absolutely certain that
Helvius Cinna the tribune and Helvius Cinna the
poet were one and the same, at all events this opi-
nion rests upon much stronger evidence than the
other.

The great work of C. Helvius Cinna was his
Smyrna; but neither Catullus, by whom it is
highly extolled (xcv.), nor any other ancient writer
gives us a hint with regard to the subject, and
hence the various speculations in which critics
have irrdulged rest upon no basis whatsoever.
Some believe that it contained a history of the
adventures of Smyrna the Amazon, to whom the
famous city of Ionia ascribed its origin ; others
that it was connected with the myth of Adonis
and with the legend of Myrrha., otherwise named
Smyrna, the incestuous daughter of Cinyras; at
all events, it certainly was not a drama, as a com-
mentator upon Quintilian has dreamed; for the
fragments, short and unsatisfactory as they are,
suffice to demonstrate that it belonged to the epic
style. These consist of two disjointed hexameters

3 c 2

756

CINNAMUS.

preserved by Priscian (vi. 16. § 84, ed. Krehl)
and the Scholiast on Juvenal (vi. 155), and two
consecutive lines given by Servius (ad Virg. Georg.
\. 288), which are not without merit in so far as
melodious versification is concerned.

Te matutinus flentera conspexit Eous

Et flentem paulo vidit post Hesperus idem.

The circumstance that nine years were spent in
the elaboration of this piece has been frequently
dwelt upon, may have suggested the well-known
precept of Horace, and unquestionably secured the
suffrage of the grammarians. (Catull. xcv. ; Quin-
til. X. 4. § 4 ; SeiT. and Philargyr. ad Virg. Ed.
ix. 35 ; Hor. A. P. 387, and the comments of
Aero, Porphyr., and the Schol. Cruq. ; Martial,
Kpigr. x. 21; Gell. xix. 9, 13 ; Sueton. de Illtistr.
Gramm. 18.)

Besides the Sraj-ma, he was the author of a
work entitled Propempticon Pollionis^ which Voss
imagines to have been dedicated to Asinius Pollio
when setting forth in u. c. 40 on an expedition
against the Parthini of Dalmatia, from which he
returned in triumph the following year, and found-
ed the first public library ever opened at Rome
from the profits of the spoils. This rests of course
upon the assumption that Cinna was not killed in
B. c. 44, and until that fact is decided, it is vain
to reason upon the subject, for the fragments,
which extend to six hexameter lines, of which four
are consecutive, throw no light on the question.
(Charis. Jnstit. Gramm. p. 99, ed. Putsch; Isidor.
Orig. xix. 2, 4.)

Lastly, in Isidorus (vi. 12) we find four elegiac
verses, while one hexameter in Suetonius {de II-
liisir. Gramm. 11), one hexameter and two hende-
casyllabicg in Gellius (ix. 12, xix. 13), and two
scraps in Nonius Marcellus (s. trv. Cti/peai. cummi),
are quoted from the "Poemata" and "Epigrara-
mata" of Cinna. The class to which some of
these fugitive essays belonged may be inferred
from the words of Ovid in his apology for the Ars
Amatoria. {Trist. ii. 435.) ( Weichert, Po«<ar.
Latin. Reliqu.) [W. R.]

CI'NNAMUS, JOANNES ('Icja^i'Tjs Kivvcu-
fjMs), also called CI'NAMUS {Kivafws), and
SI'NNAMUS {l,lvvafjL05), one of the most distin-
guished Byzantine historians, and the best Euro-
pean historLan of his time, lived in the twelfth
century of the Christian aera. He was one of the
** Grammatici " or " Notarii " of the emperor Manuel
Comnenus, who reigned from A. D. 1143 till 1180.
The functions of the imperial notaries, the first of
whom was the proto-notarius, were nearly those of
private secretaries appointed for both private and
state affairs, and they had a considerable influence
upon the administration of the empire. Cinnamus
was atta£hed to the person of Manuel at a youthful
age, and probably as early as the year of his ac-
cession, and he accompanied that great emperor in
his numerous wars in Asia as well as in Europe.
Favoured by such circumstances, he undertook to
write the history of the reign of Manuel, and that
of his predecessor and father, the emperor Calo-
Joanncs; and so v/ell did he accomplish his task,
that there is no history written at that period which
can be compared with his work. The full title of
this work is 'Ettito^tj rciv Karopdaixdrtav rep juaKa-
pirri $aaiKet Kcd ■rrop(pvpo'yfuin]TCf) Kvpi(f, *ltcdvvT} rq)
Ko/JLvrjvw, Koi d(p-qyTi(ris tmi/ Trpaxdevruu ro} doiSifxa.
wy auToS T(f fia<ri\(7 Kal irop<pvpoy€vin^T(p Kvp'itf)

CINNAMUS.

MavoviiK rrp Kofxvr]v^ Tron]Qi7(Ta 'Iwa'f j/77 fiaaiKiK^
ypan/jLUTLK^ Kiui/d/jLCf}. It is divided into six books,
or more correctly into seven, the seventh, however,
being not finished : it is not known if the author
wrote more than seven books ; but as to the se-
venth, which in the Pans edition forms the end of
the sixth and last book, it is evidently mutilated,
as it ends abruptly in the account of the siege of
Iconium by the emperor Manuel in 1176. As
Cinnamus was still alive when Manuel died (1180),
it is almost certain that he finished the history of
his whole reign ; and the loss of the latter part of
his work is the more to be regretted, as it would
undoubtedly have thrown light on many circum-
stances connected with the conduct of the Greek
aristocracy, and especially of Andronicus Comne-
nus, afterwards emperor, during the short reign of
the infant son and successor of Manuel, Alexis II.'
In the first book Cinnamus gives a short and con-
cise account of the reign of Calo-Joannes, and in
the following he relates the reign of Manuel.

Possessed of great historical knowledge, Cin-
namus records the events of his time as a man
accustomed to form an opinion of his own upon
important affairs ; and, being himself a states-
man who took part in the administration of the
empire, and enjoyed the confidence of the em-
peror Manuel, he is always master of his sub-
ject, and never sacrifices leading circumstances
to amusing trifles. His knowledge was not con-
fined to the political state of the Greek empire ;
he was equally well acquainted with the state of
Italy, Germany, Hungary, and the adjoining bar-
barous kingdoms, the Latin principalities in the
East, and the empires of the Persians and Turks.
His view of the origin of the power of the popes,
in the fifth book, is a fine instance of historical
criticism, sound and true without being a tedious
and dry investigation, and producing the effect of
a powerful speech. He is, however, often violent
in his attacks on the papal power, and is justly
reproached with being prejudiced against the Latin
princes, although he deserves that reproach much
less than Nicctas and Anna Comnena. His praise
of the emperor Manuel is exaggerated, but he is
very far from making a romantic hero of him,
as Anna Comnena did of the emperor Alexis.
Cinnamus is partial and jealous of his enemies,
rivals, or such as are above him; he is impar-
tial and just where he deals with his equals, or
those below him, or such persons and events as
are indifferent to him personally. In short, Cin-
namus shews that he was a Byzantine Greek.
His style is concise and clear, except in some in-
stances, where he embodies his thoughts in rheto-
rical figures or poetical ornaments of more show
than beauty. This defect also is common to his
countrymen ; and if somebody would undertake
to trace the origin of the deviation of the writers,
poets, and artists among the later Greeks from the
classical models left them by their forefathers, he
would find it in the supernatural tendency of minds
imbued with Christianism being in perpetual con-
tact with the sensualism of the Mohammedan faith
and the showy materialism of Eastern imagination.
Xenophon, Thucydides, and Procopius were the
models of Cinnamus ; and though he cannot be
compared with the two former, still he may be
ranked with Procopius, and he was not unworthy
to be the disciple of such masters. His work will
ever be of interest to the scholar and the historian.

CI OS.
Leo Allatius made Cinnamus an object of deep
study, and intended to publish his Avork ; so did
Petrus Possinus also ; but, for some reasons un-
known, they renounced their design. The first
edition is that of Cornelius Tollius, with a Latin
translation and some notes of no great consequence,
Utrecht, 1652, 4to. Tollius dedicated this edi-
tion, which he divided into four books, to the states
of Utrecht, and in his preface gives a brilliant de-
scription of the literary merits of Cinnamus. The
second edition is that in the Paris collection of the
Byzantines by Du Cange, published at Paris, 1670,
fol., together with the description of the church of
St. Sophia at Constantinople, by Paulus Silentia-
rius, and the editor's notes to Nicephorus Bryen-
nius and Anna Comnena. It is divided into six
books. Du Cange corrected the text, added a new
Latin translation, such of the notes of Tollius as
•were of some importance, and an excellent philo-
logico-historical commentary of his own ; he dedi-
cated his edition to the minister Colbert, one of
the principal protectors of the French editors of
the Byzantines. This edition has been reprinted
in the Venice collection, 1729, fol. Cinnamus has
lately been published at Bonn, 1836, 8vo., together
with Nicephorus Bryennius, by Augustus Meineke;
the work is divided into seven books. The editor
gives the Latin translation of Du Cange revised in
several instances, and the prefaces, dedications,
and commentaries of Tollius and Du Cange. (Han-
kius, De Script. Byzant. Graec. p. 5 1 6, &c. ; Fa-
bric. Bibl. Graec. vii. p. 733, &c.; the Prefaces
and Dedications of Tollius and Du Cange ; Leo
Allatius, De Psellis, p. 24, &c.) [W. P.]

Cl'NYRAS (Kivvpas), a famous Cyprian hero.
According to the common tradition, he was a son
of Apollo by Paphos, king of Cyprus, and priest
of the Paphian Aphrodite, wliich latter office re-
mained hereditary in his family, the Cinyradae.
(Pind. Pyth. ii. 26, &c.; Tac. Hist. ii. 3; Schol.
ad Theocrit. i. 109.) Tacitus describes him as hav-
ing come to Cyprus from Cilicia, from whence he
introduced the worship of Aphrodite; and Apollo-
dorus (iii. 14. § 3) too calls him a son of Sandacus,
who had emigrated from Syria to Cilicia. Cinyras,
after his arrival in Cyprus, founded the town bf
Paphos. He was married to Methame, the daugh-
ter of the Cyprian king, Pygmalion, by whom he
had several children. One of them was Adonis,
whom, according to some traditions, he begot un-
wittingly in an incestuous intercourse with his
own daughter, Smyrna. He afterwards killed
himself on discovering this crime, into which he
had been led by the anger of Aphrodite. (Hygin.
Fab. 58, 242 ; Antonin. Lib. 34 ; Ov. Met. x.
310, &c.) According to other traditions, he had
promised to assist Agamemnon and the Greeks in
their war against Troy ; but, as he did not keep
his word, he was cursed by Agamemnon, and
Apollo took vengeance upon him by entering into
a contest with him, in which he was defeated and
slain. (Horn. //. xi. 20, with the note of Eustath.)
His daughters, fifty in number, leaped into the
sea, and were metamorphosed into alcyones. He
is also described as the founder of the town of
Cinyreia in Cyprus. (Plin. H. iV. v. 31 ; Nonn.
Dlow/s. xui. Ab\ .) [L. S.]

CI(.)S (Kios), a son of Olympus, from whom
Cios(Prus:i) on the Propontis derived its name, as
he was believed to have led thither a band of colo-
nists from Miletus. (Schol. ad T/ieocrii. xiii. 30 ;

CISPIUS.

75;

ad Apolhn. It/iod. i. 1177.) Strabo (xii. p. 564)
calls him a companion of Heracles who founded
Cios on his return from Colchis. [L. S.]

CI'PIUS, a person who gave rise to the pro-
verb " non omnibus dormio," was called Para-
rcnclion (Trapap4yx<^f), because he pretended to be
asleep, in order to give facility to his wife's adul-
tery. (Festus, *. V. Non omnibus durmio ; Cic.
ad Fam. vii. 24.) There are two coins extant

with the name M. CiPi. M. f. upon them, but it
is not impossible that they may belong to the
Cispia gens, as the omission of a letter in a name
is by no means of uncommon occurrence on Roman
coins.

CIPUS or CIPPUS, GENU'CIUS, a Roman
praetor, to whom an extraordinary prodigy is said
to have happened. For, as he was going out of the
gates of the city, clad in the paludamentum, horns
suddenly grew out of his head, and it was said by
the haruspices that if he returned to the city, he
would be king : but lest this should happen, he
imposed voluntary exile upon himself. (Val. Max.
v. 6. § 3 ; Ov. Aid. xv. 565, &c. ; Plin. //. N. xi.
37. 8. 45.)

CIRCE (Kfp/cTj), a mythical sorceress, whom
Homer calls a fair-locked goddess, a daughter of
Helios by the oceanid Perse, and a sister of Aeetes,
{Od. x. 135.) She lived in the island of Aeaea;
and when Odysseus on his wanderings came to
her island, Circe, after having changed several of
his companions into pigs, became so much attached
to the unfortunate hero, that he was induced to
remain a whole year with her. At length, when
he wished to leave her, she prevailed upon him to
descend into the lower world to consult the seer
Teiresias. After his return from thence, she ex-
plained to him the dangers which he would yet
have to encounter, and then dismissed him. (Od,
lib. X. — xii.; comp. Hygin. Fab. 125.) Her des-
cent is differently described by* the poets, for some
call her a daughter of Hyperion and Aerope (Orph.
Argo7i. 1215), and others a daughter of Aeetes and
Hecate. (Schol. ad ApoUon. lihod. iii. 200.) Ac-
cording to Hesiod (I'Zseogf. 1011) she became by
Odysseus the mother of Agrius. The Latin poets
too make great use of the story of Circe, the sor-
ceress, who metamorphosed Scylla and Picus, king
of the Ausonians. (Ov. Met. xiv. 9, &c.) [L. S.]

CIRRHA (Kfp^a), a nymph from whom the
town of Cirrha in Phocis was believed to have de-
rived its name. (Pans. x. 37. § 4.) [L. S.]

CI'SPIA GENS, plebeian, which came origin-
ally from Anagnia, a town of the Hemici. An
ancient tradition related that Cispius Laevus, of
Anagnia, came to Rome to protect the city, while
TuUus Hostilius was engaged in the siege of Veii,
and that he occupied with his forces one of the
two hills of the Esquiline, which was called after
him the Cispius mens, in the same way as Oppius
of Tusculuni did the other, which was likewise
called after him the Oppius mens. (Festus, s. vv%
Septimoutioj Cispius tnons ; Varr. L. L. v. 50, ed.

rS8 CITHAERON.

Muller, where the name is also written Cespeus
and Cispiiis.)

No persons of this name, however, occur till
the very end of the republic. The only cognomen
of the gens is Laevus : for those whose surname
is not mentioned, see Cispius.

Cl'SPIUS. 1. M. Cispius, tribune of the
plebs, B, c. 57, the year in which Cicero was re-
called from banishment, took an active part in Ci-
cero's favour. The father and brother of Cispius
also exerted themselves to obtain Cicero's recall,
although he had had in former times a law-suit
with the family. On one occasion the life of Cis-
pius was in danger through his support of Cicero ;
he was attacked by the mob of Clodius, and driven
out of the forum. In return for these services
Cicero defended Cispius when he was accused of
bribery (ambi(iis), but was unable to obtain a ver-
dict in his favour. (Cic. pro. Plane. 31, post red.
in Sen. 8, pro Seat. 35.)

2. L. Cispius, one of Caesar's officers in the
African war, commanded part of the fleet. (Hirt
B. Afr. 62, 67.) He is perhaps the same as the
Cispius Laevus, whom Plancus mentions in a letter
to Cicero in B. c. 43. (Cic. ad Fam. x. 21.)

3. Cispius, a debtor of Cicero's. (Cic. ud Att.
xii. 24, xiii. 33.) Whether he is the same as
either of the preceding, is uncertain.

CISSEUS (Kio-treu's), a king in Thrace, and
father of Theano or, according to others, of Hecabe.
(Horn. //. vi. 295, xi. 223 ; Eurip. Ilec. 3 ; Hygin.
Fab. 91; Virg. Aeii. vii, 720; Serv. ad A en. v. 535.)
There are two other mythical beings of the name
of Cisseus. (ApoUod. ii. 1. § 5 ; Virg. Aen. x.
317.)^ [L.S.]

CrSSIDAS (KifffflSas), a Syracusan, command-
ed the body of auxiliaries which Dionysius I. sent,
for the second time, to the aid of Sparta, (b. c.
3b"7.) He assisted Archidamus in his successful
attack on Caryae, and in his expedition against
Arcadia in the same year. But during the cam-
paign in Arcadia he left him, as the period fixed
for his stay by Dionysius had now expired. On
his march towards Laconia he was intercepted by a
body of Messenians, and was obliged to send to
Archidamus for assistance. The prince having
joined him with his forces, they changed their
route, but were again intercepted by the combined
troops of the Arcadians and Argives. The result
was, the defeat of the latter in that which has
been called the " Teariess Battle." (Xen. Hell. vii.
1. §§ 28-32 ; see p. 267, b.) [E. E.]

CITE'RIUS SIDO'NIUS, the author of an
epigram on three shepherds, which has no poetical
merits, and is only remarkable for its quaintness.
It is printed in WernsdorfF's Pottae Latini Mi-
nores (vol. ii. p. 215), and in the Aidhologia Latina
(ii. Ep. 257, ed. Burmann, Ep. 253, ed. Meyer).
Its author appears to be the same as the Ci-
terius, one of the professors at Bourdeaux, and
the friend of Ausonius, commemorated in a poem
of the latter. {Prof. Burdig. xiii.) We learn
from Ausonius that Citerius was bom at Syracuse,
in Sicily, and was a grammarian and a poet. In
his hyperbolical panegyric, Ausonius compares him
to Aristarchus and Zenodotus, and says that his
poems, written at an early age, were superior to
those of Simonides. Citerius afterwards settled at
Bourdeaux, married a rich and noble wife, but died
without leaving anv childrm.

CITHAERON '(K<0«/^a;r'), a mythical king in

CIVILIS.

Boeotia, from v/hom mount Cithaeron was believed
to have derived its name. Once when Hera was
angry with Zeus. Cithaeron advised the latter to
take into his chariot a wooden statue and dress it
up so as to make it resemble Plataea, the daughter
of Asopus. Zeus followed his counsel, and as he
was riding along with his pretended bride, Hera,
overcome by her jealousy, ran up to him, tore the
covering from the suspected bride, and on discover-
ing that it was a statue, became reconciled to
Zeus. (Pans. ix. 1. <^ 2, 3. § 1 ) Respecting
the festival of the Daedala, celebrated to com-
memorate this event, see Diet, of Ant s.v. [L. S.]
CI'VICA CEREA'LIS. [Ckrealis.]
CIVI'LIS, CLAU'DIUS, was the leader of the
Batavi in their revolt from Rome, A. d. 69-70.
The Batavi were a people of Germanic origin, who
had left the nation of the Catti, of which they
were a part, and had settled in and about the island
which is formed by the mouths of the Rhenus
(Rhine) ajid Mesa (Maas). The important posi-
tion which they occupied led the Romans to culti-
vate their friendship, and they rendered good ser-
vice to Rome in the wars in Germany and Britain,
under the early emperors. When Rome gave up
the idea of subduing Germany, the nations west of
the Rhine, especially those of Gennanic origin, be-
gan to feel a hope of setting themselves free. The
civil wars afforded an opportunity for the attempt,
and the oppressions of the imperial legates furnish-
ed the provocation. It was out of such an act of
oppression that the rebellion of Civilis sprung.*

Julius Paulus and Claudius Civilis were brothersf
of the Batavian royal race, and excelled all their
nation in personal accomplishments. On a false
charge of treason, Nero's legate, Fonteius Capito,
put Julius Paulus to death, a. d. 67 or 68, and sent
Civilis in chains to Nero at Rome, where he was
heard and acquitted by Galba. He was afterwards
prefect of a cohort, but under Vitellius he became
an object of suspicion to the army, who demanded
his punishment. (Compare Tac. Hist. i. bd.) He
escaped the danger, but he did not forget the af-
front. He thought of Hannibal and Sertorius, like
whom he had lost an eye ; and, being endowed, savK
Tacitus, with greater mental power than is common
among barbarians, he began tl)e execution of his
schemes of enmity to Rome under the pretence of
supporting the cause of Vespasian. In order to
understand the events which occurred at this period
in the Germanies and Gaul, it must be remembered
that the legions of Germany were Vitellius's own
troops, who had called him to the purple, and who
remained steadfast to his cause to the very last.
The legates, on the other hand, early chose the side
of Vespasian, and it was not without reason that
they were accused by their soldiers of treasonable

* In the following narrative it is necessary to
bear in mind the distinction between Germany, pro-
perly so called, and the two Gallic provinces on the
left bank of the Rhine, which, from their popula-
tion being chiefly of Germanic origin, were called
the Germanies (Germania Inferior, and Germania
Superior). The scene of the war with Civilis was
on the left bank of the Rhine, and chiefly in Ger-
mania Inferior.

+ Tacitus {Hist. i. b9) also calls Civilis Julius,
and so do other writers. (Pint. Erot. 25, p. 770:
where, however, Julius Tutor is possibly meant,
Frontin. Strat, iv. 3. § 14.)

CIVILIS.
connivance at the progress of the insurrection on the
Rhine. (See especially Tacit. Hist. iv. '27.) Thus
Civilis was urged b}' a letter from Antonius Primus,
and by a personal request from Hordeonius Flaccus,
to prevent the German legions from marching into
Italy to the support of Vitellius, by the appeai*ance
of a Germanic insurrection ; an appearance which
Civilis himself resolved to convert into a reality.
His designs were aided by an edict of Vitellius,
calling for a levy of the Batavians, and still more
by the harshness with which the command was
executed ; for feeble old men were compelled to pay
for exemption from service, and beautiful boys were
seized for the vilest purposes. Irritated by these
cruelties, and urged by Civilis and his confederates,
the Batavians refused the levy ; and Civilis having,
according to the ancient German custom, called a
solemn meeting at night in a sacred grove, easily
bound the chiefs of the Batavians by an oath to re-
volt. Messengers were sent to secure the assistance
of the Canninefates, another Germanic tribe, living
on the same island, and others to try the fidelity of
the Bataviau cohorts, which had formerly served in
Britain, and were now stationed at Magontiacum,
as a part of the Roman anny on the Rhine. The
first of these missions was completely successful.
The Canninefates chose Brinno for their chief ; and
he, having joined to himself the Frisii, a nation be-
yond the Rhine, attacked the furthest winter
quarters of the Romans, and compelled them to re-
tire from their forts. Upon this, Civilis, still dis-
sembling, accused the prefects, because they had
deserted the camp, and declared that with his single
cohort he would repress the revolt of the Cannine-
fates, while the rest of the army might betake
themselves quietly to their winter quarters. His
treachery was, however, seen through, and he found
himself compelled openly to join the insurgents.
At the head of the Canninefates, Frisii, and Batavi,
he engaged the Romans on the bank of the Rhine.
In the midst of the battle, a cohort of the Tungri de-
serted to Civilis, and decided the battle on the land ;
while the Roman fleet, which had been collected on
the river to co-operate with the legions, was carried
over to the German bank by the rowers, many
of whom w^re Batavians, who overpowered the
pilots and centurions. Civilis followed up his vic-
tory by sending messengers through the two Ger-
manics and the provinces of Gaul, urging the peo-
ple to rebellion ; imA aimed at the kingdom of the
Germanics and Gauls. Hordeonius Flaccus, the
governor of the Germanics, who had secretly en-
couraged the first efforts of Civilis, now ordered his
legate, Muramius Lupcrcus, to march against the
enemy. Civilis gave him battle ; and Lupercus
was immediately deserted by an aJa of Batiivians ;
the rest of the auxiliaries fled ; and the legionary
soldiers were obliged to retreat into Vetera Castra,
the great station which Augustus had formed on
the left bank of the Rhine, as the head quarters for
operations against Germany. About the same time
some veteran cohorts of Batavians and Cannine-
fates, who were on their march into Italy by the
order of Vitellius, were induced by the emissaries
of Civilis to mutiny and to march back into lower
Germany, in order to join Civilis, which they were
ena*bled to effect by the indecision of Hordeonius
Flaccus ; defeating, on their way, the forces of
Herennius Gallus, who wiis stationed at Bonn, and
who was forced by his soldiers to resist their
march. Civilis was now at the head of a complete

CIVILIS.

769

army ; but, being still unwilling to commit himself
to an open contest with the Roman power, he
caused his followers to take the oath to Vespasian,
and sent envoys to the two legions which, as above
related, had taken refuge in Vetera Castra, to in-
duce them to take the same oath. Enraged at
their refusal, he called to arms the whole ration of
the Batavi, who were joined by the Bructeri and
Teucteri, while emissaries were sent into Germany
to rouse the people. The Roman legates, Mummius
Lupercus and Numisius Rufus, strengthened the
fortifications of Vetem Castra. Civilis marched
down both banks of the Rhine, having ships also
on the river, and blockaded the camp, after a fruit-
less attempt to stonn it. The operations of Hor-
deonius Flaccus were retarded by his weakness, his
anxiety to serve Vespasian, and the mistrust of his
soldiers, to whom this inclination was no secret ;
and he was at last compelled to give up the com-
mand to Dillius Vocula. The dissensions at this
period in the Roman camp are described elsewhere.
[Hordeonius Flaccus; Herennius Gallus;
Dillius Vocula.] Civilis, in the meantime,
having been joined by large forces from all Germany,
proceeded to harass the tribes of Gaul west of the
Mosa, even as far as the Menapii and Morini, on
the sea shore, in order to shake their fidelity to the
Romans. His efforts were more especially directed
against the Treviri and the Ubii. The Ubii were
firm in their faith, and suffered severely in conse-
quence. He then pressed on the siege of Vetera
Castra, and, yielding to the ardour of his new allies
beyond the Rhine, tried again to storm it. The
effort failed, and he had recourse to attempts to
tamper with the besieged soldiery.

These events occurred towards the end of A. D.
&9j before the battle of Cremona, which decided the
victory of Vespasian over Vitellius. [Vespasianus.]
When the news of that battle reached the Roman
army on the Rhine, Alpinus Montanus was sent
to Civilis to summon him to lay down his arms,
since his professed object was now accomplished.
The only result of this mission was, that Civilis
sowed the seeds of disaffection in the envoy's mind.
Civilis now sent against Vocula his veteran cohorts
and the bravest of the Germans, under the com-
mand of Julius Maximus, and Claudius Victor, his
sister's son, who, having taken on their march the
winter quarters of an auxiliary ala^ at Asciburgium,
fell suddenly upon the camp of Vocula, which was
only saved by the arrival of unexpected aid. Civi-
lis and Vocula are both blamed by Tacitus, the
former for not sending a sufficient force, the latter
for neglecting to follow up his victory. Civilis now
attempted to gain over the legions who were be-
sieged in Vetera Casti-a, by pretending that he had
conquered Vocula, but one of the captives whom he
paraded before the walls for this purpose, shouted
out and revealed the truth, his credit, as Tacitus
observes, being the more established by the fact,
that he was stabbed to death by the Germans on
the spot. Shortly afterwards, Vocula marched up
to the relief of Vetera Castra, and defeated Civilis,
but again neglected to follow up his victory, most
probably from design. [Vocula.] Civilis soon
again reduced the Romans to great want of provi-
sions, and forced them to retire to Gelduba, and
thence to Novesiura, while he ag-ain invested Ve-
tera Castra, and took Gelduba. The Romans, pa-
ralyzed by new dissensions [Horoeomus Flac-
cus; Vocula], suffered another defeat from Civi-

760

CI VI LIS.

lis ; but some of them, rallying under Vocula, re-
took Magontiacmn.

At the beginning of the new year (a. d. 70),
the war assumed a fresh and more formidable cha-
racter. The news of the death of Vitellius exas-
perated the Roman soldiers, encouraged the insur-
gents, and shook the fidelity of the Gauls ; while
a rumour was moreover circulated that the winter
quarters of the Moesian and Pannonian legions were
besieged by the Dacians and Sarmatians; and
above all the burning of the Capitol was esteemed
an omen of the approaching end of the Roman em-
pire. Civdlis, whose last remnant of dissimulation
was necessarily torn away by the death of Vitel-
lius, gave his undivided energies to the war, and
was joined by Classicus and Julius Tutor, who at
length gained over the army of Vocula. [Classi-
cus; Tutor; Sabinus.] The besieged legions at
Vetera Castra could now hold out no longer ; they
capitulated to Civilis, and took the oath to the em-
pire of the Gauls {in verba Galliarum)^ but as they
marched away, they were all put to death by the
Germans, probably not without the connivance of
Civilis. That chieftain, having at length performed
his vow of enmity to the Romans, now cut off his
hair which, according to the custom of the Germans,
he had suffered to grow since the beginning of his
enterprise. (Tac. Cerm. 31.) Neither Civilis nor
any others of the Batavians took the oath in verba
GaUiarum, which was the watchword of Classicus
and Tutor, for they trusted that, after having dis-
posed of the Romans, they should be able to over-
power their Gallic allies. Civilis and Classicus now
destroyed all the Roman winter camps, except
those at Magontiacum and Vindonissa. The Ger-
mans demanded the destruction of Colonia Agrip-
pinensis, but it was at length spared, chiefly through
the gratitude of Civilis, whose son had been kept
in safety there since the beginning of the war,
Civilis now gained over several neighbouring states.
He was opposed by his old enemy Claudius Labeo,
at the head of an irregular force of Betasii, Tungri,
and Nervii ; and, by a daring act of courage, he
not only decided the victory, but gained the alliance
of the Tungri and the other tribes. The attempt,
however, to unite all Gaul in the revolt completely
failed, the Treviri and the Lingones being the only
people who joined the insurgents. [Sabinus.]

The reports of these events which were carried
to Rome had at length roused Mucianus, who now
sent an immense army to the Rhine, under Petilius
Cerealis and Annius Gallus [Ckrealis; Gallus.]
The insurgents were divided among themselves,
Civilis was busy among the Belgae, trying to crush
Claudius Labeo; Classicus was quietly enjoying
his new empire ; while Tutor neglected the im-
portant duty, which had been assigned to him, of
guarding the Upper Rhine and the passes of the
Alps. Cerealis had therefore little difficulty in
overcoming the Treviri and regaining their capital.
[Tutor; Valentinus.] While he was stationed
there he received a letter from Civilis and Classi-
cus, informing him that Vespasian was dead, and
offering him the empire of the Gauls. Civilis now
wished to wait for succours from bej'ond the Rhine,
but the opinion of Tutor and Classicus prevailed,
and a battle was fought on the Mosella in which
the Romans, though at first almost beaten, gained
a complete victory, and destroyed the enemy's
camp. Colonia Agrippinensis now came over to
the Romans : but Civilis and Classicus still made a

CLARUS.

brave stand. The Canninefates destroyed the
greater part of a Roman fleet, and defeated a body
of the Nervii, who, after submitting to Fabius
Priscus, the Roman legate, had of their own accord
attacked their former allies. Having renewed his
army from Germany, Civilis encamped at Vetera
Castra, whither Cerealis also marched with increased
forces, both leaders being eager for a decisive battle.
It was soon fought, and Cerealis gained the victory
by the treachery of a Batavian ; but, as the Ro-
mans had no fleet, the Germans escaped across the
Rhine. Here Civilis was joined by reinforcements
from the Chauci ; and, after making, with Verax,
Classicus, and Tutor, one more effort which was
partially successful, to hold his ground in the island
of the Batavi, he was again defeated by Cerealis,
and driven back across the Rhine. Emissaries
were sent by Cerealis to make private offers of
peace to the Batavians, and of pardon to Civilis,
who found that he had no alternative but to sur-
render. He obtained an interview with Cerealis
on a bridge of the river Vahalis. The History of
Tacitus breaks off suddenly just after the com-
mencement of his speech. (Tac. Hist. iv. 12-37,
54-79, V. 14-26. Joseph. BeU. Jud. vii. 4. § 2;
Dion Cass. Ixvi. 3.) [P. S.]

CLAN IS, the name of two mythicjil beings.
(Ov. Met. V. 140, xii. 379.) [L. S.]

CLARA, DI'DIA, daughter of the emperor
Didius Julianus and his wife Manlia Scantiila.
She was married to Cornelius Repentinus, who was
appointed praefectus urbi in the room of Flavins
Sulpicianus; she received the title of Augusta upon
her father's accession, and was deprived of it at
his death. Her effigy appears upon coins, but
these are of great rarity. (Spartian. Julian. 3, 8 ;
Eckhel, vol. vii. p. 151.) [\V. R.]

CLA'RIUS (KAapjos), a surname of Apollo,
derived from his cclebi-ated temple at Claros in
Asia Minor, which had been founded by Manto,
the daughter of Teiresias, who, after the conquest
of her native city of Thebes, was made over to the
Delphic god, and was then sent into the country,
where subsequently Colophon was built by the
lonians. (Pans. vii. 3. § 1, ix. 33. § 1 ; Tacit.
Anil. ii. 54 ; Strab. xiv. p. 642 ; Virg. Aen. iii.
360 ; comp. Miiller, Dor. ii. 2. § 7.) Clan us also
occurs as a surname of Zeus, describing him as the
god who distributes things by lot {uKapos or /cAtj-
pos, Aeschyl, Suppl. 360). A hill near Tegea was
sacred to Zeus under this name. (Pans. viii. 53.
§ 4.) [L. S.]

CLARUS, a cognomen of a noble Roman fa-
milj-^ in the second century of the Christian aera.

1. C. Septicius Clarus, a brother of No. 2,
and an uncle of No. 3, was an intimate friend of
the younger Pliny, who dedicated to him his
Epistles, and speaks of him as one '"' quo nihil
verius, nihil simplicius, nihil candidius, nihil fide-
lius novit." {Ep. ii. 9.) Several of Pliny's Epis-
tles are addressed to him (i. 1, 15, vii. 28, viii. 1).
Clarus was appointed Praefectus Praetorio by Ha-
drian, but removed from this office soon afterwards,

CLASSIC us.
having, like most of Hadrian's other friends, in-
curred his suspicion. (Spartian. Hadr. 9, 11, 15.)

2. M. Erucius Clarus, brother of the prece-
ding, is spoken of by Pliny {Ep. ii. 9), as a man
of honour, integrity, and learning, and well skilled
in pleading causes. He is probably the same as
the Enicius Clarus who took and burnt Seleuceia,
in conjunction with Julius Alexander, in A. D. 115
(Dion Cass. Ixviii. 30), and also the same as the
M. Erucius Clarus, who was consul sutfectus with
Ti. Julius Alexander, in a. d. 117, the year of
Trajan's death.

3. Sex. Erucius Cx.arus, son of No. 2, was
also a friend of Pliny, who obtained for him from
Trajan the latus clavtis, which admitted him to the
senate, subsequently secured the quaestorsliip for
him, and writes a letter to his friend ApoUinaris,
requesting his assistance in canvassing for Erucius
who was then aspiring to the tribunate. (Plin. Ep.
ii. 9.) A/ Gellius speaks of him as a contempo-
rary, and says that he was most devoted to the
study of ancient literature ; we also learn from the
same author that he was praefect of the city, and
had been twice consul. (Gell, vi. 6, xiii. 17.) The
date of his first consulship is not known, but we
learn from Spartianus (Sever. 1), and an ancient
inscription, that he was consul a second time in
A. D. 146, with Cn. Claudius Severas. One of
Pliny's Epistles (i. 15), is addressed to him.

4. C. Erucius Clarus, consul in a. d. 170,
•with M. Cornelius Cethegus (Fast.), was probably
the son of No. 3, and the same as the Praefectus
Vigilura mentioned in the Digest. (1. tit. 15. s. 3.

5. C. (Julius) Erucius Clarus, probably the
son of No. 4, was consul in A. D. 193, with Q.
Sosius Falco. The emperor Commodus had deter-
mined to murder both consuls, as they entered
upon their office on the 1 st of January, but he was
himself assassinated on the preceding day. (Dion
Cass. Ixvii. 22 ; Capitol. Pertin. 15.) After the
death of Niger, who had been one of the claimants
to the vacant throne, Severus wished Clarus to
turn informer, and accuse persons falsely of having
assisted Niger, partly with the view of destroying
the character of Clarus, and partly that the well-
known integrity of Clarus might give an appear-
ance of justice to the unjust judgments that
might be pronounced. But as Clarus refused to
discharge this disgraceful office, he was put to
death by Severus. (Dion Cass. Ixxiv. 9; Spartian.
Sever. 13.)

CLA'SSICUS, JULIUS, a Trevir, was prefect
of an ala of the Treviri in the Roman army on the
llhine, under Vitellius, A. d. 69 (Tac. Hist. ii. 14),
and afterwards joined Civilis at the head of some
of the Treviri in his rebellion against the Romans,
A. n. 70. During the first part of the war with
Civilis, the Treviri, like the rest of Gaul, remained
firm to the Romans. They even fortified their
borders, and opposed the Germans in great battles.
(Tac. Hist. iv. 37.) But when the news of Vitel-
lius's death reached Gaul (a. d. 70), there arose a
rumour that the chiefs of Gaul had secretly taken
an oath to avail themselves of the civil discords of
Rome for the recovery of their independence.
There was, however, no open sign of rebellion till
after the death of Hordeonius Flaccus, when
messengers began to pass between Civilis and
Classicus, who was still commanding an ala of
Trevirans in the army of Vocula. He was des-

CLAUDIA.

761

cended from a family of royal blood and of renown
both in peace and war, and through his ancestors
he accounted himself rather an enemy than an ally
of the Roman people. His conspiracy was shared
"by Julius Tutor, a Treviran, and .Julius Sabi-
Nus, a Lingon. They met, with some Trevirans
and a few Ubii and Tungri, in a house at Colonia
Agrippinensis; and, having resolved to occupy the
passes of the Alps, to seduce the Roman legions,
and to kill the legates, they sent emissaries to
rouse the Gauls. Vocula was warned of the plot,
but did not feel strong enough to crush it. He
even suflfered himself to be enticed by the conspi-
rators to leave his camp at Colonia and to march
against Civilis, who was besieging Vetera Castra.
The army was not far from this place, when Clas-
sicus and Tutor, having communicated privately
with the Germans, drew off" their forces and formed
a separate camp. Vocula, after attempting in vain
to gain them back, retired to Novesium. They
followed at a little distance, and at length
persuaded the disaffected soldiers of Vocula to
mutiny against him ; and in the midst of the mu-
tiny Classicus sent into the camp a deserter named
Aemilius Longus, who murdered Vocula. Classi-
cus then entered the camp, bearing the insignia of
a Roman emperor, and compelled the soldiers to
take the oath to ilie empire of Gaul {pro imperio
Galliarum). The command was now divided be-
tween Classicus and Tutor; and Classicus sent
the worst disposed of the captured Roman soldiers
to induce the legions who were besieged in Vetera
Castra to surrender and to take the same oath.
The further progress of the war is related under
Civilis. The last mention of Classicus is when
he crossed the Rhine with Civilis after his defeat
by Cerealis, and aided him in his last effort in the
island of the Batavi. (Tac. Hint. iv. 54 — 79, v.
19—22.) [P.S.]

CLAU'DIA. 1. Five of this name were daugh-
ters of App. Claudius Caecus, censor b. c. 312.
[Claudius, Stemma, No. 10.) It is related of one
of them, that, being thronged by the people as she
was returning home from the games, she expressed
a wish that her brother Publius had been alive,
that he might again lose a fleet, and lessen the
number of the populace. For this she was fined by
the plebeian aediles, R c. 246. (Li v. xix. ; Valer.
Max. viii., 1. § 4 ; Sueton. Tib. 2 ; Gell. x. 6.)

2. Claudia Quinta [Claudius, Stemma, No.
18], probably the sister of App. Claudius Pulcher
[Claudius, No. 17], and grand-daughter of App.
Claudius Caecus. Her fame is connected with the
story of the transportation of the image of Cybele
from Pessinus to Rome. The vessel conveying the
image had stuck fast in a shallow at the mouth of
the Tiber. The soothsayers announced that* only
a chaste woman could move it. Claudia, who had
been accused of incontinency, stepped forward from
among the matrons who had accompanied Scipio to
Ostia to receive the image, and after calling upon
the goddess to vindicate her innocence, took hold
of the rope, and the vessel forthwith followed her.
A statue was erected to her in the vestibule of the
temple of the goddess. (Liv. xxix. 1 4 ; Ov.Fasti^
iv. 305, &c. ; Cic de Harusp. Resp. 1 3 ; Val. Max.
i. 8. $ n ; Plin. H. N. vii. 35.)

3. Claudia [Claudius, Stemma, No. 19],
daughter of Appius Claudius Pulcher [No. 17 J.
She was married to Pacuvius Calavius of Capua,
(Liv. xxiii. 2.)

762 CLAUDIA.

4. Claudia [Stemma, No. 30], daughter of
App. Claudius Pulcher [No. 25], was one of the
vestal virgins. (Cic. pro Caelio, 14; Val. Max.
V. 4. § 6.)

5. Claudia [Stemma, No. .31], sister of No. 4,
was married to Tib. Gracchus. (Plut. Tib. GracchA.)

6. Claudia [Stemma, No. 37], daughter of
C. Claudius Pulcher [No. 29], married Q. Marcius
Philippus. (Cic. pro Dom. 32.)

7. Clodia [Stemma, No. 41], eldest sister of
P. Clodius Pulcher, the enemy of Cicero (Cic. ad
Fain. i. 9), married Q. Marcius Rex. (Plut. Cic.
29; Dion Cass, xxxv, 170 She is said to have
been debauched by her brother Publius. (Plut.
Cic. 29 ; Cic. ad Fam. i. 9.) For a discussion
respecting the number of sisters Clodius had, see
Drumann, vol. ii. p. 374, «&;c.

8. Clodia [Stemma, No. 42], the second of the
three sisters of P. Clodius, and older than her bro-
ther. ( Cic. pro Cael. 15.) She was married to Q. Me-
tellus Celer, but became infamous for her debauch-
eries (Cic. I.e. 14), which so destroyed all domestic
peace, that, as Cicero says {ad A it. ii. 1), she was
at open war with her husband, and, on his sudden
death, she was suspected of having poisoned him.
During her husband's lifetime she had wished to
form a connexion with Cicero, and, being slighted
by him, revenged herself by exciting her brother
Publius against him, and during his exile annoyed
his family. {Pro CucL 20, ad AH. ii. 12 ; Plut. Cic.
29.) Among her paramours was M. Caelius, who
after a time left her. To revenge herself, she insti-
gated Atratinus to charge him with having borrowed
money of her to hire assassins to murder Dio, the
head of the embassy sent by Ptolemaeus Auletes,
and with having attempted to poison Clodia herself.
Crassus and Cicero spoke in defence of Caelius,
who was acquitted. Cicero in his speech repre-
sents Clodia as a woman of most abandoned cha-
i-acter, and charges her with having carried on an
incestuous intrigue with her brother Publius. {Pro
Cael. 14 — 20, 32.) The nickname Quadrantaria
was often applied to her. {Pro Cael. 26 ; Quintil.
viii. 6. § 53.) Cicero in his letters frequently calls
her BouTTis. {Ad AH. ii. 9, 12, 14.) Either this
Clodia, or her youngest sister, was alive in B. c. 44.
{Ad AH. xiv. 8.)

9. Clodia [Stemma, No. 43], the youngest
sister of P. Clodius, was married to L. Licinius
LucuUus, before his election to the consulship in
B. c 74. (Plut. Luadl. 21, 34, 38; Varr. R. B.
iii. 16. § 1.) After his return from the Mithri-
datic war, LucuUus separated from her, on account
of her infidelity, and in B.c. 61 brought her to trial
for an incestuous amour with her brother P. Clo-
dius. (Plut. LucuU. 34, 38 ; Cic. pro MU. 27, ad
Fani^i. 9.) «

10. Claudia [Stemma, No. 44], daughter of
App. Claudius Pulcher [No. 38], was married to
Cn. Pompeius, the elder son of the triumvir. (Cic.
ad Fam. ii. 13, iii. 4, 11 ; Dion Cass, xxxix. 60.)

11. Claudia [Stemma, No. 45), sister of the
preceding, was married to M. Brutus, who sepa-
rated from her in b. c. 45. (Cic. ad Fam. iii. 4,
ad AH. xiii. 9, 10, Brut. 77, 94.)

12. Clodia [Stemma, No. 49], daughter of P.
Clodius, was betrothed in B. c. 43 to Octavianus
(Augustus), who, however, never regarded her as
his wife, and at the outbreak of the Perusinian
war sent her back to her mother Fulvia. (Suet.
Jug. 62; Dion Cass, xlviii. 5.)

CLAUDIANUS.

13. Claudia Pulchra, lived in the reign of
Tiberius. In A. D. 26, to prepare the way for the
accusation of Agrippina, she was brought to trial
by Domitius A per, and convicted of adultery, poi-
soning, and conspiracy against the emperor. (Tac.
An7i. iv. 52; Dion Cass. lix. 19.) She is the last
member of this family whose name occurs in his-
tory.

14. Claudia, called by Suetonius {Cdlig. 12)
JuxiA Claudilla, was the daughter of M. Junius
Silanus, and was married to Caligula, according to
Dion Cassius (IviiL 25) in a. d. 35. (Tac. Afin. vi.
20, 45.)

15. Claudia, daughter of the emperor Clau-
dius I. by his wife Plautia Urgulanilla. (Suet.
Cknid. 27.)

16. Claudia, an illegitimate daughter of Plau-
tia Urgulanilla, the wife of the emperor Claudius I.
and his freedman Boter (Suet. Claiul. 27), was ex-
posed by the command of Claudius.

17. Claudia Augusta, daughter of the em-
peror Nero by his wife Poppaea Sabina. She
died young. (Suet. Ner. 35.) [C. P. M.]

CLAU'DIA, daughter of Crispus the brother
of Claudius Gothicus, wife of Eutropius, mother
of Constantius, and grandmother of Constantino
the Great. (Trebell. Poll. Claud. 13.) [W. R.]

CLAUDIA GENS, patrician and plebeian.
The patrician Claudii were of Sabine origin, and
came to Rome in B. c. 504, when they were receiv-
ed among the patricians. [Claudius, No. 1.] The
patrician Claudii bear various surnames, as Coccus.,
CaudeXf Centho, Crassus, Pulcher, Regillensis, and
Sabinus, the two latter of which, though applicable
to all of the gens, were seldom used, when there
was also a more definite cognomen. But as these
surnames did not mark distinct families, an ac-
count of all the patrician Claudii is given under
Claudius, with the exception of those with the
cognomen Nero, since they are better known
under the latter name.

The surnames of the plebeian Claudii are
AsELLUs, Canina, Centumalus, Cicero, Fla-
MEN, and Marcellus, of which the last is by for
the most celebrated.

The patrician Claudii were noted for their pride
and arrogance, and intense hatred of the com-
monalty. " That house during the course of cen-
turies produced several very eminent, few great
men ; hardly a single noble-minded one. In all
ages it distinguished itself alike by a spirit of
haughty defiance, by disdain for the laws, and
iron hardness of heart." (Niebulir, vol. i. p. 599.)
The praenomen Lucius was avoided after two of
that name had dishonoured it, the one by robbery,
the other by murder. (Sueton. 7%. 1.) The
honours and public offices borne by members of
this gens are enumerated by Suetonius. (/. c.)
During the republic no patrician Claudius adopted
one of another gens : the emperor Claudius was
the first who broke through this custom by adopt-
ing L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, afterwards the
emperor Nero. (Suet. Claud. 39 ; Tac. Ami. xii.
25.) [C. P. M.]

CLAUDIA'NUS, CLAU'DIUS, the last of
the Latin classic poets, flourished under Theodosiuj
and his sons Arcadius and Honorius. Our know-
ledge of his personal history is very limited. That
he was a native of Alexandria seems to be satis-
factorily established from the direct testimony of
Suidas, corroborated by an allusion in Sidoniu^i

CLAUDIANUS.
Apollinaris (Epist. ix. 13), and certain expressions
in his own works (e. g. Epist. v. 3, i. 39, 56). It
lias been maintained by some that he was a Gaul,
and by others that he was a Spaniard ; but neither
of these positions is supported by even a shadow
of evidence, while the opinion advanced by Pe-
trarch and Politian, that he was of Florentine ex-
traction, arose from their confounding the Floren-
timis addressed in the introduction to the second
book of the Raptus Proserpinae^ and who was
praefcctm urbi in A. D. 396, with the name of
their native cit}-. We are entirely ignorant of the
parentage, education, and early career of Claudian,
and of the circumstances under which he quitted
his country. We find him at Rome in 395, when
he composed his panegyric on the consulate of Pro-
binus and Olybrius. He appears to have culti-
vated poetry previously, but this was his first
essay in Latin verse, and the success by which it
was attended induced him to abandon the Grecian
for the Roman muse. {Epist. iv. 13.) During
the five years which immediately followed the
death of Theodosius, he was absent from Rome,
attached, it would appear, to the retinue of Stilicho
{de Cons. Stilich. praef. 23), under whose special
protection he seems to have been received almost
immediately after the publication of the poem
noticed above. We say after, because he makes
no mention of the name of the all-powerful Vandal
in that composition, where it might have been
most naturally and appropriately introduced in
conjunction with the exploits of Theodosius, while
on all subsequent occasions he eagerly avails him-
self of every pretext for sounding the praises of his
patron, and expressing his own fervent devotion.
Nor was he less indebted to the good offices of
Serena than to the influence of her husband. He
owed, it is true, his court favour and preferment to
the latter, but by the interposition of the former
he gained his Afirican bride, whose parents, al-
though they might have turned a deaf ear to the
suit of a poor poet, were unable to resist the solici-
tations of the niece of Theodosius, the wife of the
general who ruled the ruler of the empire. The
following inscription, discovered at Rome in the
fifteenth century, informs us that a statue of
Claudian was erected in the Forum of Trajan by
Arcadius and Honorius at the request of the
senate, and that he enjoyed the titles of Notarius
and Tribunus, but the nature of the office, whether
civil or military-, denoted by the latter appellation
we are unable to determine : —

Cl. Claudiani V. C. Cl. Claudiano V. C.

TRIBUNO ET NOTARIO INTER CETERAS VIGENTES
ABTES PRAEGLORIOSISSIMO POETARUM LICET AD
MEMORIAM SEMPITERNAM CARMINA AB EODEM
SCRIPTA SUFFICIANT ADTAMEN TESTIMONII GRA-
TIA OB juDic/i sui FiDEM D D. N N. Arcadius
ET Honorius filicjssimi ac doctissimi impe-
ratores sexatu petente statuam in foro

DIVI TraJAM ERIGl COLLOCARIQUE JUSSERUNT.

The close of Claudian's career is enveloped in
the same obscurity as its commencement. The
last historical allusion in his writings is to the 6th
consulship of Honorius, which belongs to the year
404. That he may have been involved in the
misfortunes of Stilicho, who was put to death in
408, and may have retired to end his days in his
native country, h a probable conjecture, but no-
thinij more. The idea that he at this time became
expoired to the enmity of the powerful and vindic-

CLAUDIANUS.

763

tive Hadrian, whom he liad provoked by the
insolence of wit, and who with cruel vigilance had
watched and seized the opportunity of revenge,
has been adopted by Gibbon with less than his
usual caution. It rests upon two assumptions
alike incapable of proof — first, that by Pharins,
whose indefatigable rapacity is contrasted in an epi-
gram (xxx.) with the lethargic indolence of Mal-
lius, the poet meant to indicate the praetorian
prefect, who was a native of Egypt ; and secondly,
that the palinode which forais the subject of one
of his epistles refers to that effusion, and is ad-
dressed to the same person.

The religion of Claudian, as well as that of
Appuleius, Ausonius, and many of the later Latin
writers, has been a theme of frequent controversy.
There is, however, little cause for doubt. It is
impossible to resist the explicit testimony of St.
Augustin {de Civ. Dei, v. 26), who declares that
he was "a Christi nomine alienus," and of Orosius,
who designates him as " Poeta quidem eximius
sed paganus pervicacissimus." The argument for
his Christianity derived from an ambiguous expres-
sion, interpreted as an admission of the unity of
God (ill. Cons. Honor. 96), is manifestly frivolous,
and the Greek and Latin hymns appended to most
editions of his works are confessedly spurious.
That his conscience may have had all the pliancy
of indifference on religious topics is probable
enough, but we have certainly nothing to adduce
against the positive assertions of his Christian con-
temporaries.

The works of Claudian now extant are the fol-
lowing : 1. Three panegyrics on the third, fourth,
and sixth consulships of Honorius respectively,

2. A poem on the nuptials of Honorius and Maria.

3. Four short Fescennine lays on the same subject.

4. A panegyric on the consulship of Probinus and
Olybrius, with which is interwoven a description
of the exploits of the emperor Theodosius. 5. The
praises of Stilicho, in two books, and a panegj^ric
on his consulship, in one book. 6. The praises of
Serena, the wife of Stilicho : this piece is mutilated
or "was left unfinished. 7. A panegyric on the
consulship of Flavins Mallius Theodorus. 8. The
Epithalamium of Palladius and Celerina. 9. An
invective against Rufinus, in two books. 10. An
invective against Eutropius, in two books. \\. De
Bella Oildonico, the first book of an historical poem
on the war in Africa against Gildo. 12. De Bella
Geiico, an historical poem on the successful cam-
paign of Stilicho against Alaric and the Goths,
concluding with the battle of Pollentia. 13. Kap-
tus Proserpinae, three books of an unfinished epic
on the rape of Proserpine. 14. Gigantomachia, a
fragment extending to a hundred and twenty-eight
lines onh'. 15. Ten lines of a Greek poem on the
same subject, perhaps a translation by some other
hand from the former. 16. Five short epistles;
the first of these is a sort of prayer, imploring for-
giveness for some petulant attack. It is usually
inscribed "Deprecatio ad Hadrianum Praefectum
Praetorio," but from the variations in the manu-
scripts this title appears to be merely the guess of
some transcriber. The remaining four, which are
very brief, are addressed — to Serena, to Olybrius,
to Probinus, to Gennadius. 17. EidylUa, a col-
lection of seven poems chiefly on subjects connected
with natural history, as may be seen by their titles,
PhoeniiV, Hystrix; 'Joi^xdo, Ni'im, Maijnes, Aponvs,
Uc I'iis Frutriltus. 1 D. A collection of short occa-

764

CL AUDI AN US.

Bioiial pieces, in Greek as well as Latin, conipi-e-
hended under the general title o^EpigraDwiata. The
Christian hj-mns to be found among these in most
editions are, as we have observed above, certainly
spurious. 19. Lastly, we have a hundred and
thirty-seven lines entitled '"'^Laudes Herculis ;'''' but
with the exception of some slight resemblance in
style, we have no ground for attributing them to
Claudian.

The measure employed in the greater number of
these compositions is the heroic hexameter. The
short prologues prefixed to many of the longer
poems are in elegiacs, and so also are the last four
epistles, the last two idylls, and most of the epi-
grams. The first of the Fescennines is a system
of Alcaic hendecasylkbics ; the second is in a
stanza of five lines, of which the first three are
iambic dimeters catalectic, the fourth is a pure
choriambic dimeter, and the fifth a trochaic dimeter
brachycatalectic ; the third is a system of anapaestic
dimeters acatalectic ; and the fourth is a system of
choriambic trimeters acatalectic

It will be at once perceived that the first thir-
teen articles in the above catalogue, constituting a
very large proportion of the whole works of Clau-
dian, although some of them differ from the rest
and from each other in form, belong essentially to
one class of poema, being such as would be exacted
from a laureate as the price of the pjitronage he
enjoyed. The object in view is the same in all —
all breathe the same spirit, all are declamations in
verse devoted either professedly or virtually to the
glorification of the emperor, his connexions and
favourites, and to the degradation of their foes.
We must also bear in mind, while we discuss the
merits and defects of our author, and compare him
with those who went before, that although Virgil
and Horace were flatterers as well as he, yet their
strains were addressed to very different ears.
When they, after entering upon some theme appa-
rently far removed from any courtly train of
thought, by some seemingly natural although un-
expected transition seemed as it were compelled to
trace a resemblance between their royal benefactor
and the gods and heroes of the olden time, they
well knew that their skill would be appreciated by
their cultivated hearers, and that the vidue of the
compliment would be enhanced by the dexterous
delicacy with which it was administered. But
such refinements were by no means suited to the
*' purple- bom " despots of the fifth century and
their half-barbarous retainers. Their appetite for
praise was craving and coarse. If the adulation
was presented in sufficient quantity, they cared
little for the manner in which it was seasoned, or
the form under which it was served up. Hence
there is no attempt at concealment ; no veil is
thought requisite to shroud the real nature and
object of tliese panegj'rics. AU is broad, direct,
and palpable. The subject is in each case boldly
and fully proposed at the commencement, and fol-
lowed out steadily to the end. The determination
to praise everything and the fear lest something
should be left unpraised, naturally lead to a syste-
matic and formal division of the subject; and hence
the career of each individual is commonly traced
upwards from the cradle, and in the case of Stilicho
separate sections are allotted to his warlike, his
peaceful, and his magisterial virtues, — the poet
warning his readers of the transition from one sub-
division to another with the same care as when an

CLAUDIAN US.
accurate lecturer discriminates the several heads of
his discourse. It can scarcely be argued, however,
that the absence of all reserve rendered the task
more easy. The ingenuity of the author is severely
taxed by other considerations, with this disadvan-
tage, that just in proportion as we might feel dis-
posed to admire his skill in hiding the ugliness of
his idol within the folds of the rich garment with
which it is invested, so are we constrained to loathe
his servile hypocrisy and laugh at his unblushing
falsehood. It was indeed hard to be called upon
to vaunt the glories of an empire which was crum-
bling away day by day from the grasp of its feeble
rulers ; it was harder still to be forced to prove a
child of nine years old, at which age Honorius re-
ceived the title of Augustus, to be a model of wis-
dom and kingly virtue, and to blazon the military
exploits of a boy of twelve who had never seen an
enemy except in chains ; and hardest of all to be
constrained to encircle with a halo of divine per-
fections a selfish ^'andal like Stilicho. To talk of
the historical value of such works as the Bellum
Gildonicum and the Bellum Gciicum is sheer folly.
Wherever we have access to other sources of in-
formation, we discover at once that many facts
have been altogether suppressed, and many others
distorted and falsely coloured ; and hence it is im-
possible to feel any confidence in the fidelity of
the narrator in regard to those incidents not else-
where recorded.

The simple fact that pieces composed under such
circumstances, to serve such temporary' and un-
worthy purposes, have been read, studied, admired,
and even held up as models, ever since the revival
of letters, is in itself no mean tribute to the powers
of their author. Nor can we hesitate to pronounce
him a highly-gifted man. Deeply versed in all the
learning of the Egyptian schools, possessing a most
extensive knowledge of the history of man and of
the physical world, of the legends of mythology,
and of the moral and theological speculations of
the different philosophical sects, he had the power
to light up this mass of learning by the fire of a
brilliant imagination, and to concentrate it upon
the objects of his adulation as it streamed forth in
a flashing flood of rhetoric. The whole host of
heaven and every nation and region of the earth
are called upon to aid in extolling his patron, the
prince, and their satellites ; on the other hand, an
infernal Pantheon of demons and furies with all
the horrors of Styx and Tartanis, are evoked as
the allies and tormentors of a Rufinus, and all
nature is ransacked for foul and loathsome images
to body forth the mental and corporeal deformity
of the eunuch consul. His diction is highl}' bril-
liant, although sometimes shining with the glitter
of tinsel ornaments ; his similes and illustrations
are elaborated with great skill, but the marks of
toil are frequently too visible. His versification is
highly sonorous, but is deficient in variety ; the
constant recurrence of the same cadences, although
in themselves melodious, palls upon the ear. His
command of the language is perfect ; and although
the minute critic may fancy that he detects some
traces of the foreign extraction of the bard, yet in
point of style neither Lucan nor Statius need be
ashamed to own him as their equal. His powers
appear to greatest advantage in description. His
pictures often approach perfection, combining the
softness and rich glow of the Itjilian with the
force and reality of the Dutch school.

CliAUDIANUS.

We have as yet said nothing of the Rape of
Proserpine, from which we might expect to form
the most favourable estimate of his genius, for here
at lejist it had fair and free scope, untrammeled by
the fetters which cramped its energies in panegyric.
But, although these causes of embarrassment are
removed, we do not find the result anticipated.
If we become familiar with his other works in the
first instiince, we rise with a feeling of disappoint-
ment from the perusal of this. We find, it is true,
the same animated descriptions and harmonious
numbers ; but there is a want of taste in the ar-
rangement of the details, of sustained interest in
the action, and of combination in the different
members, which gives a fragmentary character to
the whole, and causes it to be read with much
greater pleasure in extracts than continuously.
The subject, although grand in itself, is injudi-
ciously handled ; for, all the chai-actcrs being gods,
it is impossible to invest their proceedings with
the interest which attaches to struggling and suf-
fering humanity. The impression produced by the
commencement is singularly unfortunate. The
rage of the King of Shades that he alone of gods
is a stranger to matrimonial bliss, his determina-
tion to war against heaven tliat he may avenge his
wrongs, the mustering and marshalling of the
Titans and all the monsters of the abyss for battle
against Jupiter, are figured forth with great dignity
and pomp ; but when we find this terrific tem-
pest at once quelled by the very simple and sensi-
ble suggestion of old Lachesis, that he might pro-
bably obtain a wife, if he chose to ask for one, the
whole scene is converted into a burlesque, and the
absurdity is if possible heightened by the bluster-
ing harangue of Pluto to the herald. Mercury.
Throughout this poem, as well as in all the other
works of Claudian. we lament the absence not only
of true sublimity but of simple nature and of real
feeling : our imagination is often excited, our intel-
lect is often gratified ; but our nobler energies are
never awakened ; no cord of tenderness is struck,
no kindly sympathy is enlisted; our hearts are
never softened.

Of the Idylls we need hardly say anything ;
little could be expected from the subjects : they
may be regarded as clever essays in versification,
and nothing more. The best is that in which the
hot springs of Aponus are described. The Fescen-
nine verses display considerable lightness and
grace ; the epigrams, with the exception of a very
few which are neatly and pointedly expressed, are
not worth reading.

The Editio Princeps of Claudian was printed at
Vicenza by Jacobus Dusenius, fol., 1482, under
the editorial inspection of Barnabus Celsanus, and
appears to be a faithful representation of the MS.
from which it was taken. Several of the smaller
poems are wanting. The second edition was
printed at Parma by Angelus Ugoletus, 4to.,1493,
superintended by Thadaeus, who made use of
several MSS. for emending the text, especially one
obtained from Holland. Here first we find the
epigrams, the Epithalamium of Palladius and Se-
rena, the epistles to Serena and to Hadrian, the
Aponus, and the Gigantomachia. The edition
printed at Vienna by Hieronymus Victor and Jo-
annes Singrenius, 4to., 1510, with a text newly
revised by Joannes Gamers, is the first which con-
tiins the Laiides Herculis, In Sirenas, Laus Christi,
and Miiacula Christi. The first truly critical edi-

CLAUDIUS. 765

tion was that of Theod. Pulmannus, printed at
Antwerp by Plantinus, 16mo., 1571, including the
notes of Delrio. The second edition of Caspar
Barthius, Francf. and Hamburg. 1650 and 1G54,
4to., boasts of being completed with the aid of
seventeen MSS., and is accompanied by a volu-
minous commentary; but the notes are heavy, and
the tj'pography very incorrect. The edition of
Gesner, Lips. 1759, is a useful one; but by far
the best which has yet appeared la that of the
younger Burmann, Amst. 1760, fonning one of the
series of the Dutch Variorum Classics, in 4to. An
edition was commenced by G. L. Konig, and one
volume published in 1808 (Getting.), but the work
did not proceed farther.

The "• Raptus Proserpinae" was published sepa-
rately, under the title " Claudiuni de Rjiptu Pro-
serpinae Tragoediae duae," at Utrecht, by Ketclaer
and Leempt, apparently several years before the
Editio Princeps of the collected works noticed
above, and three other editions of the same poem
belong to the same early period, although neither
the names of the printers nor the precise dates can
be ascertained.

We have a complete metrical translation of the
whole works of Claudian by A. Hawkins, 2 vols.
8vo., Lend. 1817 ; and there are also several Eng-
lish translations of many of the separate pieces, few
of which are of any merit. [ W. R.]

CLAUDIA'NUS (KKavSiavos), the author of
five epigrams in the Greek Anthology (Brunck,
Anal. ii. p. 447 ; Jacobs, iii. p. 153), is commonly
identified with the celebrated Latin poet of the
same name ; but this seems to be disproved by the
titles and contents of two additional epigrams, as-
cribed to him in the Vatican MS., which are ad-
dressed "to the Saviour," and which shew that their
author was a Christian. (Jacobs, Paralip.?c^. Antliol.
Graec. xiii. pp. 615 — 617.) He is probably the
poet whom Evagrius {Hist. Eccl. i. 19) mentions
as flourishing under Theodosius II., who reigned
A. D. 408 — 450. The Gigantomachia., of which a
fragment still exists (Iriarte, Catcd. MSS. Matrit.
p. 215), and which has been ascribed to the Roman
poet, seems rather to belong to this one. He wrote
also, according to the Scholia on the Vatican MS.,
poems on the history of certain cities of Asia Minor
and Syria, iriXTpia Tapaov, 'Ava^dpSov, Brjpvrov,
Ni/caias, whence it has been inferred that he was
a native of that part of Asia. (Jacobs, Atith. Graec.
xiii. p. 872.) [P. S.]

CLAUDIA'NUS ECDI'DIUS MAMERTUS.
[Mamertus,]

CLAU'DIUS, patrician. [Claudia Gens.]

1. App. Claudius Sauinus Regillensis, a
Sabine of the town of Reglilum or Regilli, who in
his own country bore the name of Attus Clausus
(or, according to some, Atta Claudius ; Dionysius
calls him Titos KAauSto^), being the advocate of
peace with the Romans, when hostilities broke out
between the two nations shortly after the begin-
ning of the commonwealth, and being vehemently
opposed by most of his countrymen, withdrew
with a large train of followers to Rome. (b. c. 504.)
He was forthwith received into the ranks of the
patricians, and lands beyond the Anio were as-
signed to his followers, who were formed into a
new tribe, called the Claudian. (Liv. ii. 16, iv. 3,
X. 8; Dionys. v. 40, xi. 15; Sueton. Tib. 1; Tac.
Ann. xi. 24, xii. 25 ; Niebuhr, i. p. 560.) He
exhibited the chardcteristics which marked his

76<J

CLAUDIUS.

CLAUDIUS.

Stsmma Claudiorum.
1. App. Claudius Sabinus Regillensis, Cos. b. c. 495.

1

2. App. Claud. Sabinus,

Cos. B. c. 471.

I
4. App. Claud. Crassus, Decemvir b. c. 451.

3. C. Claud. Sabinus,
Cos. B. c. 460.

5. App. Claud. Crassus,
Trib. Mil. B. c. 424.

7. App. Claud. Crassus,
Trib. Mil. B. c. 403.

9. C. Claud. Crassus, Diet b. c. 337.

6. P. Claud. Crassus.

8. App. Claud. Crassus,
Diet a c. 362, Cos. b. c. 349.

10. App. Claud. Caecus, Cens. b. c 311

11. App. Claud. Caudex, Cos. b. c. 264.

I I III

1 3. P. CI. Pulcber, 1 4. C. CI. Cento, 1 5. Tib. CI. 1 6. Claudiae

12. App.Cl.Cras-
■u8,Cos.B.c.268.

Cos. B. c. 249.
I

Cos. B. c. 240.

Nero.

Quinque.

17. App. CI. Pulcher,
Cos. B. c. 212.
I

1 0. Claudia Quinta.

(C. CI. Cento.).'

I II III

19. Claudia. Mar- 20. App. CI. 21. P. CI. Pulcher, 22. C. CI. Pulcher, 23. C. CI. 24. Ap. CL

ried Pacuvius Pulcher. Cos. B. c. 184. Cos. B.c.177. Cento. Cento.
Calavius.

25. App. CL Pulcher. Married Antistia. 26. C. CI. Pulcher, Cos. B.c.130.

27. App. CL Pulcher. 28. C. CL Pukher.
I

29. App. CL 30. Claudia. 31. Claudia. 32. C. CL Pulcher, 33. App. CL Pulcher (?)

Pulcher. Vestal. Married Cos. B. c. 92. Interrex B. c. 77.

Tib. Gracchus.

34. App. CL Pulcher,

I I I Cos. B. c. 79.

35. App. CL 36. C. CL Pul- 37. Claudia.
Pulcher. cher, Prae- Married

tor B. c. 73. M. Philippus.

I I I I I

39. C. CI. Pul- 40. P. Clodius 41.Clodia. 42. Clodia. 43. Clodia.

cher, Praetor Pulcher, Married Married Married

B.C. 56. Trib.Pleb. Q. Mar- Q.Metel- L.Lucul-

B. c. 58. ciusRex. lusCeler. lus.

38. App. CL Pul-
cher, Cos. B. C.
54.

1 . I

44. Claudia. 45. Claudia.

Married Married

Cn. Pompeius. M. Brutus.

46. App. CL 47. App. CL 48. P. Clodius.

49. Clodia
Married
Octavianus.
(Augustufc.)

CLAUDIUS.

uesceiulants, and, in his consnlsliip (b. c. 49')),
sliewed great severity towards the plebeian debtors.
(Liv. ii. 21, 23, 24, 27 ; Dionys. vi. 23, 24, 27, 30.)
Next year, on the refusal of the commons to enlist,
we find him proposing tlie appointment of a dicta-
tor. (Liv. ii. 29.) We find him manifesting the
same bitter hatred of the plebs at the time of the
secession to the Mons Sacer, in b. c. 494 (Dionys,
vi. 59, &c.), of the famine in 493 (Dionys. vii. 15),
and of the impeachment of Coriolanus. (Dionys.
vii. 47, &c.) He is made by Dionysius (viii. 73,
&c.) to take a prominent part in opposing the
agrarian law of Sp. Cassius. According to Pliny
{H. N. XXXV. 3) he was the first who set up
images of his ancestors in a public temple (that of
Bellona).

2. App. Claudius App. f. M. n. Sabinus Re-
GiLLKNSis, son of the preceding, was a candidate
for the consulship in b. c. 482, but, through the
opposition of the tribunes, did not succeed. (Dionys.
viii. 90.) In 471 he was made consul by the
patricians to oppose the Publilian rogations. He
was baffled in his violent attempt to do so, and
strove to revenge himself on the plebeians by his
severity when commanding against the Aequians
and Volscians. The soldiers became discontented
and disobedient, and, when the enemy attacked
them, threw away their arms and fled. For this
he punished them with extreme severity. The
next year he violently opposed the execution of
the agrarian law of Sp. Cassius, and was brought
to trial by two of the tribunes. According to the
common story, he killed himself before the trial.
(Liv. ii. 56-61; Dionys. ix. 43-45, 48-54; Nie-
buhr, vol. ii. pp. 186, 219-228.)

3. C. Claudius App. f. M. n. Sabinus Regil-
LKNSis, brother of the preceding (Dionys. x. 30 ;
Liv. iii. 35), was consul in b. c. 460, when Appius
Herdonius seized the Capitol. After it had been
recovered, we find him hindering the execution of
the promise made by Valerius respecting the Te-
rentilian law. (Liv. iii. 15 — 21 ; Dionys. x. 9,
12 — 17.) Subsequently, he opposed the proposi-
tion to increase the number of the plebeian tri-
bunes and the lavr de Aventino publicando. (Dionys.
X. 30, 32.) He was an unsuccessfiil candidate for
the dictatorship. (Liv. iii. 35.) Though a staunch
supporter of the aristocracy, he warned his brother
against an immoderate use of his power. (Liv. iii.
40; Dionys. xi. 7-11.) His remonstrances being
of no avail, he withdrew to Regillum, but returned
to defend the decemvir Appius, when impeached.
(Liv. iii. 58.) Incensed at his death, he strove
to revenge himself on the consuls Horatius and
Valerius by opposing their application for leave to
triumph. (Dionys. xi. 49.) In 445 we find him
strenuously opposing the law of Canuleius, and pro-
posing to arm the consuls against the tribunes.
(Liv. iv. 6.) According to Dionysius, however
(xi. 55, 56), he himself proposed the election of
military tribunes with consular power from both
plebeians and patricians.

4. App. Claudius Crassus (or Crassinus)
Regillensis SabinUvS, the decemvir, is commonly
considered to have been the son of No. 2 (as by
Livy, iii. 35) ; but, from the Capitoline Fasti,
where the record of his consulship appears in the
following form : Ap. Claudius Ap.f. M. n. Crassin.
Regill. Sabinus II., he would appear to have been
the same person. (See Niebuhr, vol. ii. note 7o4.)
He was elected consul in b. c. 451, nnd on the

CLAUDIUS.

707

appointment of the decemvirs in that year, he be-
came one of them. Hia influence in the college
beccame paramount, and he so far won the confi-
dence of the people, that he was reappointed the
following year. Now, however, his real character
betrayed itself in the most violent and tyrannous
conduct towards the plebeians, till his attempt
against Virginia led to tlie overthrow of the de-
cemvirate. Appius was impeached by Virginius,
but did not live to abide his trial. According to
Livy, he killed himself. Dionysius (xi. 46) Stiys,
it was the general opinion that he was put to death
in prison by order of the tribunes. (Liv. iii. 33,
35 — 58 ; Dionys. x. 64 — xi. 46.) For an account
of the decem viral legislation, see Diet, of Ant. s.v.
Twelve Tables.

5. App. Claudius Ap. p. Ap. n. Crassus (or
Crassinus), the elder son of the decemvir, was
consular tribune in B. c. 424. All that we are told
of him is, that he was marked by a genuine Clau-
dian hatred of the tribunes and plebeians. (Liv.
iv. 35, 36.)

6. P. Claudius Crassus (or Crassinus), a
younger son of the decemvir. (Liv. vi. 40.)

7. App. Claudius App. f. App. n. Crassus (or
Crassinus), son of No. 5, was consular tribune in
B. c. 403. It was this Appius who was the author
of the important measure, that the proceedings of
the tribunes might be stopped by the veto of one
of the college. (Niebuhr, vol. ii. p. 439, note 965.)
Livy (v. 3 — 6) puts into his mouth a speech in
reply to the complaints of the tribunes, when, at
the siege of Veii, the troops were kept in the field
during the winter. He afterwards proposed to
appropriate the spoil of Veii for the pay of the
soldiers. (Liv. v. 1 — 6, 20.)

8. App. Claudius P. f. App. n. Crassus
(or Crassinus), a son of No. 6, distinguished him-
self by his opposition to the Licinian rogations,
particularly as regarded the appointment of ple-
beian consuls. In 362, on the death of the consul
Genucius, he was appointed dictator to conduct
the war against the Hemicans, when a victory
was gained over them under his auspices. In 349
he was made consul, but died at the commence-
ment of his year of office. (Liv. vi. 40 — 42, vii.
6, &c., 24, 25.)

9. C. Claudius App. f. App. n. Crassus (or
Crassinus), son of No. 7, was named dictator in

B. c. 337, but immediately resigned his office, the
augurs having pronounced his appointment invalid.
Who the C. Claudius Hortator, whom he made
Master of the Horse, was, is not known. (Liv.
viii. 15.)

10. App. Claudius C. f. App. n. Caecus, son
of No. 9. It was generally believed among the
ancients that his blindness was real, and there can
be no doubt that such was the fact, though it is
pretty certain that he did not become blind before
his old age. The tradition of the occasion of his
blindness is given by Livy, ix. 29. (See also
Cic. de Scncct. 6, Ttisc. Disp. v. 38 ; Plut. lyirh.
18, 19 ; Diodorus, xx. 36 ; Appian, Samn. 10.)
He was twice cunile aedile (Frontin. de Aquaed.
V. 72), and in B. c. 312 was elected censor with

C. Plautius, without having been consul previously.
(Liv. ix. 29.) With the design of forming in the
senate and people a party which should be sub-
servient to him in his ambitious designs, he filled
up the vacancies in the senate with the names of a
large number of the low popular party, including

763

CLA QDIUS.

even the sons of freedraen. His list, however, was
set aside the following year, upon which C. Plau-
tius resigned, and Appius continued in office as sole
censor. He then proceeded to draw up the lists
of the tribes, and enrolled in them all the libertini,
whom he distributed among all the tribes, that his
influence might predominate in all. (Liv. ix. 29,
30, 33, 34, 46 ; Suet. Ciaud. 24.) According to
Pliny {H.N. xxxiii. 6) it was at his instigation
that his secretary, Cn. Flavius, published his
calendar and account of the /eyis aciiones. But
the most durable monuments of his censorship (for
his political innovations were in good part set
aside by Q. Fabius Maximus) were the Appian
road to Capua, which was commenced by him, and
the Appian aqueduct, which he completed. (Liv.
ix. 29 ; Frontin. de Aqiuied. 5 ; Niebuhr, vol. iii.
pp. 303 — 309.) Niebuhr conjectures, with some
probability, that in order to raise money he must
have sold large portions of the public land. He
retained his censorship four years. (Niebuhr, vol.
iii. pp. 294 — 313.) In 307 he was elected consul
after resigning his censorship, which he had
ineffectually endeavoured to retain, and remained
in Rome for the purpose of strengthening his in-
terest. (Liv. ix. 42.) In the following year we
find him a strenuous opponent of the Ogulnian
law for opening the offices of pontiff and augur to
the plebeians, (x. 7, 8.) In 298 he was ap-
pointed interrex (an office which he filled three
times; see inscription in Pighius, ad ann. 561),
and at first refused to receive votes for the plebeian
candidate. (Liv. x. 11 ; Cic. Brut. 14.) In 296
he was chosen consul a second time, and command-
ed at first in Saranium with some success. (Liv.
X. 17 ; Orelli, Inscr. No. 539.) From Saranium he
led his forces into Etruria, and having been de-
livered from a perilous position by his colleague
Volumnius, the combined armies gained a decisive
victory over the Etruscans and Samnites. (Liv.
X. 18, 19.) In this battle he vowed a temple to
Bellona, which he afterwards dedicated- Next
year he was continued in command, as praetor,
but was sent back to Rome by the consul Fabius.
(x. 22, 25.) Afterwards, in conjunction with
Volumnius, he gained a victory over the Sam-
nites. (x. 31.) He was once dictator, but in
what year is not known. (Insc. in Orelli, /. c.)
In his old age, when Cineas was sent by Pyrrhus
to propose peace, Appius, now quite blind, ap-
peared in the senate, and by his speech prevailed
on them to resist the proffered tenns. This speech
was extant in Cicero's time. (Liv. xiii. ; Cic.
Brut. 14, 16, De Senect. 6.) His eloquence is
extolled by Livy. (x. 19.)

Appius Claudius the Blind was the earliest Ro-
man writer in prose and verse whose name has
come down to us. He was the author of a poem
known to Cicero through the Greek (Cic. Tmc.
Disp. iv. 2), of which some minute fragments have
come down to us. (Priscian. viii. p. 792, ed.
Putsch ; Festus, s. v. Stuprum.) Its contents were
of a Pythagorean cast. He also wrote a legal
treatise, De Usurpationibus, and according to some
was the author of the Aciiojies which Flavius
published. [Flavius.] (Pomponius, Dig. i. 2.
§ 36.) He left four sons and five daughters.
(Cic. de Senect. 11.)

11. App. Claudius C. f. App. n. Caudex, also
son of No. 9. He derived his surname from his
attention to naval affairs. CSenec. de Brev. Viiae,

CLAUDIUS.

1 3.) He was elected consul B. c. 264, and cora-
naanded the forces sent to the assistance of the
Mamertini. He effected a landing on the coast of
Sicily by night, defeated Hiero and the Carthagi-
nians, and raised the siege of Messana. After a
repulse from Egesta, and some other unsuccessful
operations, he left a garrison in Messana and re-
turned home. (Polyb. i. 11, 12, 16 ; Suet. Tib. 2.)

12. App. Claudius App. f. C. n. Crassus
(or Crassinus) Rufus, the eldest son of No. 10,
and apparently the last of the gens who bore the
surname Crassus. He was consul b. c. 268. (Fast.
Sic; Veil. Pat. i. 14.)

13. P. Claudius App. f. C. n. Pulcher, the
first of this gens who bore that surname, wai the
second son of No. 10. Pie possessed in a more
than ordinary degree most of the worst characteris-
tics of this family. He was elected consul in B. c.
249, and commanded the fleet sent to reinforce the
troops at Lilybaeum. In defiance of the auguries,
he attacked the Carthaginian fleet lying in the har-
bour of Drepana, but was entirely defeated, with the
loss of almost all his forces. (Polyb. i. 49, &c. ;
Cic. De Divin. i. 16, ii. 8, 33 ; Schol. Bob. in Cic.
p. 337, ed. Orell.; Liv. xix. ; Suet. Tib. 2.)
Claudius was recalled and commanded to appoint a
dictator. He named M. Claudius Glycias or
Glicia, the son of a freedman. but the nomination
was immediately superseded. ( Suet. Tib. 2 ; Fasti
Capit.) P. Claudius was accused of high treason,
and, according to Poly bins (i. 52) and Cicero {de
Nat. Deor. ii. 3), was severely punished. Accord-
ing to other accounts (Schol. Bob. /. c ; Val. Max.
viii. 1. § 4), a thunder-storm which happened
stopped the proceedings ; but he was impeached a
second time and fined. He did not long survive
his disgrace. He was dead before B. c. 246.
[Claudia, No. 1.] The probability is that he
killed himself. (Val. Max. L 4. g 3.)

14. C. Claudius App. f. C. n. Centho or
Cento, another son of No. 10, was consul in b. c.
240, interrex in 217, and dictator in 213. (Fasti
Cap. ; Cic. Tu8C» Disp. i. 1, Brut. 18 ; Liv. xxii.
34, XXV. 2.)

15. Tib. Claudius Nero, fourth son of No.
10. Nothing further is known respecting him.
(Suet. Tib. 3 ; Gell. xiii. 22.) An account of his
descendants is given under Nero.

16. Claudiae Quinque. [Claudia, No. 1.]

17. App. Claudius P. f. App. n. Pulcher,
son of No. 13, was aedile in B. c. 217. (Liv. xxii.
53.) In the following year he was military tri-
bune, and fought at Cannae. Together with P.
Scipio he was raised to the supreme command by
the troops who had fled to Canusium. In 215 he
was created praetor, and conducted the relics of
the defeated army into Sicily, where his efforts to
detach Hieronymus, the grandson of Hiero, from
his connexion with the Carthaginians, were un-
successful. (Liv. xxiii. 24, 30, 31, xxiv. 6, 7.)
He remained in Sicily the following year also, as
propraetor and legatus to M. Marcellus. (xxiv. 10,
21, 27, 29, 30, 33, 36 ; Polyb. viii. 3, 5, 9), hav-
ing charge of the fleet and the camp at Leontini.
(Liv. xxiv. 39.) In 212 he was elected consul,
and in conjunction with his colleague Q. Fulvius
Flaccus laid siege to Capua. At the close of his
year of office, in pursuance of a decree of the
senate, he went to Rome and created two new
consuls. His own command was prolonged another
year. In the battle with Hannibal before Capua

CLAUDIUS.

he received a wound, from the effects of which he
died shortly after the surrender of the city. He
ineffectually opposed the infliction of the sanguinary
vengeance which Fulvius took on the Capuans.
(Liv. XXV. 2, 22, 41, xxvi. 1, 5, 6, 8, 15, 16 ;
Polyb. ix. 3.)

18. Claudu. QuiNTA. [Claudia, No. 2.]

19. Claudia. [Claudia, No. 3.]

. 20. App. Claudius App. p. P. n. PuLCHEa,
son of No. 17. In b. c. 197 and the three fol-
lowing years, he served as military tribune under
T. Quinctius Flamininus in Greece in the war with
Philip. (Liv. xxxii. 35, 36, xxxiii. 29, xxxiv. 50.)
We find him again in Greece in 191, serving first
under M. Baebius in the war with Antiochus
(xxxvi. 10), and afterwards under the consul M\
Acilius Glabrio against the Aetolians. (xxxvi. 22,
30.) In 187 he was made praetor, andTarentum
fell to him by lot as his province, (xxxviii. 42.)
In 185 he was elected consul, and gained some
advantages over the Ingaunian Ligurians, and, by
his violent interference at the comitia, procured
the election of his brother Publius to the consul-
ship, (xxxix. 23, 32.) In 184, when Philip
was preparing for a new war with the Romans,
Appius was sent at the head of an embassy into
Macedonia and Greece, to observe his movements
and wrest from his grasp the cities of which he
had made himself master, (xxxix. 33 — 39.) In
176 he was one of an embassy sent to the Aeto-
lians, to bring about a cessation of their internal
hostilities and oppose the machinations of Perseus,
(xli. 25, 27.)

21. P. Claudius App. f. P. n. Pulcher, son
of No. 1 7. In B. c. 1 89 he was curule aedile, and
in 188 praetor. (Liv. xxxviii, 35.) In 184 he
was made consul [see No. 20] (xxxix. 32 ), and
in 181 one of the three commissioners appointed
for planting a colony at Graviscae. (xl. 29.)

22. C. Claudius App. k. P. n. Pulcher, an-
other son of No. 17 (Fasti Cap. ; Liv. xxxiii. 44),
was made augur in b. c. 195, praetor in 180 (xl.
37, 42), and consul in 177. The province of
Istria fell to his lot. Fearing lest the successes of
the consuls of the preceding year might render his
presence unnecessary, he set out without perform-
ing the regular initiatory ceremonies of the consul-
ship, but soon found himself compelled to return.
Having again proceeded to his province with a
fresh army, he captured three towns, and reduced
the Istrians to subjection. He next marched
against the Ligurians, whom he defeated, and
celebrated a double triumph at Rome. Having
held the comitia, he returned to Liguria and
recovered the town of Mutina. (xli. 10 — 18;
Polyb. xxvi, 7.) In 171 he served as military
tribune under P. Licinius against Perseus. (Liv.
xlii, 49.) In 169 he was censor with Ti, Sempro-
nius Gracchus. Their severity drew down upon
them an impeachment from one of the tribunes,
but the popularity of Gracchus secured an ac-
quittal. Claudius opposed his colleague, who
wished to exclude the freedmen from all the tribes,
and at last it was agreed that they should be
enrolled in one tribe — the Esquiline. (xliii. 14
—16, xliv. 16, xlv. 15; Valer. Max. vi. 5, § 3.)
In 167 Claudius was one of an embassy often sent
into Macedonia. He died in this year. (xlv. 17,
44 ; Polyb. xxx. 10.)

23. C. Claudius Cento, probably the grand-
son of No. 14, served under the consul P. Sulpicius

CLAUDIUS.

769

in B. c. 200, in the war with Philip. Being gent
to the relief of Athens, which was besieged by a
Macedonian army, he raised the siege. He next
made himself master of Chalcis in Euboea, and
gained several advantages over Philip, who march-
ed in person upon Athens. (Liv. xxxi. 14, 22,
&c, ; Zonar. ix, 15.)

24. App, Claudius Cento, brother of No. 23,
was aedile in B, c, 178. (Liv. xl. 59.) In 175
he was made praetor, and received Hispania Cite-
rior as his province. Here he gained a victory
over the revolted Celtiberi, for which he was
honoured with an ovation, (xli. 22, 31, 33.) In
173 he was sent into Thessaly, and quieted the
disturbances which prevailed there, (xlii. 5.) In
172 he was one of an embassy sent into Mace-
donia to communicate to Perseus the demands and
threats of the Romans, (xlii. 25.) In 170 he was
legatus under the consul A. Hostilius, Having
been sent with 4000 men into Illyricum, he sus-
tained a defeat near the town of Uscana. (xliii.
11, 12.)

25. App. Claudius App. p. App. n. Pulcher,
son of No. 20. He was consul in B. c. 143, and,
to obtain a pretext for a triumph, attacked the
Salassi, an Alpine tribe. He was at first defeated,
but afterwards, following the directions of the Si-
bylline books, gained a victory, (Frontin. de
Aquaed. 7; Dion Cass. Frag)n. Ixxix. Ixxx.; Ores.
V. 4.) On his return a triumph was refused him ;
but he triumphed at his own expense, and when
one of the tribunes attempted to drag him from
his car, his daughter Claudia, one of the Vestal
virgins, walked by his side up to the capitol, (Cic.
pro Cael. 14 ; Sueton. Tib. 2.) Next year he was
an unsuccessful candidate for the censorship, though
he afterwards held that office with Q. Fulvius No-
bilior, probably in 136. (Dion Cass. Fragm. Ixxxiv.;
Plut, Tib. Gracch. 4.) He gave one of his daugh-
ters in marriage to Tib. Gracchus, and in B. c. 1 33
with Tib. and C. Gracchus was appointed com-
missioner for the division of the lands. (Liv. Epit.
58 ; Orelli, Insa: No. 570 ; Veil, Pat. ii. 2.) Appius
lived at enmity with P. Scipio Aemilianus. (Plut.
Aemil. 38 ; Cic. de Rep. i, 19.) He died shortly
after Tib. Gracchus. (Appian, B. C. i. 18,) He was
one of the Salii, an augur, and princeps senatus.
(Macrob. Saiui-n. ii. 10 ; Plut. Tib. Gracch. 4.)
Cicero {Brut. 28) says, that his style of speaking
was fluent and vehement. He married Antistia.
[Antistia, No. 1.]

26. C. Claudius Pulcher, son of No. 22, was
consul in B. c. 1 30, and laid information before the
senate of the disturbances excited by C. Papirius
Carbo. (Cic. de Leg. iii. 19.)

27. App. Claudius Pulcher, known only as
the son of No. 26 and father of No, 32.

28. C. Claudius Pulcher, also son of No. 26
and father of No. 34. (Cic. pro Plane. 21,)

29. App. Claudius Pulcher, son of No. 25.
He inherited his father's enmity to P, Scipio Aemi-
lianus. (Cic. pro Scaur, ii. 32.) In B. c. 107 he
took part in the discussions respecting the agrarian
law of Sp. Thorius, (Cic, de Oral. iL 70.) He ap-
pears to have been of a facetious disposition.
(Cic, de Orai. ii. 60.)

30. Claudia. [Claudia, No. 4.]

31. Claudia. [Claudia, No. 5]

32. C. Claudhts App. f. C. n. Pulcher, son
of No. 27 (Cic. de Of. ii. 16, Verr. ii, 49 ; Fasti
Capit.), appears in B. c. 100 as one of those who

3d

70

CLAUDIUS.

took up arms against Satuminus, (Cic. pro Rah. 7.)
In 9Q he was curule aedile, and in the games cele-
brated by him elephants were for the first time
exhibited in the circus, and painting employed in
the scenic decorations. (Plin. H.N. viii. 7, xxxv. 7;
Val. Max. ii. 4. § 6.) In 85 he was praetor in
Sicily, and, by direction of the senate, gave laws to
the Halesini respecting the appointment of their
senate. (Cic. Verr. ii. 49.) The Mamertini made
him their patronus. ( Verr. iv. 3.) He was consul
in 92. {Fasti Cap.) Cicero {Brut. 45) speaks of
him as a man possessed of great power and some
ability as an orator.

33. App. Clauuius Pulcher, the brother,
possibly of No. 32, was military tribune in b. c.
»7. He was appointed to guard the Janiculum
when the city was threatened by Marius and
Cinna, but opened a gate to Marius, to whom he
was under obligations. (Appian, B. C. i. 68.) It
appears, however, that he managed to keep his
credit with his own party ; for it is probably this
Claudius who was interrex in 77, and with Q.
Lutatius Catulus had to defend Rome against M.
Aemilius Lepidus. (Sail. Fragm. lib. 1.)

34. App. Claudius Pulchkr, son of No. 28,
was made consul in b. c. 79, though he had been
an unsuccessful candidate for the curule acdileship.
(Cic. pro Plane. 21 ; Appian, B. C. i. 103.) Ha
was afterwards governor of Macedonia, and en-
gaged in contests with the neighbouring barba-
rians. He died in his province, before 76", when
he was succeeded by C. Scribonius Curio. (Liv.
EpU. 91; Flor. iii. 4; Oros. v. 23.)

35. App. Claudius Pulcher, apparently the
son of No. 29. (Orelli, Inscript. No. 578.) When
curule aedile he celebrated the Megalesian games.
(Cic. de Uarusp. Resp. 12.) In B. c. 89 he was
made praetor (Cic. pro Arch. 5), and afterwards
filled the office of propraetor. In B. c. 87 Cinna
gained a victory' over his army. (Liv. Epit. 79.)
Claudius was impeached by one of the tribunes,
and, not appearing, was deposed from his command
and banished. Next year, L. Marcius Philippus,
his nephew, who was censor, omitted his name in
the list of senators. (Cic ;>ro Dom. 31, 32.) He
appears in 82 to have marched with Sulla against
Rome, and met his death near the city. (Plut.
Sulluy 29.) He married Caecilia, and left three
sons and three daughters, but no property. (Varro,
R. R. iii. 16,)

36. C. Claudius Pulcher, son of No. 29,
when curule aedile excluded slaves from the Me-
galesian games which he celebrated. (Cic. de Har.
Resp. 12.) In B. c. 73 he was praetor (Plut.
Crass. 9), and commanded an army against Spar-
tacus, by whom he was defeated at mount Vesu-
vius. ( Liv. Epit. 95 ; Oros. v. 24. )

37. Claudia. [Claudia, No. 6.]

38. App. Claudius Pulcher, eldest son of
No. 35 ( Varr. R. R. iii. 16), appears in b. c. 75 as
the prosecutor of Terentius Varro. (Ascon. ad Cic.
Div. in Caecil. p. 109, Orell.) In 70 he served in
Asia under his brother-in-law, LucuUus, and was
sent to Tigranes to demand the surrender of Mi-
thridates. (Plut. Lucidl. 19, 21.) In 61 he was
in Greece, collecting statues and paintings to adorn
the games which he contemplated giving as aedile.
(Cic. pro Dom. 43 ; Schol. Bob. in oral, in
Clod, el Cur. p. 338, Orell.) Through the favour
and influence of the consul L. Piso, however, he
was made praetor without first filling the oflSce of

CLAUDIUS.

aedile. (Cic/. c.) As praetor (b. c. 57) he pre-
sided in trials for extortion, and Cicero expresses
anxiety on behalf of his brother Quintus, who had
been propraetor in Asia. {Ad Alt iii. 17.) Though
Appius did not openly and in person oppose Cice-
ro's recall (Cic. ad Fain. iii. 10. § 8; comp. pro
Dom. 33), he tacitly sanctioned and abetted the
proceedings of his brother Publius. He placed at
his disposal the gladiators whom he had hired, and.
alone of the praetors did nothing on belialf of
Cicero ; and, after the return of the latter, shewed
more decidedly which side he took. (Cic. pro Seat.
36, 39 — 41, in Pison. 15, pro Mil. 15, post. Red.
in Sen. 9, ad Alt. iv. 1—3; Schol. Bob. p.
307, Orell. ; Dion Cass, xxxix. 6, 7.) Next year
he was propraetor in Sardinia, and in April paid
a visit to Caesar at Luca. (Plut. Caes. 21 ; Cic.
ad Q. F. ii. 6, 15.) In b. c. 54 he was chosen
consul with L. Domitius Ahenobarbus. (Caes.
B. 6^. V. 1; Dion Cass, xxxix. 60, xl. 1.) Through
the intervention of Pompey, a reconciliation was
brought about between him and Cicero, though
his attentions to the latter appear, in part at least,
to have been prompted by avarice. (Cic. ad. Q. F.
ii. 12, ad Fam. i. 9, iii. 10.) When Gabinius
returned from his province, Appius appeared as his
accuser, in hopes that his silence might be bought,
though previously he had said he would do all that
lay in his power to prevent the threatened prose-
cution. (Cic. ad Q. Fr. ii. 12, 13, iii. 2 ; Dion Cass,
xxxix. 60.) Similar motives appear to have in-
duced him to support C. Pomptinus in his claim
for a triumph. (Cic. ad Att. iv. 16, ad Q. F. iii. 4.)
A still more glaring instance of his dishonesty and
venality was the compact which he and his col-
league entered into with Cn. Domitius Calvinus
and C. Memmius, two of the candidates for the
consulship, by which the two latter bound them-
selves in the sum of 4,000,000 sesterces a-piece,
in case they should be appointed consuls, to bring
forward false witnesses to prove that laws had
been passed assigning to Appius and his colleague
the command of an army, and settling in other
respects the administration of the provinces to
which they were to go as proconsuls. The whole
atfcur, however, was exposed, and the comitia were
not held in that year. (Cic ad Att. iv. 18, 15, 16,
ad Q. Fr. iii. I. cap. 5.) Appius, however, asserted
his right to command an army, even without a lex
curiata. {Ad Fatn. i. 9. § 25, ad Att. iv. 16. § 12.)
He reached his province in July, b. c. 53, and go-
verned it for two years. His rule appears to have been
most tyrannous and rapacious. (Cic. ad Att. vi. 1,
2. j 8, ad Fam. xv. 4, comp. iii. 8. § 5-8.) He made
war upon the mountaineers of Amanus, and some
successes over them gave him a pretext for claim-
ing a triumph. {Cic. ad Fam. iii. 1, 2 ; Eckhel,
iv. p. 360.) Cicero wrote to him, while in his
province, in terms of the greatest cordiality {ad
Fam. iii. 1); but when he was appointed his suc-
cessor in 51, Appius did not conceal his displea-
sure. He avoided meeting him, and shewed him
other marks of disrespect. His displeasure was
increased by Cicero's countermanding some of his
directions and regulations. {Ad Fam. iii. 2 — 6, 7,
8.) Appius on his return demanded a triumph,
but was compelled to withdraw his claim by an
impeachment instituted against him by Dolabella.
{Ad Fam. iii. 9, viii. 6, iii. 11.) As witnesses
were required from his old province, he found him-
self again obliged to pay court to Cicero. {Ad Fam.

CLAUDIUS,
ill. 10, comp. viii. G, ad Ait. vi. 2. § 10.) Through
the exertions of Pompey, Brutus, and Ilortcnsius,
he was acquitted. {Ad Fatn. iii. 11, Brut. 64, 94.)
He was at this time a candidate for the censor^
ship, and a charge of bribery was brought against
him, but he was acquitted. {Ad Fam. iii. 11, 12.)
He was chosen censor with L. Piso, b. c. 50. (For
an account of the quarrel between Appius and
Caelius, and the mutual prosecutions to which it
gave rise, see Cic. ad Fam. viii. 12, ad Q. F. ii.
13.) Appius exercised his power as censor with
severity {ad Fam. viii. 14. § 4), and expelled se-
veral from the senate, among others the histo-
rian Sallust. (Dion xl. 63 ; Acron. ad Hor. Serin.
i. 2. 48.) Appius, by his connexion with Pom-
pey, and his opposition in the senate to Curio
(Dion xl. 64), drew upon himself the enmity
of Caesar, and, when the latter marched upon
Rome, he fled from Italy. {Ad Att. ix. 1. $ 4.)
He followed Pompey, and received Greece as his
province. He consulted the Delphic oracle to learn
his destiny, and, following its injunctions, went to
Euboea, where he died before the battle of Phar-
salus. (Val. Max. i. 8. § 10 ; Lucan, v. 120-236.)
He was elected one of the college of augurs in 59.
( VaiT. R. R. iii. 2. $ 2 ; Cic. ad Fam. iii. 10. § 9.)
He was well skilled in augury, and wrote a work
on the augural discipline, which he dedicated to
Cicero. He was also distinguished for his legal
and antiquarian knowledge. ( Cic. de Leg. ii. 13,
de Divin. ii. 35, Brut. 77, ad Fam. iii. 4, 9, 11 ;
Festus, s. V. Solistimum. ) He believed in augury
and divination, and seems to have been of a super-
stitious turn of mind. (Cic. de Div. i. 16, 58,
Tunc. Disp. i. 16.) Cicero speaks highly of his
oratorical powers. {Brut. 77.) His favourite and
confidant was a freedman named Phanias. {Ad
Fam. iii. 1, 5, 6.)

39, C. Claudius Pulcher, son of No. 35
(Cic. pro Scaur. § 33 ; Ascon. in Milon. p. 35, ed.
Orell.), and older than his brother Publius, as ap-
pears from the dates at which they respectively
held public offices, and from the testimony of Cicero
{pro Cad. 15, where Publius is called minimus

fraler\ was appointed legatus by Caesar in b. c.
58. (Cic. pi-o Sext. 18.) In 56 he became praetor,
and assisted his brother Publius when he at first
attempted to prevent Cicero from removing from
the capitol the tablets containing the decree of his
banishment. (Dion Cass, xxxix. 21.) In 55 he
went to Asia as propraetor, and next year pro-
posed becoming a candidate for the consulship, but
was induced to abandon his design and remain in
his province. (Cic. fro Scaur. g§ 33 — 35.) On
his return he was accused of extortion by M. Ser-
vilius, who was however bribed to drop the prose-
cution. This proceeding was subsequently (in
B. c. 51) exposed by his younger son Appius de-
manding back from Servilius the sum which had
been given to him. (Cic. ad Fam. viii. 8.) At
the time when Cicero defended Milo (b. c. 52)
Caius was no longer alive. (Ascon. in Milon. p.
35, Orell.)

40. P. Clodius Pulcher, was the youngest
son of No. 35. The form of the name Clodius
was not peculiar to him : it is occasionally found
in the case of others of the gens (Orelli, Inscript.
579); and Clodius was himself sometimes called
Claudius. (Dion Cass. xxxv. 14.) He first makes
his appearance in history in b. c. 70, serving with
his brother Appius under his brother-in-law, L.

CLAUDIUS.

771

Lucullus, in Asia. Displeased at not being treated
by Lucullus with the distinction he had expected,
he encouraged the soldiers to mutiny. He then
left Lucullus, and betook himself to his other bro-
ther-in-law, Q. Marcius Rex, at that time proconsul
in Cilicia, and was entrusted by him with the
command of the fleet. He fell into the hands of
the pirates, who however dismissed him without
ransom, through fear of Pompey. He next went
to Antiocheia, and joined the Syrians in making
war on the Arabians. Here again he excited some
of the soldiers to mutiny, and nearly lost his life.
He now returned to Rome, and made his first ap-
pearance in civil affairs in B. c. 65 by impeaching
Catiline for extortion in his government of Africa.
Catiline bribed his accuser and judge, and escaped.

In B. c. 64, Clodius accompanied the propraetor
L. Murena to Gallia Transalpina, where he resort-
ed to the most nefarious methods of procuring mo-
ney. His avarice, or the want to which his dissi-
pation had reduced him, led him to have recourse
to similar proceedings on his return to Rome.
Asconius {in Mil. p. 50, Orell.) says, that Cicero
often charged him with having taken part in the
conspiracy of Catiline. But, with the exception
of some probably exaggerated rhetorical allusions
{de Harusp. Resp. 3, pro Mil. 1 4), no intimation
of the kind appears in Cicero ; and Plutarch {Cic.
29) says, that on that occasion he took the side of
the consul, and was still on good terms with him.

Towards the close of 62, Clodius was guilty of
an act of sacrilege, which is especially memorable,
as it gave rise to that deadly enmity between him-
self aiid Cicero which produced such important
consequences to both and to Rome. The mysterie.s
of the Bona Dea were this year celebrated in the
house of Caesar. Clodius, who had an intrigue
with Pompeia, Caesar's wife, with the assistance
of one of the attendants entered the house dis-
guised as a female musician. But while his guide
was gone to apprize her mistress, Clodius was de-
tected by his voice. The alarm was immediately
given, but he made his escape by the aid of the
damsel who had introduced him. He was already
a candidate for the quaestorship, and was elected ;
but in the beginning of 61, before he set out for
his province, he was impeached for this offence.
The senate referred the matter to the pontifices,
who declared it an act of impiety. Under the
direction of the senate a rogation was proposed to
the people, to the effect that Clodius should be
tried by judices selected by the praetor who was
to preside. The assembly, however, was broken
up without coming to a decision. The senate was
at first disposed to persist in its original plan ; but
afterwards, on the recommendation of Hortensius,
the proposition of the tribune Fufius Calenus
was adopted, in accordance with which the judices
were to be selected from the three decuries. Cice-
ro, who had hitherto strenuously supported the
senate, now relaxed in his exertions. Clodius at-
tempted to prove an alibi, but Cicero's evidence
shewed that he was with him in Rome only three
hours before he pretended to have been at Inter-
amna. Bribery and intimidation, however, secured
him an acquittal by a majority of 31 to 25. Cicero
however, who had been irritated by some sarcastic
allusions made by Clodius to his consulship, and
by a verdict given in contradiction to his testimony,
attacked Clodius and his partisans in the senate
with great vehemence.

3d2

772

CLAUDIUS.

Soon after his acquittal Clodius went to his
province, Sicily, and intimated his design of be-
coming a candidate for the aedileship. On his
return, however, he disclosed a different purpose.
Eager to revenge himself on Cicero, that he might
be armed with more formidable power he purposed
becoming a tribune of the plebs. For this it was
necessary that he should be adopted into a ple-
beian family ; and as he was not in the power of
his parent, the adoption had to take place by a
vote of the people in the comitia curiata. (This
ceremony was called Adrogatio : see IHct. of Ant.
s. V. Adrogatio.) Repeated attempts were made
by the tribune C. Herennius to get this brought
about. Cicero, who placed reliance on the friend-
ship and support of Pompey, did not spare Clodius,
though he at times shews that he had misgivings
as to tlie result. The triumvirs had not yet taken
Clodius' side, and when he impeached L. Calpur-
nius Piso for extortion, their influence procured
the acquittal of the accused. But in defending C.
Antonius, Cicero provoked the triumvirs, and
especially Caesar, and within three hours after the
delivery of his speech Clodius became the adopted
son of P. Fonteius (at the end of the year 60).
The lex curiata for his adoption was proposed by
Caesar, and Pompey presided in the assembly.
The whole proceeding was irregukr, as the sanc-
tion of the pontifices had not been obtained ; Fon-
teius was not twenty years old, and consequently
much younger than Clodius, and was married, nor
was there the smallest reason to suppose that his
marriage would remain childless, and, indeed, he
was afterwards the father of several children ; the
rogation was not made public three nundines be-
fore the comitia ; and it was passed although
Bibulus sent notice to Pompey that he was taking
the auspices. A report soon after got abroad that
Clodius was to be sent on an embassy to Tigranes,
and that by his refusal to go he had provoked the
hostility of the triumvirs. Neither turned out to
be true. Clodius was now actively endeavouring
to secure his election to the tribuneship. Cicero
was for a time amused with a report that his only
design was to rescind the laws of Caesar. With
the assistance of the latter, Clodius succeeded in
his object, and entered upon his office in December,
B. c. 59.

Clodius did not immediately assail his enemies.
On the last day of the year, indeed, he prevented
Bibulus, on laying down his office, from addressing
the people ; but his first measures were a series of
laws, calculated to lay senate, knights, and people
under obligations to him. The first was a law for
the gratuitous distribution of corn once a month to
the poorer citizens. The next enacted that no
magistrate should observe the heavens on comitial
days, and that no veto should be allowed to hinder
the passing of a law. This enactment was de-
signed specially to aid him in the attack with
which he had threatened Cicero. The third was
a law for the restoration of the old guilds which
had been abolished, and the creation of new ones,
by which means he secured the support of a large
number of organized bodies. A fourth law was
intended to gratify those of the higher class, and
provided that the censors should not expel from
the senate, or inflict any mark of disgrace upon
any one who had not first been openly accused
before them, and convicted of some crime by their
joint sentence. The consuls of the year he gained

CLAUDIUS.

over to his interests by undertaking to secure to
them the provinces which they wished. Having
thus prepared the way, he opened his attack upon
Cicero by proposing a law to the effect, that who-
ever had taken the life of a citizen uncondemned
and without a trial, should be interdicted from
earth and water. For an account of the proceed-
ings which ensued, and which ended in Cicero's
withdrawing into exile, see Cicero, p. 7 1 3.

On the same day on which Cicero left the city
Clodius procured the enactment of two laws, one
to interdict Cicero from earth and water, because
he had illegally put citizens to death, and forged a
decree of the senate ; the other forbidding any one,
on pain of the like penalty, to receive him. The
interdict was, however, limited to the distance of
400 miles from Rome. Clodius added tlie clause,
that no proposition should ever be made for re-
versing the decree till those whom Cicero had put
to death should come to life again. The law was
confirmed in the comitia tributa, and engraven on
brass. On the same day, the consuls Gabinius
and Piso had the provinces of Syria and Macedonia
assigned to them, with extraordinary powers.
Clodius next rid himself of M. Cato, who, by a
decree passed on his motion, was sent with the
powers of praetor to take possession of the island
of Cyprus, with the treasures of its king, Ptolemy,
and to restore some Byzantine exiles. [Cato, p.
648, b.] In the former nefarious proceeding,
Clodius seems to have taken as a pretext the will
of Ptolemy Alexander I., the uncle of the Cyprian
king, who, as the Romans pretended, had made
over to them his kingdom.

Immediately after the banishment of Cicero,
Clodius set fire to his house on the Palatine, and
destroyed his villas at Tusculum and Formiae.
The greater part of tlie property carried off from
them was divided between the two consuls. The
ground on which the Palatine house stood, with
such of the property as still remained, was put up
to auction. Clodius wished to become the pur-
chaser of it, and, not liking to bid himself, got a
needy fellow named Scato to bid for him. He
wished to erect on the Palatine a palace of sur-
passing size and magnificence. A short time be-
fore he had purchased the house of Q. Seius
Postumus, after poisoning the owner, who had re-
fused to sell it. This it was his intention to unite
with another house which he already had there.
He pulled down the portico of Catulus, which
adjoined Cicero's grounds, and erected another in
its pkce, with his own name inscribed on it. To
alienate Cicero's property irretrievably, he dedicated
it to the goddess Libertas, and a small portion of
the site of the dwelling, with part of the ground
on which the portico of Catulus had stood, was
occupied by a chapel to the goddess. For the
image of the goddess he made use of the statue of
a Tanagraean hetaera, which his brother Appius
had brought from Greece. To maintain the armed
bands whom he employed, Clodius required large
sums of money; but this he did not fiiid much
difficulty in procuring : for with the populace he
was all-powerful, and his influence made his favour
worth purchasing. (For an account of the way in
which, through his influence, Brogitarus of Galatia
was made priest of Cybele at Pessinus, and Menula
of Anagnia screened from punishment, with other
arbitrary and irregular proceedings of Clodius, see
Ck. pro Dom. 30, 50, de Har. liesp. 13, proSexL

CLAUDIUS.
26, 30, pro Mil. 27, 32.) He went so fiir a« to
offend Pompey by aiding the escipe of Tigranes,
son of the king of Armenia, whom Pompey had
brought a prisoner to Rome. In this instance also
his services were purchased. Pompey, however,
did not feel himself strong enough to resent the
insult. Clodius soon assailed him more openly.
The consul Gabinius sided with Pompey. Fre-
quent conflicts took place between the armed
bands of the tribune and consul, in one of which
Gabinius himself was wounded and his fasces
broken. Clodius and the tribune Ninnius went
through the farce of dedicating to the gods, the one
the property of Gabinius, the other that of Clodius.
An attempt was made by Clodius, through one of
his slaves, upon the life of Pompey, who now with-
drew to his own house, and kept there as long as
his enemy was in office. Clodius stationed a body
of men under his freedman Damis to watch him,
and the praetor Flavins was repulsed in an attempt
to drive them off.

The attempts made before the end of this year
to procure the recall of Cicero proved abortive.
Next year (b. c. 57), Clodius, possessing no longer
tribunitial power, was obliged to depend on his
armed bands for preventing the people from pass-
ing a decree to recall Cicero. On the twenty- fifth
of January, when a rogation to that effect was
brought forward by the tribune Fabricius, Clodius
appeared with an anned body of slaves and gladia-
tors ; Fabricius had also brouglit armed men to
support him, and a bloody fight ensued, in which
the party of Fabricius was worsted. Soon after-
wards, Clodius with his men fell upon another of
his opponents, the tribune Sextius, who nearly lost
his life in the fray. He attacked the house of
Milo, another of the tribunes, and threatened his
life whenever he appeared. He set fire to the
temple of the Nymphs, for the purpose of destroy-
ing the censorial records ; interrupted the Apolli-
narian games, which were being celebrated by the
praetor L. Caecilius, and besieged him in his
iiouse. Milo made an unsuccessful attempt to
bring Clodius to trial for his acts of violence ; and
finding his endeavours unsuccessful, resolved to
repel force by force. Accordingly he collected an
armed band of slaves and gladiators, and frequent
contests took place in the streets between the op-
posing parties.

When the senate came to a resolution to propose
to the comitia a decree for the restoration of Cicero,
Clodius was the only one who opposed it ; and
when, on the fourth of August, it was brought be-
fore the people, Clodius spoke against it, but could
do nothing more ; for Milo and the other friends
of Cicero had brought to the place of meeting a
force sufficiently powerful to deter him from at-
tempting any violence, and the decree was passed.
Clodius, however, was not stopped in his career of
violence. On the occasion of the dearth which
ensued immediately after Cicero's recall, the blame
of which Clodius endeavoured to throw on him, he
excited a disturbance ; and when, by the advice of
Cicero, Pompey was invested with extraordinary
powers to superintend the supplies, Clodius charged
the former with betraying the senate.

The decree by which Cicero was recalled, pro-
vided also for the restitution of his property.
Some difficulty, however, remained with respect to
the house on the Palatine, the site of which had
l)een consecrated by Clodius to the service of re-

CLAUDIUS.

7/3

llgion. The matter was referred to the college of
pontifices, but was not decided till the end of
September, when Cicero defended his right before
them. The pontifices returned an answer sufficient
to satisfy all religious scruples, though Clodius
chose to take it as favourable to himself, and the
senate decreed the restoration of the site, and the
pajTnent of a sum of money to Cicero for rebuild-
ing his house. When the workmen began their
operations in November, Clodius attacked and drove
them off, pulled down the portico of C'atulus,
which had been nearly rebuilt, and set fire to the
house of Q. Cicero. Shortly afterwards he assault-
ed Cicero himself in the street, and compelled him
to take refuge in a neighbouring house. Next day
he attacked the house of Milo, situated on the
eminence called Germalus, but was driven off by
Q. Fkccus. When Marcellinus proposed in the
senate that Clodius should be brought to justice,
the friends of the latter protracted the discussion,
so that no decision was come to.

Clodius was at this time a candidate for the
aedileship, that, if successful, he might be screened
from a prosecution ; and threatened the city with fire
and sword if an assembly were not held for the
election. Marcellinus proposed that the senate
should decree that no election should take place
till Clodius had been brought to trial ; Milo de-
clared that he would prevent the consul Metellus
from holding the comitia. Accordingly, whenever
Metellus attempted to hold an assembly, he posted
himself with a strong body of anned men on the
place of meeting, and stopped the proceedings, by
giving notice that he was observing the auspices.
In tlie beginning of the following year, however
(B.C. 56), when Milo was no longer in office,
Clodius v/as elected without opposition ; for, not-
withstanding his outrageous violence, as it was
evident that his chief object was not power but
revenge, he was supported and connived at by
several who found his proceedings calculated to
further their views. The optiraates rejoiced to see
him insult and humble the triumvir, Pompey, and
the latter to find that he was sufficiently powerful
to make the senate afraid of him. Cicero had
many foes and rivals, who openly or secretly
encouraged so active an enemy of the object of
their envy and dislike; while the disturbances
which his proceedings occasioned in the city were
exactly adapted to further Caesar's designs. Clo-
dius almost immediately after his election im-
peached Milo for public violence. Milo appeared
on the second of February to answer the accusation,
and the day passed without distiurbance. The next
hearing was fixed for the ninth, and when Pompey
stood up to defend him, Clodius' party attempted
to put him down by raising a tumult Mile's
party acted in a similar manner when Clodius
spoke. A fray ensued, and the judicial proceed-
ings were stopped for that day. The matter was
put off by several adjournments to the beginning of
May, from which time we hear nothing more of it.
In April, Clodius celebrated the Megalesian games,
and admitted such a number of slaves, that the
free citizens were unable to find room. Shortly
after this, the senate consulted the haruspices on
some prodigies which had happened near Rome.
They replied, that, among other things which had
provoked the anger of the gods, was the desecration
of sacred places. Clodius interpreted this as re-
ferring to the restoration of Cicero's house, and

774

CLAUDIUS.

made it a handle for a fresh attack upon him.
Cicero replied in the speech De Ilaruspicum Re-
sponsis. By this time Porapey and Clodius had
found it convenient to make common cause with
each other. A fresh attack which Clodius soon
afterwards made on Cicero's house was repulsed by
Milo. With the assistance of the latter also,
Cicero, after being once foiled in his attempt by
Clodius and his brother, succeeded during the ab-
sence of Clodius in carrying off from the capitol
the tablets on which the laws of the latter were
engraved.

Clodius actively supported Pompey and Crassus
when they became candidates for the consulship,
to which they were elected, in the beginning of
B. c. 55, and nearly lost his life in doing so. He
appears to have been in a great measure led by
the hope of being appointed on an embassy to
Asia, which would give him the opportunity of
recruiting his almost exhausted pecuniary resources,
and getting from Brogitarus and some others whom
he had assisted, the rewards they had promised
him for his ser^'ices. It appears, however, that he
remained in Rome. We hear nothing more of him
this year. In n. c. 54 we find him prosecuting
the ex-tril)une Procilius, who, among other acts of
violence, was charged with murder ; and soon after
we find Clodius and Cicero, with four others, ap-
pearing to defend M. Aemilius Scaurus. Yet it
appears that Cicero still regarded him with the
greatest apprehension. (Cic. ad Ait. iv. 15^ ad Q.
Fr. ii. 15, b., iii. 1. 4.)

In B. c. 53 Clodius was a candidate for the
praetorship, and Milo for the consulship. Each
strove to hinder the election of the other. They
collected armed bands of slaves and gladiators, and
the streets of Rome became the scene of fresh tu-
nmlts and frays, in one of which Cicero himself
was endangered. When the consuls endeavoured
to hold the coraitia, Clodius fell upon them with
his band, and one of them, Cn. Domitius, was
wounded. The senate met to deliberate. Clodius
spoke, and attacked Cicero and Milo, touching,
among other things, upon the amount of debt with
which the latter was burdened. Cicero replied in
the speech D^ Acre alieno Milonis. The contest,
however, was soon after brought to a sudden and
violent end. On the ^Oth of January, B.c. 52, Milo
set out on a journey to Lanuvium. Near Bovillae
he met Clodius, who was returning to Rome after
visiting some of his property. Both were accom-
panied by anned followers, but Milo's party was
the stronger. The two Jintagonists had passed
each other without disturbance ; but two of the
gladiators in the rear of Milo's troop picked a
quarrel with some of the followers of Clodius, who
immediately turned round, and rode up to the
scene of dispute, when he was wounded in the
shoulder by one of the gladiators. The fray now
became general. The party of Clodius were put
to flight, and betook themselves with their leader
to a house near Bovillae. Milo ordered his men
to attack the house. Several of Clodius' men
were slain, and Clodius himself dragged out and
despatched. The body was left lying on the road,
till a senator named Sex. Tedius found it, and
conveyed it to Rome. Here it was exposed to
the view of the populace, who crowded to see it.
Next day it was carried naked to the forum, and
again exposed to view before the rostra. The
luob, enraged by the spectacle, and by the infl;un-

CL AUDI US.

matory speeches of the tribunes Munatius Plancns
and Q. Pompeius Rufus, headed by Sex. Clodius
carried the corpse into the Curia Hostilia, made a
funeral pile of the benches, tables, and writings,
and burnt the body on 4he spot. Not only the
senate-house, but the Porcian basilica, erected by
Cato the Censor, and other adjoining buildings,
were reduced to ashes. (For an account of the
proceedings which followed, see Milo.)

Clodius was twice married, first to Pinaria, and
afterwards to Fulvia. He left a son, Publius, and
a daughter. Cicero charges him with having held
an incestuous intercourse with his three sisters.
[Claudia, Nos. 7 — 9.] Clodius inherited no
property from his father. [See No. .35.] Besides
what he obtained by less honest means, he re-
ceived some money by legacies and by letting one
of his houses on the Palatine. He al«o received
a considerable xlowiy with his wife Fulvia. He
was the owner of two houses on the Palatine hill,
an estate at Alba, and considerable possessions in
Etruria, near lake Prelius. His personal appear-
ance was effeminate, and neither handsome nor
commanding. That he was a man of great energy
and ability there can be little question ; still less
that his character was of the most profligate kind.
Cicero himself admits that he possessed considera-
ble eloquence.

The chief ancient sources for the life of Clodius
are the speeches of Cicero, pro Cuelio, pro Sejrtio,
pro Milone, pro Domo sua, de Ilaruspicum Res-
ponsis^ in Pisonem, and in Clodinm et Curionem,
and his letters to Atticus and his brother Quintus;
Plutarch's lives of Lucullus, Pompey, Cicero, and
Caesar; Jind Dion Cassius. Of modem writers,
Middleton, in his Life of Cicero, has touched upon
the leading points of Clodius's history ; but the
best and fullest account has been given by Dru-
mann, Gescltichte Roms, vol. ii. pp. 1 99 — 370.

41 — 45. Clodiab. [Claudiae, Nos. 7 — 11.]

46. App. Claudius or Clodius Pulcher, the
elder of the two sons of C. Claudius. [No. 39.]
Both he and his younger brother bore the praeno-
men Appius (Ascon. Arg. in Milon. p. 35, Orell.),
from which it was conjectured by Manutius (m
Cic. ad Fam. ii. 13. § 2, and viii. 8. § 2), that the
former had been adopted by his uncle Appius [No.
38], a conjecture which is confirmed by a coin, on
which he is designated c. clod. c. f. (Vaillant,
Claud.'So. 1 3.) Cicero, in letters written to Atticus
during his exile (iii. 17. § 1, 8. § 2, 9. § 3) ex-
presses a fear lest his brother Quintus should be
brought to trial by this Appius before his uncle on
a charge of extortion. On the death of P. Clodius
he and his brother appeared as accusers of Milo.
(Ascon. in Milon. pp. 35, 39, 40, 42, ed. Orell.)
In B. c. 50 he led back from Gallia the two legions
which had been lent to Caesar by Pompey. (Plut.
Pom-p. 57.) AVhether it was this Appius or his
brother who was consul in B. c. 38 (Dion. Cass,
xlviii. 43) cannot be determined.

47. App. Claudius or Clodius Pulcher, bro-
ther of No. 46, joined his brother in prosecuting
Milo. (b, c. 52.) Next year he exposed the in-
trigue through which his father had escaped [see
No. 39], in hopes of getting back the bribe that
had been paid to Servilius. But he managed the
matter so clumsily, that Servilius escaped, and
Appius, having abandoned a prosecution with
which he had threatened Servilius, was himself
not long after impeached for extortion by the Ser-

CLAUDIUS.

Tilii, and for violence by Sex. Tettius. (Cic. ad
Film. viii. 8.)

48. P. Clodius, son of P. Clodius and Fulvia,
was a child at the time of his father's death. Milo
was accused of havinpr attempted to get him into
his power, that he might put him to death. (As-
con, in Milon. p. 3G.) His step- father Antonius
spoke of him as a hopeful lad. (Cic. ad Att. xiv.
13, A.) According to Valerius Maxinms (iii. 5.
§ 3) his youth was spent in gluttony and debauch-
ery, which occasioned a disease of which he died.

49. Clodia. [Claudia, No. 12.]

There are several coins of the Claudia gens. A
specimen is given below : it contains oh the obverse
the head of Apollo, with a lyre behind, and on the
reverse Diana holding two torches, with the in-
scription P. Clodius M. f., but it is uncertain to
which of the Claudii this refers. [C. P. M.]

CLAU'DIUS. The following were plebeians,
or freedmen of the patrician Claudia gens.

1. Q. Claudius, a plebeian, was tribune of the
plebs in b. c. 218, when he brought forward a law
that no senator, or son of a person of senatorial
rank, should possess a ship of the burden of more
than 300 amphorae. (Liv. xxi. 63.) The Q. Clau-
dius Flamen, who was praetor in B. c. 208, and
had Tarentum assigned to him as his province, is
probably the same person. (Liv. xxviL 21, 22, 43,
xxviii. 10.)

2. L. Clodius, praefectus fabrum to App. Clau-
dius Pulcher, consul B.C. 54. [Claudius, No. 38.]
(Cic. ad Fam. iii. 4—6, 8.) He was tribune of
the plebs, b. c. 43. (Pseudo-Cic. ad Brut. i. 1 ;
comp. Cic. ad AU. xy. \Z.)

3. App. Claudius, C. f., mentioned by Cicero
in a letter to Brutus. {Ad Fam. x\. 0,2.) Who
he was cannot be determined. He attached him-
self to the party of Antony, who had restored his
father. Whether this Appius was the same with
either of the two of this name mentioned by Ap-
pian {B. C. iv. 44, 51) as among those proscribed
by the triumvirs, is uncertain.

4. Skx. Clodius, probably a descendant of a
freedman of the Ckiudian house, was a man of low
condition, whom P. Clodius took under his patro-
nage. (Cic. pro Cad. 32, pro Dom. 10.) In
B. c. 58 we find him superintending the celebration
of the Compitalian festival. (Cic. in Pison. 4 ;
Ascon. p. 7, Orell.) He was the leader of the
armed bands which P. Clodius employed. (Ascon.
/. c.) The latter entrusted to him the task of
drawing up the laws which he brought forward in
his tribuneship, and commissioned him to carry
into effect his lex frumentaria. (Cic. pro Dom. lO",
18, 31, 50, de Har. licsp. 6, pro Sesct. 64.) We
find Sextus the accomplice of Publius in all his
acts of violence, (pro Cael. 32.) In 56 he was
impeached by Milo, but was acquitted. (Cic. ad
Q. Fr. ii. 6, pro Cael. 32.) For his proceedings
on the death of P. Clodius Pulcher see No 40 ;
Cic. pro Mi/.. 13, 33; Ascon. pp. 34, 36, 48,

He was impeached by C. Caescnnius Philo and

CLAUDIUS. 775

M. Aufidius, and condemned. (Ascon. in Milon.
p. 55.) He remained in exile for eight years, but
was restored in 44 by M. Antonius. (Cic. ad AH.
xiv. 13, A. and B.) Cicero {pro Dom. 10, 31,
pro Cael. 32) charges him with having carried on
a criminal correspondence with Clodia (Quadran-
taria).

5. Skx. Clodius, a Sicilian rhetorician, under
whom M, Antonius studied oratory, and whom he
rewarded with a present of a large estate in the
Leontine territory. (Cic. ad Ait. iv. 15, Phil. ii.
4, 1 7, iii. 9 ; Dion Cass. xiv. 30, xlvi. 8 ; Suet.
de Clar. Rhet. 5.)

6. P. Clodius, M. F. appears on several coins
which bear the image of Caesar and Antonius.
(Eckhel, V. p. 172; Vaillant, Anton. Nos. 14, 15,
Claud. 43 — 46.) He is probably the same with
the Clodius whom Caesar in B. c. 48 sent into
Macedonia to Metellns Scipio (Caes. B. C. iii.
57), and with the Clodius Bithynicus mentioned
by Appian {B. C. v. 49), who fought on the
side of Antonius in the Perusian war, and was
taken prisoner and put to death in B. c. 40 by
the command of Octavianus.

7. C. Claudius, probably the descendant of a
freedman of the Claudian house, was one of the
suite of P. Clodius on his last journey to Aricia.
(Cic. pro Mil. 17; Ascon. iii Milon. p. 33, Orell.)

8. C. Claudius, a follower of ^L Brutus, who
by the direction of the latter put C. Antonius to
death. [Antonius, No. 13, p. 216.] (Dion Cass,
xlvii. 24 ; Plut. Anton. 22, Brut. 28.) He was
afterwards sent by Brutus in command of a squad-
ron to Rhodes, and on the death of his patron joined
Cassius of Parma. (Appian, ^. C. v. 2.) [C.P.M.]

CLAU'DIUS I., or, with his full name, Tib.
Claudius Drusus Nero Germanicus, was the
fourth in the series of Roman emperors, and reign-
ed from A. D. 41 to 54. He was the grandson of
Tib. Claudius Nero and Livia, who afterwards
married Augustus, and the son of Drusus and An-
tonia. He was born on the first of August, b. c.
10, at Lyons in Gaul, and lost his father in his
infancy. During his early life he was of a sickly
constitution, which, thoagh it improved in later
years, was in all probability the cause of the
weakness of his intellect, for, throughout his life,
he shewed an extraordinary deficiency in judg-
ment, tact, and presence of mind. It was owing
to these circumstances that from his childhood he
was neglected, despised, and intimidated by his
nearest relatives ; he was left to the care of his
paedagogues, who often treated him with improper
harshness. His own mother is reported to have
called him a portentum hominis^ and to have said,
that there was something wanting in his nature to
make him a man in the proper sense of the word.
This judgment, harsh as it may appear in the
mouth of his mother, is not exaggerated, for in
everything he did, and however good his intentions
were, he failed from the want of judgment and a
proper tact, and made himself ridiculous in the
eyes of others. Notwithstanding this intellectual
deficiency, however, he was a man of great indus-
try and diligence. He was excluded from the so-
ciety of his family, and confined to slaves and wo-
men, whom he was led to make his friends and
confidants by his natural desire of unfolding his
heart. During the long period previous to his ac-
cession, as well as afterwards, he devoted the
greater part of his time to literary pursuits,

776 CLAUDIUS.

Augustus and his uncle Tiberius always treated
him with contempt ; Caligula, his nephew, raised
him to the consulship indeed, but did not allow
him to take any part in public affairs, and behaved
towards him in the same way as his predecessors
had done.

In this manner the ill-fated man had reached
the age of fifty, when after the murder of Caligula
he was suddenly and unexpectedly raised to the
imperial throne. When he received the news of
Caligula's murder, he was alarmed about his own
safety, and concealed himself in a comer of the
palace ; but he was discovered by a common sol-
dier, and when Claudius fell prostrate before him,
the soldier saluted him emperor. Other soldiers
soon assembled, and Claudius in a state of agony,
as if he were led to execution, was carried in a
lectica into the praetorian camp. There the soldiers
proclaimed him emperor, and took their oath of
allegiance to him, on condition of his giving each
soldier, or at least each of the praetorian guards, a
donative of fifteen sestertia — the first instance of a
Roman emperor being obliged to make such a
promise on his accession. It is not quite certain
what may have induced the soldiers to proclaim a
man who had till then lived in obscurity, and had
taken no part in the administration of the empire.
It is said that they chose him merely on account of
his connexion with the imperial family, but it is
highly probable that there were also other causes
at work.

During the first two days after the murder of
Caligiihi, the senators and the city cohorts, which
formed a kind of opposition to the praetorian guards,
indulged in the vain hope of restoring the republic,
but being unable to make head against the praeto-
rians, and not being well agreed among themselves,
the senators were at last obliged to give way, and
on the third day they recognized Claudius as em-
peror. The first act of his government was to
proclaim an amnesty respecting the attempt to re-
store the republic, and a few only of the murderers
of Caligula were put to death, partly for the pur-
pose of establishing an example, and partly because
it was known that some of the conspirators had
intended to murder Claudius likewise. The acts
which followed these shew the same kind and
amiable disposition, and must convince every one,
that, if he had been left alone, or had been assisted
by a sincere friend and adviser, his government
would have afforded little or no ground for com-
plaint. Had he been allowed to remain in a pri-
vate station, he would certainly have been a kind,
good, and honest man. But he was throughout his
life placed in the most unfortunate circumstances.
The perpetual fear in which he had passed his
earlier days, was now increased and abused by
those by whom he was surrounded after his acces-
sion. And this fear now became the cause of a
series of cruel actions and of bloodshed, for which
he is stamped in history with the name of a tyrant,
which he does not deserve.

The first wife of Claudius was Plaut:a Urgula-
nilla, by whom he had a son, Drusus, and a
daughter, Claudia. But as he had reason for be-
lieving that his own life was threatened bj' her, he
divorced her, and married Aelia Petina, whom he
likewise divorced on account of some misunder-
standiiig. At the time of his accession he was
mairied to his third wife, the notorious Valeria
Messalina, who, together with the freedmen Nar-

CLAUDIUS.

cissus, Pallas, and others, led him into a number
of cruel acts. After the fall of Messalina by her
own conduct and the intrigues of Narcissus, Clau-
dius was, if possible, still more unfortunate in
choosing for his wife his niece Agrippina, a. d. 49.
She prevailed upon him to set aside his own son,
Britannicus, and to adopt her son, Nero, in order
that the succession might be secured to the latter.
Claudius soon after regretted this step, and the
consequence was, that he was poisoned by Agrip-
pina in A. D. 54.

The conduct of Claudius during his government,
in so far as it was not under the influence of his
wives and freedmen, was mild and popular, and he
made several useful and beneficial legislative en-
actments. He was particularly fond of building,
and several architectural plans which had been
formed, but thought impracticable by his predeces-
sors, were carried out by him. He built, for ex-
ample, the famous Claudian aquaeduct {Aqtui
Claudia)^ the port of Ostia, and the emissary by
which the water of lake Fucinus was carried into
the river Liris. During his reign several wars
were carried on in Britain, Germany, Syria, and
Mauretania ; but they were conducted by his
generals. The southern part of Britiiin was consti-
tuted a Roman province in the reign of Claudius,
who himself went to Britain in A. D. 43, to take
part in the war ; but not being of a warlike dispo-
sition, he quitted the island after a stay of a few
days, and returned to Rome, where he celebrated
a splendid triumph. Mauretania was made a
Roman province in A. D. 42 by the legate Cn.
Hosidius.

As an author Claudius occupied himself chiefly
with histor}', and was encouraged in this pursuit
by Livy, the historian. With the assistance of
Sulpicius Flavins, he began at an early age to write
a history from the death of the dictator Caesar ;
but being too straightforward and honest in his
accounts, he was severely censured by his mother
and grandmother. He accordingly gave up his
plan, and began his history with the restoration of
peace after the battle of Actium. Of the earlier
period he had written only four, but of the latter
forty-one books. A third work were memoirs of
his own life, in eight books, which Suetonius de-
scribes as magis inepte quain ineleganter composita,
A fourth was a learned defence of Cicero against
the attacks of Asinius PoUio. He seems to have
been as well skilled in the use of the Greek as of
the Latin language, for he wrote two historical
works in Greek, the one a history of Carthage, in
eight books, and the other a history of Etruria, in
twenty books. However small the literary merit
of these productions may have been, still the loss
of the history of Etruria in particular is greatly to
be lamented, as we know that he made use of the
genuine sources of the Etruscans themselves. In
A. D. 48, the Aedui petitioned that their senators
should obtain ihejiis pete7idorum honorum at Rome.
Claudius supported their petition in a speech which
he delivered in the senate. The grateful inhabi-
tants of Lyons had this speech of the emperor
engraved on brazen tables, and exhibited them in
public. Two of these tables were discovered at
Lyons in 1529, and are still preserved there. The
inscriptions are printed in Gruter's Corp. hiscript.
p. Dii. (Sueton. Claudius; Dion Cassius, lib. Ix. ;
Tacit. Annul, libb, xi. and xii. ; Zonaras, xi. 8,
&c. ; Joseph. Ant. Jud. xix. 2, &c., xx. 1 ; Oros.

CLAUDIUS,
vii. 6; Eutrop. vii. 13; Aurel. Vict, de Caes. 4.
Kpit. 4 ; Seneca, Lusus de Morte Drusi ; comp.
Miebuhr, Hist, of Rome, vol. v. p. 213, &c.)

The portrait of Claudius is given in each of the
two cuts annexed : the second, which was struck
by Cotys I., king of Thrace, contains also that of
his wife Agrippina. See also p. 82. [L. S.]

CLAUDIUS.

777

CLAU'DIUS II. (M. AuRBLius Claudius,
surnamed Gothicus), Roman emperor a. d. 268-
270, was descended from an obscure family in
Dardania or lUyria, and was indebted for distinc-
tion to his military talents, which recommended
him to the favour and confidence of Decius, by
whom he was entrusted with the defence of Ther-
mopylae against the northern invaders of Greece.
By V^alerian he was nominated captain-general of the
lUyrian frontier, and commander of all the provinces
on the Lower Danube, with a salary and appoint-
ments on the most liberal scale ; by the teeole and
indolent son of the latter he was regarded with min-
gled respect, jealousy, and fear, but always treated
with the highest consideration. Having been sum-
moned to Italy to aid in suppressing the insurrec-
tion of Aureolus, he is believed to have taken a
share in the plot organized against Gallienus by
the chief officers of state, and, upon the death of
that prince, was proclaimed as his successor by the
conspirators, who pretended that such had been
the last injunctions of their victim — a choice con-
firmed with some hesitation by the army, which
yielded however to an ample donative, and ratified
with enthusiastic applause by the senate on the
24th of March, a. d. 268, the day upon which the
intelligence reached Rome. The emperor signal-
ized his accession by routing on the shores of the
Lago di Garda a large body of Alemanni, who in
tlie late disorders had succeeded in crossing the
Alps, and thus was justified in assuming the epi-
thet of Germunicus. The destruction of Aureolus
also was one of the first acts of the new reign : but
whether, as some authorities assert, this usurper
was defeated and slain by Claudius in the battle
of the Adda, or slain by his own soldiers as others
maintain who hold that the action of Pons Aureoli
{Poniirolo) was fought against Gallienus before
the siege of Milan was formed, the confusion in
which the history of this period is involved
prevents us from deciding with confidence. [Au-
reolus.] A more formidable foe now threatened
the Roman dominion. The Goths, having col-
lected a vast fleet at the mouth of the Dniester,
manned it is said by no less than 320,000 warriors, |

had sailed along the southern shores of the Eaxine.
Proceeding onwards, they passed through the nar-
row seas, and, steering for mount Athos, landed in
Macedonia and invested Thessalonica. But hav-
ing heard that Claudius was advancing at the head
of a great army, they broke up the siege and has-
tened to encounter him. A terrible battle was
fought near Naissus in Dardania (a. d. 269); up-
wards of fifty thousand of the barbarians were
slain; a still greater number sank beneath the
ravages of famine, cold, and pestilence; and the
remainder, hotly pursued, threw themselves into
the defiles of Haemus. Most of these were sur-
rounded and cut off from all escape ; such as re-
sisted were slaughtered ; the most vigorous of those
who surrendered were admitted to recruit the
ranks of their conquerors, while those unfit for mi-
litary service were compelled to labour as agricul-
tural slaves. But soon after these glorious achieve-
ments, which gained for the emperor the title of
Gothicus, by which he is usually designated, he
was attacked by an epidemic which seems to have
spread from the vanquished to the victors, and
died at Sirmium in the course of A. d. 270, after a
reign of about two years, recommending with his
last breath his general Aurelian as the individual
most worthy of the purple.

Claudius was tall in stature, with a bright flash-
ing eye, a broad full countenance, and possessed
extraordinary muscular strength of arm. He was
dignified in his manners, temperate in his mode
of life, and historians have been loud in extolling
his justice, moderation, and moral worth, placing
him in the foremost rank of good emperors, equal
to Trajan in valour, to Antoninus in piety, to
Augustus in self-controul — commendations which
must be received with a certain degree of caution,
from the fact, that the object of them was consi-
dered as one of the ancestors of Constantine, his
niece Claudia being the wife of Eutropius and the
mother of Constantius Chlorus. The biography of
Trcbellius Pollio is a mere declamation, bearing all
the marks of fulsome panegyric ; but the testimony
of Zosimus, who, although no admirer of Constan-
tine, echoes these praises, is more to be trusted.
It is certain also that he was greatly beloved by
the senate, who heaped honours on his memory :
a golden shield bearing his effigy was hung up in
the curia Romana, a colossal statue of gold was
erected in the capitol in front of the temple of
Jupiter Optimus Maximus, a column was raised
in the fonini beside the rostra, and a greater num-
ber of coins bearing the epithet divus, indicjiting
that they were struck after death, are extant
of this emperor than of any of his predecessors.
(Trebell. Pollio, Claud. ; Aurel. Vict. hpil. 34, de
Cues. 34 ; Eutrop. ix. 11 ; Zosim. i. 40-43 ; Zonar.
xii. 25, 26. Trebellius Pollio and Vopiscus give
Claudius the additional appellation oi Flavins, and
the former that of Valerius also, names which were
borne afterwards by Constantius.) [W. R.]

COIN OF CLAUDIUS H.

778 CLEANDER.

CLAU'DIUS APOLLINA'RIS. [Apolli-

na'ris.]
CLAU'DIUS A'TTICUS HERO'DES. [At-

Ticus Herodes,]
CLAU'DIUS CA'PITO. [Capito.]
CLAU'DIUS CIVI'LIS. [Civilis.]
CLAU'DIUS CLAUDIA'NUS. [Claudia-

NU8.]

CLAU'DIUS DI'DYMUS. [Didymus.]
CLAU'DIUS DRUSUS. [Drusus.]
CLAU'DIUS EUSTHE'NIUS. [Eusthb-

NIUS.]

CLAU'DIUS FELIX. [Felix.]
CLAU'DIUS JU'LIUS or JOLAUS, a Greek
writer of unknown date, and probably a freedman
of some Roman, was the author of a work on
Phoenicia {^oivikiko.) in three books at least.
(Steph. Byz. s. w. "Akt;, 'louSa/o, Awpos ; Etym.
*. V. TaSeipo.) This appears to be the same Jo-
laus, who wrote a work on the Peloponnesus
(rieAoiroi^TjcrtoKa, Schol. ad Nicand. Tlier.b2\)\
he spoke in one of his works of the city Lampe in
Crete. (Steph. Byz. s. r. Ad/nrq.)
CLAU'DIUS LABEO. [Labeo.]
CLAU'DIUS MAMERTI'NUS. [Mambr-

TINUS.]

CLAU'DIUS MAXIMUS. [Maximus.]
CLAU'DIUS POMPEIA'NUS. [Pompki-

ANUS.]

CLAU'DIUS QUADRIGA'RIUS. [Quad-

RI6ARIUS.]

CLAU'DIUS SACERDOS. [Sacbrdos.]
CLAU'DIUS SATURNI'NUS. [Saturni-

NU8,]

CLAU'DIUS SEVE'RUS. [Severus.]
CLAU'DIUS TA'CITUS. [Tacitus.]
CLAU'DIUS TRYPHO'NIUS. [Trypho-

NIU8.J

CLAUDUS, C. QUINCTIUS, patrician, con-
uul with L. Genucius Clepsina in B.c 271. (Fasti.)

CLAUSUS, a Sabine leader, who is said to have
assisted Aeneas, and who was regarded as the an-
cestor of the Claudia gens. (Virg. Am. vii. 706,
&c.) App. Claudius, before he migrated to Rome,
was called in his own country Attus, or Atta
Clausus. (Claudius, No. 1.)

CLEAE'NETUS (KKfalveros). 1. Father of
Cleon, the Athenian demagogue. (Thuc. iii. 36,
iv. 21.) It is doubtful whether he is the same
person as the Cleaenetus who is mentioned by
Aristophanes {Eq. 572), and of whom the Scho-
liast on the passage speaks as the author of a de-
cree for withholding the (r^TT/tns 4^ Tlpuraveiai from
the generals of the state.

2. A tragic poet, of whom we find nothing
recorded except the interesting fact of his being so
fond of lupines, that he would eat them, husks and
all. (Com. incert. ap. Allien, ii. p. 55, c. ; comp.
Casaub. ad foe.) [E. E.]

CLEANDER (KXt'ovSpos). 1. Tyrant of Gela,
which had been previously subject to an oligarchy.
He reigned for seven years, and was murdered
B. c. 498, by a man of Gela named Sabyllus. He
was succeeded by his brother Hippocrates, one of
whose sons was also called Cleander. The latter,
together with his brother Eucleides, was deposed
by Gelon when he seized the government for liim-
self in B. c. 491. (Herod, vii. 154, 155; Aristot.
Polit. v. 12, ed. Bekk.; Paus. vi. 9.)

2. An Aeginetiin, son of Telesarchus, whose
victory in the pancratium at the Isthmian games

CLEANDER.

is celebrated by Pindar. {Isthm. viii.) The ode
must have been composed very soon after the end
of the Persian war (b. c. 479), and from it we
learn that Cleander had also been victorious at the
'A\Ka6o7a at Alegara and the 'AffKXriinua at Epi-
daurus. (See Diet, of Ant. on the words.)

3. A Lacedaemonian, was harmost at Byzantium
in B. c. 400, and promised Cheirisophus to meet
the Cyrean Greeks at Calpe with ships to convey
them to Europe. On their reaching that place,
however, they found that Cleander had neither
come nor sent ; and when he at length arrived, he
brought only two triremes, and no transports.
Soon after his arrival, a tumult occurred, in which
the traitor Dexippns was rather roughly liandled,
and Cleander, instigated by him, threatened to sail
away, to denounce the anny as enemies, and to
issue orders that no Greek city should receive
them. [Dexippus.] They succeeded, however, in
pacifying him b}' extreme submission, and he en-
tered into a connexion of hospitality with Xeno-
phon, and accepted the offer of leading the army
home. But he wished probably to avoid the pos-
sibility of any hostile collision with Pharnabazus,
and, the sacrifices being declared to be unfavoura-
ble for the projected march, he sailed back to By-
zantium, promising to give the Cyreans the best
reception in his power on their arrival there. This
promise he seems to have kept as effectually as the
opposition of the admiral Anaxibius would permit.
He was succeeded in his government by Aristar-
chus. (Xen. Anah. vi. 2. § 13, 4. §§ 12, 18, vi. 6.
§§ 5—38, vii. 1. §§ 8, 38, &c., 2. § 5, &c.)

4. One of Alexander's officers, son of Polemo-
crates. Towards the winter of b. c. 334, Alexan-
der, being then in Caria, sent him to the Pelopon-
nesus to collect mercenaries, and with these he
returned and joined the king while he was en-
gaged in the siege of Tyre, B. c. 331. (Arr. Anah.
i. 24, ii. 20; Curt. iii. 1. § 1, iv. 3. § 11.) In
B. c. 330 he was employed by Polydamas, Alex-
ander's emissary, to kill Parmenion, under whom
he had been left as second in command at Ecba-
tana. (Arr. Anab. iii. 26; Curt. vii. 2. §§ 19, 27-
32; Plut. Alejc. 49; Diod. xvii. 80; Just. xii. 5.)
On Alexander's arrival in Carmania, B. c. 325,
Cleander joined him there, together with some
other generals from Media and their forces. But
he was accused with the rest of extreme profligacy
and oppression, not unmixed with sacrilege, in his
command, and was put to death by order of Alex-
ander. (Arr. Anah. vi. 27; Diod. xvii. 106; Plut.
Alex. 68; Curt. x. 1. §§ 1—8; Just. xii. 10.)

5. A collector of proverbs, is quoted by the
Scholiast on Theocritus. {Idyll, v. 21, ePTi fikv
ovhkv Up6v.) [E. E.]

CLEANDER, a Phrygian slave, brought to
Rome as a porter. He chanced to attract the
attention and gain the favour of Commodus, who
elevated him to the rank of chamberlain, and made
him his chief minister after the death of Perennis.
[Perennls.] Being now all-powerful, he openly
offered for sale all offices, civil and militarj', and
the regular number of magistrates was multiplied
to answer the demand, so that on one occasion
twenty-five consuls were nominated in a single
year (it is believed to have been a. d. 185, or, ac-
cording to Tillemont, 189), one of whom was
Septimius Severus, afterwards emperor. The vast
sums thus accumulated were however freely spent,
partly in supplying the demands of the emperor,

CLEANTIIKS.
partly in his own private gratifications, partly in re-
lieving the wants of friends, and partly in works
of public magnificence and utilitj*. But fortune,
which had raised him so rapidly, as suddenly
hurled hira down. A scarcity of corn having
arisen, the blame was artfully cast upon the fa-
vourite by Papirius Dionysius, the praefectus
»annonae. A tumult burst forth in the circus, a
mob hurried to the suburban villa of Commodus,
clamouring for vengeance, and the emperor giving
way to the dictates of his natural cowardice,
yielded up Cleander, who was torn to pieces, and
his whole family and nearest friends destroyed.
(Dion Cass. Ixxii. 12,13; Herodian. i. 12, 10;
Lamprid. Commod. 6, 7, 11.) [W. R.]

CLEANDER, an architect, who constructed
some baths at Rome for the emperor Commodus.
(Lamprid. Comm. c. 17; Osann, Kunstblatt, 1830,
N. 83.) [L. U.]

CLEA'NDRIDAS (KXeafSp/Soy), a Spartan,
father of Gylippus, who having been appointed by
the ephors as counsellor to Pleistoanax in the in-
vasion of Attica, B. c. 445, was said to have been
bribed by Pericles to withdraw his army. He was
condemned to death, but fled to Thurii, and was
tl)ere received into citizenship. (Plut. Pericl. 22,
Nic. 28; Thuc. vL 104, 93, vii. 2; Diod. xiii.
106, who calls him Clearchus.) He afterwards
commanded the Thurians in their war against the
Tarentines. (Strab. vi. p. 264, who calls him Cle-
andrias.) [A. H. C]

CLEA'NOR (KXeovw/j), an Arcadian of Orcho-
menus, entered into the service of Cyrus the
Younger, and is introduced by Xenophon.as re-
fusing, in the name of the Greeks, after the battle
of Cunaxa, B. c. 401, to surrender their arms at
the requisition of Artaxerxes. (Xen. Anab. ii. 1.
§ 10.) After the treacherous apprehension of
Clearchus and the other generals by Tissaphernes,
Cleaner was one of those who were appointed to
fill their places, and seems to have acted through-
out the retreat with bravery and vigour. (Xen.
Anab. iii. 1. § 47, 2. §§ 4—6, iv. 6. § 9.) When
the Greeks found themselves deceived by the ad-
venturer Coeratades, under whom they had march-
ed out of Byzantium, Cleanor was among those
who advised that they should enter the service of
Seuthes, the Thracian prince, who had conciliated
him by the present of a horse. We find hira af-
terwards co-operating with Xenophon, of whom
he seems to have had a high opinion, in his endea-
vour to obtain from Seuthes the promised pay.
(Xen. Anab. vii. 2. § 2, 5. § 10.) [E. E.]

CLEANTHES {^.hiavQns), a Stoic, born at
Assos in Troas about B. c. 300, though the exact
date is unknown. He was the son of Phanias,
and entered life as a boxer, but had only four
drachmas of his own when he felt himself impelled
to the study of philosophy. He first placed him-
Belf under Crates, and then under Zeno, whose faith-
ful disciple he continued for nineteen j'ears. In
order to support himself and pay Zeno the neces-
sary fee for his instructions, he worked all night
at drawing water from gardens, and in consequence
received the nickname of *peo«'TA.7js.* As he spent
the whole day in philosophical pursuits, he had no
visible means of support, and was therefore sum-

CLEANTHES.

779

* Hence the correction of puteum for pluteum
lias been proposed in Juv. ii. 7 : " Et jubet arche-
typos plateuyii servare Cleanthas."

moned before the Areiopagus to account for his
way of living. The judges were so delighted by
the evidence of industry which he produced, that
they voted him ten minae, though Zeno would not
permit him to accept them. By his fellow-pupils
he was considered slow and stupid, and received
from them the title of the Ass, in which appellation
he said that he rejoiced, as it implied that his oack
was strong enough to bear whateverZeno put upon it.
Several other anecdotes preserved of him shew that
he was one of those enthusiastic votaries of philo-
sophy who naturally appeared from time to time in
an age -when there was no deep and earnest reli-
gion to satisfy the thinking part of mankind. We
are not therefore surprised to hear of his declaring
that for the sake of philosophy he would dig and
undergo all possible labour, of his taking notes
from Zeno's lectures on bones and pieces of earth-
enware when he was too poor to buy paper, and of
the quaint penitence with which he reviled him-
self for his small progress in philosophy, by calling
himself an old man ** possessed indeed of grey hairs,
but not of a mind." For this vigour and zeal in
the pursuit, he was styled a second Hercules ; and
when Zeno died, B. c. 263, Cleanthes succeeded
him in his school. This event was fortunate for
the preservation of the Stoical doctrines, for though
Cleanthes was not endowed with the sagacity ne-
cessary to rectify and develop his master's system,
yet his stern morality and his devotion to Zeno
induced him to keep it free from all foreign corrup-
tions. His poverty was relieved by a present of
3000 minas from Antigonus, and he died at the
age of eighty. The story of his death is charac-
teristic. His physician recommended to hira a
two days' abstinence from food to cure an ulcer in
his mouth, and at the end of the second day, he
said that, as he had now advanced so far on the
road to death, it would be a pity to have the trou-
ble over again, and he therefore still refused all
nourishment, and died of starvation.

The names of the numerous treatises of Clean-
thes preserved by Laertius (vii, 175) present the
usual catalogue of moral and philosophical subjects :
TTfpl dpeTwv, vept tjSoinjs^ irtpX Oftav, &c. A hymn
of his to Zeus is still extant, and contains some
striking sentiments. It was published in Greek
and German by H. H. Cludius, Gottingen, 1786 ;
also by Sturz, 1785, re-edited by Merzdorf, Lips.
1835, and by others. His doctrines were almost
exactly those of Zeno. There was a slight varia-
tion between his opinion and the more usual Stoi-
cal view respecting the immortality of the soul.
Cleanthes taught that all souls are immortal, but
that the intensity of existence after death would
vary according to the strength or weakness of the
particular soul, thereby leaving to the wicked some
apprehension of future punishment ; whereas Chry-
sippus considered that only the souls of the wise
and good were to survive death. (Plut. Plac. Phil.
iv. 7.) Again, with regard to the ethical principle
of the Stoics, to " live in unison with nature," it is
said that Zeno only enunciated the vague direction,
duoKoyovixevcas ^rjv^ which Cleanthes explained by
the addition of rp (pvact. (Stob. Eel. ii. p. 132.)
By this he meant the universal nature of things,
whereas Chrysippus understood by the nature
which we are to follow, the particular nature of
man, as well as universal nature. (Diog. Laert. vii.
89.) This opinion of Cleanthes was of a Cynical
character [Antisthenes], and held up as a model

780

CLEARCHUS.

of an animal state of existence, unimproved by the
progress of civilization. Accordingly we hear that
his moral theory was even stricter than that of or-
dinary Stoicism, denying that pleasure was agree-
able to nature, or in any wa^' good. The direction
to follow universal nature also led to fatalist con-
clusions, of which we find traces in the lines 0701*
Sf fjL w ZeJ, Kai 01/ 7' 77 neTT/jw/ieVrj, ottol nod' vixiv
(IfA SiaTfTayufvos, k. t. \. (Mohnike, Kleaidluis
der Stoiker, fragm. i. ; see also Diog. Laert. I. c. ; Cic,
Acad. iv. 23, Div. i. 3, Fin. ii. 21, iv. 3; Ritter,
GeschicJit-e der PJulosophie, xi. 5. 1 ; Brucker, Hist.
Crit. PhUosoph. pt. ii. lib. ii. c. 9.) [G. E. L. C]

CLEANTHES {KK^avQ-ns)., the name of a
freedman of Cato the Younger, who was also his
physician, and attended him at the time of his
deith, B. c. 46. (Plut. Cat. ad fin.) [W. A. G.]

CLEANTHES, an ancient painter of Corinth,
mentioned among the inventors of that art by
Pliny {H. N. xxxv. 5) and Athenagoras. {Legat.
pro Christ, c 17). A picture by him represent-
ing the birth of Minerva was seen in the tem-
ple of Diana near the Alpheus. (Strab. viii. p. 343,
b. ; Athen. viiL p. 346, c.) This work was not,
as Gerhard {Auserles. Vase}ibilJer, i. p. 12) says,
confounding our artist with Ctesilochus (Plin.
xxxv. 40), in a ludicrous style, but rather in the
severe style of ancient art. [L. U.]

CLEARCHUS {KXeapxos), a Spartan, son of
Ramphias. In the congress which the Spartans
held at Corinth, in a. c. 412, it was determined to
employ him as commander in the Hellespont after
Chios and Lesbos should be gained from the Athe-
nians ; and in the same year the eleven commis-
sioners, who were sent out from Sparta to take
cognizance of the conduct of Astyochus, were en-
trusted with the discretionary power of despatch-
ing a force to the Hellespont under Clearchus.
(Thuc. viii. 8, 39.) In B. c. 410, he was present
at the battle of Cyzicus under Mindarus, who ap-
pointed him to lead that part of the force which
was specisdlv opposed to Thrasybulus. (Diod. xiii.
51 ; Xen. JJell. i. 1. § 16, &c. ; Plut. A/c. 28.)
In the same year, on the proposal of Agis, he was
sent to Chalcedon and Byzantium, with the latter
of which states he had a connexion of hospitality,
to endeavour to cut off the Athenian supplies of
corn in that quarter, and he accordingly fixed his
residence at Byzantium as harmost. When the
town was besieged by the Athenians, B. c. 408,
Clearchus reserved all the provisions, when they
became scarce, for the Lacedaemonian soldiers ;
and the consequent sufferings of the inhabitants,
as well as the general tyranny of his rule, led
some parties within the place to surrender it to the
enemy, and served afterwards to justify them even
in the eyes of Spartan judges when they were
brought to trial for the alleged treachery. At the
time of the surrender, Clearchus had crossed over
to Asia to obtain money from Pharnabazus and to
collect a force sufficient to raise the siege. He
was afterwards tried for the loss of the town, and
fined. (Xen. HeU. i. 1. § 35, 3. § 15, &c. ; Diod.
xiii. 67; Plut. Ale. 31; Polyaen. i. 47, ii. 2.) In
B. c. 406 he was present at the battle of Arginusae,
and was named by Callicratidas as the man most
fit to act as commander, should he himself be slain.
(Diod. xiii. 98.) On the conclusion of the Pelo-
ponnesian war, Clearchus, to whom peace was ever
irksome, persuaded the Spartans to send him as
general to Thrace, to protect the Greeks in that

CLEARCHUS.

quarter against the Thracians. But by the time
he had reached the isthmus, the ephors repented
their selection of him, and sent an order for his
recall. He proceeded however to the Hellespont
in spite of it, and was consequently condemned to
death by the authorities at home. At Byzantium,
where he took up his residence, he behaved with
great cruelty, and, having put to death many of .
the chief citizens and seized their property, he
raised a body of mercenaries with the money, and
made himself master of the place. The Spartans,
according to Diodorus, having remonstrated with
him to no purpose, sent a force against him under
Panthoides ; and Clearchus, thinking it no longer
safe to remain in Byzantium, withdrew to Selym-
bria. Here he was defeated and besieged, but
effected his escape by night, and passing over to
Asia, proceeded to the court of Cyrus. The prince,
whose object was to collect, without exciting suspi-
cion, as many troops as possible for his intended
expedition against his brother, supplied Clearchus
with a large sum of money, with which he levied
mercenaries, and employed them, till Cyrus should
need their services, in protecting the Greeks of the
Thracian Chersonesus against the neighbouring
barbarians. Plutarch says, — a statement not very
easy to be reconciled with the sentence of deatli
which had been passed against him, — that he re-
ceived also an order from Sparta to promote in all
points the objects of Cyrus. When the prince had
set out on his expedition, Clearchus joined him at
Celaenae in Phrygia with a body of 2000 men in
all, being, according to Xenophon {Anab. iii. 1.
§ 10), the only Greek who was aware of the
prince's real object. When the actual intention of
Cyrus began to be suspected, the Greeks refused
to march further, and Clearchus, attempting to
force his own troops to proceed, narrowly escaped
stoning at their hands. Professing then to come
into their wishes, and keeping up a show of vari-
ance between himself and Cyrus, he gradually led,
not his own forces only, but the rest of his coun-
trymen as well, to perceive the difficulties of their
position should they desert the service of the prince,
and thus ultimately induced them to advance.
When Orontes was brought to trial for his treason,
Clearchus was the only Greek admitted into the
number of judges, and he was the first to advise
sentence of death against the accused. At the
battle of Cunaxa, b. c. 401, he commanded the
right wing of the Greeks, which rested on the
Euphrates ; from this position he thought it unsafe
to withdraw, as such a step would have exposed
him to the risk of being surrounded ; and he there-
fore neglected the directions of Cyrus, who had
desired him to charge with all his force the enemy's
centre. PluUirch blames him exceedingly for such
an excess of caution, and attributes to it the loss
of the battle. When the Greeks began their re-
treat, Clearchus was tacitly recognized as their
commander-in-chief, and in this capacity he exhi-
bited his usual qualities of prudence and energy,
as well as great strictness in the preservation of
discipline. At length, however, being desirous of
coming to a better understanding with Tissapher-
nes, and allaying the suspicions which existed be-
tween him and the Greeks in spite of their solemn
treaty, Clearchus sought an interview with the
satrap, the result of which was an agreement to
punish the parties on both sides who had laboured
to excite their mutual jealousy j and Tissaphemes

CLEARCHUS.

promised that, if Clearchus would bring his clnef
otliaTs to him, he would point out those who had
instilled suspicion into him against their country-
men. Clearchus fell into the snare, and induced
four of the generals and twenty of the lochagi to
accompany him to the interview. The generals
were admitted and arrested, while the other officers,
who had remained without, were massacred. Clear-
chus and his colleagues were sent to the court of
Artaxerxes, and, notwithstanding the efforts of the
queen-mother, Parysatis, in their favour, were all
beheaded, with the exception of Menon, who pe-
rished by a more lingering death. In this account
Xenophon and Ctesias in the main agree ; but
from the latter Plutarch reports besides several
apocryphal stories. One of these is, that, while
the bodies of the other generals were torn by dogs
and birds, a violent wind raised over that of Clear-
chus a tomb of sand, round which, in a miracu-
lously short space of time, an overshadowing grove
of palm-trees arose ; so that the king repented
much when he knew that he had slain a favourite
of the gods. (Xen. Anab, i. 1. § 9, 2. § 9, 3.
§§ 1—21, 5. §§ 1 1—17, 6. §§ 1— ] 1, 8. §§ 4—13,
ii. 1—6. § 15 ; Diod. xiv. 12, 22—26 ; Plut. Ar-
to.r. 8, 18.) [E. E.]

CLEARCHUS (K\4apxos), a citizen of Herac-
leia on the Euxine, was recalled from exile by the
nobles to aid them in quelling the seditious temper
and demands of the people. According to Justin,
he made an agreement with Mithridates I. of
Pontus to betray the city to him on condition of
holding it under him as governor. But, perceiving
apparently that he might make himself master of
it without the aid of Mithridates, he not only
broke his agreement with the latter, but seized his
person, and compelled him to pay a large sum for
his release. Having deserted the oligarchical side,
he came forward as the man of the people, obtain-
ed from them tlie command of a body of merce-
naries, and, having got rid of the nobles by murder
and banishment, raised himself to the tyranny.
He used his power as badly, and with as much
cruelty as he had gained it, while, with the very
frenzy of arrogance, he assumed publicly the attri-
butes of Zeus, and gave the name of Kcpaui/os to
one of his sons. He lived in constant fear of assas-
sination, against which he guarded in the strictest
way. But, in spite of his precautions, he was
murdered by Chion and Leon in B. c. 353, after a
reign of twelve years. He is said to have been a
pupil both of Plato and of Isocrates, the latter of
whom asserts that, while he was with him, he was
one of the gentlest and most benevolent of men.
(Diod. XV. 81, xvi. 36 ; Just. xvi. 4, 5; Polyaen.
ii. 30 ; Memn. ap. Phot. Bibl. 224 ; Plut. de Alex.
Fort. ii. 5, mi Prlue. inerud. 4 ; Theopomp. ap.
Atlu-n. iii. p. 85 ; Isocr. Ep. ad Timoth. p. 423, ad
lin. ; Suid. s. v. KKeapxos ; Wesseling, ad Diod.
Ii. cc. ; Perizon. ad Ael. V. II. ix. 13.) [E. E.]

CLEARCHUS (KAc'apxos), of Soli, one of Aris-
totle's pupils, was the author of a number of works,
none of which are extant, on a very great variety
of subjects. He seems to have been the same per-
son whom Athenaeus (i. p. 4, a.) calls rpcx^Senr-
VQS^ or the diner out. A list of his principal
writings is subjoined, all the references which may
be found in Vossius {dc Hist. Graec. pp. 83, 84,
ed. Westermann) being omitted for the sake of
brevity : — 1. Bi'oi, a biographical work, extending
to ut least eight books. (See Athen. xii. p. 548, d.)

CLEDONIUS. 781

2. A commentary on Plato's **Timaeus.'" (Fabric.
Bifjl. Graec. iii. p. 95.) 3. IlAaTajvoj (yKUifjiiov.
(Diog. Laert. iii. 2.) 4. Ilepl riv iv rrj UKariavos
IIoKiTfia. /xadf^ixaTiKus tlprjfiivcov. 5. rtp7J0ios, a
treatise on flattery, so called, according to Athe-
naeus (vi. p. 255), from Gergithius, one of Alexan-
der's courtiers. 6. Tlfpl naidfias. (Diog. Laert.
1. 9 ; Athen. xv. p. 697, e.) 7. Ilepl (piKias.
8. Ilapoinlai. 9. Tlfpl ypicpuv, on riddles. 10.
'E/)wTt«<£, probably historical, a collection of love-
stories, not uimiixed with the discussion of some
very odd questions on the subject (e. g. Athen. xii.
p. 553, f.). 11. Ilepl ypacpwv, on paintings.
(Athen. xiv. p. 648, f.) 12. Uepiypacpai ? The
reading in Athenaeus (vii. ad init.) is doubtful ;
see Dalechamp and Casaubon, ad loc. 1 3. Ufpl
vdpKT]s, on the Torpedo, 14. Ilep) tcSj/ ivv^puv^
on water-animals. 15. Tlepl Sji/cUf, on sand- wastes.
16. TlepX (TKeKcTav, an anatomical work. (Casaub.
ad Atiien. ix. p. 399.) 17. Tlepl vitpov^ the
genuineness of which, however, has been called in
question. (Fabr. Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 481.) This
is the work to which Clement of Alexandria refers
(Strom, i. 15) for the account of the philosophical
Jew, with whom Aristotle was said to have held
much communication, and therein, by his own con-
fession, to have gained more than he imparted. It
has been doubted also whether the work on mili-
tary tactics referred to by Aelianus Tacticus (ch. 1 )
should be ascribed to the present Clearchus or to
the tyrant of Heracleia. (See Voss. /. c. ; Fabric.
B&l. Graec. iii. p. 481.) [E. E.]

CLEARCHUS {K\eapxos), an Athenian comic
poet of the new comedy, whose time is unknown.
Fragments are preserved from his Kidapcpdos
(Athen. x. p. 426, a., xiv. p. 623, c), Kopivdioi
(xiv. p. 613, b,), ndvSpoaos (xiv. p. 642, b.), and
from a play, the title of which is unknown, (i.
p. 28, e. ; Eustath. ad Odyss. p. 1 623, 47 ; Meine'<e,
Com. Graec. i. p. 490, iv. pp. 562, 849.) [P. S.]

CLEARCHUS, a sculptor in bronze at Rhe-
giiim, is important as the teacher of the celebrated
Pythagoras, who flourished at the time of Myron
and Polycletus. Clearchus was the pupil of the
Corinthian Eucheir, and belongs probably to the
72nd and following Olympiads. The whole pedi-
gree of the school to which he is to be ascribed is
given by Pausanias. (vi. 4. § 2. Comp. Heyne,
Opusc. Acad. V. p. 371.) [L. U.J

CLEA'RIDAS(KAeapr5os), a friend of Brasidas,
and apparently one of those young men whose
appointment to foreign governments Thucydides
considers to have been inconsistent with Spartan
principles (iv. 132). He was made governor of
Amphipolis by Brasidas ; and in the battle there,
in which Brasidas and Cleon were killed, he com-
manded the main body of the forces, b. c. 422.
Clearidas afterwards distinguished himself in the
quarrels which arose after the peace of Nicias, by
giving up Amphipolis, not (as the terms required)
to the Athenians, but to the Amphipolitans them-
selves. (Thuc. V. 10, 21, 34.) [A. H. C]

CLEDO'NIUS, the author of an essay upon
Latin grammar, published by Putschius from a
single corrupt and imperfect MS., inscribed " Ars
Cledonii Romani Senatoiis, Constantinopolitani
Grammatici." It is professedly a commentary on
the celebrated treatise of Donatus, and to suit tlie
arrangement of that work is divided into two
parts, the former, or ars prima, containing illus-
trations of the Editio Prima ; the ktter, or art

7rt2

CLEINIAS

secuuda^ of the Editio Secunda. [DoNATUS.] Of
Cledonius personally we know nothintr ; but it is
not improbable that he may have been attached to
the Auditorium or University established in the
capitolium of Constantinople, an institution to
vhich we find an allusion in p. 1866. (Comp.
Godofr. ad Cod. Theodos. 14. tit. 9 vol. v. p. 203,
&c.) The only edition is that contained in the
" Grammaticae Latinae Auctores Antiqui " of
Putschius, 4to., Ilanov. 1605, pp. 1859—1939.
(Osann, Beilr'dge zur Griech. und Rom. Litieratur-
gesch. vol. ii. p. 314.) [W. R.]

CLEE'MPORUS or CLEA'MPORUS, a phy-
sician, who may have lived in the sixth or fifth
century B. c, as Pliny says that a botanical work,
•which was commonly attributed to Pythagoras,
was by some persons supposed to have been
written by him. (H. N. xxiv. 101.) [W. A. G.]

CLEIDE'MUS (KA€t5r?Mos), an ancient Athe-
nian author. Meursius is inclined to believe
(Peisistr. c. 2), that the name, where it occurs in
Plutarch, Athenaeus, and others, has been substi-
tuted, by an error of the copyists, forCleitodemus,
who is mentioned by Pausanias (x. 15) as the most
ancient writer of Athenian history. We find in
Athenaeus the following works ascribed to Clei-
demus: — 1. "E^TjyjiTJKdy. (Athen. ix. p. 410, a.)
This is probably the sjime work which is referred
to by Suidas (s. r. "Ttjs). Casaubon {ad Athen.
L c.) and Vossius (de Hist. Graec. p. 418, ed.
Westermann) think that it was a sort of lexicon ;
but it seems rather to have been an antiquarian
treatise, in verse, on religious rites and ceremonies.
(Comp. Ruhnken, atl Tim. s. v. 'E^-nyrjTal.) 2.
*ATdts (Athen. vi. p. 235, a.), the subject of which
seems to have been the historj' and antiquities of
Attica. It is probably the work quoted by Plu-
tarch {TTies. 19, 27), who mentions prolixity as the
especial characteristic of the author. 3. Upwro'^o-
v(a, also apparently an antiquarian work. (Atlien.
xiv, p. 660, a.) 4. Ndtrroi, a passage from the
eighth book of which is referred to by Athenaeus
(xii. p. 609, c), relating to the first restoration of
Peisistratus and the marriage of Hipparchus with
Phya. (Comp. Herod, i. 60.) We cannot fix the
exact period at which Cleidemus flourished, but it
must liave been subsequently to B.C. 479, since
Plutarch refers to his account of the battle of
Plataea. (Plut. Arisi. 19.) See further references
in Vossius (/. c). [E. E.]

CLEI'GENES {K\ety4vr}s). 1. A citizen of
Acanthus, sent as ambassador to Sparta, B.C. 382,
to obtain her assistance for Acanthus and the other
Chalcidian towns against the Olynthians. Xeno-
phon records a speech of his, delivered on this oc-
casion, in which he dwells much on the ambition
of Olynthus and her growing power. His appli-
cation for aid was successful. (Xen. Hell. v. 2.
§ 1 1, &c.; Diod. XV. 19, &c.; comp. p. 155, a.)

2. A man who is violently attacked by Aristo-
phanes in a very obscure passage {Ran. 705-716),
where he is spoken of as a bath-man, puny in per-
son, dishonest, drunken, and quarrelsome. The
Scholiast says {ad Arist. I. <•.), that he was a rich
man, but of foreign extraction. He seems to have
been a meddler in politics, and a mischievous char-
latan of the da)\ [E. E.]

CLEI'NIAS (KAetWas.) 1. Son of Alcibiades,
who traced his origin from Eurysaces, the son of
the Telamonian Ajax. This Alcibiades was the
contemporary of Cleisthenes [Cleisthknes,No. 2 J,

CLEINOMACHUS.

whom he assisted in expelling the Peisistratidae
from Athens, and along with whom he was subse-
quently banished. Cleinias married Deinoma'jha,
the daughter of Megaclcs, and became by her the
father of the famous Alcibiades. He greatly dis-
tinguished himself in the third naval engagement
at Artemisium, B. c. 480, having provided a ship
and manned it with 200 men at his own expense.
He was slain in B. c. 447, at the battle of Coroneia,
in which the Athenians were defeated by the Boeo-
tian and Euboean exiles. (Herod, viii. 17; Plut.
Ale. 1; Plat. Ale. Pnm. p. 112 ; Thuc. i. 113.)

2. A younger brother of the famous Alcibiades.
Pericles, the guardian of the youths, fearing lest
Alcibiades might corrupt him, sent him away from
his own house and placed him for education with
his brother Ariphron; but the latter sent him back
at the end of six months, finding it impossible to
make anything of him. (Plat. Protay. p. 320.)
In another dialogue {Ale. Prim. p. 118, ad Jin. ;
comp. Schol. ad loc.) he is spoken of as quite a
madman.

3. Son of Axiochus, and the same who is intro-
duced as a very young man by Plato in the
" Euthydemus," was first cousin to No. 3 and to
Alcibiades.

4. The father of Aratus of Sicyon. The Sicyo-
nians committed to him the supreme power in theii
state on the deposition, according to Pausanias, of
the tyrants Euthydemus and Timocleidas, the
latter of whom, according to Plutarch, was joined
with Cleinias as his colleague. Soon after this
Abantidas murdered Cleinias and seized the ty-
ranny, B. c. 264. (Paus. ii. 8; ?\\xi. Arat. 2.)
[Abantidas.] [E. E.]

CLEI'NIAS (KA€ti/(as), a Pythagorean philo-
sopher, of Tarentum, was a contemporary and friend
of Plato's, as appears from the story (perhaps other-
wise worthless) which Diogenes Laertius (ix. 40)
gives on the authority of Aristoxenus, to the effect
that Plato wished to bum all the writings of De-
mocritus which he could collect, but was prevented
by Amyclas and Cleinias. In his practice, Clei-
nias was a true Pythagorejfn. Thus we hear that
he used to assuage his anger by playing on his
harp ; and, when Prorus of Cyrene had lost all his
fortune through a political revolution (comp.Thrige,
Res Cyre7iensitnn, § 48), Cleinias, who knew no-
thing of him except that he was a Pythagorean,
took on himself the risk of a voyage to Cyrene,
and supplied him with money to the full extent of
his loss. (lamblich. Vit. p'yth. 27, 31, 33 ; Ael.
V. H. xiv. 23 ; Perizon. ad loc. ; Chamael. Pont.
ap. Athen. xiv. p. 623, f.; Diod. Fragm. lib. x.;
Fabric. Bill. Graec. i. pp. 840, 886.) [E. E.]

CLEINIS {KKilvis), the husband of Harpe and
father of Lycius, Ortygius, Harpasus, and Arte-
micha. He lived in Mesopotamia, near Babylon,
and was beloved by Apollo and Artemis. Having
heard that the Hyperboreans sacrificed asses to
Apollo, he wished to introduce the same custom at
Babylon ; but Apollo threatened him, and com-
manded that only sheep, goats, and heifers should
be sacrificed. Lycius and Harpasus, the sons of
Cleinis, however, persisted in sacrificing asses,
whereupon Apollo infuriated the animals so as to
attack the family of Cleinis. Other divinities,
however, took pity upon the family, and changed
all its members into diti'erent birds. (Anton Lib.
20.) [L. S.]

CLEINO'MACHUS {KKiiv6naxGi\ a Megaric

CLEISTHENES.

philosopher of Thurium, is said by Diogenes Laer-
tius (ii. 112) to have been the first who composed
treatises on the fundamental principles of dialectics
{■Tfpi d^ita/uLdTcau Kat KaTTjyopTJixdTwv). We learn
from Suidas (s. r. riu/JjJwi/), that Pyrrhon, who
flourished about 330 B. c, attended the instruc-
tions of Bryso, and that the latter was a disciple
of Cleinomachus. We may therefore set the date
of Cleinomachus towards the commencement of the
same century. [E. E.]

CLEIO. [MusAE.]

CLEI'STHENES (K\(iae4uvs). 1. Son of
Aristonymus and tyrant of Sicyon. He was des-
cended from Orthagoras, who founded the dynasty
about 100 years before his time, and succeeded his
grandfather Myron in the tyranny, though proba-
bly not without some opposition. (Herod, vi. 1*26 ;
Aristot. Polit. V. 1-2, ed Bekk.; Pans. ii. 8; Miil-
ler, Dor. i. 8. § 2.) In B. c. 595, he aided the
Amphictyons in the sacred war against Cirrha,
which ended, after ten years, in the destruction of
the guilty city, and in which Solon too is said to
have assisted with his counsel the avengers of the
god. (Pans. x. 37 ; Aesch. c. Qes. § 107, &c. ;
Clinton, F. II. sub anno, 595.) We find Cieis-
thenes also engaged in war with Argos, his enmity
to which is said by Herodotus to have been so
great, that he prohibited the recitation at Sicyon
of Homer's poems, because Argos was celebrated
in them, and restored to the worship of Dionysus
what the historian calls, by a prolepsis, the tmgic
choruses in which Adrastus, the Argive hero, was
commemorated. (Herod, v. 67; see Nitzsch, Mele-
tem. i. p. 153, &c.) Miiller (Z. c.) connects this
hostility of Cleisthenes towards Argos, the chief
Dorian city of the district, with his systematic en-
deavour to depress and dishonour the Dorian tribes
at Sicyon. The old names of these he altered,
calling them by new ones derived from the sow,
the ass, and the pig ('Torot, 'Ovedrou, Xotpearat),
while to his own tribe he gave the title of 'Apxi^aoi
(lords of the people). The explanation of his mo-
tive for this given by Miiller {Dor. iii. 4. § 3)
seems even less satisfactoiy than the one of Hero-
dotus which he sets aside ; and the historian's
statement, tliat Cleisthenes of Athens imitated his
grandfather in his political changes, may justify
the inference, that the measures adopted at Sicyon
with respect to the tribes extended to more than a
mere alteration of their names. (Herod, v. 67, 68.)
From Aristotle {Pol. v. 12) we leani, that Cleis-
thenes maintained his power partly tlirough the
respect inspired by his military exploits, and partly
by the popular and moderate course which he
adopted in his general government. His adminis-
tration also appears to have been characterized by
much magnificence, and Pausanias mentions a
colonnade {a-Tod KAdcrdeveios) which he built with
the spoils taken in the sacred war. (Pans. ii. 9.)
We have no means of ascertaining the exact date
of the death of Cleisthenes, or the conclusion of
his tyranny, but we know that it cannot be placed
earlier than b. c. 582, in which year he won the
victory in the chariot-race at the Pythian games.
(See Clinton and Miiller on the year.) His daugh-
ter Agarista, whom so many suitors sought, was
given in marriage to Megacles the Alcmaeonid.
[AgaKIvSta.]

2. An Athenian, son of Megacles and Agarista,
and grandson of the tyrant of Sicyon, appears as
the head of the Alcmaeonid clan on the btinish-

CLEISTHENES. 783

ment of the Peisistratidae, and was indeed suft-
pected of having tampered with the Delphic oracle,
and urged it to require from Sparta the expulsion
of Ilippias. Finding, however, thjit he could not
cope with his political rival Isagoras except through
the aid of the commons, he set himself to increase
the power of the latter, and to remove most of the
safeguards against democracy which Solon had
established or preserved. There is therefore less
trutn than rhetoric in the assertion of Isocrates
{Areiopag. p. 143, a), that Cleisthenes merely re-
stored the constitution of Solon. The principal
change which he introduced, and out of which
most of his other alterations grew, was the aboli-
tion of the four ancient tribes, and the establish-
ment of ten new ones in their steivd. These List
were purely local, and the object as well as the
effect of the arrangement was, to give permanence
to democratic ascendency by the destruction of
the old aristocratic associations of clanship. (Comp.
Arist. Polit. vi. 4, ed. Bekk. ; Thrige, Res Cyren.
§ 48.) The increase in the number of the ^ov\ri
and of the vavKpapiai was a consequence of the
above measure. The (pparplai were indeed allowed
to remain as before, but, as they were no longer
connected with the tribes (the Srjfioi constituting
the new subdivision), they ceased to be of any
political importance. According to Aelian ( V. If.
xiii. 24) Cleisthenes was also the first who insti-
tuted ostracism, by which he is said, on the same
authority, to have been the first sufferer ; and this
is partly borne out by Diodorus (xi. 55), who says»
that ostracism was introduced after the banishment
of the Peisistratidae (but see Plut Nic. 1 1 ; Har-
pocrat. s. V. "linrapxos). We learn, moreover, from
Aristotle {Polit. iii. 2, ed Bekk.) that he admitted
into the tribes a number of persons who were not
of Athenian blood ; but this appears to have been
only intended to serve his purposes at the time, not
to be a precedent for the future. By some again he
is supposed to have remodelled the Ephetae, add-
ing a fifth court to the four old ones, and altering
the number of the judges from 80 to 51, i. e. five
from each tribe and a president. (Wachsmuth,
vol. i. p. 360, Eng. transl. ; but see Miiller, Eu-
nienid. $ 64, &c.) The changes of Cleisthenes
had the intended effect of gaining political supe-
riority for himself and his party, and Isagoras was
reduced to apply for the aid of the Spartans under
Cleomenes I. Heralds accordingly were sent from
Lacedaemon to Athens, who demanded and ob-
tained the banishment of Cleisthenes and the rest
of the Alcmaeonidae, as the accursed family {iva-
7"?), on whom rested the pollution of Cylon*8
murder. [Cylon.] Cleisthenes having withdrawn,
Cleomenes proceeded to expel 700 families pointed
out by Isagoras, and endeavoured to abolish the
Council of 500, and to place the government in the
hands of 300 oligarchs. But the Council resisted
the attempt, and the people supported them, and
besieged Cleomenes and Isagoras in the Acropolis,
of which they had taken possession. On the third
day the besieged capitulated, and the Lacedaemo-
nians and Isagoras were allowed to depart from
Attica. The rest were put to death, and Cleis-
thenes and the 700 banished families were re-
called. (Herod, v. 63, 66, 69—73, vi. 131 ; comp.
Diet, of Ant. pp. 156, 235, 323, &c., 633, 755,
990—993.)

3. An Athenian, whose foppery and effeminate
profligacy brougiit him more thou once under tUd.

7R4

CLEITARCHUS.

lash of Aristophanes. Thus the Clouds are said
to take the foriu of women when they see him
{NvL. 354); and in the Thesmaphoriazusae (574,
&c.) he brings infonnation to the women, as being
a particular friend of theirs, that Euripides has
smuggled in Mnesilochus among them as a spy.
In spite of his character he appears to have been
appointed on one occasion to the sacred office of
^iwpos. (Vesp. 1187.) The Scholiast on Ach.
118 and Efj. 1371 says, that, in order to preserve
the appearance of youth, he wore no beard, re-
moving the hair by an application of pitch. (Comp.
Elmsl ad Ach. U8.) [E. E.]

CLEITA'GORA (KXeiTayopa), a Ij'ric poetess,
mentioned by Aristophanes in his Wasps (v. 1245),
and in his lost play, the Danaiils. She is vari-
ously represented as a Lacedaemonian, a Thessalian,
and a Lesbian. (Schol. in Ai-istoph. Vesp. 1239,
1245, Lysistr. 1237 ; Suid. Hesych. s. v.) [P. S.]

CLEITARCHUS (KAeiVopxos), tyrant of Ere-
tria in Euboea. After Plutarchus had been ex-
pelled from the tjTanny of Eretria by Phocion,
B. c. 350, popular government was at first esta-
blished ; but strong party struggles ensued, in
which the adherents of Athens were at length
overpowered by those of Macedonia, and Philip
then sent Hipponicus, one of his generals, to des-
troy the walls of Porthmus, the harbour of Eretria,
and to set up Hipparchus, Automedon, and Clei-
tarchus as tyrants. ( Plut. PAoc. 13; Dem. c/eCor.
§ 86, PhUiiip. iii. §§ 68, 69.) This was subse-
quent to the peace between Athens and Philip in
B. c. 346, since Demosthenes adduces it as one of
the proofs of a breach of the pe.ice on the part of
Macedon. {Philipp. iii. § 23.) The tyrants, how-
ever, were not suffered to retain their power
quietly, for Demosthenes {Philip, iii. § 69) men-
tions two armaments sent by Philip for their sup-
port, at different times, under Eurylochus and
Pannenion respectively. Soon after, we find
Cleitarchus in sole possession of the government;
but he does not seem to have been at open hosti-
lity with Athens, though he held Eretria for Plii-
lip, for we hear of the Athenians sending ambas-
sadors to request his consent to the- arrangement
for uniting Euboea under one federative government,
having its congress at Chalcis, to which Athens
was also to transfer the annual contributions from
Oreus and Eretria. Aeschines says, that a talent
from Cleitarchus was part of the bribe which he
alleges that Demosthenes received for procuring
the decree in question. Cleitarchus appears there-
fore to have come into the above project of Demos-
thenes and Callias, to whom he would natunilly
be opposed ; but he thought it perhaps a point
gained if he could get rid of the remnant of Athe-
nian influence in Eretria. For the possible mo-
tives of Demosthenes, see p. 568, a. The plan,
however, seems to have fallen to the ground, and
Demosthenes in b. c. 341 carried a decree for an
expedition to Euboea with the view of putting
down the Macedonian interest in the island. On
this, Cleitarchus and Philistides, the tyrant of
Oreiis, sent ambassadors to Athens to prevent, if
possible, the threatened invasion ; and Aeschines,
at whose house the envoys were entertained, ap-
pears to have supported their cause in the assem-
bly. But the decree was carried into effect, and
the command of the armament was given to Pho-
cion, by whom Cleitarchus and Philistides were
expelled from their respective cities. (Aesch. c.

CLEITOMACHUS.

Cfcs. §§85—103; Dera. de Cor. p. 252, &c. ;
Diod. xvi. 74 ; Plut. Dem. 17.) [E. E.]

CLEITARCHUS (KKeirapxos), son of the his-
torian Deinon (Plin. //. N. x. 49), accompanied
Alexander the Great in his Asiatic expedition,
and wrote a history of it. This work has been
erroneously supposed by some to have formed the
basis of that of Curtius, who is thought to have
closely followed, even if he did not translate
it. We find Curtius, however, in one passage
(ix. 5. § 21) differing from Cleitarchus, and even
censuring him for his inaccuracy. Cicero also (de
Leg. i. 2) speaks very slightingly of the production
in question (to Trept 'AA.e^ovSpof ), and mentions
him again (BruL 1 1 ) as one who, in his account of
the death of Themistocles, eked out history with
a little dash of romance. Quintilian says {InsL
Or. X. 1), that his ability was greater than his
veracity ; and Longinus (de Sublim. § 3 ; comp.
Toup. ad loc.) condemns his style as frivolous and
inflated, applying to it the expression of Sophocles,
(TfiiKpns fiev av\laKois, (popSeids S* drep. He is
quoted also by Plutarch (T/iem. 27, Alex. 46), and
several times by Pliny, Athenaeus, and Strabo.
The Cleitarchus, whose treatise on foreign words
{y\oo<T(Tai) is frequently referred to by Athenaeus,
was a different person from the liistorian. (Fabric.
Bib/. Gruec. iii. p. 38 ; Voss, de Hist. Grace, p. 90,
ed. Westermann.) [E. E.]

CLEITE (KAefTTj), a daughter of king Merops,
and wife of Cyzicus. After the murder of her
husband by the Argonauts she hung herself, and
the tears of the nymphs, who lamented her death,
were changed into the well of the name of Cleite.
(Apollon. Rhod. i. 967, 1063, &c.) [L. S.]

CLEITODE'MUS. [Cleidemus.]

CLEITO'MACH US (KAejTo'/xaxos), a Cartha-
ginian by birth, and called Hasdrubal in his own
language, came to Athens in the 40th year of hisage,
previously at least to the year 146 b. c. He there
became connected with the founder of the New
Academy, the philosopher Ciimeades, under whose
guidance he rose to be one of the most distinguished
disciples of this school ; but he also studied at the
same time the philosophy of the Stoics and Peri-
patetics. Diogenes Laertius, to whom we are in-
debted for these notices of the life of Cleitomachus,
relates also (iv. 67), that he succeeded Carneades
as the head of the Academy on the death of the
latter, b. c. 129. (Comp. Steph. Byz. s.v. Kapxv-
Sa>v.) He continued to teach at Athens till as late
as b. c. 1 1 1, at all events, as Crassus heard him in
that year. (Cic. de Oral. i. 11.)

Of his works, which amounted to 400 books
{fii§\ia, Diog. Laert. /. c), only a few titles are
preserved. His main object in writing them was
to make known the philosophy of his master Car-
neades, from whose views he never dissented.
Cleitomachus continued to reside at Athens till
the end of his life ; but he continued to cherish a
strong affection for his native country, and when
Carthage was taken in b. c. 1 46, he wrote a work
to console his unfortunate countrj^men. This
work, which Cicero says he had read, was taken
from a discourse of Carneades, and was intended
to exhibit the consolation which philosophy sup-
plies even under the greatest calamities. (Cic.
Tiisc. iii. 22.) Cicero seems indeed to have paid
a good deal of attention to the works of Cleitoma-
chus, and speaks in high terms of his industry,
penetration, and philosopliical talent. {Acad. ii. 6,

CLEITUS.

31.) lie sometimes translates from the works of
Cleitomachus, as for instance from the " De susti-
nendis Offensionibua," which was in four books.
(Acad. a. 31.)

Cleitomachus appears to have been well known
to his contemporaries at Rome, for two of his
works were dedicated to illustrious Romans; one
to the poet C. Lucilius, and the other to L. Censo-
rinus, consul in B. c. 149. (Cic. Acad. ii. 32.)

Cleitomachus probably treated of the history of
philosophy in his work on the philosophical sects
(irepl alpf(T€a)v). (Diog. Laert. ii. 92.)

(Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 168; Briicker, Hist.
Phil. i. p. 771; Orelli, Onom. TulL ii. pp.159, 160;
Suid. s. V. KAcjTojoaxos.) [A. S.]

CLEITO'MACHUS {KK(ir6tmxos\ a Theban
athlete, whose exploits are recorded by Pausanias
(vi. 15 ; comp. Suid. s.v. KKeiTOfiaxos). He won
the prize at Olympia in the pancratium in 01. 141.
(b. c. 216.) Aelian mentions {V.H. iii. 30) his
great temperance, and the care he took to keep
himself in good condition. [E. E.]

CLEITO'NYMUS(KA€iT«vv/iios), an historian
of uncertain date. A work of his on Italy and
another on Sybaris are quoted by Plutarch. (J'aralL
Mill. 10, 21.) His Tragica^ also quoted by Plu-
tarch {de Fluv. 3), Vossius supposes to have been
a collection of the legends which formed the ordi-
nary subjects of ancient tragedy ; but it has been
proposed to substitute Qf/UKiKoov for rpayiKwu in
the passage in question. (Voss. de Hist. Graec. p.
418, ed. Westermann.) [E. E.J

CLEl'TOPHON (KXeiTocpoSv), a Rhodian au-
thor of uncertain date, to whom we find the fol-
lowing works ascribed : 1. raXartKo, a history of
the Gauls, from which Plutarch (Parallel. Min. 15)
gives a story, parallel to that of Tarpeia in Livy,
of a woman of Ephesus, who betrayed the town to
Brennus. 2. 'IvSiKoi, from the tenth book of which
Plutarch (de Fluv. 25. § 3) quotes a medical recipe
for the jaundice. 3. 'IraXiKoi. 4. Krio-ets, a work
on the origin of different cities (Plut. de Fluv. 6.
$ 4), from which we obtain one theory on the ety-
mology of Liigdunum. (See Voss. de Hist. Graec.
pp. 418, 419.) [E. E.]

CLEITUS (KXuTos). 1. A son of Aegyptus,
murdered by Cleite. (Apollod. ii. 1. § 5.)

2. A son of Mantius, carried off by Eos on ac-
count of his extraordinary beauty. (Horn. Od. xv.
250 ; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1780.)

3. A son of Peisenor of Troy, slain by Teucrus.
(Hom. II. XV. 445, &c.)

4. The beloved friend of Pallene, who fought
with his rival Dryas for the possession of Pallene,
and conquered him by the assistance of the maiden.
JSithon, the father of Pallene, wanted to punish his
daughter, but she was rescued from his hands by
Aphrodite, and after Sithon's death she married
Cleitus, and the country of Pallene derived its name
from her. (Conon, Narrat. 10; Parthen. ^ro<. 6.)

5. King of the Sithones in Thrace, who gave
his daughter Chrysonoe or Torone in marriage to
Proteus, who had come to Thrace from Eg}'pt.
(Conon, Narrat. 32.) [L. S.]

CLEITUS (KKelroi or KXfirSs). 1. Son of
Bardylis, king of lUyria. [See p. 463.] In b. c.
335, having received promise of aid from Glaucias,
king of the Taulantians, he revolted from Alexan-
der the Great. The latter accordingly invaded
his country, and after a Ciimpaign, in which the
advantagi! of the Illyrians and their allies lay en-

CLEITUS.

78/5

tirely in the strong positions they were enabled to
tiike up among their hills, compelled him to flee
from his dominions and take refuge in those ol'
Glaucias. Arrian mentions a dreadful sacrifice of
three boys, three girls, and three black rams, of-
fered by the Illyrians before their first battle with
Alexander's troops. ( Arr. ^nai. i. 5,6; Plut.
Alex. 1 1 ; Diod. xvii. 8.)

2. A Macedonian, surnamed MeAos, son of
Dropides, and brother to Lanice or Plellanice,
nurse of Alexander the Great. He saved Alex-
ander's life at the battle of Granicus, b. c. 334,
cutting off with a blow of his sword the arm of
Spithridates which was raised to slay the king.
At the battle of Arbela, b. c. 331, he commanded,
in the right wing, the body of cavalry called
"Pi-ynixa (see Polyb. v. 65, xxxi. 3) ; and when, in
b. c. 330, the guards (iraipoi) were separated into
two divisions, it being considered expedient not to
entrust the sole command to any one man, Hepha-
estion and Cleitus were appointed to lead respec-
tively the two bodies. In b. c. 328, Artabazus
resigned his satrapy of Bactria, and the king gave
it to Cleitus. On the eve of the day on which he
was to set out to take possession of his government,
Alexander, then at Maracanda in Sogdiana, cele-
brated a festival in honour of the Dioscuri, though
the day was in fact sacred to Dionysus — a circum-
stance which afterwards supplied his friends with
a topic of consolation to him in his remorse for the
murder of Cleitus, the soothsayers declaring, that
his frenzy had been caused by the god's wrath at
the neglect of his festival. At the banquet an
angry dispute arose, the particulars of which are
variously reported by different authors. They
agree, however, in stating, that Cleitus became
exasperated at a comparison which was instituted
between Alexander and Philip, much to the dis-
paragement of the latter, and also at supposing
that his own services and those of his contempora-
ries were depreciated as compared with the exploits
of younger men. Being heated with wine, he
launched forth into language highly insolent to the
king, quoting a passage from Euripides (Androm.
683, &c.) to the effect, that the soldiers win by
their toil the victories of which the general reaps
the glory. Alexander at length, stung to a frenzy
of rage, rushed towards him, but was lield back
by his friends, while Cleitus also was forced from
the room. Alexander, being then released, seized
a spear, and sprung to the door ; and Cleitus, who
was returning in equal fury to brave his anger,
met him, and fell dead beneath his weapon. (Diod,
xvii. 21, 57; Wess. ad loc.; Plut. Alea-. 1 6, 50-52 ;
Arr. Anab. i. 15, iii. 11, 27, iv. 8, 9 ; Curt. iv. 13.
$ 26, viii. I ; Just. xii. 6.)

3. Another of Alexander's officers, surnamed
KiVK6s to distinguish him from the above. He is
noted by Athenaeus and Aelian for his pomp and
luxury, and is probably the same who is mentioned
by Justin among the veterans sent home to Mace-
donia under Cratenis in B. c. 324. (Athen. xiu
p. 539, c. ; Ael. V. H. ix. 3 ; Just. xii. 12 ; Arr.
Anab. vii. 12.)

4. An officer who commanded the Macedonian,
fleet for Antipater in the Lamian war, B. c. 323,
and defeated the Athenian admiral, Eetion, in two
battles off the Echinades. In the distribution of
provinces at Triparadeisus, b. c. 321, he ob-
tained from Antipater the satrapy of Lydia;
and when Antigonus was advancing to dispossess

3 B

786 CLEMENS,

him of it, in b. c. 319, after Antipater's death, he
garrisoned the principal cities, and sailed away to
Macedonia to report the state of affairs to Poly-
sperchon. In b. c. 318, after Polysperchon had
been baffled at Megalopolis, he sent Cleitus with
a fleet to the coast of Thrace to prevent any forces
of Antigonus from passing into Europe, and also
to effect a junction with Arrhidaeus, who had shut
himself up in the town of Cius. [See p. 350, a.]
Nicanor being sent against him by Cussander, a
battle ensued near Byzantium, in which Cleitus
gained a decisive victory. But his success ren-
dered him over-confident, and, having allowed his
troops to disembark and encamp on land, he was
surprised by Antigonus and Nicanor, and lost all
his ships except the one in which he sailed him-
self. Having reached the shore in safety, he pro-
ceeded towards Macedonia, but was slain by some
soldiers of Lysimachus, with whom he fell in on
the way, (Diod. xviii. 1.5, 39, 52, 72.) [E- K]

CLEMENS (KAri)U7js), a Greek historian, pro-
bably of Constantinople, who wrote, according to
Suidas (s. t?.), respecting the kings and emperors of
the Romans, a work to Hieronymus on the figures
of Isocrates (ire^ Twy ^laoKpariKuy (rx''?,"«Ta>v),
and other treatises. Ruhnken {Praef. ad Tim.
I-jMi. p. X.) supposes that Suidas has confounded
two different persons, the historian and gramma-
rian, but one supposition seems just as probable as
the other. The grammatical works of Clemens are
referred to in the Etymologicum Magimm (s. v.
faArj) and Suidas («. w. "Hpas, 7ra\r/i)3oA.oy), and
the historical ones very frequently in the Byzantine
writers. (Vossius, ofo HisUtr. Graec. p. 416, ed.
Westermaan.)

CLEMENS (KAtJ^itjs), a slave of Agrippa Postu-
mus, whose person very much resembled his master's,
and who availed himself of this resemblance, after
the murder of the latter on the accession of Tiberius
in A. D. 14, to personate the character of Agrippa.
Great numbers joined him in Italy; he was gene-
rally believed at Rome to be the grandson of Ti-
berius ; and a formidable insurrection would pro-
bably have broken out, had not Tiberius contrived
to have him appreMfended secretly. The emperor
did not venture upon a public execution, but com-
manded him to be slain in a private part of the
palace. This was in a. d. 16. (Tac. Ann. ii. 39,
40; Dion Cjvss. Ivii. IG ; comp. Suet. 7t6. 25.)

CLEMENS ALEXANDRrNUS, whose name
was T. Flavius Clemens, usually sumamed Alexan-
drinus, is supposed to have been born at Athens,
though he spent the greater part of his life at
Alexandria. In this way the two statements in
which he is called an Athenian and an Alexandrian
(Epiphan. Haer. xxvii, 6) have been reconciled by
Cave. In early life he was ardently devoted to
the study of philosophy, and his thirst for know-
ledge led him to visit various countries, — Greece,
southern Italy, Coelo-Syria, Palestine, and Egypt.

It appears, from his own accoiuit, that he had
various Christian preceptors, of whom he speaks in
terns of great respect. One of them was a Jew
by birth, and several were from the East. At
length, coming to Egypt, he sought out Pantaenus,
master of the Christian school at Alexandria, to
whose instructions he listened with much satisfac-
tion, and whom he prized far more highly than all
his former teachers. It is not certainly known
whether he had embraced Christianity before hear-
ing Pantaenus, or whether his mind had only been

CLEMENS.

favourably inclined towards it in consequence of
previous inquiries. Probably he first became a
Christian under the influence of the precepts of
Pantaenus, though Neander thinks otherwise.
After he had joined the Alexandrian church, he
became a presbyter, and about a. d. 190 he was
chosen to be assistant to his beloved preceptor.
In this latter capacity he continued until the year
202, when both principal and assistant were
obliged to flee to Palestine in consequence of the
persecution under Sevenis. In the beginning of
Caracalla's reign he was at Jerusalem, to wliich
city many Christians were then accustomed to re-
pair in consequence of its hallowed spots. Alex-
ander, bishop of Jerusalem, who was at that time
a prisoner for the gospel, recommended him in a
letter to the church at Antioch, representing him
as a godly minister, a man both virtuous and well-
known, whom they had already seen, and who
had confirmed and promoted the church of Christ.
It is conjectured, that Pantaenus and Clement re-
turned, after an absence of three years, in 206,
though of this there is no certain evidence. He
must have returned before 211, because at that
time he succeeded Pantaenus as master of the
school. Among his pupils was the celebrated
Origen. Guerike thinks, that he died in 21 3 ; but
it is better to assume with Cave and Schrockh,
that his death did not take place till 220. Hence
he flourished under the reigns of Severus and Ca-
racalla, 193—217.

It cannot safely be questioned, that Clement
held the fundamental truths of Christianity and
exhibited genuine piety. But in his mental cha-
racter the philosopher predominated. His learn-
ing was great, his imagination lively, his power of
perception not defective ; but he was unduly prone
to speculation. An eclectic in philosophy? he
eagerly sought for knowledge wherever it could
be obtained, examining every topic by the light of
his own mind, and selecting out of aU systems
such truths as commended themselves to his judg-
ment. " I espoused," says he, " not this or that
philosophy, not the Stoic, nor the Platonic, nor the
Epicurean, nor that of Aristotle ; but whatever any
of these sects had said that was fit and just, that
taught righteousness with a divine and religious
knowledge, all that being selected, I call philoso-
phy." He is supposed to have leaned more to the
Stoics than to any other sect. He seems, indeed,
to have been more attached to philosophy than any
of the fathers with the exception of Origen.

In comprehensiveness of mind Clement was cer-
tainly deficient. He never develops great principles,
but runs chiefly into minute details, which often be-
come trifling and insipid. In the interpretation of
the Scriptures he was guided by fancy rather than
fixed rules deduced from common sense. He pur-
sues no definite principles of exposition, neither
does he penetrate into the essential nature of
Christianity. His attainments in purely religious
knowledge could never have been extensive, as no
one doctrine is well stated. From his works no
system of theology can be gathered. It were pre-
posterous to recur to them for sound exegesis, or
even a successful development of the duties of a
Christian, much less for an enlightened estimate of
the obligations under which men are laid to their
Creator and to each other. It may be question eii,
whether he had the ability to compose a connected
system of theology, or a code of Ciiristian morality.

CLEMENS.

Doubtless great .lUowance should be made for the
eduaitiou and tircumstances of the writer, the
character of the age in which he lived, the persons
for whom chiefly he wrote, the modes of thought
then current, the entire circle of influences by which
he was surrounded, the principal object he had in
view ; but after all deductions, much theological
knowledge will not be attributed to him. The
speculative philosopher is still more prominent
than the theologian — the allegoriser rather than
the expounder of the Bible appears — the metaphy-
sician eclipses the Christian.

The works of Clement wliich have reached us
are his Aoyos UporpeirTiKOS irpos 'EAATji'as or Hor-
tatory Address to tlie Greeks ; TlaidayarySs, or
Teacfier ; STpw/xarers, or MisceUanics ; and Ti's o
ffwfouef OS Tl\ov(nos ; Quis Dives sahetur ? In
addition to these, he wrote "^iroTvirooam in eight
books ; irepl rod Ylaax'^ i« G* d^ Pascliate ; Trepl
NrjfTTefay, i. e. de Jejunio ; irepl KoToAoAtas, i. e.
de Obtredatione ; npOTpeirTiKos els 'tirofxovfiv^ i. e.
Ej:hortatio ad Patientiam ; Kai/wv 'EKKArjiTjao-Tj/cJs,
i. e. Canon Ecclesiasticus, or de Canonibus Ecdesias-
tieis ; eh Trjv UpocP'/iTTju 'A/xws, On the Prophet
Amos; Treplllpovoias ar\d"Opoi Sia<p6poi. If the
vnoTviTucreis be the same as the Adunibrationes
mentioned by Cassiodorus, as is probable, various
fragments of them are preserved and may be seen
in Potter's edition. Perhaps the eK\oya\ ex ruv
Trpo(prfTiK6iv, which are also given by Potter,
■were originally a part of the u7roTU7rw<r6ts. Among
the fragments printed in the same edition are
also eK rtuv 06o54tou koI Tr\s avaroXiKris /coAoo-
tiivt\s SiSacTKaKias Karei tows OdaXevrivov xpovovs
eiriTOfxal, i. e. extracts from the writings of Theo-
dotus and the doctrine called oriental, relating to
the times of Valentinus. Whether these excerpts
were really made by Clement admits of doubt,
though Sylburg remarks that the style and phrase-
ology resemble those of the Alexandrine father.
The fragments of his lost works have been indus-
triously collected by Potter, in the second volume
of his edition of Clement's works ; but Fabricius,
at the end of his second volume of the works of
Hippolytus, published some of the fragments more
fully, along with several not found in Potter's edi-
tion. There are also fragments in the Biblioth.
Pair, of Galland. In various parts of his writings
Clement speaks of other works which he had
written or intended to write. (See Potter, vol. ii.
p. 1045.)

His three principal works constitute parts of a
whole. In the Hortatory Address his design was
to convince the Heathens and to convert them to
Christianity. It exposes the impurities of poly-
theism as contrasted with the spirituality of Chris-
tianity, and demonstrates the superiority of the
gospel to the philosophy of the Gentile world by
shewing, that it eftectually purifies the motives
and elevates the character. The Paedagoyue takes
up the new convert at the point to which he is
supposed to have been brought by the hortatory
address, and furnishes him with rules for the regu-
lation of his conduct. In the first chapter he
explains what he means by the term Paedayogite^ —
one who instructs children, leading them up to
manhood through the paths of truth. This pre-
ceptor is none other than Jesus Christy and the
children whom he trains up are simple, sincere
believers. The author goes into miinitiae and
trifling details, instead of dwelling upon great

CLEMENS.

787

precepts applicable to human life in all circum-
stances. The Stromaia are in eight books, but
probably the last book did not proceed from
Clement himself. The treatise is rambling and
discursive, without system, order, or method, but
contains much valuable information on many points
of antiquity, particularly the history of philosophy.
The principal infonnation respecting Egyptian
hieroglyphics is contained in the fifth book of this
work of Clement. His object was to delineate in it
the perfect Christian or Gnostic^ after he had been
instructed by the Teaclier and thus prepared for su-
blime speculations in philosophy and theology. The
eighth book is a treatise on logic, so that the original
seems to have been lost, and this one substituted in
its place. Bishop Kaye, however, inclines to the
opinion, that it is a genuine production of Clement,
The treatise entitled tis 6 (Tw^Sfxevos is practical,
shewing to what temptations the rich are par-
ticularly exposed. It has the appearance of a
homily. His Hypotyposes in eight books (liirorif-
TTcecrets, translated adumbrationes by Cassiodorus)
contained, according to Eusebiu3( iftTirf. Bed. iv. 14),
a summary exposition of the books of Scripture,
Photius gives a most unfavourable account of it,
affirming that it contained many fabulous and im-
pious notions similar to those of the Gnostic
heretics. But at the same time he suggests, that
these monstrous sentiments may not have pro-
ceeded from Clement, as there is nothing similar
to them in his acknowledged works. Most pro-
bably they were interpolated.

The following are the chief editions of Clement's
works : — Victorii, Florentiae, 1 550, fol., Graece.
This is the editio princeps. Frid. Sylburgii, Hei-
delberg, 1592, fol. Gr. et Lat. Herveti, " Pro-
trepticus et Paedagogus," et Strozzae libri viii.
"Stromatum," Florent. 1551, fol. Lat. Herveti,
" Protrepticus, Paedagog\is, et Stromata," Basil.
155G, fol. and 1566, fol., Paris, 1572 and 1590, fol.
in the Bibliotheca Patrum, vol. iii. 1677, fol. Lugd.
Sylburgii et Heinsii, Lugd. Bat. 1616, fol. Gr. et
Lat.; this edition was reprinted with the additional
notes of Ducaeus at Paris, 1629, fol, Paris, 1641,
fol. and Colon. 1688, fol. Potteri, Oxon. 1715,
fol. 2 vols. Gr. et Lat.; this edition is incompara-
bly the best. OberthUr, Wirceb. 1788—89, 8vo.

3 vols. Gr. et Lat. Klotz, Lips. 1830—34, 8vo.

4 vols. Graece. A. B. Cailleau, in the " CoUec-
tio selecta SS. Ecclesiae Patrum," Paris, 1827
&c., vol. iv. 8vo. Lat. The treatise " Quis
Dives salvetur" was published in Greek and Latin,
with a commentary by Segaar, Traj. 1816, 8vo. ;
and in Latin ty Dr. H. Olshausen, Regiom. 1831,
12mo. The Hymn to Christ the Saviour at the
end of the Paedagogus, was published in Greek
and Latin by Piper, Goetting. 1835, 8vo.

(See Le Nourry's Apparatus ad Bibl. maxim.
Patrum^ Paris, 1703, fol. lib. iii. ; P. H. de Groot,
De Clem. Al&xandr. Ditp. Groning. 1826, 8vo. ;
H. E. F. Guerike, Comment. Histor. et Tlieoloy. rfe
Schola, quae Alejcandriae floruit^ Catechelica, Halae,
1824-25, 8vo. ; Matter, Essai histor. sur CKcole
d''Alexandrie^ Paris, 1 820, 2 vols. 8vo. ; Redepen-
ning, Oriyines, Bonn, 1841, 8vo. ; Neander, De
Fidei Gnoseosque Ideae^ qua ad se invicem atque ad
Philosophiam referatur rationc secundum mentem
Clementis Alex., Heidelb. 1811, 8vo.; Allgemeine
Gesch. der Christ. Religion und Kirc/ie^ i, 3, Ham-
burg, 1827, 8vo.; Guerike, Handbuch der Kirchen--
aeschkht€,/"unfte Aujiaye^ 2 vols. Halle, 1843, 8vo.;

3k2

788

CLEMENS.

Baur, Die Christliclie Gnosis, Tubing, 1835, 8vo. ;
Dahne, De yvaiaei dementis Alea: Hal. 1831, 8vo.;
Bp. Kaye's Account oftlie Writings and Opinions of
Clement of Alexandria^ London, 1835, 8vo. ; Da-
vidson's Sacred Hermeneutics, Edinb. 1843, 8vo. ;
Cave's Historia Liieraria, Lond. 1688, fol.; Giese-
ler's Teat-book of Ecclesiastical History, translated
by Cunningham, Pliiladelph. 1836, 3 vols. 8vo.
vol. L ; Euseb. Histor. Eccles. lib. v. et vi., ed.
Heinichen, 1827—30, Lips.) [S. D.]

CLEMENS ARRETI'NUS, a man of Senato-
rial rank, connected by marriage with the family
of Vespasian, and an intimate friend of Domitian,
•was appointed by Mucianus praefect of the praeto-
rian guards in a. d. 70, a dignity which his father
had fonneriy held under Caligula. (Tac. Ann. iv.
68.) Clemens probably did not hold this command
long, and the appointment of Mucianus may have
been regarded as altogether void, as Suetonius
says {Tib. 6), that Titus was the first senator who
was praefect of the praetorians, the office being up
to that time filled by a knight. Notwithstanding,
however, the friendship of Domitian with Clemens,
he was one of the victims of the cruelty of this
emperor when he ascended the throne. (Suet.
Dom. 11.)

CLEMENS, A'TRIUS, afriend of the younger
Pliny, who has addressed two of his letters to him.
{Ep.\. 10, iv.2.)

CLExMENS, CA'SSIUS, was brought to trial
about A. D. 195, for having espoused the side of
Niger; but defended himself with such dignity and
freedom, that Severus, in admiration, not only
granted him his life, but allowed him to retain half
of his property. (Dion Cass. Ixxiv. 9.)

CLEMENS, T. FLA'VIUS, was cousin to the
emperor Domitian, and his colleague in the consul-
ship, A. D. 95, and married Domitilla, also a relation
of Domitian. His father was Flavius Sabinus, the
elder brother of the emperor Vespasian, and his
brother Fla>"ius Sabinus, who was put to death by
Domitian. (Suet. Domit. 10.) Domitian had des-
tined the sons of Clemens to succeed him in the em-
pire, and, changing their original name*-, had called
one Vespasian and the other Domitian ; but he sub-
sequently put Clemens to death during the consul-
ship of the latter. (Suet. Domit. 15.) Dion Cassius
says (Ixvii. 14), that Clemens was put to death on a
charge of atheism, for which, he adds, many others
who w^nt over to the Jewish opinions were exe-
cuted. This must imply that he had become a
Christian ; and for the same reason his wife was
banished to Pandataria by Domitian. (Comp. Phi-
lostr. ApolL viii, 15 ; Euseb. H. E. iii, 14 ; Hie-
ronvm, Ep. 27.) To this Clemens in all probabi-
lity is dedicated the church of St. Clement at
Rome, on the Caelian hill, which is believed to
have been built originally in the fifth centurj',
although its site is now occupied by a more recent,
though very ancient, structure. In the year 1725
Cardinal Annibal Albani found under this church
an inscription in honour of Flavius Clemens, mar-
tyr, which is described in a work called T. Flavii
Clementis Viri Consularis et Martyris Tumulus
illustratus, Urbino, 1727. Some connect him with
the author of the Epistle to the Corinthians.
[Clkmens RoMANUs.] [G.E, L.C.]

CLEMENS, PACTUMEIUS, a Roman jurist,
who probably died in the lifetime of Pomponius,
for Pomponius mentions him as if he were no
longer liring, and cites, on his authority, a consti-

CLEMENS.

tution of the emperor Antoninus: "Pactumeius
Clemens aiebat imperatorem Antoninum consti-
tuisse." (Dig. 40. rit. 7. s. 21. § 1.) The name
Antoninus is exceedingly ambiguous, as it belongs
to Pius, Marcus, L. Verus, Commodus, Caracaila,
Geta, Diadumenus, and Elagabalus ; but in the
compilations of Justinian, the name Antoninus,
without addition, refers either to Caracaila, M. Au-
relius, or Pius — usually to the first ; to the second,
if used by a jurist who lived earlier than Caracaila,
and not earlier than Marcus ; to the third, if used
by a jurist who was living under Pius. (Zimmern.
R. R. G. I. p. 184, n. 8.) Here it probably denotes
Pius, of whom Pactumeius Clemens may be sup-
posed to have been a con tern poi-ary. [J. T. G.j

CLEMENS ROMA'NUS, was bishop of
Rome at the end of the first century. He is
probably the same as the Clement whom St.
Paul mentions {Phil. iv. 3) as one of "his fellow
workers, whose names are in the Book of Life."
To Clement are ascribed two epistles addressed
to the Corinthian Church, and both probably
genuine, the first certainly so. From the style of
the second, Neander {Kircliengesch. iii. p. 1100)
considers it as a fragment of a sermon rather than
an epistle. The first was occasioned by the divi-
sions which distracted the Church of Corinth,
where certain presbyters had been unjustly de-
posed. The exhortations to unity are enforced by
examples from Scripture, and- in addition to these
are mentioned the martyrdoms of St. Peter and St.
Paul. Of the latter it is said, that he went eTri to
ripfxa rijs Siiafcos — a passage which has been con-
sidered to favour the supposition that the apostle
executed the intention of visiting Spain, which he
mentions, Rom. xv. 24.

The epistle seems to contain an important inter-
polation (§ 40, &c.). In these chapters is sud-
denly introduced, in the midst of practical exhorta-
tions, a laboured comparison between the Jewish
priesthood and Christian ministry, and the theory
of the former is transferred to the latter. This
style of speaking savours in itself of a later age,
and is opposed to the rest of the epistle, which
unifonnly speaks of the church and its offices in
their simplest form and relations. The whole
tone of both epistles is meek, pious, and Christian,
though they are not free from that tendency to
find types in greater number than the practice of
Scripture warrants, which the later fathers carried
to so extravagant a length. Thus, when Rahab is
quoted as an example of faith and hospitality, the
fact of her hanging a scarlet thread from her win-
dow is made to typify our redemption through
Christ's blood. In the midst of much that is wise
and good we are surprised to find the fable of the
phoenix adduced in support of the resurrection of
the body.

As one of the very earliest apostolical fathers,
the authority of Clement is valuable in proving the
authenticity of certain books of the New Testa-
ment. The parts of it to which he refers are the
gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke, the epistle
of St. James, the first of St. Peter, and several of
St. Paul, while from the epistle to the Hebrews
he quotes so often, that by some its authorship
has been attributed to him. Two passages are
quoted {i. § 46, and ii. § 4) with the formula
yiypaitrai, which do not occur in Scripture ; we
also find reference to the apocryphal books of Wis-
dom and Judith ; a traditionary conversation is

CLEMENS.

related between our Lord and St. Peter; and a

Btory is given from the spurious gospel to the Egyp-
tians, (kp. ii. § 1"2; comp. Clem. Alex. Sirnm. iii.
p. 4(i5.) The genuineness of the Homily or 2nd
Epistle is denied by Jerome {Catal. c. 15) and
Phoiius {Bibl. Cod. 113), and it is not quoted by
any author earlier than Eusebius. Besides these
works two other letters were preserved as Cle-
ment's in the Syrian church, and published by
Wetstein in the appendix to his edition of the
New Testament. They are chiefly occupied by
the praises of celibacy, and it therefore seems a
fair ground of suspicion against them that they
are not quoted before the fourth century, though,
from the ascetic disposition prevalent in the North
African and other Western churches, it seems
unlikely that no one should ever have appealed to
8uch an authority. Other writings are also falsely
attributed to Clement. Such are the Recoynitioiies
(a name given to the work from the Latin transla-
tion of RuflSnus), which purport to contain a his-,
tory of Clement himself, who is represented as a
convert of St. Peter, and in the course of it recog-
nizes his father, whom he had lost. Of this there
is a convenient edition by Gersdorf in his Biblio-
Uieca Patrum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum selecta.
(Leipzig and Brussels, 1837.) The collection of
Apostolical Constitutions is also attributed to Cle-
ment, though certainly without foundation, as they
are plainly a collection of the ecclesiastical rules of
various times and places. (See Krabbe, Ueber den
Ursprung und Inhalt der Apostol. Constitidionen,
1839.) Lastly, we may just mention the Ciemen-
iines, — homilies of a Judaizing tendency, and
supposed by Neander {Geneiisdie Entwickelung, &c.
p. 367) to be written by a member of the Ebio-
nitish sect.

The true particulars of Clement's life are quite
unknown. Tillemont (Manoires, ii. p. 147) sup-
poses that he was a Jew ; but the second epistle is
plainly written by a Gentile. Hence some con-
nect him with Flavius Clemens who was martyred
under Domitian. It is supposed, that Trajan ba-
nished Clement to the Chersonese, where he suf-
fered martyrdom. Various dates are given for the
first Epistle. Grabe (Spic. Pair. i. p. 254) has
fixed on a. d. 68, immediately after the martyrdom
of St. Peter and St. Paul ; while others prefer a. d.
95, during Domitian's persecution.

The Epistles were first published at Oxford by
Patric Young, the king's librarian, from the Codex
Alexandrinus, to the end of which they are ap-
pended (the second only as a fragment), and which
had been sent by Cyrillus Lucaris, patriarch of
Constantinople, to Charles L They were repub-
lished by F. Rous, provost of Eton, in 1 650 ; by
Fell, bishop of Oxford, in 1669 ; Cotelerius, at
Paris, in 1672; Ittig, at Leipzig, 1699; Wotton,
at Cambridge, 1718; Galland, at Venice, 1765;
Jacobson, at Oxford, in 1838; and by Hefele,
at Tubingen, 1839. Most of the above editions
contain the works of other fathers also. Of the
various texts, Hefele's is the best, and has been
republished in England (1843) in a convenient
form, with an introduction, by Mr. Grenfell, one
of the masters of Rugby. The best English trans-
lation is that of Chevallier (Cambridge, 1833),
founded on a previous translation made by Arch-
bishop Wake, 1693. [G. E. L. C]

CLEMENS, TERE'NTIUS, a Roman jurist,
contemporary with Julianus, whom he once cites

CLEOBULUS.

^K9

by the expression Julianus noster. (Dig. 28. tit. 6.
8. 6.) From this we infer, not that he was a pupil
of Julianus, but that he belonged to the same legal
school. (Compare Dig. 7. tit. 7. s. 5.) He pro-
bably therefore flourished in the time of Hadrian.
It has been suggested from the agreement of date,
that he was the same person as Pactunieiiis
Clemens, and that his name in full was Ter.
Pactumeius Clemens, but this is not likely. No
jurist is mentioned in the Digest by the name
Clemens simply, but, as if expressly for the sake
of distinction, we have always either Terentius
Clemens or Pactumeius Clemens. Terentius is no-
where cited in any extant fragment of any other
jurist. He wrote a treatise on the famous lex
Julia et Papia Poppaea, with the title '^ Ad Leges
Libri xx.," and of this work 35 fragments (be-
longing, according to Blame's hypothesis, to the
classis edictalis), are preserved in the Digest. They
are explained by Heineccius in his excellent com-
mentary on the lex Julia et Papia Poppaea. [Comp.
Clemens Pactumeius.] [J- T. G.]

CLEME'NTIA, a personification of Clemency,
was worshipped as a divinity at Rome, especially
in the time of the emperors. She had then tem-
ples and altars, and was represented, as we still
see on coins, holding a patera in her right, and a
lance in her left hand. (Claudian, De Laud. Stil.
ii. 6, &c.; Stat. T/ieb. xii. 481, &c. ; comp. Hirt,
Myfhol. Bilderbuch, ii. p. 113.) [L. S.]

CLEOBIS. [BiTON.]

CLEOBULI'NE {KKfoSov\ivy\\ called also
CLE0BULE;NE and CLEOBU'LE {KX^oSov
X'/jvn], K\€o^ov\7}), was daughter to Cleobulus of
Lindus, and is said by Plutarch to have been a
Corinthian by birth. From the same author we
learn that her father called her Eumetis, while
others gave her the name which marks her relation
to Cleobulus. She is spoken of as highly distin-
guished for her moral as well as her intellectual
qualities. Her skill in riddles, of which she com-
posed a number in hexameter verse, is particularly
recorded, and we find ascribed to her a well-known
one on the subject of the year [Cleobulus], as
well as that on the cupping-glass, which is quoted
with praise by Aristotle. A play of Cratinus,
called KKeoSovKifai, and apparently having re-
ference to her, is mentioned by Athenaeus. (Plut.
de Pyth. Orac. 14, Conv. vii. Sap. 3 ; Diog. Laert.
i. 89 ; Menn J. ad loc. ; Clem. Alex. Strom, iv. 1 9 ;
Suid. s. V. K\eo€ovKlvn ; Arist. Phet. iii. 2. § 12 ;
Athen. iv. p. 171, b., x. p. 448, c. ; Casaub. ad- loc. ;
Fabric. Bibl. Grace, ii. pp. 117, 121, 654; Mei-
neke. Hist Grit. Com. Grace, p. 277.) Cleobuline
was also the name of the mother of Thales. ( Diog.
Laert. i. 22 ) [E. E.]

CLEOBU'LUS [KXeSSovKos), one of the Seven
Sages, was son of Evagoras and a citizen of Lin-
dus in Rhodes, for Duris seems to sfcind alone in
stating that he was a Carian. (Diog. Laert. i. 89 ;
Strab. xiv. p. 655.) He was a contemporary of
Solon's, and must have lived at least as late as
B. c. 560 (the date of the usurpation of Peisis-
tratus), if the letter preserved in Diogenes Laer-
tius is genuine, which purports to have been written
by Cleobulus to Solon, inviting him to Lindus, as
a place of refuge from the tyrant. In the same
letter Lindus is mentioned as being under demo-
cratic government ; but Clement of Alexandria
{Strom, iv. 19) calls Cleobulus king of the Lin-
dians, and Plutarch {de Et ap. Delpli. 3) speaks of

790

CLEOCRITU&

him as a tyrant. These statements may, however,
be reconciled, by supposing him to have held, as
cuav/xvT^TTis, an authority delegated by the people
through election. (Arist. Polii. iii. 14, 15, ad Jin.
iv. 10, ed. Bekk.) Much of the philosophy of
Cleobulus is said to have been derived from Egypt.
He wrote also lyric poems, as well as riddles
(yp'(povs) in verse. Diogenes Laertius also ascribes
to him the inscription on the tomb of Midas, of
which Homer was considered by others to have
been the author (comp. Plat. Phaedr. p. 264), and
the riddle on the year (efs 6 nar^p, iraTSes Se
SvoiSfKa, K. T. A.), generally attributed to his
daughter Cleobuline. He is said to have lived to
the age of sixty, and to have been greatly distin-
guished for strength and beauty of peraon. Many
of his sayings are on record, and one of them at
least, — Sf7v crwoiKl^eiv rds ^vyargpas, vapdtvovs
ukv r-^v T^KiK(av, r^ Se (ppove7v yvvalKas^ — shews
him to have had worthier views of female educa-
tion than were generally prevalent ; while that he
acted on them is clear from the character of hia
daughter. (Diog. Laert i. 89 — 93 ; Suid. s. v.
KKeSgovKoi ; Clem. A\ex. Strom, i. 14 ; Fabric.
BiU. Graec. ii. pp. 117, 121, 654; comp. Did. of
Ant. s. V. XtXMvta.) [E. E.]

CLEOBU'LUS {K\e6Sov\os), ephor with
Xenares at Sparta b. c. 422-1, the second year of
the peace of Nicias. To this peace they were
hostile, and signalized their ephoralty by an in-
trigue with the Boeotians and Corinthians, with
the purpose of forming anew the Lacedaemo-
nian league so as to include the Argives, the fear
of whose hostility was the main obstacle in the
way of the war-party at Sparta. (Thisc. v. 36 —
38.) [A.H.C.]

CLEO'CHARES (KAeoxofwjs), a Greek orator
of Myrleia in Bithynia, contemporary with the
orator Demochares and the philosopher Arcesilaa,
towards the close of the third century B. c. The
chief passage relating to him is in Rutilius Lupus,
de Fiyur. Sentent. p. 1,3, where a list of his ora-
tions is given. He also wrote on rhetoric : a work
in which he compared the styles of Isocrates and
Demosthenes, and said that the former resembled
an athlete, the latter a soldier, is quoted by Pho-
tius. (Cod. 176, p. 121, b. 9, ed. Bekker.) The
remark there quoted is, however, ascribed to Philip
of ALicedon by Photius himself (Cod. 265, p. 493,
b. 20, ed. Bekker), and by the Pseudo-Plutarch
{de Vit. X Or. viii. 25, p. 845, c). The obvious
explanation is, that Cleochares inserted the obser-
vation in his work as having been made by Philip.
None of his orations are extant. (Strab. xii. p.
566; Diog. Laert. iv. 41; Ruhnken, ad RutU.
Lup. i. p. 5, &c., and Hist. Grit. Or. Gr. 63, pp.
185, 186 ; Westermann, Gesdi. der Beredtsamkeit
in Grieclu'nkind, § 76.) [P. S.]

CLEO'CRITUS {KKi6Kpiros\ an Athenian,
herald of the Mysteries, was one of the exiles
who returned to Athens with Thrasybulus. After
the battle of Mun^-chia, B. c. 404, being remark-
able for a very powerful voice, he addressed his
countrymen who had fought on the side of the
Thirty, calling on them to abandon the cause of
the tyrants and put an end to the horrors of civil
war. (Xen. Hell. ii. 4. §§ 20-22.) His person
was as burly as his voice was loud, as we may
gather from the joke of Aristophanes {Ran. 1433),
who makes Euripides propose to fit on the slender
Cineaias by way of wings to Cleocritus, and send

CLEOMACHUS.

them up into the air together to squirt vinegar
into the eyes of the Spartans. The other passage
also in which Aristophanes mentions him {Av.
876), may perhaps be best explained as an allusion
to his stature. (See Schol. ad loc.) [E. E.]

CLEODAEUS (KAedSatos), a son of the
Heracleid Hyllus, who was as unsuccessful as his
father in his attempt to conquer Peloponnesus. In
after times he had a heroum at Sparta. (ApoUod.
ii. 8. §2; Pans. iii. 15. §7.) [L. S.]

CLEODE'MUS MALCHUS ( KA€(J5r;/xos
MdAxos), an historian of uncertain date. He
wrote a history of the Jews, to which we find
reference made by Alexander Polj'^histor in a pas-
sage quoted from the latter by Josephus. {Ant. i.
15.) The name of !Malchus is said to be of the
same meaning in Syriac as tliat of Cleodemus in
Greek. [E. E.]

CLEODE'MUS (KAeJSTjAtos), the name of a
physician introduced by Plutarch in his Scptem
Sapientum Convivium (c. 10, ed. Tauclm.), and said
to have used cupping more frequently than any
other physician of his age, and to have brought
that remedy into great repute by his exauii)]e, in
the first century after Christ. [ W. A. G.]

CLEOETAS (KAeoiTos), a sculptor and archi-
tect, celebrated for the skilful construction of the
dcpitris or starting- place in the stadium at Olympia.
(Pans. vi. 20. § 7.) He was the author of a bronze
statue of a warrior which existed at the acropolis
of Athens at the time of Pausanias. (i. 24. ^ 3.)
As he was the son and father of an Aristocles
(Visconti, Ocuvres diverscs, vol. iii. p 372),
Thiersch {Epoclien d. Dild. Kutist. p. 281, &c.)
and Sillig {Catal. p. 153) reckon him as one of the
Sicyonian artists, among whom Aristocles, the bro-
ther of Canachus, is a conspicuous name, and assign
him therefore to 01. 61. But this is a manifest
error, as may be seen by comparing two passages
of Pausanias (vi. 3. § 4, vi. 9. § 1) ; and it is
highly probable that Cleoetas was an Athenian.
His name occurs (01. 86) in an inscription, from
which we learn, that he was one of Phidias' assis-
tants, that he accompanied his master to Olympias,
and that thus he came to construct the the d<p€(ris.
(Muller, de Phidia, i. 13 ; Bockh, Corp. Inscript.
Graec. vol. i. pp. 39, 237, 884 ; Schultz, in Jahi's
Jahrbucher fur Philologie, 1829, p. 73; Brunn,
Artific. liberae Graeciae iempora^ p. 23.) [L, U.]

CLEO'MACHUS (KAed^xos). l- It is sup.
posed that there was a tragic poet of this name,
contemporary with Cratinus ; but there can be
little doubt that the passages of Cratinus on which
this notion is founded {ap. Allien, xiv. p. 638, f.)
refer to the lyric poet Gnesippus, the son of Cleo-
machus, and that for TfJ5 KAeo^ax&j and 6 KAeo-
jjLaxos we ought to read r^ K\eoju.dxov and 6 KAeo-
jjLaxov. (Bergk, Reliq. Com. Alt. p. ;i3, &c. ;
IVIeineke, Frag. Com. Graec. ii. pp. 27 — 29 ;
Gnesippus.) Of Cleomachus, the father of Gne-
sippus, nothing is known, unless he be the same
as the lyric poet mentioned below.

2. Of Magnesia, a lyric poet, was at first a
boxer, but having fallen violently in love, he de-
voted himself to the composition of poems of a very
licentious character. (Strab. xiv. p. 648 ; Tricha,
de iMctrLs, p. 34.) From the resemblance in cha-
racter between his poetry and that of Gnesippus,
it might be inferred that he is the same person as
the father of Gnesippus ; but Strabo mentions hira
among the celebrated men of Magnesia in such a

CLEOMBROTUS.

way that, if he adlieres in this case to hig usual
practice of giving the names in chronological order,
this Cleoraachus would fall much later than the
time of Gnesippus. His name was given to a
variety of the Ionic a Majore metre. (Ilephaestion,
xi. p/62, ed. Gaisford.) [P. S.]

CLEO'MBIIOTUS ( K\(6n§poTos ), son of
Anaxandridos, king of Sparta, brother of Dorieus
and Leonidas, and half-brother of Cleomenes.
(Herod. V. 41.) He became regent after the battle
of Thennopylae, B.C. 480, for Pleistarchus, infant
son of Leonidas, and in this capacity was at the
head of the Peloponnesiau troops who at the time
of the battle of Salamis were engaged in fortifying
the isthmus. (Herod, viii. 71.) The work was re-
newed in the following spring, till deserted for the
commencement of the campaign of Plataea. Whe-
ther Cleombrotus was this second time engaged in
it cannot be gathered with certainty from the ex-
pression of Herodotus (ix. 10), " that he died
shortly after leading home his forces from the
Isthmus in consequence of an eclipse of the sun."
Yet the date of that eclipse, Oct. 2nd, seems to
fix his death to the end of B. c. 480 (thus Muller,
Proleyom. p. 409), nor is the language of Hero-
dotus very favourable to Thirlwall's hypothesis,
according to which, with Clinton {F. H. ii. p. 209),
he places it early in 479. {Hist, of Greece.^ ii. p.
328.) He left two sons, — the noted Pausanias,
who succeeded him as regent, and Nicomedes.
(Thuc. i. 107.) [A. H. C]

CLEO'MBROTUS I. (K\eo/i§poTos), the 23rd
king of Sparta, of the Agid line, was the son of
Pausanias. He succeeded his brother Agesipolis
I. in the year 380 B. c, and reigned nine j-ears.
After the deliverance of Thebes from the domina-
tion of Sparta [Pelopidas], Cleombrotus was sent
into Boeotia, at the head of a Lacedaemonian anny,
in the spring of b. c. 378, but he only spent six-
teen days in the Theban territory without doing
any injury, and then returned home, leaving Spho-
drias as harmost at Thespiae. On his march home
his army suifered severely from a storm. His
conduct excited much disapprobation at Sparta,
and the next two expeditions against Thebes were
entrusted to the other king, Auesilaus II. In
the year 376, on account of the illness of Agesilaus,
the command was restored to Cleombrotus, who
again effected nothing, but returned to Sparta in
consequence of a slight repulse in the passes of
Cilhaeron. This created still stronger dissatisfac-
tion : a congress of the allies was held at Sparta,
and it was resolved to prosecute the war by sea.
[Chabrias ; PoLLis.] In the spring of 374,
Cleombrotus was sent across the Corinthian gulf
into Phocis, wliich had been invaded by the The-
bans, who, however, retreated into Boeotia upon
his approach. He remained in Phocis till the year
371, when, in accordance with the policy by which
Thebes was excluded from the peace between
Athens and Sparta, he was ordered to march into
Boeotia. Having avoided Epaminondas, who was
guarding the pass of Coroneia, he marched down
upon Creusis, which he took, with twelve Theban
triremes which were in the harbour; and he then
advanced to the plains of Leuctiu, where he met
the Theban army. He seems to have been desirous
of avoiding a battle, though he was superior to the
enemy in numbers, but his friends reminded him
of the suspicions he had before incurred by his
former slowness to act against the Thebans, and

CLEOMEDES.

-91

warned liim of the danger of repeating such con-
duct in the present crisis. In accusing Cleombro-
tus of rashness in fighting, Cicero (C^I i. 24) seems
to have judged by the result. There was certainly
as much hesitation on the other side. In the
battle which ensued [Epaminondas; Pelopidas]
he fought most bravely, and fell mortally wounded,
and died shortly after he was carried from the
field. According to Diodorus, his fall decided the
victory of the Thebans. He was succeeded by hia
son Agesipolis II. (Xen. Jhll. v. 4. §§ 14-18,

59, vi. 1. § 1, c. 4. § 1.5 ; Plut. Pdop. 13, 20-23,
Ages. 28; Diod. xv. 51—55 ; Paus. i. 13. § 2,
iii. G. § 1, ix. 13. §§ 2—4 ; Manso, S-parta, iil 1.
pp. 124, 133, 138, 158.) [P. S.]

CLEOMBROTUS II., the 30th king of Sparta
of the Agid line, was of the royal race, though not
in the direct male line. He was also the son-in-
law of Leonidas II., in whose place he was made
king by the party of Agis IV. about 243 B. c. On
the return of Leonidas, Cleombrotus was deposed
and banished to Tegea, about 240 B. c. [Aois IV.]
He was accompanied into exile by his wife Chei-
lonis, throxigh whose intercession with her father
his life had been spared, and who is mentioned as
a conspicuous example of conjugal affection. He
left two sons, Agesipolis and Cleomenes, of whom
the former became the father and the latter the
guardian of Agesipolis IIL (Plut. Agis^ 11, 16
— 18 ; Paus. iii. 6 ; Polyb.iv. 35 ; Manso, 5/>aria,
iii. 1, pp. 284, 298.) [P. S.]

CLEO'MBROTUS ( KXetJ/ig/Joros ), an Aca-
demic philosopher of Ambracia, who is said to
have thrown himself down from a high wall, after
reading the Phaedon of Plato ; not that he had any
sufferings to escape from, but that he might ex-
change this life for a better. (Calliraach. Epigr.

60, ap. Brunck, Anal. i. p. 474, Jacobs, i. p. 226 ;
Agath. Schol. Ep. 60. v. 17, ap. Brunck, Aiial. iii.
p. 59, Jacobs, iv. p. 29 ; Lucian, Philop. 1 -, Cic.
pro Scaur, ii. 4, Tusc. i. 34 ; Augustin. de Civ.
Dei, i. 22; Fabric. Bihl. Graec. iii. p. 168.) The
disciple of Socrates, whom Plato mentions as being
in Aegina when Socrates died, may possibly be the
same person. (P/iaedon, 2, p. 59, c.) [P. S.]

CLEOME'DES (KheofiiiS-ns), an Athenian, son
of Lycomedes, was one of the commanders of the
expedition against Melos in B. c. 416. He is men-
tioned also by Xenophon as one of the 30 tyrants
appointed in b. c. 404. (Thuc. v. 84, &c. ; Xen.
IJell. ii. 3. § 2.) Schneider's conjecture with re-
spect to him (ad Xen. I.e.) is inadmissible. [E.E.]

CLEOME'DES ( KAeo/iTJSrjs ), of the island
Astypalaea, an athlete, of whom Pausanias (vi. 9)
and Plutarch (Horn. 28) record the following le-
gend : — In 01. 72 (b. c. 492) he killed Iccus, his
opponent, in a boxing-match, at the Olympic
games, and the judges ( 'EAAoro5//cai ) decided
that he had been guilty of unfiiir play, and pu-
nished him with the loss of the prize. Stung
to madness by the disgrace, he returned to Asty-
paLiea, and there in his frenzy he shook down the
pillar which supported the roof of a boys' school,
crushing all who were in it beneath the ruins.
The Astypalaeans preparing to stone him, he fled
for refuge to the temple of Athena, and got into a
chest, which his pursuers, having vainly attempted
to open it, at length broke to pieces ; but no
Cleomcdes was there. They sent accordingly to
consult the Delpliic oracle, and received the follow
ing auswer : —

792

CLEOMEDES.

"ToTOTos T^pwwv K\eojU7)57js 'A.(TTVTra\ai€is,

"Ov bvalais riixaff ws /xtjkcti ^yjirdv 46in-a. [E.E.]

CLEOME'DES (KAeou^Srjs), author of a Greek
treatise in two books on the Circular Theory of the
Heaveidy Bodies (KvK\iKr}s Qfupias Merecopccv
Bl§\ia Svo). It is rather an exposition of the
eystem of the universe than of the geometrical
principles of astronomy. Indeed, Cleomedes be-
trays considerable ignorance of geometry (see his
account, p. 28, of the position of the ecliptic), and
seems not to pretend to accuracy in numerical de-
tails. The first book treats of the universe in gene-
ral, of the zones, of the motions of the stars and
planets, of day and night, and of the magnitude
and figure of the earth. Under the last head,
Cleomedes maintains the spherical shape of the
earth against the Epicureans, and gives the only
detailed account extant of the methods by which
ICratosthenes and Poseidonius attempted to mea-
sure an arc of the meridian. The second book
contains a dissertation on the magnitudes of the
Bun and moon, in which the absurd opinions of the
Epicureans are again ridiculed ; and on the illumi-
nation of the moon, its phases and eclipses. The
most interesting points are, the opinion, that the
moon's revolution about its axis is performed in
the same time as its si/nodical revolution about the
earth ; an allusion to something like almanacs, in
which predicted eclipses were registered ; and the
BUggestion of atmospherical refraction as a possible
explanation of the fact (which Cleomedes however
professes not to believe), that the sun and moon
are sometimes seen above the horizon at once dur-
ing a lunar eclipse. (He illustrates this by the
experiment in which a ring, just out of sight at
the bottom of an empty vessel, is made visible by
pouring in water.)

Of the history of Cleomedes nothing is known,
and the date of his work is uncertain. He pro-
fesses {ad fin.), that it is compiled from various
sources, ancient and modem, but particularly from
Poseidonius (who was contemporary with Cicero);
and, as he mentions no author later than Poseido-
nius, it is inferred, that he must have lived before,
or at least not much after Ptolemy, of whose works
he could hardly have been ignorant if they had
been long extant. It seems, also, from the eager-
ness with which he defends the Stoical doctrines
against the Epicureans, that the controversy be-
tween these two sects w<is not obsolete when he
wrote. On the other hand, Delambre has shewn
that he had nothing more than a second-hand
knowledge of the works of Hipparchus, which
seems to lessen the improbability of his being ig-
norant of Ptolemy. And Letronne {Journal des
Savans, 1821, "p. 712) argues, that it is unlikely
that Cleomedes should have known anything of
refraction before Ptolemy, who says nothing of it
in the Almagest (in which it must have appeared
if he had been acquainted with it), but introduces
the subject for the first time in his Optics. The
same writer also endeavours to shew, from the
longitude assigned by Cleomedes (p. 59) to the
star Aldebaran, that he could not have written
earlier than a. d. 186. Riccioli {Ahnag. Nov. vol.
i. pp. xxxii. and 307) supposes, that the Cleomedes
who wrote the Circular llieory lived a little after
Poseidonius, and that another Cleomedes lived
about A. D. 390.

A treatise on Arithmetic and another on the
6y.'rf/-e, attributed to a Cleomedes, are said to exist

CLEOMENES.

I in MS. Vossius {de Nut. AH. p. 180, b.) con^eo-
tures that Cleomedes wrote the work on Harmonics
attributed to Cleonides or Euclid. [Eucleides.]

The KvkMkti Qewpia was first printed in Latin
by Geo. Valla, Ven. 1498, fol. ; in Greek by Con-
rad Neobarius, Paris, 1539 ; in Gr. and Lat. with
a commentary, by Rob. Balfour, Burdigal. 1605,
4to. The two latest editions are by Janus Bake,
with Balfour's commentar\% &c., Lugd. Bat. 1820,
8vo., and C. C. T. Schmidt, Lips. 1832, 8vo. (a
reprint of Bake's text, with select notes).

(Delambre, I/ist. de fAstron. Ancienne, vol. i.
chap, 12; Weidler, Hist. Astron. p, 152; Voss,
de Nat. Art. p. 117, a.; Fabric. Bill. Grace, iv.
p. 41.) [W. F, D,]

CLEOME'NES I. (KAeo^c'z/ijs), 16th king of
Sparta in the Agid line, was born to Anaxandrides
by his second wife, previous to the birth by his
first of Dorieus, Leonidas, and Cleonibrotus.
[Anaxandrides.] He accordingly, on his fa-
ther's death, succeeded, not later it would seem
than 519 B. c, and reigned for a period of 29
years, (Clinton, F. H. ii. p. 208.)

In B. c. 519 we are told it was to Cleomenes
that the Plataeans applied when Sparta, declining
to assist them, recommended alliance with Atiiens.
(Herod, vi. 108.) And not much later, the visit
of Maeandrius occurred, who had been left in
possession of Samos by the death of Polj'crates,
but had afterwards been driven out by the Per-
sians with Syloson. Maeandrius twice or thrice
in conversation with Cleomenes led the way to
his house, where he took care to have displayed
certivin splendid goblets, and, on Cleomenes ex-
pressing his admiration, begged he would accept
them, Cleomenes refused ; and at last, in fear
for his own or his citizens' weakness, went to the
ephors and got an order for the stranger's depar-
ture. (Herod, iii, 148.)

In 510 Cleomenes commanded the forces by
whose assistance Hippias was driven from Athens,
and not long after he took part in the struggle be-
tween Cleisthenes and the aristocratical party of
Isagoras by sending a herald with orders, pointed
against Cleisthenes, for the expulsion of all who
were stained with the pollution of Cylon. He fol-
lowed this step by coming and driving out, in person,
700 households, substituting also for the new Coun-
cil of 500 a body of 300 partisans of Isagoras, But
his force was small, and having occupied the acro-
polis with his friends, he was here besieged, and
at last forced to depart on conditions, leaving his
allies to their fate. In shame and anger he hur-
ried to collect Spartan and allied forces, and set
forth for his revenge. At Eleusis, however, when
the Athenians were in sight, the Corinthians re-
fused to proceed ; their example was followed by
his brother-king Demaratus ; and on this the other
allies also, and with them Cleomenes, withdrew.
When in the acropolis at Athens, he is related to
have attempted, as an Achaean, to enter the tem-
ple, from which Dorians were excluded, and to
have hence brought back with him to Sparta a
variety of oracles predictive of his country's future
relations with Athens ; and their contents, says
Herodotus, induced the abortive attempt which
the Spartans made soon after to restore the tyranny
of Hippias. (Herod, v. 64, 65, 69-76, 89-91.)

In 500, Sparta was visited by Aristagoras, a
petitioner for aid to the revolted lonians. Hi«
brazen map and his accompanying representiitions

CLEOMENES.

appear to have had considerable effect on Cleomenes.
He demanded three days to consider; then en-
quired "how far was Susa from the sea." Arista-
goras forgot his diplomacy and said, "three months'
journey." His Spartan listener was thoroughly
alarmed, and ordered him to depart before sunset.
Aristagoras however in suppliant's attire hurried
to meet him at home, and made him offers, begin-
ning with tt'n, and mounting at last to fifty talents.
It chanced that Cleomenes had his daughter Gorgo,
a child eight or nine years old, standing by ; and
at this point she broke in, and said " Father, go
away, or he will do you harm." And Cleomenes
on this recovered his resolution, and left the room.
(Herod, vi. 49 — 51.) This daughter Gorgo, his
only child, was afterwards the wife of his half-
brother Leonidas : and she, it is said, first found
the key to the message which, by scraping the wax
from a wooden writing-tablet, graving the wood,
and then covering it with wax again, Demaratus
conveyed to Sparta from the Persian court in an-
nouncement of the intended invasion. (Herod, vii.
^239.)

In 491 the heralds of Dareius came demanding
earth and water from the Greeks; and Athens
denounced to Sparta the submission of the Aegine-
tans. Cleomenes went off in consequence to Ae-
pina, and tried to seize certain parties as hostages.
Meantime Demaratus, with whom he had probably
been on bad terms ever since the retreat from
Eleusis, sent private encouragements to the Aegi-
netans to resist him, and took further advantage of
his absence to intrigue against him at home. Cleo-
menes returned unsuccessful, and now leagued him-
self with Leotychides, and effected his colleague's
deposition. [Demaratus.] (Herod, vi. 49 — 66.)
He then took Leotychides with hira back to Aegi-
na, seized his hostages, and placed them in the
hands of the Athenians. But on his return to
Sparta, he found it detected that he had tampered
with the priestess at Delphi to obtain the oracle
which deposed Demaratus, and, in apprehension of
the consequences, he went out of the way into
Thessaly. Shortly after, however, he ventured
into Arcadia, and his machinations there to excite
the Araidians against his country were sufficient to
frighten the Spartans into offering him leave to re-
turn with impunity. He did not however long sur-
vive his recall. He was seized with raving madness,
and dashed his staff in every one's face whom he
met ; and at last when confined as a maniac in a
sort of stocks, he prevailed on the Helot who
watched hira to give hira a knife, and died by
slashing (KaTaxo.Sfvwv) his whole body over with
it. (Herod, vi. 73—75.)

His madness and death, says Herodotus, were
ascribed by the Spartans to the habit he acquired
from some Scythian visitors at Sparta of excessive
drinking. Others found a reason in his acts of
sacrilege at Delphi or Eleusis, where he laid waste
a piece of sacred land (the Oryas)^ or again at
Argos, the case of which was as follows. Cleo-
menes invaded Argolis, conveying his forces by
sea to the neighbourhood of Tir}-ns ; defeated by
a simple stratagem the whole Argive forces, and
pursued a large number of fugitives into the wood
of the hero Argus. Some of them he drew from
their refuge on false pretences, the rest he burnt
among the sacred trees. He however made no
attempt on the city, but after sacrificing to the
Ai-give Juno, and whipping her priestess for op-

CLEOMENES.

793

posing his will, returned home and excused him-
self, and indeed was acquitted after investigation,
on the ground that the oracle predicting that he
should capture Argos had been fulfilled by the
destruction of the grove of Argus. Such is the
strange account given by Herodotus (vi. 76-84) of
the great battle of the Seventh (^«' rp 'E§S<J/u7?), the
greatest exploit of Cleomenes, which deprived Argos
of 6000 citizens (Herod, vii. 148), and left her in
a state of debility from which, notwithstanding
the enlargement of her franchise, she did not re-
cover till the middle of the Peloponnesian war.
To this however we may add in explanation the
story given by later writers of the defence of Ar-
gos by its women, headed bv the poet-heroine Te-
lesilla. (Paus. ii. 20. $ 7 ; Plut. Mor. p. 245 ; Poly-
aen. viii. 33 ; Suidas.s.v.TeAeo-tAAo.) [Telksilla.]
Herodotus appears ignorant of it, though he gives
an oracle seeming to refer to it. It is perfectly
probable that Cleomenes thus received some check,
and we must remember the Spartan incapacity for
sieges. The date again is doubtful. Pausanias,
(iii. 4. $$ 1-5), who follows Herodotus in his account
of Cleomenes, says, it was at the beginning of his
reign ; Clinton, however, whom Thirl wall follows,
fixes it, on the groimd of Herod, vii. 148-9, to-
wards the end of his reign, about 510 B. c.

The life of Cleomenes, as graphically given by-
Herodotus is very^ curious ; we may perhaps, without
much imputation on the father of history, suspect
that his love for personal story has here a little
coloured his narrative. Possibly he may have some-
what mistaken his character ; certainly the freedom of
action allowed to a king whom the Spartans were
at first half inclined to put aside for the younger
brother Dorieus, and who was always accounted
half-mad {vTroixapy6TH)os\ seems at variance with
the received views of their kingly office. Yet it is
possible that a wild character of this kind might
find favour in Spartan eyes. (Comp. Mliller, Dor.
i. 8. § 6 ; Clinton, B. c. 510, and p. 425, note x.)
The occupation of the acropolis of Athens is men-
tioned by Aristophanes. (Lvsistr. 272.) [A. H. C]

CLEO'MENES II., the 25th king of Sparta
of the Agid line, was the son of Cleombrotus I.
and the brother of Agesipolis II., whom he suc-
ceeded in B. c. 370. He died in b. c. 309, after a
reign of sixty years and ten months ; but during
this long period we have no information about him
of any importance. He had two sons, Acrotatus
and Cleonymus. Acrotatus died during the life ot
Cleomenes, upon whose death Areus, the son of
Acrotatus, succeeded to the throne. [Arkus I. ;
Cleonymus.] (Diod. xx. 29 ; Plut. Jgis, 3 ;
Paus. i. 13. § 3, iii. 6. $ 1 ; Manso, Spaiia, iii. 1,
p. 164, 2. pp. 247, 248": Diod. xv. 60, contradicts
himself about the time that Cleomenes reigned,
and is evidently wrong ; see Clinton, Fast. ii. pp.
213,214.) [P- S.]

CLEO'MENES III., the 31st king of Sparta
of the Agid line, was the son of Leonidas II.
After the death of Agis IV., B. c. 240, Leonidas
married his widow Agiatis to Cleomenes, who was
under age, in order, as it seems, to bring into his
family the inheritjince of the Proclidiie. Agiatis,
though at first violently opposed to the match, con-
ceived a great affection for her husband, and she
used to explain to him the principles and designs
of Agis, about which he was eager for information.
Cleomenes was endowed, according to Plutarch,
with a noble spirit ; in moderation and simplicity

794

CLEOMENES.

of life he was not inferior to Agis, but superior to
him in energy, and less scrupulous about the
means by which his good designs might be accom-
plished. His mind was further stirred up to
manliness and ambition by the instructions of the
Stoic philosopher Sphaerus of Borysthenes, who
visited Sparta. To this was added the influence
of his mother Cratesicleia. It was not long, there-
fore, before Cleomenes had formed the design of
restoring the ancient Spartan discipline, and the
death of his father, whom he succeeded (b. c. 236),
put him in a position to attempt his projected re-
form ; but he saw that careful preparations must
first be made, and that Sparta was not to be re-
stored by the means which Agis had employed.
Instead of repeating the vain attempt of Agis to
form a popular part}'^ against the Ephors, the im-
possibility of which was proved by the refusal of
Xenares, one of his most intimate friends, to aid
his efforts, he perceived that the regeneration of
Sparta must be achieved by restoring to her her
old renown in war, and by raising her to the
supremacy of Greece ; and then that, the restored
strength of the state being centred in him as its
leader, he might safely attempt to crush the power
of the Ephors. It was thus manifest that his
policy must be war, his enemy the Achaean leapie.
liydiadas, the former tyrant of Megalopolis, fore-
saw the danger which the league might apprehend
from Cleomenes ; but the counsels of Aratus, who
was blind to this danger, prevailed ; and the pro-
posal of Lydiadas, to make the first attack on
Sparta, was rejected.

The first movement of Cleomenes was to seize
suddenly and by treachery the Arcadian cities,
Tegea, Mantineia, and Orchomenus, which had
recently united themselves with the Aetolians,
who, instead of resenting the injury, confirmed
Cleomenes in the possession of them. The reason
of this was, that the Aetolians had already con-
ceived the project of fonning an alliance with
Macedonia and Sparta against the Achaean league.
It is probable that they even connived at the
seizure of these towns by Cleomenes, who thus
Bi'cured an excellent position for his operations
agjiinst the league before commencing war with it.
Aratus, who was now strategos, at last perceived
the danger which threatened from Sparta, and,
with the other chiefs of the Achaean league, he re-
solved not to attack the Lacedaemonians, but to
resist any aggression they might make. About
the beginning of the year 227 b. c, Cleomenes, by
the order of the Ephors, seized the little town of
Belbina, and fortified the temple of Athena near
it. This place commanded the mountain pass on
the high road between Sparta and Megalopolis,
and was at that period claimed by both cities,
though anciently it had belonged to Sparta. Aratus
made no complaint at its seizure, but attempted
to get possession of Tegea and Orchomenus by
treachery. But, when he marched out in the night
to take possession of them, the conspirators, who
were to deliver up the towns, lost courage. The
attempt was made known to Cleomenes, who wrote
in ironical tenns of friendship to ask Aratus
whither he had led his army in the night ? " To
prevent your fortifying Belbina," was the reply.
*' Pray then, if you have no objection," retorted
Cleomenes, " tell us why you took with you lights
and scaling ladders." By this correspondence
Aratus found out with whom he had to do. The

CLEOMENES.

Spartans, on the other hand, were satisfied with
the important advantage which they had gained
in the fortification of Belbina ; and Cleomenes, who
was in Arcadia with only three hundred foot and
a few horse, was recalled by the Ephors. His
back was no sooner turned than Aratus seized
Caphyae, near Orchomenus. The Ephors imme-
diately sent back Cleomenes, who took Methydrion,
and made an incursion into the territories of A rgos.
About this time Aristomachus succeeded Aratus
as strategos of the Achaean league (in May, 227,
B. c), and to this period perhaps should be referred
the declaration of war against Cleomenes by the
council of the Achaeans, which is mentioned by
Polybius. Aristomachus collected an army of
20,000 foot and 1000 horse, with which he'met
Cleomenes near Palantium ; and, though the latter
had only 5000 men, they were so eager and brave
that Aratus persuaded Aristomachus to decline
battle. The fact is, that the Achaeans were never
a warlike people, and Aratus was very probably
right in thinking that 20,000 Achaeans were no
match for 5000 Spartans. But the moral effect of *
this affair was worth more than a victory to Cleo-
menes. In May, 226, Aratus again became stra-
tegos, and led the Achaean forces against Elis.
The Eleans applied to Sparta for aid, and Cleo-
menes met Aratus on his retuni, at the foot of
Mount Lycaeum, in the territory of Megalopolis,
and defeated him with great slaughter. It was at
first reported that Aratus was killed ; but he had
only fled ; and, having rallied part of his army, he
took Mantineia by a sudden assault, and revolu-
tionized its constitution by making the metoeci
citizens. The effect of this change was the forma-
tion of an Achaean party in the town.

Cleomenes had not yet taken any open steps
against the Ephors, though he could not but be an ob-
ject of suspicion to them ; they were however in a dif-
ficult position. The spirit of Agis still lived in the
Spartan youth ; and Cleomenes, at the head of his
victorious army, was too strong to be crushed like
Agis. Secret assassination might have been era-
ployed — and when was a Spartan ephor heard of
who would have scrupled to use it ?— but then they
would have lost the only man capable of carrying on
the war, and Sparta must have fallen into the position
of a subordinate member of the Achaean league.
They appear, however, to have taken advantage of
the loss of Mantineia to make a truce with the
Achaeans. (Pans. viii. 27. § 10.) Cleomenes now
took measures to strengthen himself against them.
These measures are differently represented by
Phylarchus, the panegyrist of Cleomenes, whom
Plutarch seems on the whole to have followed, and
by Polybius and Pausanias, who followed Aratus
and other Achaean writers. At the death of Agis,
his infant son, Eurydaraidas, was left in the hands
of his mother, Agiatis ; and Arcliidamus, the
brother of Agis, fled into Messenia, according to
the statement of Plutarch, which, from the nature
of the case, is far more probable than the account
of Polybius (v. 37. § 2, viii. 1. § 3), that Archi-
damus fled at a later period, through fear of Cleo-
menes. Eurj'damidas was now dead, poisoned, it
was said, by the Ephors, and that too, according
to Pausanias (ii. 9. § 1), at the instigation of
Cleomenes. The falsity of this last statement is
proved by the silence of Polybius, who never
spares Cleomenes, but it may serve to shew how
recklesslv he was abused bv some of the Achaean

CLEOMENES.

party,

heir to the throne of the I'roclidae, and he was
invited by Cleoraenes to return ; but no sooner
had he set foot in Sparta than he was assassinated.
This crime also is charged upon Clcomenos by the
Achaean party, and among them by Polybius.
Thfc truth cannot now be ascertained, but every
circumstance of the case seems to fix the guilt
upon the Ephors. Clcomencs had everything to
hope, and tlie Ephors everything to fear, from the
association of Archidanuis in his councils. Cleo-
menes, it is true, did nothing to avenge the crime :
but the reason of this was, that the time for liis
attack upon the Ephors was not yet come ; and
thus, instead of an evidence of his guilt, it is
a striking proof of his patient resolution, that he
submitted to incur such a suspicion rather than to
peril the object of his life by a premature move-
ment. On the contrar)-, he did everj'thing to ap-
pease the party of the Epliors. He bribed them
largely, by the help of his mother Cratesicleia, who
even went so far as to marry one of the chief men
of the oligarchical party. Through the influence
thus giiined, Cleomenes was pennitted to continue
the war ; he took Leuctra, and gained a decisive
victory over Anitus beneath its walls, owing to the
impetuosity of Lydiadas, who was killed in the
battle. The conduct of Amtus, in leaving Lydiadas
unsupported, though perhaps it saved his army,
disgusted and dispirited the Achacans to such a
degree, that they made no further efforts during
this campaign, and Cleomenes was left at leisure
to effect his long-cherished revolution during the
winter which now came on. (b. c. 226 — 225.)

Having secured the aid of his father-in-law,
Megistonus, and of two or three other persons, he
first weakened the oligarchical party by drafting
many of its chief supporters into his army, with
which he then again took the field, seized the
Achaean cities of Heraea and Asea, threw supplies
into Orchomenus, beleaguered Mantineia, and so
wearied out his soldiers, that they were glad to be
left in Arcadia, while Cleomenes himself marched
back to Sparta at the head of a force of mercenaries,
surprised the Ephors at table, and slew all of them,
except Agesilaus, who took sanctuary in the temple
of Fear, and had his life granted afterwards by
Cleomenes. Having struck this decisive blow, and
being supported not only by his mercenaries, but
also by the remains of the party of Agis, Cleo-
menes met with no further resistance. He now
propounded his new constitution, which is too
closely connected with the whole subject of the
Spartan polity to be explained within the limits of
this article. All that can be said here is, that he
extended the power of the kings, abolished the
Ephorate, restored the community of goods, made
a new division of the lands, and recruited the body
of the citizens, by bringing back the exiles and by
raising to the full franchise the most deserving of
those who had not before possessed it. He also
restored, to a great extent, the ancient Spartan
system of social and military discipline. In the
completion of this reform he was aided by the phi-
losopher Sphaerus. The line of the Proclidae
being extinct, he took his brother Eucleidas for his
colleague in tlie kingdom. In his own conduct he
set a fine example of the simple virtue of an old
Spartan.

From this period must be dated the contest be-
tween the Achaeans and Cleomenes for the supre-

CLEOMENES.

'05

macy of Oreece, which Polybius calls the Cleomenic
war, and which lasted three years, from B. c. 225
to the battle of Sellasia in the spring of B. c. 222.
For its details, of which a slight sketch is given
under Aratus, the reader is referred to the histo-
rians. Amidst a career of brilliant success, ('leo-
menes committed some errors, but, even if he had
avoided them, he could not but have been over-
powered by the united force of Macedonia and the
Achaean league. The moral character of the war
is condensed by Niebuhr into one just and forcible
sentence : — " Old Aratus sacrificed the freedom of
his country by an act of high treason, and gave up
Corinth rather than establish the freedom of Greece
by a union among the Peloponnesians, which
would have secured to Cleomenes the influence
and power he deserved." {History of Rome^ iv.
p. 226.)

From the defeat of Sellasia, Cleomenes returned
to Sparta, and having advised the citizens to sub-
mit to Antigonus, he fled to his .illy, Ptolemy Eu-
ergetes, at Alexandria, where his mother and
children were alreadj' residing as hostages. Any
hope he might have had of recovering his kingdom
by the help of Ptolemy Euergetes was defeated by
the death of that king, whose successor, Ptolemy
Philopator, treated Cleomenes with the greatest
neglect, and his minister, Sosibius, imprisoned him
on a charge of conspiracy against the king's life.
Cleomenes, with his attendants, escaped from
prison, and attempted to raise an insurrection
against Ptolemy, but finding no one join him, he
put himself to death, (b. c. 221 — 220.) His reign
lasted 16 years. He is rightly reckoned by Pau-
sanias (iii. 6. § 5) as the last of the Agidae, for
his nominal successor, Agesipolis III., was a mere
puppet. He was the last truly great man of
Sparta, and, excepting perhaps Philopoemen, of all
Greece.

(Plutarch, Cleom., Aral. ; Polyb. ii. v., &c. ;
Droysen, GeschicMe der Hellenismus, vol. ii. bk. ii.
c. 4 ; Manso, Sparta, vol. iii.) [P. S.]

CLEO'MENES (KAeo^t'i/Tjs), Spartans of the
royal family of the Agidae, but not kings.

1. Son of the general Pausanias, brother of
king Pleistoanax, and uncle of king Pausanias, led
the Peloponnesian army in their fourth invasion of
Attica, in the fifth year of the Peloponnesian war.
(b. c. 427.) Cleomenes acted in place of his
nephew, Pausanias, who was a minor. (Thucyd.
iii. 26, and Schol.)

2. Son of Cleombrotus II., and uncle and guar-
dian of Agesipolis III,, b. c. 219. (Polyb. iv. 35.
§ 12; AgesipolisIII., Cleombrotus II.) [P.S.]

CLEO'MENES, a Greek of Naucratis in Egypt,
was appointed by Alexander the Great as nomarch
of the Arabian district {v6/j.os) of Egypt and re-
ceiver of the tributes from .ill the districts of
Egypt and the neighbouring part of Africi. (b. c.
331.) Some of the ancient writers s.iy that Alex-
ander made him satrap of Egypt ; but this is in-
correct, for Arrian expressly states, that the other
nomarchs were independent of him, except that
they had to pay to him the tributes of their dis-
tricts. It would, however, appcir that he had no
difficulty in extending his depredations over all
Eg}'pt, and it is not unlikely that he would assume
the title of satrap. His rapacity knew no bounds v
he exercised his office solely for his own advantage.
On the occurrence of a scarcity of com, which was
less severe in Egypt than in the ndghbourinj^

796

CLEOMENES.

countries, he at first forbad its exportation from
Egypt ; but, when the nomarchs represented to hira
that this measure prevented them from raising the
proper amount of tribute, he permitted the expor-
tation of the com, but laid on it a heavy export
duty. On another occasion, when the price of
com was ten drachmas, Cleomenes bought it up
and sold it at 32 drachmas ; and in other ways he
interfered with the markets for his own gain.' At
another time he contrived to cheat his soldiers of a
month's pay in the year. Alexander had entrusted
to him the building of Alexandria, He gave notice
to the people of Canopus, then the chief emporium
of Egypt, that he must remove them to the new
city. To avert such an evil they gave him a large
sum of money ; but, as the building of Alexandria
advanced, he again demanded of the people of Ca-
nopus a large sum of money, which they could not
pay, and thus he got an excuse for removing them.
He also made money out of the superstitions of the
people. One of his boys having been killed by
a crocodile, he ordered tlie crocodiles to be de-
stroyed ; but, in consideration of all the money
which the priests could get together for the sake
of saving their sacred animals, he revoked his
order. On another occasion he sent for the priests,
and informed them that the religious establishment
was too expensive, and must be reduced ; they
lianded over to him the treasures of the temples ;
and he then left them undisturbed. Alexander
was informed of these proceedings, but found it
convenient to tjike no notice of them ; but aft^r his
return to Babylon (b. c. 323) he wrote to Cleo-
menes, commanding him to erect at Alexandria a
splendid monument to Hephaestion, and promised
that, if this work were zealously performed, he
would overlook his misconduct.

In the distribution of Alexander's empire, after
his death, Cleomenes was left in Egypt as hyparch
under Ptolemy, who put him to death on the sus-
picion of his favouring Perdiccas. The effect, if
not also a cause, of this act was, that Ptolemy
came into possession of the treasures of Cleomenes,
which amounted to 8000 talents. (Arrian, Atuib.
iiL 5, vii. 23; Arrian, ap. Phot. Cod. 92, p. 69, a. 34,
ed. Bekker ; Dexippus, ap. Phot. Cod. 82, p. 64, a.
34 ; Justin, xiii. 4. § 11 ; Q. Curt. iv. 33. § 5 ;
Pseud-Aristot Oecon. ii. 34, 40 ; Dem. c. Dio-
nysiod. p. 1258 ; Paus. i. 6. § 3 ; Diod. xviii. 14 ;
Droysen, Geschidite Alex. pp. 216, 580, Nachfolg.
pp. 41, 128.) [P. S.]

CLEO'MENES, literary. 1. A rhapsodist,
who recited the KaQap^Loi of Empedocles at the
Olympic games. (Athen. xiv. p. 620, d.)

2. Of Rhegium, a dithyrambic poet, censured
by Chionides (Athen. xiv. p. 638, e.), and by
Aristophanes, according to the Scholiast. {Nubes,
332, 333.) He seems to have been an erotic
writer, since Epicrates mentions him in connexion
with Sappho, Meletus, and Lamynthius. (Athen.
xiv. p. 605, e.) The allusions of other comedians
to him fix his date in the latter part of the fifth
century b. c. One of his poems was entitled
Aleleayer. (Athen. ix. p. 402, a.)

3. A cynic philosopher, the disciple of Metrocles,
wrote a work on education (noiSa7ar)'iKds), which
is quoted by Diogenes Laertius (vi. 75, 95).

4. A commentator on Homer, and Hesiod.
(Clem. Alex. Strom, i. p. 129.) Perhaps he was
the same as the philosopher. [P. S.]

CLEO'MENES (KAeo^ue'rTjs), the name of a

CLEOMENES.

physician introduced by Plutarch in his Symposiacon
(vi. 8. § 5, ed. Tauchn.) as giving his opinion on
the nature and cause of the disease called bulimia^
in the first century after Christ. [W. A. G.]

CLEO'MENES, a sculptor mentioned only by
Pliny (xxxvi. 4. § 10) as the author of a group of
the Thespiades, or Muses, which was placed by
Asinius PoUio in his buildings at Rome, perhaps
the library on the Palatine hill. This artist, who
does not appear to have enjoyed great celebrity
with the ancients, is particularly interesting to us,
because one of the most exquisite statues, the
Venus de Medici, bears his name in the following
inscription on the pedestal :

KAEOMENH2 AnOA/VOAnPOT
A0HNAIO2 EnnE2EN.
This inscription, which has been undeservedly
considered as a modern imposition, especially by
Florentine critics, who would fain have claimed a
greater master for their admired statue, indicates
both the father and the native town of Cleomenes ;
and the letter Ci gives likewise an external proof
of what we should have guessed from the character
of the work itself, that he was subsequent to b. c.
40.3. But we may arrive still nearer at his age.
Mummius brought the above-mentioned group of
the Muses from Thespiae to Rome ; and Cleomenes
must therefore have lived previously to B. c. 146,
the date of the destruction of Corinth. The beau-
tiful statue of Venus is evidently an imitation of
the Cnidian statue of Praxiteles ; and Miiller's
opinion is very probable, that Cleomenes tried to
revive at Athens the style of this great artist.
Our artist would, according to this supposition,
have lived between B.C. 363 (the age of Praxiteles)
and B. c. 146.

Now, there is another Cleomenes^ the author of
a much admired but rather lifeless statue in the
Louvre, which commonly bears the name of Ger-
manicus, though without the slightest foundation.
It represents a Roman orator, with the right hand
lifted, and, as the attribute of a turtle at the foot
shews, in the habit of Mercury. Tiiere the artist
calls himself

KAEOMENH2
KAEOMENOT2
A0HNAIO2E
n01H2EN.
He was therefore distinct from the son of ApoUo-
dorus, but probably his son ; for the name of Cleo-
menes is so very rare at Athens, that we can
hardly suppose another Cleomenes to have been
his father; and nothing was more common with
ancient artists than that the son followed the
father's profession. But it is quite improbable
that an Athenian sculptor should have made the
statue of a Roman in the fonn of a god before the
wars against Macedonia had brought the Roman
armies into Greece. The younger Cleomenes must
therefore have exercised his art subsequently to
B. c. 200, probably subsequently to the battle of
Cynoscephalae. We may therefore place the father
about B. c. 220.

Another work is also inscribed with the name
of Cleomenes, namely, a basso-relievo at Florence,
of very good workmanship, with the story of
Alceste, bearing the inscription KAE01VIENH2
EnOIEI. But we are not able to decide whether
it is to be referred to the father, or to the son, or
to a third and more recent artist, whose name is
published by Raoul-Rochette. {Monumetis inCdits

CLEON.

Ori'stcule^ pi. xxv. p. 130.) Tho inscriptions of four
statue* in tho collection of Wilton House are of a
\ ry doubtful description. (Visconti, Oeuvres di-

ses, vol. iii. p. 11 ; Thiersch, Epochen, p. 288,
.u.) [L. U.]

CLEOMY'TTADES (KAMMUTTrfSTjs). 1. The
si.xth of the family of the Asclcpiadae, the son of
Crisamis I. and the father of Theodoras I., who
lived probably in the tenth century h. c. (Jo.
Tzetzes, ChiL vii. Hist. 155, in Fabric. BiU. Graec.
vol. xii. p. 680, ed. vet.)

2. The tenth in descent from Aesculapius, the
son of king Crisamis II., and the father of Theo-
dorus II., who probably lived in the eighth cen-
turv B. c. (Paeti Epi^t. ad Artcuc., in Hippocr.
Of^ra, vol. iii. p. 770.) [W. A. G.]

CLEON (KAfwi/). the son of Cloaenetus, shortly
aftcr the death of Pericles, succeeding, it is said
( Aristoph. Equit. 1 30, and Schol.), Eucmtes the flax-
seller, and Lysicles the sheep-dealer, became the
most trusted and popular of the people's favourites,
and for about six years of the Peloponnesian war
(b. c. 428 — 422) may be regarded as the head of •
the party opposed to peace.

He belonged by birth to the middling classes,
and was brought up to the trade of a tanner ; how
long however he followed it may be doubtful ; he
seems early to have betaken himself to a more
lucrative profession in politics. He became known
at the very beginning of the war. The latter days
of Pericles were annoyed by his impertinence.
Hermippus, in a fragment of a comedy probabl}'
represented in the winter after the first invasion of
Attica, speaks of the home-keeping general as tor-
tured by the sting of the fierce Cleon (STjx^els
alduvL KKiwvi^ ap. Plut. Per. 33). And according
to Idonieneus {ilnd. 35) Cleon's name was attach-
ed to the accusation, to which in the miseries
of the second year Pericles was obliged to give
way. Cleon at this time was, we must suppose,
a violent opponent of the policy which declined
risking a battle ; nay, it is possible he may also
have indulged freely in invectives against the war
in general.

In 427 the suljmission of the Mytileneans brings
him more prominently before us. He was now
established fairly as demagogue, (t^ Si^ucp irapd
TToAt) eV Ty t6tc iridavciraTOS, Thuc. iii. 36.) The
deliberations on the use to be made of the uncon-
ditional surrender of these revolted allies ended in
the adoption of his motion, — that the adult males
should be put to death, the women and children
sold for slaves. The morrow, however, brought a
cooler mind ; and in the assembly held for recon-
sideration it was, after a long debate, rescinded.
The speeches which on this second occasion Thu-
cydides ascribes to Cleon and his opponent give us
doubtless no grounds for any opinion on either as
a speaker, but at the same time considerable ac-
quaintance with his own view of Cleon's position
and character. We see plainly the effort to keep
up a reputation as the straightforward energetic
counsellor ; the attempt by rude bullying to hide
from the people his slavery to them ; the unscru-
pulous use of calumny to excite prejudice against
all rival advisers. " The people were only shewing
(what he himself had long seen) their incapacity
for governing, by giving way to a sentimental
unbusinesslike compassion : as for the orators who
excited it, they were, likely enough, paid for their
trouble." (Thuc. iii. 36—49.)

CLEON.

797

The following winter unmasked his boldest ene-
my. At the city Dionysia, B. c. 426, in the pre-
sence of the numerous visitors from the subject
states, Aristophanes represented his "Babylonians.'"
It attacked the plan of election by lot, and contain-
ed no doubt the first sketch of his subsequent por-
trait of the Athenian democracy. Cleon, it would
appear, if not actually named, at any rate felt him-
self reflected upon ; and he rejoined by a legal suit
against the author or his representative. The Scho-
liasts speak of it as directed against his title to the
franchise (^evias ypot^?}), but it certainly also as-
sailed him for insulting the government in the pre-
sence of its subjects. (Aristoph. .<4f/!ar«. 377, 502.)
About the same time, however, before the next
winter's Lenaea, Cleon himself, by means of a com-
bination among the nobler and wealthier (the
'iTTTrers), was brought to trial and condemned to
disgorge five talents, which he had extracted on
false pretences from some of the islanders. (Aristoph.
Acham. 6, comp. Schol,, who refers to Theopompus.)
Thirlwall, surely by an oversight, places this trial
after the representation of the Knights. {Hid. of
Greece^ iii. p. 300.)

In 425 Cleon reappears in general history, still as
before the potent favourite. The occasion is the em-
bassy sent by Sparta with proposals for peace, after
the commencement of the blockade of her citizens in
the island of Sphacteria. There was considerable
elevation at their success prevalent among the Athe-
nians ; yet numbers were tnily anxious for peace.
Cleon, however, well aware that peace would greatly
curtail, if not annihilate, his power and his emolu-
ments, contrived to work on his countrymen's
presumption, and insisted to the ambassadors on
the surrender, first of all, of the blockaded party
with their arms, and then the restoration in ex-
change for them of the losses of B. c. 445, Nisaea,
Pegae, Troezen, and Achaia. Such concessions it
was beyond Sparta's power to make good ; it
was even dangerous for her to be known to have
so much as admitted a thought of them ; and
when the ambassadors begged in any case to have
commissioners appointed them for private discus-
sion, he availed himself of this to break off the
negotiation by loud outcries against what he pro-
fessed to regard as evidence of double-dealing and
oligarchical caballing. (Thuc. iv. 21, 22.)

A short time however shewed the unsoundness
of his policy. Winter was approaching, the blockade
daily growing more difficult, and escape daily
easier; and there seemed no prospect of securing
the prize. Popular feeling now began to run
strongly against him, who had induced the rejec-
tion of those safe offers. Cleon, with the true
demagogue's tact of catching the feeling of the
people, talked of the false reports with which a
democracy let people deceive it, and when ap-
pointed himself to a board of commissioners for
inquiry on the spot, shifted his ground and began
to urge the expediency rather of sending a force to
decide it at once, adding, that if he had been ge-
neral, he would have done it before. Nicias, at
whom the scoff was directed, took advantage of a
rising feeling in that direction among the people,
and replied by begging him to be under no res-
traint, but to take any forces he pleased and make
the attempt. What follows is highly character-
istic. Cleon, not having a thought that the timid
Nicias was really venturing so unprecedented a
step, professed his acquiescence, but on finding ilie

79B

CLEON.

matter treated as serious, began to be disconcerted
and back out But it was intolerable to spoil the
joke by letting him oif, and the people insisted that
he should abide by his word. And he at last re-
covered his self-possession and coolly replied, that if
they wished it then, he would go, and would take
merely the Lemnians and Imbrians then in the
city, and bring them back the Spartans dead or
alive within twenty days. And indeed, says Thu-
cydides, wild as the proceeding appeared, soberer
minds were ready to pay the price of a considera-
ble failure abroad for the ruin of the demagogue at
home.

Fortxme, however, brought Cleon to Pylos at
the moment when he could appropriate for his
needs the merit of an enterprise already devised,
and no doubt entirely executed, by Demosthenes.
[Dkmosthknbs.] He appears, however, not to
have been without shrewdness either in the selec-
tion of his troops or his coadjutor, and it is at
least some small credit that he did not mar his
good luck. In any case he brought back his
prisoners within his time, among them 120 Spar-
tans of the highest blood. (Thuc. iv. 27—39.) At
this, the crowning point of his fortunes, Aristo-
phanes dealt hun his severest blow. In the next
winter's Lenaea, B. c. 424, appeared ** The
Knights," in which Cleon figures as an actual
dramatis persona, and, in default of an artificer
bold enough to make the mask, was represented by
the poet himself with his face smeared with wine-
lees. The play is simply one satire on his venality,
rapacity, ignorance, violence, and cowardice ; aad
was at least successful so far as to receive the first
prize. It treats of him, however, chiefly as the
leader in the Ecclesia ; the Wasps, in B. c. 422, si-
milarly displays him as the grand patron of the
abuses of the courts of justice. He is said to have
originated the increase of the dicast's stipend from
one to three obols (See Biickh, PM. Econ. o/Atlums,
bk. ii. 15), and in general he professed to be the
unhired advocate of tlie poor, and their protector
and enricher by his judicial attacks on the rich.

The same year (422) saw, however, the close of
his career. Late in the summer, he went out,
after the expiration of the year's truce, to act
against Brasidas in Chalcidice. He seems to have
persuaded both himself and the people of his con-
summate ability .as a general, and he took with
him a magnificent army of the best troops. He
effected with ease the capture of Torone, and then
moved towards Amphipolis, which Brasidas also
hastened to protect. Utterly ignorant of the art
of war, he advanced with no fixed purpose, but
rather to look about him, up to the walls of the
city ; and on finding the enemy preparing to sally,
directed so unskilfully a precipitate retreat, that
the soldiers of one wing presented their unprotect-
ed right side to the attack. The issue of the
corakit is related under Brasidas. Cleon himself
fell, in an early flight, by the hand of a Myrcinian
targeteer. (Thuc. v. 2, 3, 6—10.)

Cleon may be regarded as the representative of
the worst faults of the Athenian democrac}', such
as it came from the hands of Pericles. While
Pericles lived, his intellectual and moral power was
a sufficient check, nor had the assembly as yet be-
come conscious of its own sovereignty. In later
times the evil found itself certain allevLations ; the
coarse and illiterate demagogues were succeeded by
the line of orators, and the throne of Pericles was at

CLEON.

last worthily filled by Demosthenes. How far we
must call Cleon the creature and hoAv far the cause of
the vices and evils of his time of course is hard to
say ; no doubt he was partly both. He is said (Plut.
Nicias, 8) to have first broken through the gravity
and seemliness of the Athenian assembly by a
loud and violent tone and coarse gesticulation, tear-
ing open his dress, slapping his thigh, and running
about while speaking. It is to this probably, and
not to any want of pure Athenian blood, that the
title Paphlagonian {Ua(p\aydl)V^ from ira<p\d^w),
given him in the Knights, refers. His power and
familiarity with the assembly are shewn in a story
(Plut. Nicias, 7), that on one occasion the people
waited for him, perhaps to propose some motion,
for a long time, and that he at last appeared with
a garland on, and begged that they would put oi?
the meeting till the morrow, " for," said he, " to-
day I have no time : I am entertaining some
guests, and have just sacrificed," — a request which
the assembly took as a good joke, and were good-
humoured enough to accede to.

Compare Aristophanes. The passages in the
other plays, besides the Knights and Wasps, and
those quoted from the Acharnians, are, Nubes, 549,
580; lianae, 569—577. [A. H C]

CLEON (K\eW), literarj'. 1. Of Curium, the
author of a poem on the expedition of the Argo-
nauts {'Apyoi'atmKoi)^ from which Apollonius Rho-
dius took many parts of his poem. (Schol. in
ApolL Rhod. i. 77, 587, 624.)

2. Of Halicarnassus, a rhetorician, lived at
the end of the 5th and the beginning of tlie 4th
century B. c (Plut. Lys. 25.)

3. A Magnesian, appears to have been a phi-
losopher, from the quotation which Pausanias
makes from him. (x. 4. <5 4.)

4. A Sicilian, one of the literary Greeks in
the train of Alexander the Great, who, according
to Curtius, corrupted the profession of good arts
by their evil manners. At the banquet, at which
the proposal was made to adore Alexander (b. c.
327), Cleon introduced the subject. (Curt. viii. 5.
§ 8.) Neither Arrian nor Plutarch mentions him ;
and Arrian (iv. 10) puts into the mouth of Anax-
archus the same proposal and a similar speech to
that which Curtius ascribes to Cleon.

5. Of Syracuse, a geographical writer, men-
tioned by Marcianus {Periphcs, p. 63). His Avork,
n^pl rdv \ifjL€vwv, is cited by Stephanus Byzan-
tinus (s. V. 'Aa-Tris). [P. S.]

CLEON (KAe'coi'), an oculist who must have
lived some time before the beginning of the Chris-
tian era, as he is mentioned by Celsus. (De Me-
dic, vi. 6. ^$5, 8, 11, pp. 119— 121.) Some of
his prescriptions are also quoted by Galen (De
Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, iii. 1, vol. xii. p.
636), Aetius {Lib. Medic, ii. 2. 93, ii. 3. 15,
18, 27, 107, pp. 294, 306, 309, 353), and Paulus
Aegineta. (Z)c/2eil/erf. vii. 16, p. 672.) [W.A.G.]

CLEON. 1. A sculptor of Sicyon, a pupil of
Antiphanes, who had been taught by Periclytus, a
follower of the great Polycletus of Argos. (Paus.
V. 17. § 1.) Cleon 's age is determined by two
bronze statues of Zeus at OljTiipia executed after
01. 98, and another of Deinolochus, after 01. 102.
(Paus. vi. 1. § 2.) He excelled in portrait-statues
{Philosophos, Plin. H.N. xxxiv. 19, is to be taken
as a general term), of which several athletic ones
are mentioned by Pausanias. (vi. 3. ^ 4, 8. j 3,
9. $ 1, 10, fin.)

CLEONYMUS.

2. A painter. (Plin. //. A', xxxv. 40.) [L. U.]

CLEO'NE (KAewfTj), one of the daughters of
Asopus, from whom the town of Cleonae in Pelo-
ponnesus was believed to have derived its name.
(Paus. ii. 15 § 1; Diod. iv. 74.) [L. S.J

CLEONI'CA. [Pausanias.]

CLEONl'CUS (KAerfcjKos), of Naupactus in
Aetolia, was taken prisoner by the Achaean ad-
miral in a descent on the Aetolian coast, in the last
year of the social war, B. c. 217 ; but, as he was a
TTpo^fuoi of the Achaeans, he was not sold for a
slave with the other prisoners, and was ultimately
released without ransom. (Polyb. v. 95.) In the
same year, and before his release, Philip V. being
anxious for peace with the Aetolians, employed
him as his agent in sounding them on the subject,
(v. 102.) He was perhaps the same person who is
mentioned in the speech of Lyciscus, the Acar-
nanian envoy (ix. 37), as having been sent by the
Aetolians, with Chlacneas, to excite Lacedaemon
against Philip, B. c. 211. [Chlabneas.] [E.E.]

CLEONIDES. The Greek musical treatise
attributed to Euclid, is in some MSS. ascribed to
Cleonides. [Euclkidks.] His age and history are
wholly unknown. (Fabric. Bib/. Grace, vol. iv.
p. 79.) [W. F. D.]

CLEO'NYMUS (KXedvvfios). 1. An Athe-
nian, who is frequently attacked by Aristophanes
as a pestilent demagogue, of burly stature, glut-
tonous, perjured, and cowardly. (Aristoph. Ach. 88,
809, Eq. 953, 1290, 1369, Nub. 352, 399, 663,
&c., Vesp. 19, 592, 822, Pa.r, 438, 656, 1261,
Av. 289, 1475 ; comp. Ael. V. H. i. 27.)

2. A Spartan, son of Sphodrias, was much be-
loved by Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus. When
Sphodrias was brought to trial for his incursion
into Attica in b. c. 378, the tears of Cleonyraus
prevailed on the prince to intercede with Agesilaus
on his behalf. The king, to gratify his son, used
all his influence to save the accused, who was ac-
cordingly acquitted. Cleonymus was extremely
grateful, and assured Archidamus that he would do
his best to give him no cause to be ashamed of their
friendship. He kept his promise well, acting ever
up to the Spartan standard of virtue, and fell at
Leuctra, B, c. 371, bravely fighting in the foremost
ranks. (Xen. Hell. v. 4. §§ 25 — 33 ; Plut. Ages.
25, 28.)

3. The younger son of Cleomenes II., king of
Sparta, and uncle of Areus I., was excluded from
the throne on his father's death, b. c. 309, in con-
sequence of the general dislike inspired by his
violent and tyrannical temper. In b. c. 303, the
Tarentines, being at war with the Romans and
Lucanians, asked aid of Sparta, and requested that
the command of the required succours might be
given to Cleonymus. The request was granted,
and Cleonymus crossed over to Italy with a con-
siderable force, the mere display of which is said
to have frightened the Lucanians into peace. Dio-
dorus, who mentions this, says nothing of the effect
of the Spartan expedition on the Romans, though
it is pretty certain that they also concluded a treaty
at this time with the Tarentines. (See Aniold,
Hist, of Rome, vol. ii. p. 315.) According to some
of the Roman annalists, Cleonymus was defeated
and driven back to his ships by the consul, M.
Aemilius ; while others of them related that, .Ju-
nius Rubulcus the dictator being sent against him,
he withdrew from Italy to avoid a conflict. After
this, abandoning a notion he had formed of freeing

CLEOPATRA.

760

the Sicilians from the tyranny of Agathoclcs, he
sailed up the Adriatic and made a piratical descent
on the country of the Veneti ; but he was defeated
by the Patavians and obliged to sail away. He
then seized and garrisoned Corcyra, from which he
seems to have been soon expelled by Demetrius
Poliorcetes. While, however, he still held it, he
was recalled to Italy by intelligence of the revolt
of the Tarentines and others whom he had reduced :
but he was beaten otF from the coast, and returned
to Corcyra. Henceforth we hear no more of him
till B. c. 272, when he invited Pyrrhus to attempt
the conquest of Sparta. [Acrotatus ; Chklido-
Nis.] (Diod. XX. 104, 105 ; Li v. x. 2 ; Strab. vL
p. 280 ; Paus. iii. 6 ; Plut. Agis^ 3, Pyrrh. 26,
&c.) [E. E.]

CLEOPATRA (KAcoirciTpa). 1. A daughter
of Idas and Marpessa, and wife of Meleager(Hora.
II. ix. 556), is said to have hanged herself after
her husband's death, or to have died of grief.
Her real name was Alcyone. (ApoUod. i. 8. § 3 ;
Hygin. Fab. 174.)

2. A Danaid, who was betrothed to Etelces or
Agenor. (Apollod. ii. 1. § 5; Hygin. Fab. 170.)
There are two other mythical personages of this
name in Apollodorus. (iii. 12. § 2, 15. § 2.) [L. S.]

CLEOPATRA ( KAeoTrarpa ). 1. Niece of
Attains, one of the generals of Philip of Macedonia.
Philip married her when he divorced Olympias in
B. c. 337 ; and, after his murder, in the next year
she was put to death by Olympias, being either
compelled to hang herself (Justin, ix. 7) or boiled
to death in a brazen cauldron. (Paus. viii. 7. ^ 5.)
Her infant son or daughter, according to Justin,
perished with her, being apparently looked upon
as a rival to Alexander. (Just. I. c, and ix. 5 ;
Diod. xvi. 93, xvii. 2; Plut. Alex. 10.)

2. A daughter of Philip and Olympias, and
sister of Alexander the Great, married Alexander,
king of Epeirus, her uncle by the mother's side,
B. c. 336. It was at the celebration of her nup-
tials, which took place on a magnificent scale at
Aegae in Macedonia, that Philip was murdered.
(Diod. xvi. 92.) Her husband died in B. c. 326 ;
and after the death of her brother, she was sought
in marriage by several of his generals, who thought
to strengthen their influence with the Macedonians
by a connexion with the sister of Alexander.
Leonatus is first mentioned as putting forward a
claim to her hand, and he represented to Eumenes
that he received a promise of marriage from her.
(Plut. Bum. 3.) Perdiccas next attempted to gain
her in marriage, and after his death in B. c. 321, her
hand was sought by Cassander, Lj'simachus, and
Antigonus. She refused, however, all these offers ;
and, anxious to escape from Sardis, where she had
been kept for years in a sort of honourable cap-
tivity, she readily acceded to proposals from
Ptolemy ; but, before she could accomplish her de-
sign, she was assassinated by order of Antigonus.
(Diod. xviii. 23, xx. 37 ; Justin, ix. 6, xiii. 6, xiv.
1; Arrian, ap. Phot. p. 70, ed. Bekker.)

3. A daughter of Antiochus III. the Great, who
married Ptolemy V. Epiphanes (b. c. 193), Coele-
Syria being given her as her dowry (Appian, Syr,
c. 5 ; Liv. xxxvii. 3), though Antiochus after-
wards repudiated any such arrangement. (Polyb.
xxviii. 17.)

4. A daughter of the preceding and of Ptolemy T.
Epiphanes, married her brother Ptolemy VI. Philo-
metor. She had a son by him, whom on his death.

800

CLEOPATRA.

B. c. 146, she seems to have wished to place on
the throne, but was prevented by the accession of
her brother, Physcon or Evergetes II. (Ptolemy
VII.), to whom the crown and her hand were given.
Her son was murdered by Physcon on the day of the
marriage, and she was soon divorced to make way
for her own daughter by her former marriage. On
Physcon's retiring to Cyprus to avoid the hatred
which his tyranny had caused, she solicited the aid
of her son-in-law, Demetrius Nicator, king of
Syria, against his expected attack, oflfering the
crown of Egypt as an inducement. During the
period of Physcon's voluntary exile, she lost another
son (by her marriage with him), whom Physcon
barbarously murdered for the express purpose of
distressing her, and sent her his mangled limbs, in
Thyestean fashion, on her birth-day. Soon after
this, she was obliged to take refuge with Deme-
trius, fearing the return of Physcon, who, however,
suspended his hostilities against her, on Alexander,
whom he had employed against his disaffected sub-
jects, setting up a claim to the throne of Egypt.
(Justin, xxxviii. 8, 9, xxxix. 1, 2; Liv. Ep. 59;
Diod. Eel. vol. ii. p. 602, ed. Wess.)

5. A daughter of Ptolemy VI. Philometor by the
last-mentioned Cleopatra, married first Alexander
Balas (b. c. 150), the Syrian usurper (I Mace. x.
57 ; comp. Joseph. Ant. xiii. 4. §§ 1, 5), and on
his death Demetrius Nicator. (1 Mace. xi. 12;
Joseph. Ant. xiii. 4. § 7.) During the captivity of
the latter in Parthia, jealous of the connexion which
he there fonned with Rhodogune, the Parthian prin-
cess, she married Antiochus VII. Sidetes, his brother,
and also murdered Demetrius on his return ( Appian,
Syr. 68 ; Liv. Ep. 60), though Justin and Josephus
{Ant. xiii. 9. § 3) represent her as only refusing
to receive him. She also murdered Seleucus, her
son by Nicator, who on his father's death assumed
the government without her consent. (Appian, Syr.
69 ; Justin, xxxix. 1.) Her other son by Nicator,
Antiochus VIII. Grypus, succeeded to the throne
(b. c. 125) through her influence; but when she
found him unwilling to concede her sufficient
power, she attempted to make away with him by
offering him a cup of poison on his return from
exercise. Having learnt her intention, he begged
her to drink first, and on her refusal produced his
witness, and then repeated his request as the only
way to clear herself. On this she drank and died.
(Justin, xxxix. 2.) She had another son, by
Sidetes, Antiochus IX., sumaraed Cyzicenus from
the place of his education. The following coin
represents on the obverse the heads of Cleopatra
and her son Antiochus VIII. Grypus.

6. Another daughter of Ptolemy VI, Philometor
ar.d Cleopatra [No. 4J, married, as we have seen,
her uncle Physcon, and on his death was left heir of
tile kingdom in conjunction with Avhichever of her
sons she chose. She was compelled by her people

CLEOPATRA.

to choose the elder, Ptolemy VIII. Lathyms, but
she soon prevailed on them to expel him, and make
room for her younger son Alexander, her favourite
(Pans. viii. 7), and even sent an army against La-
thyrus to Cyprus, whither he had fled, and put to
death the general who commanded it for allowing
him to escape alive. Terrified at her cruelty,
Alexander also retired, but was recalled by his
mother, who attempted to assassinate him, but was
herself put to death by him ere she could effect
her object, B. c. 89. (Justin, xxxix. 4.)

7. A daughter of Ptolemy Physcon and Cleopatra
[No. 6], married first her brother Ptolemy VIII.
Lathyrus, but was divorced from him by his mothev,
and fled into Syria, where she married Antiochus
IX. Cyzicenus, who was then in amis against his
brother Grypus, about b. c. 117, and successfully
tampered with the latter's army. A battle took
place, in which Cyzicenus was defeated ; and she
then fled to Antioch, which was besieged and
taken by Grypus, and Cleopatra was surrendered
by him to the vengeance of his wife Tryphaena,
her own sister, who had her murdered in a temple
in which she had taken refuge. (Justin, xxxix. 3.)

8. Another daughter of Ptolemy Physcon, mar-
ried her brother Lathyrus (on her sister [No. 7]
being divorced), and on his exile remained in
Egypt, and then married Antiochus XI. Epi-
phanes, and on his death Antiochus X. Eusebes.
She was besieged by Tigranes in Syria or Meso-
potamia, and either taken and killed by him (Strab.
xvi. p. 749), or, according to Josephus {Ant. xiii.
16. § 4), relieved by Lucullus"' invasion of Ar-
menia. She was the mother of Antiochus XIII.
Asiaticus. She is more generally called Selene.

9. Daughter of Ptolemy IX. Lathyrus, usually
called Berenice. [Berenice, No. 4.]

10. Third and eldest surviving daughter of Pto
leniy Auletes, was born towards the end of B. c.
QQ^ and was consequently seventeen at the death of
her father, who in his will appointed her heir of his
kingdom in conjunction with her younger brother,
Ptolemy, whom she was to marry. The personal
charms, for which she was so famed, shewed them-
selves in early youth, as we are told by Appian {B.
C. V. 8), that she made an impression on the heart
of Antony in her fifteenth year, when he was at
Alexandria with Gabinius. Her joint reign did
not last long, as Ptolemy, or rather Pothinus and
Achillas, his chief advisers, expelled her from
the throne, about b. c. 49. She retreated into
Syria, and there collected an army with which
she designed to force her brother to reinstate her.
But an easier way soon presented itself; for in the
following year Caesar arrived in Egypt in pursuit
of Ponipey, and took upon himself to arrange mat-
ters between Cleopatra and her brother. (Caes.
B. C. iii. 103, 107.) Being informed of Caesar's
amatory disposition, she resolved to avail herself
of it, and, either at his request, according to Plu-
tarch, or of her own accord, clandestinely effected
an entrance into the palace where he was residing,
and by the charms of her person and voice and the
fascination of her manner, obtained such an ascen-
dancy over him, that, in the words of Dion Cassius
(xiii. 35), from being the judge between her and
her brother, he became her advocate. According
to Plutarch, she made her entry into Caesjir's
apartment in a bale of cloth, which was brought
by Apollodorus, her attendant, as a present to
Caesar. However this may be, her- plan fully

CLEOPATRA.

succeeded, and we find her replaced on the throne,
much to the indignation of her brother and the
Egyptians, who involved Caesar in a war in which
he mn great personal risk, but which ended in his
favour. In the course of it, young Ptolemy was
killed, probably drowned in the Nile (Liv. Ep,
11-2 ; Hirt. D. Alex. 31 ; Dion Cass. xlii. 43), and
Cleopatra obtained the undivided rule. She was
however associated by Caesar with another brother
of the same name, and still quite a child, with a
view to conciliate the Egyptians, with whom she
appears to have been very unpopular (Dion Cass,
xlii. 34), and she was also nominally married to
him.

While Caesar was in Egypt, Cleopatra lived in
undisguised connexion with him, and would have
detained him there longer, or have accompanied
him at once to Rome, but for the war with Phar-
naces, which tore him from her arms. She how-
ever joined him in Rome, in company with her
nominal husband, and there continued the same
open intercourse with him, living in apartments in
his house, much to the offence of the Romans.
(Doubts have been thrown on her visit to Rome,
but the evidence of Cicero {ad Att. xiv. 8), of Dion
Cassius (xliii. 27), and Suetonius {Caes. 35), seems
to be conclusive.) She was loaded with honours
and presents by Caesar, and seems to have stayed
at Rome till his death, b. c. 44. She had a son
by him, named Caesarion, who was afterwards put
to death by Augustus. Caesar at least owned him
as his son, though the paternity was questioned by
some contemporaries [Caesahion] ; and the charac-
ter of Cleopatra perhaps favours the doubt. After
the death of Caesar, she fled to Egypt, and in the
troubles which ensued she took the side of the tri-
umvirate, and assisted Dolabella both by sea and
land, resisting the threats of Cassius, who was pre-
paring to attack her when he was called away by the
entreaties of Brutus. She also sailed in person
with a considerable fleet to assist Antony after the
defeat of Dolabella, but was prevented from join-
ing him by a storm and the bad state of her health.
She had however done sufficient to prove her at-
tachment to Caesar's memory (which seems to
have been sincere), and also to furnish her with
arguments to use to Antony, who in the end of
the year 4 1 came into Asia Minor, and there sum-
moned Cleopatra to attend, on the charge of having
failed to cooperate with the triumvirate jigainst
Caesar's murderers. She was now in her twenty-
eighth year, and in the perfection of matured
beauty, wliich in conjunction with her talents and
eloquence, and perhaps the early impression which
we have mentioned, completely won the heart of
Antony, who henceforth appears as her devoted
lover and slave. We read in Plutarch elaborate
descriptions of her well-known voyage up the Cyd-
nus in Cilicia to meet Antony, and the magnificent
entertainments which she gave, which were re-
markable not less for good taste and variety than
splendour and profuse expense. One of these is
also celebrated in Athenaeus (iv. 29). The first
use Cleopatni made of her influence was to procure
the death of her younger sistej> Ai-sinoe, who had
once set up a claim to the kingdom. (Appian,Z?.C'.
V. 8, 9 ; Dion Cass, xlviii. 24.) Her brother,
Ptolemy, she seems to have made away with be-
fore by poison. She also revenged herself on one of
her generals, Senipion, who had assisted Cassius
contrarj' to her orders, and got into her hands a

CLEOPATRA.

801

person whom the people of Aradus had set up to
counterfeit the elder of her two brothers, who
perished in Egypt. All these were torn from the
sanctuaries of temples ; but Antony, we learn from
both Dion and Appian, was so entirely enslaved
by Cleopatra's charms, that he set at nought all
ties of religion and humanity. (Appian, B. C. v. 9 ;
Dion Cass, xlviii. 24.)

Cleopatra now returned to Egj-pt, where Antony
spent some time in her company ; and we read of
the luxury of their mode of living, and the un-
bounded empire which she possessed over him.
The ambition of her character, however, peeps out
even in these scenes, particularly in the fishing
anecdote recorded by Plutarch. {Ant. 29.) Her
connexion with Antony was interrupted for a short
time by his marriage with Octavia, but was re-
newed on his return from Italy, and again on his
return from his Parthian expedition, when she
went to meet him in Syria with money and provi-
sions for his army. He then returned to Egypt,
and gratified her ambition by assigning to her
children by him many of the conquered provinces.
(Dion Cass. xlix. 32.) According to Josephus {Ant.
XV. 4. § 2), during Antony's expedition Cleopatra
went into Judaea, part of which Antony had assign-
ed to her and Herod necessarily ceded, and there at-
tempted to win Herod by her charms, probably with
a view to his ruin, but failed, and was in danger of
being put to death by him. The report, however, of
Octavia's having left Rome to join Antony, made
Cleopatra tremble for her influence, and she there-
fore exerted all her powers of pleasing to endeavour
to retain it, and bewailed her sad lot in being only
regarded as his mistress, and therefore being liable
to be deserted at pleasure. She feigned that her
health was suffering, — in short, put forth all her
powers, and succeeded. (Plut. A tit. 53.) From this
time Antony appears quite infatuated by his at-
tachment, and willing to humour everj' caprice of
Cleopatra. We find her assuming the title of Isis,
and giving audience in that dress to ambassadors,
that of Osiris being adopted by Antony, and their
children called by the title of the sun and the
moon, and declared heirs of unbounded territories.
(Dion Cass. xlix. 32, 33, 1. 4, 5.) She was sa-
luted by him with the title of Queen of Queens,
attended by a Roman guard, and Artavasdes, the
captive king of Armenia, was ordered to do her
homage. (Dion Cass. xlix. 39.) One can hardly
wonder that Augustus should represent Antony
to the Romans as " bewitched by that accursed
Egyptian " (Dion Cass. 1. 26) ; and he was
not slow in availing himself of the disgust which
Antony's conduct occasioned to make a deter-
mined effort to crush him. War, however, was
declared against Cleopatra, and not against An-
tony, as a less invidious way. (Dion Cass. 1. 6.)
Cleopatra insisted on accompanying Antony in the
fleet ; and we find them, after visiting Samos and
Athens, where they repeated what Plutarch calls
the farce of their public entertainments, opposed to
Augustus at Actium. Cleopatra indeed persuaded
Antony to retreat to Egypt, but the attack of
Augustus frustrated this intention, and the famous
battle took place (b. c. 31) in the midst of which,
when fortune was wavering between the two par-
ties, Cleopatra, weary of suspense, and alarmed at
the intensity of the battle (Dion Cass. 1. 33), gave
a signal of retreat to her fleet, and herself led
the way. Augustus in vain pursued her, and she

3 F

802

CLEOPATRA.

made her way to Alexandria, the harbour of which
she entered with her prows cro^VIled and music
sounding, as if victorious, fearing an outbreak in
the city. With the same view of retaining the
Alexandrians in their allegiance, she and Antony
(who soon joined her) proclaimed their children,
Antj'llus and Cleopatra, of age. She then pre-
pared to defend herself in Alexandria, and also
sent embassies to the neighbouring tribes for aid.
(Dion Cass. li. 6.) She had also a plan of re-
tiring to Spain, or to the Persian gulf; and
either was building ships in the Red Sea, as Dion
asserts, or, according to Plutarch, intended to
draw her ships across the isthmus of Suez. Which-
ever was the case, the ships were burnt by the
Arabs of Petra, and this hope failed. She scni-
pled not to behead Artavasdes, and send his head
as a bribe for aid to the king of Media, who was
his enemy. Finding, however, no aid nigh, she
prepared to negotiate with Augustus, and sent him
on his approach her sceptre and throne (unknown
to Antony), as thereby resigning her kingdom.
His public answer required her to resign and sub-
mit to a trial ; but he privately urged her to make
away with Antony, and promised that she should
retain her kingdom. On a subsequent occasion.
Thyrsus, Caesar's freedman, brought similar terms,
and represented Augustus as captivated by her,
which she seems to have believed, and, seeing
Antony's fortunes desperate, betrayed Pelusium to
Augustus, prevented the Alexandrians from going
out against him, and frustrated Antony's plan of
escaping to Rome by persiuiding the fleet to desert
him. She then fled to a mausoleum she had built,
where she had collected her most valuable treasures,
and proclaimed her intention of putting an end
to her life, with a view to entice Antony thither,
and thus ensure his capture. (This is the account
of Dion Cassius, li. 6, 8 — 11; the same facts
for the most part are recorded by Plutarch, who
however represents Cleopatra's perfidy as less glar-
ing.) She then had Antony informed of her death,
as though to persuade him to die with her ; and
this stratagem, if indeed she had this object, fully
succeeded, and he was drawn up into the unfinish-
ed mausoleum, and died in her arms. She did not '
however venture to meet Augustus, though his
rival was dead, but remained in the mausoleum,
ready if need was to put herself to death, for which
purpose she had asps and other venomous animals
in readiness. Augustus contrived to apprehend
her, and had all instruments of death removed,
and then requested an interview (for an account
of which see Dion Cass. li. 12, 13, and Plut.
A}it. 83). The charms of Cleopatra, however, failed
in softening the colder heart of Augustus. He
only " bade her be of good cheer, and fear no vio-
lence." Seeing that her case was desperate, and
determined at all events not to be carried captive
to Rome, she resolved on death ; but in order to
compass this, it was necessary to disarm the vigi-
lance of her goalers, and she did this by feigning
a readiness to go to Rome, and preparing presents
for Li via, the wife of Augustus. This artifice suc-
ceeded, and she was thereby enabled to put an end
to her life, either by the poison of an asp, or by a
poisoned comb (Dion Cass, li. 14 ; Plut. Ant 85,
86), the former supposition being adopted by most
writers. (Suet. Auc/. 17 ; Galen. Theriac ad Pis.
p. 460, ed. Basil ; Veil. Pat. ii. 87.)

Cleopatra died in B. c. 30, in the thirty-uinth

CLEOPATRA.

year of her age, and with her ended the dynasty
of the Ptolemies in Egj'pt. She had three children
by Antony : Alexander and Cleopatra, who were
twins, and Ptolemy sumamed Philadelphus. The
leading points of her character were, ambition and
voluptuousness. History presents to us the former
as the prevailing motive, the latter being frequently
employed only as the means of gratifying it. la
all the stories of her luxury and lavish expense,
there is a splendour and a grandeur that somewhat
refines them. (See Plin. H. N. ix. 58.) In the
days of her prosperity, her arrogance was un-
bounded, and she loved to swear by the Capitol,
in which she hoped to reigri with Antony. She
was avaricious, to supply her extravagance, and
cruel, or at least had no regard for human life
when her o^vn objects were concerned, — a Caessir
with a woman's caprice. Her talents were great
and varied ; her knowledge of languages was pe-
culiarly remarkable (Plut. Ant 27), of which she
had seven at command, and was the more remark-
able from the fact, that her predecessors had not
been able to master even the Egyptian, and some
had forgotten their native Macedonian ; and in
the midst of the most luxurious scenes we see
traces of a love of literature and critical research.
She added the library of Pergamus, presented to
her by Antony, to that of Alexandria. Her ready
and versatile wit, her knowledge of human nature
and powerof using it, her attractive manners, and her
exquisitely musical and flexible voice, compared by
Plutarch [Ant. 27) to a many-stringed instrument,
are also the subjects of well-attested praise. The
higher points in her character are admirably
touched by Horace in the ode (i. 37) on her defeat.
The following coin represents the head of An-
tony ou the obverse, and Cleopatra's on the reverse.

11. Daughter of Antony, the triumvir, and
Cleopatra, was born with her twin brother Alex-
ander in B. c. 40. Her early history till the time
she was carried to Rome is given under Alexan-
der, p. 112, a. She continued to reside at Rome
till her mairiage with Juba, king of Numidia, who
was brought to Rome in B. c. 46, when quite a boy,
along with his father, after the defeat of the latter
by Caesar. (Dion Cass. li. 15; Plut. Ant. 87.)
By Juba, Cleopatra had two children, Ptolemy,
who succeeded him in the kingdom, and Drusilla,
who married Antonius Felix, the governor of
Judaea. The following coin contains the head of
Juba on the obverse, and Cleopatra's on the reverse.

12. A daughter of Mithridates, who married
Tigranes, king of Armenia. She seems to have

CLtlOPIION.

been a womin of great courage and spirit. (Plut.
Liic. 22 ; Appian, Mith. 1UI{ ; Justin, xxxviii. 3.)

13. A courtezan of the emperor Claudius. (Tac.
Ann. xi. 30.)

1 4. A wife of the poet Martial, who has written
an epigram relating to her. iEpig. iv. 21.) [J. E. B.]

CLEOPATRA (K\eo7roT/)o), the authoress of a
work on Cosmetics ( Ko<r/i7jTi/coi', or KoayiT\riKa),
who must have lived some time in or before the
first century after Christ, as her work was abridged
by Criton. (Galen, De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos,
i. 3. vol. xii. p. 446.) The work is several times
quoted by Galen {ibid. i. 1, 2, 8, pp. 403, 432, 492,
fh Pond, et Mens. c. 10. vol. xix. p. 767), Aetius
{Lib. Medic, ii. 2. 5G, p. 278), and Pauhis Aegi-
neta. {De Re Med. iii. 2. p. 413.) Though at
first sight one might suspect that Cleopatra was a
fictitious name attached to a treatise on such a sub-
ject, it does not really appear to have been so, as,
wherever the work is mentioned, the authoress is
spoken of as if she were a real person, though no
particulars of her personal history are preserved.
A work en the Diseases of Women is attributed
either to this Cleopatra, or to the Egyptian queen ;
an epitome of which is to be found in Caspar
Wolf's Volume?! Gynaeciorum, &c., Basil. 1566,
1586, 1597, 4to. [W. A. G.]

CLEOPHANTUS (K\«o>arTos). 1. A Greek
physician, who lived probably about the beginning
of the third century b. c, as he was the tutor of
Antigenes (Cael. Aurel. De Morb. J cut. ii. 10. p.
96) and Mnemon. (Gal. Comment, in Hippocr.
" Epid. in.'''' ii. 4, iii. 71, vol. xvii. pt. i. pp. 603,
731.) He seems to hare been known among the
ancients for his use of wine, and is several times
quoted by Pliny (//. N. xx. 15, xxiv. 92, xxvi.
8), Celsus {De Medic, iii. 14. p. 51), Galen {De
Compos. Medicam. sec. Imcos, ix. 6, vol. xiii. p.
310; De Compos. Midicam. sec. Gen. vii. 7, vol.
xiii. p, 985 ; De Antid. ii. 1, vol. xiv. p. 108), and
Caelius Aurelianus {De Morb. Acut. ii. 39, p. 176).

2. Another physician of the same name, who
attended A. Cluentius Avitus in the first century
B. c, and who is called by Cicero "■ medicus igno-
bilis, sod spectatus homo" {pro Cluent. 16), must
rot be confounded with the preceding. [W.A.G.]

CLEOPHANTUS, one of the mythic inven-
tors of painting at Corinth, who is said to have
followed Demaratus in his flight from Corinth to
Etnn-ia. (Plin. //. A^. xxxv. 5.) [L. U.]

CLE'OPHON {K\eo<pu,v). 1. An Athenian
demagogue, of obscure and, according to Aristo-
phanes {Ran. 677), of Thracian origin. The
meanness of his birth is mentioned also by Aelian
( V. H. xii. 43), and is said to have been one of
the grounds on which he was attacked by Plato,
the comic poet, in his play called " Cleophon."
(Schol. ad Arintoph. I. c.) He appears throughout
his career in vehement opposition to the oligarchical
party, of which his political contest with Critias,
as referred to by Aristotle {Rhet. i. 15. § 13), is an
instance ; and we find him on three several occa-
sions exercising his influence successfully for the
prevention of peace with Sparta. The first of these
was in b. c. 410, after the battle of Cyzicus, when
very favourable terms were offered to the Athe-
nians (Diod. xiii. 52, 53; Wess. ad loc. ; Clinton,
F. H. sub anno 410); and it has been thought
that a passage in the " Orestes" of Euripides,
which was represented in B. c. 408, was pointed
against Cleophon and his evil counsel. (See 1. 892,

CLEOSTRATUS.

803

— kottI t^8' dvlararai avfip ris d9vp6y\(i:(Tg-0Sf
K. T. A.) The second occasion was after the battle
of Arginusae, B. c. 406, and the third after that of
Aegospotami in the following year, when, resisting
the demand of the enemy for the partial demolition
of the Long Walls, he is said to have threatened
death to any one who should make mention of
peace. (Aristot. ap. Schol. ad Aristoph. Ran. 1528 ;
Aesch. de Fals. Leg. p. 38, c. Ctes. p. 75 ; Thirl-
wjill's Greece, vol. iv..pp. 89, 125, 158.) It is to
the second of the above occasions that Aristophanes
refers in the last line of the " Frogs," where, in
allusion also to the foreign origin of Cleophon, the
chorus gives him leave to fight to his heart's con-
tent in his native fields. During the siege of
Athens by Lysander, b. c. 405, the Athenian
council, in which the oligarchical party had a
majority, and which had been denounced by Cleo-
phon as a band of traitorous conspirators, were
instigated by Satyrus to imprison him and bring
him to trial on a charge of neglect of military duty,
which, as Lyskis says, was a mere pretext. Be-
fore a regular court of justice he would doubtless
have been acquitted, and one Nicomachus there-
fore, who had been entrusted with a commission
to collect the laws of Solon, was suborned by his
enemies to fabricate a law fbr the occasion, invest-
ing the council with a share in the jurisdiction of
the case. This law is even said to have been
shamelessly produced on the very day of the trial,
and Cleophon of course was condemned and put to
death, — not, however, without opposition from the
people, since Xenophon speaks of his losing his life
in a sedition. (Lys. c. Nicom. p. 184, c. Agor. p.
130 ; Xen. Hell. i. 7. § 35.) The same j-ear had
already witnessed a strong attack on Cleophon by
the comic poet Plato in the play of that name
above alluded to, as well as the notices of him, not
complimentarj', in the "Frogs" of Aristophanes.
If we may trust the latter {Thesm. 805), his pri-
vate life was as profligate as his public career was
mischievous. By Isocrates also {de Pac. p. 1 74, b.)
he is classed with Hyperbolus and contrasted with
the worthies of the good old time, and Andocides
mentions it as a disgrace that his house was in-
habited, during his exile, by Cleophon, the harp-
manufacturer. (Andoc. de Myst. p. 19.) On the
other hand, he cannot at any rate be reckoned
among those who have made a thriving and not
over-honest trade of patriotism, for we learn from
Lysias {de Arist. Bon. p. 156), that, though he
managed the affairs of the state for many years, he
died at last, to the surprise of all, in poverty.
(Comp. Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. Grace, p. 171
&c.)

2. A tragic poet of Athens, the names of ten of
whose dramas are given by Suidas {s. v.). He is
also mentioned by Aristotle. {Po'ct. 2, 22.) [E. E.]

CLEOPTO'LEMUS (KAeoTrreJAf/xos), a noble
Chalcidian, whose daughter, named Euboea, An-
tiochus the Great married when he wintered at
Chalcis in B. c. 192. (Polyb. xx. 8 ; Liv. xxxvi.
1 1 ; Diod. Fragin. lib. xxix.) [E. E.]

CLEO'STRATUS ( KA eooTparos), an astro-
nomer of Tenedos. Censorinus {de Die Nat. c, 1 8)
considers him to have been the real inventor of the
Octa'cteris, or cycle of eight years, which was used
before the Metonic cycle of nineteen years, and
which was popularly attributed to Eudoxus. Theo-
phrastus {de Sign. Pluv. p. 239, ed. Basil. 1541)
mentions him as a meteorological observer along

3 p2

804

CLIMACUS.

■with Matricetas of Methymna and Phaeinus of
Athens, and says that Meton was taught by Pha-
einus. If, therefore, Callistratus was contemporary
with the latter, which however is not clear, he
must have lived before 01. 87. Pliny (//. N. ii.
8) says, that Anaximander discovered the obliquity
of the ecliptic in 01. 58, and that Cleostratus after-
Avards introduced the division of the Zodiac into
signs, beginning with Aries and Sagittarius. It
seems, therefore, that he lived some time between
B. c. 548 and 432. Hyginus {Poet. Astr. ii. 13)
says, that Cleostratus first pointed out the two stars
in Auriga called Haedi. ( Virg. Aen. ix. 668.) On
the Octaeteris, see Geminus, Elem. Astr. c. 6.
(Petav. Uranolog. p. 37.)

(Ideler, Technische Clironologie^ vol. i. p. 305;
Schaubach, Gesdi. d. Gr. Astron. p. 196 ; Petavius,
Ductr. Temp, ii. 2 ; Fabric. liibl. Grace, vol. ii.
p. 8-2.) [W. F. D.]

CLEO'XENUS (KAeo'lfros), was joint-author
with one Deraocleitus of a somewhat cumbrous
«3'stem of telegraphing, which Polybius explains
(x. 45-47) with the remark, that it had been con-
siderably improved by himself. See Suidas, s. v.
K\e6^fvos Koi. Ar}fi6K\(iTOs iypa\pav Trepl itvpawv,
where Tttpawv was the erroneous reading of the
old editions. [E. E.]

CLEPSINA, the name of a patrician family of
the Genucia gens.

1. C. Genucius Clepsrv'a, consul in b. c. 276
with Q. Fabius Maximus Gurges, in which year
Rome was visited by a grievous pestilence (Oros.
iv. 2), and a second time in 270 with Cn. Cornelius
Blasio. (Fasti.)

2. L. Genucius Clei'SINa, probably brother of
the preceding, was consul in B.c.271 Avith C. Quinc-
tius Claudus. He was sent to subdue the C-ampanian
legion, which under Decius Jubellius had revolted
from the Romans and made itself master of Rhe-
gium. After a long siege, Clepsina took the town;
he straightway put to death all the loose vagabonds
and robbers whom he found among the soldiers, but
sent the remains of the legion (probably a few
above 300, though the numbers vaiy in the differ-
ent authorities) to Rome for trial, w"here they were
scourged and beheaded. (Oros. iv. 3 ; Dionys. xx.
7 in Mai's Excerpta ; Appian, Samn. 9 ; Polyb. i.
7; Liv. Epit. 15; Zonar. viii. 6; Vah Max. ii. 7.
§ 15 ; Frontin. Strateg. iv. 1. § 38.) Orosius and
Dionysius are the only writers who mention the
name of the consul, with the exception of Appian,
who calls him by mistake Fabricius ; and even the
two former do not entirely agree. Orosius calls the
consul Genucius simph-, and places the capture of
Rhegiura in the year after that of Tarentum, by
which L. Genucius would seem to be intended ;
while Dionysius, on the other hand, names him C.
Genucius, and would thus appear to attribute the
capture of the city to the consul of the following
3'ear (b. c. 270). [No. 1.]

CLETA. [Charis.]

CLl'MACUS, JOANNES ('Io^oWt/s d KX.'/io-
Kos), surnaraed the Learned (d ^KoAaariKos), a
Greek writer who lived in the sixth century of the
Christian aera, whose original name was Joannes,
and who was called Climacus on account of a work
written by him, which was entitled KKifia^. He
took orders, and although the learned education
which he had received seemed to have destined
him for a life among scholars, he lived during
forty years with monks of the most rude and illi-

CLOACINA.

terate description, till he was chosen abbot of the
convent on Mount Sinai, where he died at the age
of one hundred, or thereabouts, on the 30th of
March. The year of his death is uncertain, but
it was probably in the beginning of the seventh
century, (a. d. 606?) The life of Climacus,
written by a Greek monk of the name of Daniel,
is contained in " Bibliotheca Patrura Maxima," in
the " Acta Saactorum," ad 30 diem Martii, in the
editions of the works of Climacus, and in '' Johan-
nis Climaci, Johannis Damasceni, et Johannis
Eleemosynarii Vitae," &c., ed. Johannes Vicartius,
Jesuita, Toumai, 1664, 4to. Two works of Cli-
macus, who was a fertile writer on religious sub-
jects, have been printed, viz. : — 1. " Scala Para-
disi" (KKl/jLo^), addressed to John, abbot of the
monastery of Raithu, which is divided into thirty
chapters, and treats on the means of attaining the
highest possible degree of religious perfection. A
Latin tmnslation of this work by Ambrosius, a
Camaldulensian monk, was published at Venice,
1531, ibid. 1569, Cologne, 1583, ibid. 1593, with
an exposition of Dionysius, a Carthusian friar ;
ibid. 1601, 8vo. The Greek text, with a Latin
translation and the Scholia of Elias, arclibishop of
Creta, was published together with the work of
Climacus cited below, by ^latthaeus Raderus,
Paris, 1633, fol. It is also contained, together
with the previously mentioned Scholia of Elias, in
the different Bibliothecae Patrum. In some MSS.
this work has the title ITAo/fes Uvev^iuTiKat, or
Spiritual Tables. 2. " Liber ad Pastorem," of
which a Latin translation was published by the
Ambrosius mentioned above, and was reprinted
several times; the Greek text with a Latin ver-
sion was published, together with the " Scala
Paradisi" and the Scholia of the archbishop Elias,
by Raderus mentioned above, Paris, 1633, fol.
Both these works of Climacus were translated into
modem Greek and published by Maximus Margu-
nius, bishop of Cerigo, Venice, 1590. (Fabric.
JiiU. Grace, ix. p. 522, &c. ; Cave, Hist. Lit. vol.
i. p. 421, ad an. 564; Hamberger, Zuverl'dssige
Nacltrichlen von gelehrten M'druiernj vol. iii. p.
467.) [W. P.]

CLOACI'NA or CLUACI'NA, a surname of
Venus, under which she is mentioned at Rome in
very early times. (Liv. iii. 48.) The explanation
given hy Lactantius {de Fals. Uelig. i. 20), that the
name was derived from the great sewer {Cloaca
maxima), where the image of the goddess was said
to have been found in the time of king Tatius, is
merely one of the unfortunate etymological specu-
lations which we frequently meet with in the an-
cients. There is no doubt that Pliny (//. A'^. xv.
36) is right in saying that the name is derived
from the ancient verb cloare or cluere, to wash,
clean, or purity. This meaning is also alluded to
in the tradition about the origin and worsliip of
Venus Cloacina, for it is said that, when Tatius
and Romulus were arrayed against each other on
account of the rape of the Sabine women, and
wlien the women prevented the two belligerents
from bloodshed, both armies purified themselves
with sacred myrtle-branches on the spot which
was afterwards occupied by the temple of Venus
Cloacina. The supposition of some modern writers,
that Cloacina has reference to the purity of love, is
nothing but an attempt to intrude a modern notion
upon the ancients, to whom it was quite foreign.
(Hartung, Die Relig. d. Rom. ii. p. 249.) [L. S.]

1

CLOELIA.

CLODIA'NUS, mentioned by Cicero (ad Att.
i. ] 9), is the same as Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Clo-
di:inns, consul B. c. 72. [Lentulus.]

CLO'DIUS, another form of the name Claudius^
just as we find both caudex and codex, claustrum
and closlntm, cattda and coda. In the latter times
of the republic several of the Claudia gens, adopted
exclusively the form Clodius, others were called in-
differently, sometimes Claudius and sometimes Clo-
diits : their lives are given under Claudius.

CLO'DI US. 1. Aphysician, who roust have lived
in the first century b. c, as he was a pupil of As-
clepiades of Bithynia. One of his works is quoted
by Caelius Aurelian«s (Z>e Morb. Chron. iv. 9,
p. 545 ; De Morb. Acnt. iii. 8, p. 217) with re-
ference to ascarides.

2. L. Clodius, a native of Ancona, who was em-
ployed bj Oppianicus to poison Dinea in the first
century a. c, and who is called by Cicero ( pro
Cluent. c. 14) " pharmacopola circumforaneus,"
may perhaps be the same person as the preceding,
though it is scarcely probable. [W. A, G.]

CLO'DIUS ALBI'NUS. [Albinus.]
CLO'DIUS BITHY'NICUS. [Bithynicus,
and Claudius No. 6, p. 775, b.]

CLO'DIUS LICI'NUS [Licinus.}
CLO'DIUS MACER. [Macer.]
CLO'DIUS QUIRINA'LIS. [Quirinalis.]
CLO'DIUS SABl'NUS. [Sabinus.]
CLO'DIUS TURRI'NUS. [Turrinus.]
CLOE'LIA, a Roman virgin, who was one of
the liostages given to Porsena with other maidens
and boys, is said to have escaped from the Etruscan
camp, and to have swum across the Tiber to Rome.
She was sent back by the Romans to Porsena,
who was so struck with her gallant deed, that he
not only set her at liberty, but allowed her to take
with her a part of the hostages : she chose those
■who were under age, as they were most exposed
to ill-treatment. Porsena also rewarded her with
a horse adorned with splendid trappings, and the
Roman people with the statue of a female on horse-
back, which was erected in the Sacred Way. An-
other tradition, of far less celebrity, related, that
all the hostages were massacred by Tarquinius
Avith the exception of Valeria, who swum over the
Tiber and escaped to Rome, and that the equestrian
statue was erected to her, and not to Cloelia. (Liv.
ii. 13; Dionys. v. 33; Plut. Pcyplic. 19, lUttstr.
Fern. s. w. Valeria et Cloelia ; Flor. i. 1 0 ; Val.
Max. iii. 2. § 2 ; Aurel. Vict, de Vir. III. 13 ; Dion
Cass, in Bekker's Anecd. i. p. 133. 8 ; Plin. H.N.
xxxiv. 6. 8. 13; Virg. Aen. viii. 651 ; Juv. viii.
265.)

CLOE'LIA or CLUI'LIA GENS, patrician,
of Alban origin, was one of the gentes minores,
and was said to have derived its name from Clolius,
a companion of Aeneas. (Festus, s. r. Cloelia.)
The name of the last king of Alba is said to have
been C. Cluilius or Cloelius? He led an army
against Rome in the time of TuUus Hostilius,
pitched his camp five miles from the city, and sur-
rounded his encampment with a ditch, which con-
tinued to be called after him, in subsequent ages.
Fossa Cluilia, Fossae Cluiliae, or Fossae Cloeliae.
While here, he died, and the Albans chose Mettus
Fuffetius as dictator, in consequence of whose
treachery the Romans destroyed Alba. Niebuhr,
however, remarks, that though the Fossa Cluilia
■was undoubtedly the work of an Alban prince
called Cluilius, yet that the story of the Alban

CLONAS.

805

army encamping there was probably invented for
the sake of accounting for this name. (Liv. i. 22,
23 ; Dionys. iii. 2-4 ; Festus, s. v, Cloeliae Fossae;
comp. Liv. ii. 39 ; Dionys. viii. 22 ; Niebuhr, voL
i. pp. 204, 348, n. 870.)

Upon the destruction of Alba, the Cloelii were
one of the noble Alban houses enrolled in the Ro-
man senate. (Liv. i. 30 ; Dionys. iii. 29.) They
bore the surname SicuLUS, probably because the
Albans were regarded as a mixture of Siculiani
with Priscans. TuUus was perhaps another cog-
nomen of this gens. See Cloklius Tullus.

The following coin of this gens contains on the
obverse the head of Pallas, and on the reverse
Victory in a biga, with the inscription T. Clovli,
Cloulius being an ancient form of the name.

CLOE'LIUS, an Aequian, the commander of a
Volscian force, came to besiege Ardea, b. c. 443,
invited by the plebs of that town, who had been
driven out of it by the optimates. While he was
before the place, the Romans, under the consul
M. Geganius, came to the assistance of the opti-
mates, drew lines around the Volscians, and did
not allow them to march out till they had surren-
dered their general, Cloelius, who adorned the
triumph of the consul at Rome. (Liv. iv. 9, 10.)
Comp. Coelkis Gracchus.

CLOE'LIUS GRACCHUS, the leader of the
Aequians in B. c. 458, surrounded the consul L.
Minucius Augurinus, who had through fear shut
himself up in his camp on Mount Algidus ; but
Coelius was in his turn surrounded by the dictator
L. Quinctius Capitolhius, who had come to relieve
Minucius, and was delivered up by his own troops
to the dictator. (Liv. iii. 25—28 ; Dionys. x. 22
— 24.) The legendary nature of this story as told
by Livy has been pointed, out by Niebuhr (vol. ii.
p. 268), who remarks, that the Aequian general,
Coelius is again surrounded and taken prisoner
twenty years after at Ardea — a circumstance quite
impossible, as no one who had been led in triumph
in those days ever escaped execution.

CLOE'LIUS TULLUS, a Roman ambassador,
who was killed with his three colleagues by the
Fidenates, in B. c. 438, upon the instigation of
Lar Tolumnius, king of the Veientes. Statues of
all four were placed on the Rostra. Cicero calls
him Tullus Cluilius. (Liv. iv. 17; Cic. Phil. ix. 2;
Plin. //.iV. xxxiv. 6. s. 11.)

CLONAS (KAoj/os), a poet, and one of the
earliest musicians of Greece, was claimed by the
Arcadians as a native of Tegea, but by the Boeo-
tians as a native of Thebes. His age is not quite
certain ; but he probably lived a little later than
Terpander, or he was his younger contemporary
(about 620 b. c). He excelled in the music of the
flute, which he is thought by some to have intro-
duced into Greece from Asia. As might be ex-
pected from the connexion between elegiac poetry
and the flute music, he is reckoned among the
elegiac poets. Among the pieces of music which
he composed was one called Elegos. To him are
ascribed the invention of the Apothetos and

806 CLUENTIUS.

Schoenium, and of Upoa^diai. Mention is made of
a choral song in which he used all the three ancient
modes of music, so that the first strophe was Do-
rian, the second Phrj'gian, and the third Lj'dian,
(Plut. de Mus. 3. p. 1132, c, 5. p. 1133, a., 8.
p. 1134, a. b., 17. p. 1136, £; Heracl. Pont. p.
140 ; Paus. x. 7. $ 3.) [P. S.J

CLO'NIUS (KKdvLos). 1. The leader of the
Boeotians in the war against Troy, was slain by
Agenor. (Horn. //. ii. 495, xv. 340 ; Died. iv.
67 ; Hygin. Fab. 97.)

2. Two companions of Aeneas, the one of whom
was slain by Tumus, and the other by Messapus.
(Virg. Aen. ix. 574, x. 749.) There is a fourth
mythical personage of this name. (Apollod. iii. 12.
$5.) [L.S.]

CLOTHO. [MoiRAE.]
CLUE'NTIA. 1. Sister of the elder A. Cluen-
tius Habitus. She was one of the numerous wives
of Statins Albius Oppianicus, and, according to the
representation of Cicero, was poisoned by her hus-
band (pro Cluent. 10). This Cluentia, in Orelli's
Onomasticon Tullianum^ seems to be confounded
with her niece. [No. 2,]

2. Daughter cf the elder A. Cluentius Habitus.
Soon after her father's death she married her first
cousin A. Aurius Melinus, from whom she was
soon divorced in order to make way for her own
mother, Sassia, who had conceived a passion for the
husband of her daughter. (Pro Cluent. 5.) [W.R.]
L. CLUE'NTIUS, called A. Cluentius by Eu-
tropius (v. 3), was one of the generals of the Ita-
lians in the Social War. He gained a victory
over Sulla in the neighbourhood of Pompeii, but
was soon after defeated with great loss by Sulla,
B. c. 89. Thirty thousand of his men are said to
have fallen in their flight towards Nola, and twenty
thousand, among whom was Cluentius himself, be-
fore the walls of that town, as the inhabitants
would admit them by only one gate, for fear lest
Sulla's troops should rush in with thenu (Appian,
B. C. i. 50; Eutrop. I.e.; comp. Cic de Div. i. 33;
Val. Max. i. 6. § 4 ; Plin. //. N. xxii. 6.)

A. CLUE'NTIUS HA'BITUS. 1. A native
of Larinum, highly respected and esteemed not
only in his own municipium but in the whole sur-
rounding country, on account of his ancient des-
cent, unblemished reputation, and great moral
worth. He married Sassia, and died in B. c. 88,
leaving one son and one daughter. (Pro Cluent. 5.)
In modern editions of Cicero the cognomen
Aritus uniformly appears instead oi Habitus., hav-
ing been first introduced, in opposition to all the
best MSS. both of Cicero and Quintilian, by Lam-
binus at tlie suggestion of Cujaccius, who main-
tained, that Habitus must in everj' case be consi-
dered as a corruption of the transcribers, and ap-
pealed for the confirmation of liis opinion to the
Florentine MS. of the Digest (48. tit. 19. s. 39),
where, however, upon examination the reading is
found to be Abiius. Accordingly, Orelli, following
Kiebuhr and Classen, has restored the ancient
form in his Onomasticon, although not in the text
of the oration. (Rlieinisches Museum for 1827,
p. 223.)

2. Son of the foregoing and his wife Sassia, was
also a native of Larinum, born about B. c. 103.
(Pro Cluent. 5.) In B. c. 74, being at Rome, he
accused his own step-father, Statins Albius Oppia-
nicus, of having attempted to procure his death by
poison. The cause was heard before a certain C.

CLUENTIUS.
Junius during a period when a strong feeling pre-
vailed with regard to the venality of the criminal
judices, who were at that epoch selected from the
senate exclusively. Shortly before the trial, a re-
port was spread abroad, and gained general credit,
that bribery had been extensively practised by
those interested in the result. Accordingly, when
a verdict of guilty was pronounced by a very small
majorit)', including several individuals of notori-
ously bad character, when it became known that
one of the concilium had been irregularly intro-
duced, and had voted against the defendant with-
out hearing the evidence, and when, above all, it
was ascertained beyond a doubt that one of the
most infamous of the judices who had condemned
Oppianicus had actually received a large sum of
money for distribution among his fellows, the be-
lief became universal that Cluentius had by the
foulest practices obtained the conviction of an in-
nocent man. Indignation being thus strongly ex-
cited, it was exhibited most unequivocally. No
opportunity was allowed to pass of inflicting con-
dign punishment on the obnoxious judices. Junius,
the judex quaestionis, a man rising rapidly to emi-
nence, was forced by the popular clamour to retire
from public life ; Cluentius and many others of
those concerned were disgraced by the censors, and
the Judicium Junianum or Albianum Judicium
became a by-word for a corrupt and unrighteous
judgment, no one being more ready to take advan-
tage of the outcry than Cicero himself, Avlien in-
sisting, at the trial of Verres, on the necessity of
obliterating the foul stain which had thus sullied
the reputation of the Roman courts. (In Vcrr. act.
i. 10, 13 — Q\^ pro Caedn. 10; Pseudo-Ascon. in
Verr. act. i. p. 141 ; SchoL Gronov. p. 395, ed.
Orelli.)

Eight years after these events, in B. c. QQ^ Clu-
entius was himself accused by young Oppianicus,
son of Statius Albius who had died in the interval,
of three distinct acts of poisoning, two of which, it
was alleged, had proved successful. The attack
was conducted by T. Accius Pisaurensis; the de-
fence was undertaken by Cicero, at that time
pmetor. It is perfectly clear, from the whole te-
nor of the remarkable speech delivered upon this
occasion, from the small space devoted to the refu-
tation of the above charges, and from the meagre
and defective evidence by which they were sup-
ported, that comparatively little importance was
attached to them by the prosecutor, that they were
merely employed as a plausible pretext for bring-
ing Cluentius before a Roman court, and that his
enemies grounded their hopes of success almost
entirely upon the prejudice which was known to
exist in men's minds on account of the Judicium
Junianum.) — a prejudice which had already proved
the ruin of many others when arraigned of various
offences. Hence it would appear that the chief
object kept in view hy Accius in his opening ad-
dress was to refresh the memories of his hearers,
to recall to their recollections all the circumstances
connected with the previous trial, and the punish-
ments Avhich had been inflicted on the guilty
judices. Consequently, the greater portion of the
repl}-- is devoted to the same topics ; the principal
aim of Cicero was to undeceive his audience with
regard to the real state of the facts, to draw a
vivid picture of the life and crimes of the elder
Oppianicus and Sassia, proving them to be mon-
sters of guilt, and thus to remove the "inveterata

CLUVII.

invidia" which had taken such deep root against
his client. Following the example of his antapo-
nist, he divides the subject into two heads : 1. The
itividia or prejudice which prevailed. 2. The crinicri
or spccitic offences libelled ; but while five-sixths
of the pleading are devoted to removing the for-
mer, the latter is dismissed shortly and contemp-
tuously as almost unworthy of notice. A critical
analysis of the whole will be found in the well-
known lectures of Blair upon rhetoric and belles-
lettres, who has selected the oration as an excel-
lent example of managing at the bar a complex and
intricate cause with order, elegance, and force.
And certainly nothing can be more admirable than
the distinct and lucid exposition by which we are
made acquainted with all the details of a most in-
volved and perplexing storj', the steady precision
with which we are guided through a frightful and
entangled labyrinth of domestic crime, and the
apparently plain straightforward simplicity with
which every circumstance is brought to bear upon
the exculpation of the impeached. We are told
(Quintil. ii. 17. § 21), that Cicero having procured
nt> acquittal by his eloquence, boasted that he had
spread a mist before the judices ; but so artfully
are all the parts connected and combined, that it is
very difficult, in the absence of the evidence, to
discover the suspicious and weak points of the
narrative. In one place only do we detect a so-
phism in the reasoning, which may involve impor-
tant consequences. It is freely confessed that
bribery had been extensively employed at the trial
of Oppianicus; it is admitted with ostentatious
candour that this bribery must have been the work
either of Cluentius or of Oppianicus; it is fully
proved that the latter had tampered with Staienus,
who had undertaken to suborn a majority of those
associated with him ; and then the conclusion is
triumphantly drawn, that since Oppianicus w.as
guilty, Cluentius must have been innocent. But
another contingency is carefully kept out of view,
namely, that both may have been guilty of the
attempt, although one only was successfiil ; and
that this was really the truth appears not only
probable in itself, but had been broadly asserted
by Cicero himself a few years before. (In Verr.
Act. i. 13.) Indeed, one great difficulty under
which he laboured throughout arose from the sen-
timents which he had formerly expressed with so
little reserve ; and Accius did not fail to twit him
with this inconsistency, while great ingenuity is
displayed in his struggles to escape from the di-
lemma. Taken as a whole, the speech for Cluen-
tius must be considered as one of Cicero's highest
efforts. (Comp. Quintil. xi. I. § 61.) [W. R.]
CLUI'LIUS. [Cloelia Gens and Cloklius.]
CLU'VIA, FAU'CULA [Cluvii], a Capuan
courtez:in, who lived in the time of the second
Punic war. She earned the good-will of the Ro-
mans by secretly supplying the Roman prisoners
with food. When Capua was taken, u. c. 210,
her property and liberty were restored to her by
a special decree of the senate. (Liv. xxvi. 33,
34.) [C. P.M.]

CLU' VIUS, the name of a family of Campanian
origin, of whom we find the following mentioned : —

1. C Cluvius Saxula, praetor in b. c. 175,
and again in b. c. 173 praetor peregrinus. (Liv.
xli. 22, 33, xlii. 1.)

2. Sp. Cluvius, praetor in b. c. 172, had Sar-
dinia as his province. (Liv. jclii. 9, 10.)

CLYMENE.

807

3. C. Cluvius, legate in b. c. 168 to the consul
L. Aemilius Paullus in Macedonia. (Liv. xliv. 40.)

4. C. Cluviu.s, a Roman knight, a contempo-
r<iry of Cicero, was judex in a suit between C,
Fannius Chaerea and Q. Flavins, about B. c. 76.
(Cic. pro Rose. Com. xiv. 14 — 16.)

5. M. Cluvius, a wealthy banker of Puteoli,
with whom Cicero was on intimate terms. In b.c.
51, Cicero gave him a letter of introduction to
Thermus, who was propraetor in Asia, whither
Cluvius was going to collect some debts due to him
from various cities and individuals. In his will
he bequeathed part of his property to Cicero, (Cic.
ad Ait. vi. 2, ad Fam. xiii. 56, ad Alt. xiii. 46,
xiv. 9.)

6. C. Cluvius, made consul suffectus in b. c. 29
by Augustus. (Dion Cass. lii. 42.) It was pro-
bably this Cluvius who in B. c. 45 was appointed
by Caesar to superintend the assignment of lands
in Gallia Cisalpina, when Cicero wrote to him on
behalf of the town of Atella. {Ad Fam. xiii. 7.)
This same Cluvius also is probably referred to in
a funeral oration of the age of Augustus. (Orelli,
Inscr. No. 4859.)

The annexed coin, struck in the third dictator-
ship of Caesar, seems to belong to this Cluvius.
Its obverse represents the head of Victory, with
Caksar Die. Ter. ; its reverse Pallas, with C.
Clovi Praef.

7. M. Cluvius Rufus, consul suffectus in a. d.
45. (Joseph. Antiq. ii. I ; Suet. Ner. 21 ; Dion
Cass. Ixiii. 14.) He was governor of Hispania in
the time of Galba, b. c. 69. (Tac. Hist. i. 8.) On
the death of Galba he first swore allegiance to
Otho, but soon afterwards be appears as a partisan
of Vitellius. llilaiius, a freedman of Vitellius,
having accused him of aspiring to the independent
government of Spain, Cluvius went to^ Vitellius,
Avho was then in Gallia, and succeeded in clearing
himself. He remained in the suite of the emperor,
though he still retained the government of his pro-
vince. (Tac. Hist. ii. Qo.) Tacitus speaks of him
{Hist. iv. 43) as distinguished alike for his \yealth
and for his eloquence, and says, that no one in the
time of Nero had been endangered by him. In
the games in which Nero made his appearance,
Cluvius acted as herald. (Suet. Ner. 21 ; Dion
Cass. Ixiii. 14.) It is probably this same Cluvius
whom we find mentioned as an historian. He
wrote an account of the times of Nero, Galba,
Otho, and Vitellius. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 20, xiv. 2;
Plin. Ep. ix. 19. § 5.) [C. P. M.]

CLY'MENE (KAujue'j/Tj). 1. A daughter of
Oceanus and Thetys, and the wife of Japetus, by
whom she became the mother of Atlas, Prometheus,
and others. (Hesiod. Theoy. 351, 507 ; comp.Virg.
Georg. iv. 345 ; Schol. ad Find. 01. ix. 68 ; Hygin.
Fab.\5Q.) ^ ^ .^

2. A daughter of Iphis or Minyas, and the wife
of Phylacus or Cephalus, by whom she became the

808

CLYTUS.

mother of Iphiclus and Alcimede. (Paus. x. 29.
§ 2 ; Horn. Od. xi. 325 : Schol. ad ApoUod. Mod.
i. 45, 230.) According to Hesiod (ap.Eustath.ad
Horn. p. 1689 ; comp. Ov. Met. i. 756, iv. 204),
she was the mother of Phaeton by Helios, and ac-
cording to Apollodorus (iii. 9. § 2), also of Atalante
by Jasus.

3. A relative of Menelaus and a companion of
Helena, together with whom slie was carried off by
Paris. (Hom. //. iii. 1 44 ; Dictys Cret i. 3, v. 13.)
After the taking of Troy, when the booty was dis-
tributed, Clymene was given to Acamas. She was
jepresented as a captive by Polygnotiis in the
Lesche of Delphi. (Paus. x. 26. § 1 ; comp. Ov.
Her. xvii, 267.) There are several other mythical
personages of this name. (Horn. Jl. xviii. 47 ;
Hvgin. Fab. 71; Apollod. iii. 2. § 1, &c. ; Paus.
x.'24. § 3.) [L. S.]

CLY'MENUS (KAu/ici/or). 1. A son of Cardis
in Crete, who is said to have come to Elis in the
fiftieth year after the flood of Deucalion, to have
restored the Olympic games, and to have erected
altars to Heracles, from whom he was descended.
(Paus. V. 8. § ], 14. § 6, vi. 21. § 5.)

2. A son of Caeneus or Schoenus, king of Ar-
cadia or of Argos, was married to Epicaste, by
v/hom he had among other children a daughter
Harpalyce. He entertained an unnatural love for
his daughter, and after having committed incest
with her, he gave her in marriage to Alastor, but
afterwards took her away from him, and again
lived with her. Harpalyce, in order to avenge her
father's crime, slew her younger brother, or, ac-
cording to others, her own son, and placed his flesh
prepared in rx dish before her father. She herself
was thereupon changed into a bird, and Clymenus
hung himself. (Hygin. Fab. 242, 246, 255;
Parthcn. Erot. 13.)

3. A son of Presbon and king of Orchomenos,
who was married to Minva. (Paus. ix. 37. ^ 1,
&c. ; Apollod. ii. 4. (5 1 1 ; Hygin. Fab. 14.) There
are several other mythical personages of this name.
(Hygin. Fab. 154 ;' Paus. ii. 35. $ 3 ; Ov. Met. v.
98; comp. Althaka.) [L. S.]

CLYTAEMNESTRA ( K\uTo.M»^(rTpo ), a
daughter of Tyndareus and Leda, and sister of
Castor, Timandra, and Philonoe, and half-sister of
Polydeuces and Helena. She was married to
Agamemnon. (Apollod. iii. 10. § 6, &c.) For the
particulars of the stories about her see Agamem-
non. .^EGiSTHi's, Orestes. [L. S.]

CLY'TIE (KAuTJTj), the name of three mythical
personages. (Hes. I'/ieog. 352; Ov. Met. iv. 305;
Paus. X. 30. ^ 1 ; Tzetz. ad Lrjcoph. 421.) [L. S.]

CLY'TIUS (KAuTJos). 1. A son of Laomedon
and father of Caletor and Procleia, was one of the
Trojan elders. (Hom. //. iii. 147, xv. 419 ; Paus.
X. 14. § 2.)

2. A son of the Oechalian king Eurytus, was
one of the Argonauts, and was killed during the
expedition by Heracles, or according to others by
Aeetes. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 86 ; Schol. ad Soph.
1'rach. 355 ; Hygin. Fab. 14.) There are several
other mythical personages of this name. (Paus. vi.
17. § 4'; Ov. Met. v. 140; Apollod. i. 6. § 2 ;
Virg. Aen. ix. 774, x. 129, 325, xi. 666.) [L.S.]

CLYTUS (KAuTo's), the name of three mythical
personages. (Hvgin. Fab. 124, 170; Ov. Met.
V. 87.) ' [L. S.]

CLYTUS (KAtVos), a Milesian and a disciple
of Aristotle, was the author of a work on the his-

CNEPH.

tory of his native city. The two passages cf
Athenaeus (xii. p. 540, d., xiv. p. 655, b.), in
which this work is quoted, must be assimilated to
one another either by reading KAutos in the first
or KAetTos in the second, for it is clear that
reference is made in both to the same author and
the same treatise. In the passage of Diogenes
Laertius (i. 25), — koX euros Se ^t](tiu, us 'HpaK-
Ac/Stjs IcTTope?, K. T. A., — Menagius proposes, with
much show of probability, the substitution of
KAutos for aiJT<is, as a notice of Thales would
naturally find a place in an account of Miletus.
It does not appear what ground there is for the
assertion of Vossius {de Hist. Graec. p. 91, ed.
Westermann), that Clytus accompanied Alexander
on his expedition. The passage in Valerius Maxi-
mus to which he refers (ix. 3, extern. § 1 ), speaks
only of the Cleitus who was murdered by the
king. [E. E.]

CNA'GIA {Kvayia), a surname of Artemis,
derived firom Cnageus, a Laconian, who accompa-
nied the Dioscuri in their war against Aphidna,
and was made prisoner. He was sold as a slave,
and carried to Crete, where he served in the tem-
ple of Artemis ; but he escaped from thence with
a priestess of the goddess, who carried her statue

to Sparta. (Paus. iii. 18. § 3.)

[L.S.]

CNEMUS (KK^fios), the Spartan high admiral
{vavapxos) in the second year of the Peloponnesian
war, B. c. 430, made a descent upon Zacynthus
with 1000 Lacedaemonian hoplites ; but, after
ravaging the island, was obliged to retire without
reducing it to submission. Cnemus was continued
in his office ef admiral next year, though the regu-
lar term, at least a few j-ears subsequently, was
only one year. In the second year of his command
(b. c. 429), he was sent with 1000 hoplites again
to co-operate with the Ambracians, who wished to
subdue Acamania and to revolt from Athens. He
put himself at the head of the Ambracians and
their barbarian allies, invaded Acamania, and pe-
netrated to Stratus, the chief town of the country.
But here his barbarian allies were defeated hy the
Ambracians, and he was obliged to abandon the
expedition altogether. Meantime the Peloponne-
sian fleet, which was intended to co-operate with
the land forces, had been defeated by Phormio
with a far smaller number of ships. Enraged at
this disaster, and suspecting the incompetency of
the commanders, the Lacedaemonians sent out
Timocrates, Brasidas, and Lycophron to assist
Cnemus as a council, and with instructions to pre-
pare for fighting a second battle. After refitting
their disabled vessels and obtaining reinforcements
from their allies, by which their number was in-
creased to seventy-live, while Phormio had only
twenty, the Lacedaemonian commanders attacked
the Athenians off Naupactus, and though the lat-
ter at first lost several ships, and were nearly
defeated, they eventually gained the day, and
recovered, with one exception, all the ships which
had been previously captured by the enemy. After
this, Cnemus, Brasidas, and the other Peloponne-
s'an commanders formed the design of surprising
Peiraeeus, and would probably have succeeded in
their attempt, only their courage failed them at
the time of execution, and they sailed to Salamis
instead, thereby giving the Athenians notice of
their intention. (Thuc. ii. 66, 80—93 ; Diod. xii.
47, &c.)

CNEPH. [Cnuphis.]

CNUPHIS,

CNI'DIA (Kut^la), a surname of Aphrodite,
derived from the town of Cnidus in Caria, for
wliich Praxiteles made his celebrated statue of the
goddess. The statue of Aphrodite known by the
name of the Medicean Venus, is considered by
many critics to be a copy of the Cnidian Aphrodite.
(Pans, i 1. § 3 ; Plin. //. N. xxxvi. 5 ; Lucian,
Amor. 13 ; Hirt, Myihol. Dilderl), p. 57.) [L. S.]

CNO'PIAS (Kfojirjoy), of Alorus, an officer
■who, having seen some active service under Deme-
trius II. and Antigoims Doson, was one of those
employed by Agathocles and Sosibius, ministers of
Ptolemy IV. (Philopator) to superintend the pro-
vision of arms and the choice and training of the
troops when Egypt was threatened with war by
Antiochus the Great in a c. 219. Cnopias is said
by Polybins to have performed the duty entrusted
to him with ability and zeal. (v. 63-65.) [E. E.]

CNOSSUS {Kvw<t(t6s), the author of a work on
the geography of Asia (ycayypacpiKii rrjs kfflas)
quoted by the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius
(iv. '262). The name is perhaps corrupted. (Voss.
Jlistor. Grace, p. 420, ed. Westermann.) [P. S.]

CNUPHIS {Kvovcpis)^ an Egyptian divinity, so
called by Strabo (xvii.p.562); while other writers,
6uch as Plutarch, probably more in conformity
with the genuine Egj-ptian name, call him Cneph
(Ki/ij</)). Plutarch ((/e Is. et Os.2\) states, that all
the Egyptians contributed to the maintenance of
the sacred animals, with the exception of the inha-
bitants of Thebais, who did not worship any mortal
divinity, but an unborn and an immortal one,
•whom they called Cneph. This statement would
lead us to the belief, that the inhabitants of The-
bais worshipped some spiritual divinity to the ex-
clusion of all others, and that consequently their
religion was of a purer and more refined nature
than that of the other Egyptians ; but we know
from other sources, that in Thebais, as well as in
other places, animals were worshipped, such as the
crocodile (Herod, ii. 69), the eagle (Diod. i. 87;
Strab. xvii. p. 559), the ram [Ammon], and a kind
of harmless snake. (Herod, ii. 74.) The god
Cneph himself was worshipped in the form of a
serpent, as we learn from Strabo and Eusebius
{Prai-p. Ev. i. 10), the latter of whom states, that
Cneph was called bj' the Phoenicians Agathodae-
mon, a name which occurs also in coins and in-
scriptions of the time of the Roman empire, in
which the god himself is represented in the form
of a serpent. It was probably the idea of which
the serpent is the symbol, that gave rise to the
opinion of Plutarch and others, that Cneph was a
spiritual divinity ; and when this notion had once
become established, the symbol of the god became
a matter of less importance, and was changed.
Thus Eusebius {Fraep. Ei\ iii. 11) informs us,
that the Egyptians called the creator and ruler of
the world (hrnxiovpyos) Cneph, and that he was
represented in the form of a man, with dark com-
plexion, a girdle, and a sceptre in his hand
Cneph produced an egg, that is, the world, from
his mouth, and out of it arose the god Phtha,
whom the Greeks called Hephaestus. Most mo-
dern writers entertain about Cneph the same or
nearly the same views as were propounded by the
Greek philosophers, and accordingly regard him as
the eternal spirit, and as the author of all that is
in the world. Cnuphi is said to signify in the
Coptic language the good spirit, like Agathodaemon.
(Jablonsky, Pcmih. Aegi/pt. i. 4.) [L. S.]

COCLES.

fiOft

COBIDAS, JOANNES, a Graeco-Roman ju-
rist, who seems to have lived shortly after the time
of Justinian. His name is spelt in various waj's,
as Gobidas, Cobidius, &c. He is one of the Greek
jurists whose commentaries on the titles "de Pro-
curatoribus et Defensibus" in the Digest and the
Code (which titles, translated into Greek and ar-
ranged, constitute the eighth book of the Basilica)
were edited by D. Ruhnkenius and first published
in the third and fifth volumes of Meermann's The-
saurus. Plxtracts from the commentaries of Cobi-
das on the Digest are sometimes appended as notes
to the Basilica, and sometimes the Scholiasts on
the Basilica cite Cobidas. {Basil, ed. Heimbach,
i. pp. 359, 794, ii. p. 10.) In Baiil. (ed. Fabrot.)
iii. p. 182, Cobidas is found citing Cyrillus and
Stephanus, contemporaries of Justinian, and in no
extant passage does he refer to the Novellae of
Leo; though Nic. Comnenus {Praenot. Mystag.
p. 372) mentions a Gobidas, logotheta genici, who
wrote scholia on the Novellae of Leo. Cobidas is
cited by Balsamo. {Ad Nomocan. fhotiiinJiist.et
Vodl. BiU. Jur. Canon, p. 1118.)

Cobidas, the commentator on the Digest, is usu-
ally identified and may perhaps be the same with
the Joannes Cubidius (Cobidius, Convidius, &c.)
who wrote a Tloivakiov. or treatise on punishments.
Of this jurist and professor (antecessor) Suarez
{Notit. Basil. § 27) says, that Ant. Augustinus
possessed some works or portions of works in ma-
nuscript. Some fragments of the TloivaKiov are
preserved in the appendix to the Ecloga of Leo
and Constantine. This appendix consists of legal
writings, chiefly of the eighth and ninth centuries,
and was published from a Parisian manuscript by
C. E. Zachariae in his work entitled Anecdota^
(Lips. 1843, p. 191.) (Zachariae, Hist. Jur.
(rraeco-Iiom. p. 30 ; Heinibach, Anecdoia, i. p.
Ixxviii ; Pohl, ml Suares. Notit. Basil, p. 137, n.
(a>); Fabric. Bibl. Grace, xii. p. 563.) [J. T. G.]

CO'CALUS (KwKaAos), a mythical king of
Sicily, who kindly received Daedalus on his flight
from Crete, and afterwards killed !Miiios, who
came with an army in pursuit of him. According
to others, Minos was killed bv the daughters of
Cocalus. (Diod. iv. 78, 80 ;" Hygin. Fal). 44 ;
Paus. vii. 4. § 5.) [L. S.]

COCCEIA'NUS, SA'LVIUS, the son of the
brother of the emperor Otho, was quite a youth at
his uncle's death in A. D. 69. He was afterwards
put to death by Domitian for celebrating his uncle's
birthday. Plutarch calls him Cocceius, but Coc-
ceianus seems the correct form. (Tac. Hist. ii. 48 ;
Plut 0th. 16 ; Suet. Ot/i. 10, Domit. 10.)

COCCEIUS, the name of a family which is
first mentioned towards the latter end of the re-
public, and to which the emperor Ncrva belonged.
All the members of this family bore the cognomen
Nerva.

COCCUS {K6kkos), an Athenian orator or rhe-
torician, was, according to Suidas (s. r.), a disciple
of Isocrates, and wrote rhetorical discourse? (A<J-
yovs frrjTopiKovs). A passjige of Quintilian (xii.
10) has been thought to imply that Coccus lived
at an earlier period than Isocrates and even Lysias;
but it seems that Quintilian is speaking of the
comparative distinction of the orators he mentions,
rather than of their time. [P. S.]

COCLES, HORA'TIUS, that is, Horatius the
" one-eyed," a hero of the old Roman lays, is said
to have defended the Suhlician bridge along with

810

CODIXUS.

Sp. Lartius and T. Herminius against the whole
Etruscan army under Porsena, while the Romans
broke down the bridge behind them. When the
work was nearly finished, Horatius sent back his
two companions, and withstood alone the attacks
of the foe, till the crash of the falling timbers and
the shouts of the Romans announced that the
bridge was destroyed. Then he prayed to father
Tiberinus to take him and his arms in charge,
and forthwith plunged into the stream and
swam across to the city in safety amid the arrows
of the enemy. The state raised a statue to his
honour, which was placed in the comitium, and
allowed him as much land as he could plough round
in one day. The citizens, too, when the famine
was raging, deprived themselves of food to support
him. This statue was afterwards struck by light-
ning, and the Etruscan haruspices, who had been
consulted respecting the prodig)"", envious of the
glory of Rome, caused it to be placed on a lower
spot, where the sun never shone upon it. But
their treachery was discovered ; they were put to
death, and the statue was placed in a higher spot
on the Vulcanal above the Comitium, which brought
good fortune to the state. This story is related
by A. Gellius (iv. 5), and explains the fact why
some writers speak of the statue being in the Comi-
tium, and others in the Vulcanal. The statue still
existed in the time of Pliny {H.N. xxxiv. 5. s. 1 1)
— an irrefragable proof of the truth of the story !
Few legends in Roman story were more celebrated
than this gallant deed of Horatius, and ahuost all
Roman writers tell us,

" How well Horatius kept the bridge
In the brave days of old."
(Liv. ii. 10 ; Dionvs. v. 24, 25 ; Val. Max. iii. 2.
§ 1 ; Flor. i. 10 ; AureL Vict de Vir. III. 11 ; Plot.
Poplic. 16 ; Sencc. Ep. 120, &c.)

Polybius relates (vi. 35) the legend differently.
According to his description, Horatius defended
the bridge alone, and perished in the river. Mr.
Macauley observes {Lays of Ancient liome^ p. 43),
with much probability, that it is likely that there
were two old Roman lays about the defence of the
bridge ; and that, while the story which Livy has
transmitted to us was preferred by the multitude,
the other, which ascribed the whole glory to Hora-
tius alone, may have been the favourite of the
Horatian house. (Compare Niebuhr, i. p. 542.)

The annexed coin, which bears on it the name
of Codes, was doubtless struck by some member of
the Horatian house, but at what time is uncertain.
The obverse represents the head of Pallas, the
re%-erse the Dioscuri. A facsimile of this coin,
with the addition of the legend Imp. Caes. Traian.
AvG. Gkr. Dac. p. p. Rest., that is, Imperator
Cuesiir Trajanus Augustus Germanicus Dacicus
rater Patriae restiiuit, was struck in the time of
Tnijan,

CODI'NUS, GEO'RGIUS, sumamed CURO-
PALA'TES (Feoipyios KcaSivos 6 Kypo7raAaT7/s),
a Greek compiler, who held the office of curopa-

00 DIN US.
lates, lived during the latter period of the Byzan-
tine empire, and died probably after the conquest
of Constantinople in 1453. He has compiled two
works, which, although written in most bar-
barous Greek, are of considerable importance, inas-
much as one of them treats of the various public
offices in the church and in the administration of
the empire, and another on the antiquities of Con-
stantinople. The principal works from which
Codinus has taken his accounts, and which he has
copied in many instances to a considerable extent,
are those of Hesychius Milesius, Glycas, Julius Pol-
lux, the Chronicon Aiexandrinum,&c.; his accounts
of the statues and buildings of Constantinople are
chiefly taken from Phurnutus, Joannes Lydus
of Philadelphia, and from the Antiquities of Con-
stantinople, written by an anonymous author, who
in his turn has plundered Theodorus Lector, Papia,
Eusebius, Socrates, Marcellus Lector, and others.
The works of Codinus are — I. Uipi tu,v d(p<piKia-
\iu3V TQV IlaAoTJOu Ka>v<TTavTivovTt6kiws KoX rdv
6(p(piKlcDV T7JS fieydx-ns 'EkkAtj^tjos, " De Officiali-
bus Palatii Constaiitinopolitani et de Officiis
Magnae Ecclesiae." Editions: 1. by Nadabus
Agraonius, 1580 ; 2. the same reprinted by Junius,
who was also the editor of the first edition, but for
some foolish motive adopted that pseudonym.
Both these editions are of little value ; the editor,
a man of great vanity and equivocal learning,
had carelessly perused bad MSS., and though
he was aware of all the errors and negligences he
had committed in the first edition, he did not take
the trouble to correct tliem when the public curi-
osity required a second. Junius confounded this
work with another of tlie same author on the
antiquities of Constantinople. 3. By Gretsenis,
Ingolstadt, 1620: the editor peioised good MSS.
with his usual care, and added a Latin translation
and an excellent commentary ; still this edition is
not without several defects, since the editor did
not understand the meaning of many barbarous
words employed by Codinus, and of which the
glossary of Meursius likewise gives either an im-
perfect account or none at all. 4. By Goar, Paris,
1 648, fol., in the Paris collection of the Byzantines.
Goar revised both the text and the translation,
and added the commentary of Gretserus, which he
corrected in many passages, and to which he added
his own observations. 5. By Immanuel Bekker,
Bonn, 1839, 8vo., in the Bonn collection of the
Byzantines. This is a revised reprint of the Paris
edition ; the editor gives no preface. This work
of Codinus, although but a dry catalogue, is of
great importance for the undersuinding of Byzan-
tine history, since it explains the numerous civil
and ecclesiastical titles and offices of the later
Greeks, as the " Notitiae Dignitatum" does for the
earlier period of the Eastern empire.

II. IlapeK§o\at ck rrjs fi{§\ov rov xP'"'^fow
irepl tGiv Trarpiuv KuuffTauTLVoviroKeuSy " Ex-
cerpta ex Libro Chronico de Originibus Constanti-
nopolitanis." Editions : I. By George Dousa,
1596, 8vo., the Greek text with a Latin transla-
tion. 2. The same, with notes by John Meursius,
1609, 8vo. 3. By Petrus Lambecius, Paris, 1655,
fol., in the Paris collection, and afterwards re-
printed in the Venice collection of the Byzantines.
Larabeck, a native of Hamburg, perused the best
MSS. in France, revised the text, and added a
new Latin translation and an extensive commen-
tary : he dedicated his work to the celebrated

CODRATUS.

Cardinal Francesco Barberini. This work begins
with an account of the origin of Constantinople
(Byzantium) ; after this the author treats in dif-
ferent chapters on the size and situation of that
city ; on the province of Adiabene ( ! ) ; on the
statues, public buildings of Constantinople, and the
like subjects, in an extensive chapter; on the
church of St. Sophia ; and the work finishes with
a short chronicle from the beginning of the world
down to the conquest of Constantinople by the
Turks. If Codinus wrote this latter fact himself,
he died of course after 1453 ; but the singular
digression respecting the province of Adiabene is
of itself a sufficient proof that an unknown hand
has made some additions to it. This work of
Codinus is likewise of great interest. The student,
however, who should wish to make himself ac-
quainted with that interesting subject, the antiqui-
ties of Constantinople, should begin with Petrus
Gyllius, '* Antiquitates Constantinopolitanae," of
which a very good English translation was pub-
lished by John Ball, London, 1729, 8vo., to which
is added a " Description of the City of Constanti-
nople as it stood in the reign of Arcadius and
Honorius" (translated from " Notitia Utriusque
Imperii"), with the notes of Pancirola. After
this tiie student will peruse with profit Du Cange's
celebrated work, " Constantinopolis Christiana,"
where he will find numerous observations referring
to Codinus.

III. A Greek translation of " Missa Scti Gre-
gorii, papae," first published by Morellus, Paris,
1595, 8vo., and also contained in the second
volume of ** Bibl. Patrum Max."

(Lanibecius, Vita Codini, in his edition of Co-
dinus' Antiquities of Constantinople ; Fabric. liibl.
Grace, xii. 57, &c. ) [ W. P.]

CODOMANNUS. [Dareius III.]

CODON. Suarez {Noiit. Basil. § 27) states,
that portions of the Paratitla of Codon, copied from
a Cretan manuscript, were in the library of Ant.
Augustinus. Paratitla are additions made by com-
mentators, explaining difficulties and filling up de-
ficiencies in one title of the authorized collections
of civil law by summaries of parallel passages in
other titles. (Heimbach, Anecdota, i. p. xviii.)
Several books of Paratitla are known still to exist
in manuscript in various libraries. (Pohl, ad Sna-
res. Noiil. Basil, p. 101, n. tj.) Perhaps Codon is
a fictitious name assumed by some commentator on
the Code of Justinian, for such names were com-
mon among the Graeco-Roman jurists. Thus,
Enantiophanes is the name given to the author
(probably Photius) of a treatise ire^i 4vayTio<pavciv
(apparent legal inconsistencies). So the Paratitla
of Tipucitus are perhaps the work of an author who
took the name Tipucitus (TiirovKeiTos) from explain-
ing what (rt) the law is, and where it is to be found
(vov Kurai) ; though Heimbach {Anecdota, i. p.
220) refers the name to the book, not the author.
Under Baphius we have mentioned a similar con-
jecture of Suarez; but Heimbach {I. c.) thinks, that
Baphius is a mere fabrication of Nic. Comnenus
Papadopoli, which he was induced to hazard under
cover of the false reading Bo^iow for 4>a§i'ou in a
passage of the Basilica referring to the lex Fabia.
\Ba>U. vii. p. 787.) [J. T. G.]

CODRATUS (Ko'Sparor), an ancient physician,
saint, and martyr, who was bom at Corinth in the
third century after Christ. His parents, who were
Christians and persons of rank and wealth, died

COELESTINUS.

811

while he was quite young. "When he was grown
up, he applied himself tc the study and practice of
medicine, and also took every opportunity of en-
deavouring to convert his fellow-citizens to Chris-
tianity. He was put to death, together with
several other Christians, about the year 258, at the
command of Jason, the governor of Greece at that
time ; and there is an interesting account of his
martyrdom in the Acta Sanctorum^ Mart. vol. ii.
p. 5. His memory is observed on the 10th of
March both by the Roman and Greek Churches.
{Acta Sanct. I. c. ; Menolog. Graec. vol. iii. p. 1 1 ;
Bzovius, Nomenclaior Sanctorum Professione Medi-
corum; Carpzovius, De Medicis ab Ecclesia pro
Sanctis hahitis.) [W. A. G.]

CODRUS (Ko'Spos), the son of Melanthus, and
king of Athens, where he reigned, according to
tradition, some time after the conquest of the Pelo-
ponnesus by the Dorians, about b. c. 1068. Once
when the Dorians invaded Attica from Pelo-
ponnesus, they were told by an oracle, that they
should be victorious if the life of the Attic king
was spared. The Dorians accordingly took the
greatest precautions not to kill the king. But
when Codrus was informed of the oracle, he re-
solved to sacrifice himself, and thus to deliver his
country. In the disguise of a common man, he
entered the camp of the enemy. There he began
quarrelling with the soldiers, and was slain in the
struggle. When the Dorians discovered the deatli
of the Attic king, they abstained from further
hostilities, and returned home. Tradition adds,
that as no one was thought worthy to succeed such
a high-minded and patriotic king, the kingly dig-
nity was abolished, and a responsible archon for
life was appointed instead. In our accounts of this
transaction there are points which justify the be-
lief, that when, after the death of Codrus, quarrels
arose among his sons about the succession, the
eupatrids availed themselves of the opportunity
for stripping the chief magistrate of as much of his
power as they could, and that they succeeded in
altogether abolishing the kingly dignity, for which
that of a responsible archon was instituted. Medon
accordingly succeeded his father as archon, and his
brothers emigrated to Asia Minor, where they
founded sevei-al of the Ionian colonies. (Herod, v.
76 ; Lycurg. c. Leocr. 20 ; Veil Pat. i. 2 ; Justin,
ii. 6, &c. ; Paus. iv. 5. § 4, vii. 2 ; Strab. xiv. p.
633, &c.) [L. S.]

CODRUS, a Roman poet, a contemporary of
Virgil, who ridicules him for his vanity. {Echx;.
vii. 22, x. 10.) According to Servius, Codrus liad
been mentioned also by Valgius in his elegies.
Weichert {Poet. Lot. Reliq. p. 407) conjectures,
that this Codrus is the same as the Jarbitas, the
imitator of Timagenes, who is ridiculed by Horace
(Epist. i. 19. 15) ; whereas Bergk believes, that
Codrus in Virgil and Valgius is a fictitious name,
and is meant for the poet Cornificius. (Classical
Museum^ vol. i. p. 278.) Juvenal (i. 1) also speaks
of a wretched poet of the name of Codrus (the
Scholiast calls him Cordus), who wrote a tragedy
" Theseus." But it is generally believed, that in
all the above cases Codrus is altogether a fictitious
name, and that it is applied by the Roman poets
to those poetiisters who annoyed other people by
reading their productions to them. [L. S.]

COELESTl'NUS, a Campanian by birth, tho
successor of Pope Bonifacius I., was ordained
bishop of Rome on the 10th of September, a. d,

sia

C0ELESTIU3.

4'23, and retained this dignity until his death, in
the month of July, 432. He was distinguished by
the activity which he displayed in seconding the
exertions of Cyril for procuring the deposition of
Nestorius and the condemnation of his doctrines at
the council of Ephesus in 431, and by the earnest-
ness with which he strove to root out the Senii-
pelagianism of Cassianus [Cassianus] from Gaul,
Italy, and Britain. We must not omit to observe,
that during this pontificate the jurisdiction of the
lloman see was formally disowned by the clergy of
Africa, who refused to admit the right of any
transmarine ecclesiastic to interfere with the pro-
ceedings or alter the decrees of their synods. Ac-
cording to Prosper, Palladius, the first bishop of
Scotland, which probably means Ireland, was con-
secrated by Coelestinus.

Sixteen Epistles of Coelestinus are extant, and
being chiefly of an official character, are considered
of importance by the students of church history;
The whole series is given in the " Epistolae Pon-
tificum Romanorura," published by Constant,
Paris, fol. 17-21 (vol. i. pp. 1051—12-28), in the
great work of Galland (vol. ix. p. 287), and in all
the larger collections of councils. [W. R.]

COELE'STIUS, the friend, associate, and par-
tisan of Pelagius, whose followers were hence
termed indifferently Pelagians or Coeleslians, is be-
lieved from an expression used by Prosper to have
been born in Campania, although others maintain
that he was a native of Ireland or of Scotland.
He commenced his career as an advocate {audito-
rialis scholasticus), but in early life, in consequence
perhaps of bodily deformity, became a monk, and
in A. D. 409 accompanied Pelagius to Carthage.
Here he soon excited the suspicions of the restless
ecclesiastics of that province, and was impeached
of heresy before the council held in 412. Having
been found guilty and excommunicated, he pre-
pared to appeal to Pope Innocent against the sen-
tence i but, feeling probably that success was hope-
less before such a judge, refrained from prosecuting
the matter farther for the time being, and retired
to Ephesus, where he was raised to the rank of
presbyter, and passed five years in tranquillity.
From thence, about the year 417, he passed over
to Constiuitinople, but being speedily driven out
of that city by Atticus, the enemy and supplanter
of Chrysostom, he betook himself to Rome, and
laying his whole case before Zosimus, the successor
of Innocent, demanded that the allegations of his
enemies should be fairly examined, and at the
same time presented in writing a statement of the
articles of his faith. After a full and formal hear-
ing before all the bishops and clergy then present
in Rome, the council of Carthage was rebuked for
precipitation and want of cliarity, their decree was
reversed, and Coelestius was reinstated in all his
privileges, to the great indignation of the African
prelates, who passed a solemn resolution adhering
to their first judgment; and fearing that these
proceedings would tend to promote the extension
of Pelagian doctrines, applied for relief to the im-
perial court. Accordingly St. Auguslin obtained
from Honorius an edict, published on the 30th of
April, 4 18, banishing Coelestius, Pelagius, and their
followers, from Rome and from the whole of the
Roman dominions. Notwithstanding these strong
measures, it would appear that Coelestius contrived
to keep his ground, for similar denunciations were
issued by Coustantius (421) and Pope Coelestinus,

COENUS.

and about 429 we find him expelled from Constan-
tinople by a proclamation of Theodosius, granted
in compliance with the solicitations of Marius
Mercator. [Mercator.] Coelestius is mentioned
in the Acts of the Council of Rome held in 430,
but from that time his name disappears from eccle-
siastical history, and the close of his life is unknown.

Coelestius was younger than Pelagius, and ap-
pears to have possessed a more bold, enthusiastic,
and enterprising temperament than his master, and
to have displayed more zeal and energy in the
propagation and defence of their peculiar tenets,
while he at the same time, with great acuteness,
verbal subtlety, and dialectic skill, sought to
establish these principles by metaphysical and a
priori reasoning, rather than by induction from the
observed habits of mankind. [Augustinus;
Pklagius; Zosimus.]

While still a j'oung man, before he had em-
braced the views of Pelagius, Coelestius composed
in his monastery three Epistolae on moral subjects,
addressed to his parents. These were followed by
Contra Traducem Peccati, on the origin, propaga-
tion, and transmission of sin, published, apparently,
before the commentary of Pelagius on the Romans.
Augustin, in his De Perfectione Jtistitiae^ replies
to a work which he believes to have proceeded
from Coelestius, entitled, it would seem, Dcfitii-
iiones, or perhaps Ratiocinatioiies, containing six-
teen propositions to prove that man may be without
sin. The Libellus Fidei, or Confession of Faith,
presented to Zosimus, is known to us from the
treatise of Augustin, De Peccato Originali^ out of
which Gamier has essayed to extract the original
document in its perfect form. Finally, Augustin,
De gestis Palaestinis (13, 14), quotes from several
chapters of a piece by Coelestius, without, however,
giving it a name. After his banishment from
Rome, he addressed Epistles to his adherents ;
and, in like manner, when driven from Constanti-
nople, he wrote to Nestorius, whose reply is still
extant.

Of the above compositions none exist in an
entire shape; but, a considerable portion, if not the
whole, of the Ratiocinationcs and the Libellus Fidei^
as noticed above, may be extracted from the replies
of Augustin.

For the best account of the life and the most
complete collection of the fragments of Coelestius,
we are indebted to the Jesuit Gamier, in the dis-
sertations prefixed to his edition of the works of
Marius Mercator, Paris, fol. 1673. [W.R.]

COELIOMONTA'NUS. [Caeliomontanus.]

COE'LIUS. [Caelius.]

COENUS {Ko'iuos\ a son of Polemocrates and
son-in-law of Parmenion, was one of the ablest
and most faithful generals of Alexander tlie Great
in his eastern expedition. In the autumn of b. c.
334, when Alexander was in Caria, and sent those
of his soldiers who had been recently married, to
Macedonia, to spend the ensuing winter with their
wives there, Coenus was one of the commanders
who led them back to Europe. In the spring of
the year following, Coenus returned with the
Macedonians, and joined Alexander at Gordium.
He commanded a portion of Alexander's army,
and distinguished himself on various occasions.
When Alexander had arrived at the river Hypha-
sis, and was anxious to push his conquests still
further, Coenus was the first who had the boldness
strongly to urge the necessity of returning, and

COLCIIAS.

the king was obliged to follow his advice. But a
short time afterwards, when the Macedonian army
had actually commenced its return, Coenus died of
an illness, and was honoured by the king with a
splendid burial. Alexander lamented his death,
but is reported to have said, that Coenus had
urged the necessity of returning so strongly, as if
he alone had been destined to see his native coun-
trv again. (Arrian, ji7iab. i. 6, 14, 24, 29, iv.
l(;-iy, 27, V. 16, 17, 21, 27, vi. 2-4; Curtius,
ii. 10, iii. 9, iv. 13, 16, v. 4, vi. 8, 9, viii. 1, 10,
12, 14, he. 3 ; Diod. xvii. .57, 61.) [L. S.]

COERA'TADAS (Koj^oroSas), aTheban, com-
manded some Boeotian forces under Clearchus, the
Spartan harmost at Byzantium, when that place
was besieged by the Athenians in B.C. 408. When
Clearchus crossed over to Asia to obtain money
from Pharnabazus, and to collect forces, he left the
command of the garrison to Helixus, a Megarian,
and Cocratadas, who were soon after compelled to
surrender themselves as prisoners when certain
parties within the town had opened the gates to
Alcibiades. [Clkarchus.] They were sent to
Atheiis, but during the disembarkation at the
Peiraeeus, Coeratadas contrived to escape in the
crowd, and made his way in safety to Deceleia.
(Xen. Hell. i. 3. §§ 15—22 ; Diod. xiii. 67; Plut.
Ale. 31.) In B. c. 400, when the Cyrean Greeks
had arrived at Byzantium, Coeratadas, who was
going about in search of employment as a general,
prevailed on them to choose him as their com-
mander, promising to lead them into Thrace on an
expedition of much profit, and to supply them
plentifully with provisions. It was however al-
most immediately discovered that he had no means
of supporting them for even a single day, and he
was obliged accordingly to relinquish his command.
(Xen. Anuh. vii. 1. §§ 33—41.) [E. E]

COES (Ke^s), of Mytilene, attended Dareius
Hystaspis in his Scythian expedition (see Clinton,
F. H. ii. p. 313) as commander of the Mytile-
naeans, and dissuaded the king from breaking up
his bridge ol beats over the Danube, and so cutting
oil' his own retreat. For this good counsel he was
rewiirded by Dareius on his return with the ty-
ranny of Mytilene. In B. c. 501, when the lonians
had been instigated to revolt by Aristagoras, Coes,
with several of the other tyrants, was seized by
latragoras at Myus, where the Persian fleet that
had been oigaged at Naxos Avas lying. They
were delivered up to the people of their several
cities, and most of them were allowed to go unin-
jured into exile ; but Coes, on the contrary, was
stoned to death by the Mytilenaeans. (Herod, iv.
97, V. 11, 37, 38.) [E. E.]

COLAENIS (Ko^ozm), a surname of Artemis
in the Attic demos of Myrrhinus, was derived
fron. a mythical king, Colaenus, who was believed
to have reigned even before the time of Cecrops.
(Paus. i. 31. $ 3.) [L. S.]

COLAXAIS or COLAXES (KoA<£eais), an
ancient king of the Scythians, a son of Targitaus,
who, according to the Scythian tradition, reigned
about 1000 years previous to the expedition of
Dareius into Scythia. (Herod, iv. 5> &c. ; Val.
Flacc. vi. 48.) [L. S.]

COLCHAS or CO'LICHAS (kJax^, KoArxw),
a petty prince of Spain, who ruled over twenty-
eight cities, and furnished supplies of troops to
Scipio against Mago and Hasdrubal in b. c. 206.
(Pol. xi. 20; Liv. xxviii. 13.) In reward for his

COLOTES.

813

services, the Romans increased his dominions (PoL
xxi. 9); but in B. c. 197 he revolted, and dre^v
away seventeen towns from their allegiance to
Rome. The rebellion spread widely through Spain,
but was eventually suppressed by M. Porcius Cato,
Q. Minucius Thcrmus, and various other com-
manders, in B. c. 195. (Liv. xxxiii. 21, 26, 44,
xxxiv. 8-21.) [E. E.]

CO'LIAS (KwAjas), a surname of Aphrodite,
who had a statue on the Attic promontory of Colias.
(Paus. i. 1. $ 4; comp. Herod, viii. 96 ; Schol. owi
Aristoph. Nub. 56.) Strabo (ix. p. 398) places a
sanctuary of Aphrodite Colias in the neighbour-
hood of Anaphlystus. [L. S.]

COLLATl'NUS, L. TARQUI'NIUS, the son
of Egerius, who was the son of Aruns, the brother
of Tarquinius Priscus. When the town of Collatia
was taken by Tarquinius Priscus, Egerius was left
in command of the place (Liv. i. 38), and there
his son also resided, whence he received the sur-
name of Collatinus. He was married to Lucretia,
and it was the rape of the latter by his cousin,
Sex. Tarquinius, that led to the dethronement of
Tarquinius Superbus, and the establishment of the
republic, B. c. 509. Collatinus and L. Junius
Brutus were the first consuls ; but as the people
could not endure the rule of any of the hated race
of the Tarquins, Collatinus was persuaded by his
colleague and the other nobles to resign his office
and retire from Rome. He withdrew with all his
property to Lavinium, and P. Valerius Poplicola
was elected in his place. (Liv. i. 57 — 60, ii. 2 ;
Dionys. iv. 64, &c. ; Dion Cass. Frag. 24, ed,
Reimar; Cic. delicp. ii. 25, de Off. iii. 10.)

COLLE'GA, POMP EI US, consul with Corne-
lius Priscus, A. D. 93, the year in which Agricola
died. (Tac. Agr. 44.)

COLLU'THUS (KoAAovSos). 1. A heretic,
who seems nearly to have agreed in his opinions
with the Manichaeans. He was a presbyter of
Alexandria. He was deposed by the council of
Alexandria (a. d. 324), and died before a. d. 340.
His sect lasted no long time.

2. A heretic of the Monophysite sect, who lived
at a later time. Some fragments of his writings
are preserved in the acts of the great Lateran
council, A. D. 649. (Fabric. Bill. Graec. ix. 245,
ed. Harles.) [P. S.J

COLO'TES (KoAwTTjs), of Lampsacus, a hearer
of Epicurus, and one of the most famous of his
disciples, wrote a work to prove, " That it was im-
possible even to live according to the doctrines of
the other philosophers" {on kotoL to twv SXK<av
<pi\oa6(pb}t/ SoyfiuTtt ou5e ^rjv iartv). It was de-
dicated to king Ptolemy, probably Philopator. In
refutation of it Plutarch wrote two works, a dia-
logue, to prove, " That it is impossible even to live
pleastintly according to Epicurus," and a work
entitled "Against Colotes." (Plut. Oper. pp. 1086
— 1127.) The two works stand in the editions
in this order, which should be reversed. It may
be collected from Plutarch, that Colotes was clever,
but vain, dogmatical, and intolerant. He made
violent attacks upon Socrates, and other great phi-
losophers. He was agi-eat favourite with Epicurus,
who used, by way of endearment, to call him
KoAwTopas and KoAwrapjos. It is also related
by Plutarch, that Colotes, after hearing Epicurus
discourse on the nature of things, fell on his knees
before him, and besought him to give him instruc-
tion. He held, that it is unworthy of the truth-

B14

COLUMELLA.

fulness of a philosopher to use fables in his teach-
ing, a notion which Cicero opposes. {De Repub.
vi. 7, ed. Orelli, ap. Macrob. in Somn. Scip. i. 2.)
Some fragments of another work of Colotes, against
the Lysis of Plato, have been recently discovered
at Herculaneura, [P. S.]

COLO'TES (KoAoJttjs). 1. A sculptor from
the island of Paros, who assisted Phidias in exe-
cuting the colossus of Zeus at Olympia, and left
several beautiful works, principally in gold and
ivory, in Elis, where he seems to have lived in
banishment. He appears to belong to 01. 84, &c.
(b. c. 444), and is praised for his statues of philo-
sophers. (Strab. viii. p. 337 ; Plin, H. N. xxxiv.
19, XXXV. 34 ; Paus. v. 20. § 1 ; Eustath. ad 11.
ii. 603 ; Bockh, Corp. Jnscr. n. 24.)

2. A painter, a contemporary of Timanthes, b. c.
396, mentioned by Quintilian (ii. 13). [L. U.]

COLUMELLA, L. JU'NIUS MODERA'TUS,
is known to us as the most voluminous and impor-
tant of all the Roman writers upon rural affairs.
The only particulars which can be ascertained with
regard to his personal history are derived exclu-
sively from incidental notices scattered up and
down in his writings. We thus learn, that he
was a native of Cadiz (x. 105) ; and since he fre-
quently quotes Virgil, names Cornelius Celsus (i.
1. § 14, iii. 17. § 4, &c.), and Seneca (iii. 3. § 3),
as his contemporaries, and is himself repeatedly
referred to by the elder Pliny, it is certain that he
must have flourished during the early part of the
iirst century of the Christian era. At some period
of his life, he visited Syria and Cilicia (ii. 10.
§ 18); Rome appears to have been his ordinary
residence (Praef. 20) ; he possessed a property
which he calls Ccretanum (iii. 3. § 3, comp. iii. 9.
§ 6), but whether situated in Etruria, in Spain, or
in Sardinia, we cannot tell ; and from an inscrip-
tion found at Tarentura it h.as been conjectured
that he died and was buried in that city. His
great work is a systematic treatise upon agriculture
in the most extended acceptation of the term, de-
dicated to .in unknown Silvinus, and divided into
twelve books. The first contains general instnic-
tions for the choice of a farm, the position of the
buildings, the distribution of the various duties
among the master and his labourers, and the gene-
ral arrangement of a rural establishment ; the se-
cond is devoted to agriculture proper, the breaking
up and preparation of the ground, and an account
of the different kinds of grain, pulse, and artificial
grasses, with the tillage appropriate for each ; the
third, fourth, and fifth are occupied with the cultiva-
tion of fruit trees, especially the vine and the olive;
the sixth contains directions for choosing, breeding,
and rearing oxen, horses, and mules, together with
an essay on the veterinary art ; the seventh dis-
cusses the same topics with reference to asses,
sheep, goats, swine, and dogs ; the eighth embraces
precepts for the management of poultry and fish-
ponds ; the ninth is on bees ; the tenth, composed
in dactylic hexameters, treats of gardening, form-
ing a sort of supplement to the Georgics (comp.
Virg. Georg. iv.) ; in the eleventh are detailed
the duties of a villicus, followed by a Calendarium
Rusticum, in which the times and seasons for the
different kinds of work are marked down in con-
nexion with the risings and settings of the stars,
and various astronomical and atmospherical phae-
noraena ; and the twelfth winds up the whole with
R series of receipts for manufacturing different

COLUMELLA.

kinds of wine, and for pickling and presen'ing
vegetables and fruits.

In addition to the above, we have one book
" De Arboribus," which is of considerable value,
since it contains extracts from ancient authorities
now lost, and throws much light on the fifth book
of the larger work, which appears under a very
corrupt form in many of the MSS. Cassiodonis
{Divin. Led. 28) mentions sixteen books of Colu-
mella, from which some critics have imagined, that
the tract " De Arboribus " was one of four writ-
ten at an early period, presenting the outline or
first sketch of the complete production. The MSS.
from which Columella was first printed inserted
the " De Arboribus" as the third book of the whole
work, and hence in the older editions that which
is now the third book is marked as the fourth, and
so on for all the rest in succession.

The Latinity of Columella is in no way inferior
to that of his contemporaries, and belongs to the
best period of the Silver Age. His style is easy
and copious to exuberance, while the fondness
which he displays for multiplying and varying his
mode of expression is out of taste when we consi-
der the nature of his theme, and not compatible
with the close precision which we have a right to
expect in a work professedly didactic. Although
we miss the racy quaintness of Cato and the varied
knowledge and highly cultivated mind of Varro,
we find here a far greater amount of information
than they convoj'", and could we persuade ourselves
that the whole v/as derived from personal observa-
tion and experience, we might feel satisfied that
our knowledge ol" the rural economy of that epoch
was tolerably complete. But the extreme care-
lessness with which the Calendar has been com-
piled from foreign sources may induce the suspi-
cion, that other matters also may have been taken
upon trust ; for no man that had actually studied
the appearance of the heavens with the eye of a
practical fanner could ever have set down in an
almanac intended for the use of Italian husband-
men observations copied from parapegmata calcu-
lated for the latitudes of Athens and Alexandria.

With the exception of Cassiodorus, Servius, and
Isidorus, scarcely any of the ancient grammarians
notice Columella, whose works lay long concealed
and were unknown even in the tenth century.
The Editio Princeps was printed at Venice by
Nic, Jenson, 1472, foL, in a collection of " Rei
Rusticae Scriptores" containing Cato, Terentius
Varro, Columella, and Palladius Rutilius, The
first edition in which the " Liber de Arboribus "
was separated from the rest was that superintended
by Jucundus of Verona and published by Aldus,
Venice, 1514, 4 to. The most valuable editions
are those contained in the " Scriptores Rei Rus-
ticae veteres Latini," edited by Gesner, 2 vols.
4to. Lips. 1735, reprinted, with the collation of an
important Paris MS., by Ernesti, Lips. 1773;
and in the Scriptores Rei Rusticae of J. G. Schnei-
der, 4 vols. 8vo., Lips. 1794. This last must be
considered in every respect the most complete, and
in the preface will be found a very full account of
the different MSS. and of the gradual progress and
improvement of the text.

The tenth book, under the title " J. Moderati
Columellae Hortuli Commentarium,'" appeared in a
separate form at Rome, about 1472, from the press
of Adam Rot, and was frequently reprinted in the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

COMAZOX.

Translations exist in English, Lond. 4to. IT^o ;
In French by Cotereau, Paris, 4to, 1551 ; in Ita-
lian by P. Lauro, Venez. 8vo. 1554, l/)57, and
1559, by Bened. del Bene, 2 torn. 4to. Verona,
1800; and in German, among many others, by
M. C. Curtius, 8vo., Hamburg, 1769. [W. R.]

COLU'TH US {K6\oveos), one of the late Greek
epic poets, was a native of Lycopolis in Upper
Egypt, and flourished under the emperor Anasta-
sius, at the beginning of the sixth century of our
era. He wrote laudatory poems (iyKcifjua Si* ^ttwi'),
an heroic poem, in six books, entitled KoAvSovjko,
and another entitled UfpcriKd. These are all lost,
but his poem on "The Rape of Helen" ('EA.^n7J
dpvayt'i) was discovered, with Quintus Smymaeus,
by the Cardinal Bessarion in Calabria. It was
first printed by Aldus, 8vo- (no date) : more accu-
rately, with ingenious conjectural emendations, by
H. Stephens in his Poetae Graeci Frincipes, Par.
1566, fol. Several Latin versions and reprints of the
text appeared in the 16th, 17th, and 18th centu-
rios, the most important of which is the edition of
lo. Dan. Lennep, Leoward. 1747, 8vo. The latest
and best editions are those of Bekker, Berl. 1816,
{!vo., and Schaefer, Lips. 1825, 8vo. The poem,
;is it now stands, consists of 392 hexameter lines,
and is an unsuccessful imitation of Homer. [P.S.]

COMANUS {Ko/.iav6s), one of the ministers of
Ptolemy Physcon (who had been placed on the
throne of Egypt in the room of his exiled brother,
Philoinetor), is introduced by Polybius as endea-
vouring by embassy and negotiation to obtain
peace from Antiochus Epiphanes, B. c. 169, when
the latter had gained possession of Egypt. (Pol.
xxviii. 16 ; conip. Liv. Epit. 46 ; Val. Max. v. 1.
§ 1.) We hear of Comanus again in B. c. 162 as
ambassador from Physcon to the Romans, to com-
plain that Philometor refused to act up to their
decree, by which Cyprus had been assigned to Phys-
con in the partition of the kingdom. (Pol. xxxi.
27, xxxii. 1 ; Diod. xxxi. Exc. de Lcyat. 23, p.
626.) [E. E.]

COMAZON, one of the first commission of nine
appointed by Theodosius and Valentinian, A. D.
429, to compile the Theodosian Code, — a work
which was carried into effect by a second commis-
sion of sixteen, consisting for the most part of new
members, appointed a. d. 435. He was an ex-
magister scrinii in A. D. 429. (Cod. Theodos. tit. ].
§^ 5, 6.) [J. T. G.]

COMAZON, P. VALERIUS EUTYCHIA'-
NUS. Eutychianus, surnamed Comazon from his
dissipation and buffoonery [tovto ydp rovvofia ck
fxlfxuu Kcd yfAcoTOTToiias 4(Tx^^)i was originally an
actor and dancer at Rome. While serving in
Thrace, he was degraded, in consequence of mis-
conduct, to the rank of a rower in the fleet, by
Claudius Attalus, governor of the province ; but
having subsequently taken an active part in the
conspiracy against Macrinus, he became the confi-
dential adviser and right-hand man of Elagabalus,
was chosen praefect of the praetorium, raised to
the rank of consul a. d. 220, twice nominated
praefect of the city, and permitted to gratify his
revenge by procuring the death of the officer by
whom he had been disgraced. Comazon not only
escaped the massacre which followed the death of
his patron (a. d. 222), but was immediately after
appointed praefect of the city for the third time —
an honour never before enjoyed by any individual.
[Gannys.]

COMIMUS.

815

(Dion Caas. Ixxviii. 31, 32, 39, and Reimarns
on c. 38, Ixxix. 3, 4, 21 ; Lamprid. Elagah.
12. With regard to the imaginary second and
third consulships of Comazon, see Tillemont, note
iv. on the emperor Elagabalus, voL iii. p. 472, and
Reimanis on Dion Cass. Ixxix. 4.) LW. R.]

COME'TAS SCHOLA'STICUS ( Ko^ut/toj
l.XoKaarLK6s, Cod. Vat. pp. 130, 467), or CHAR-
TULA'RIUS (XopTOuAtiptoy, record-keeper, ib. p.
458), is the author of six epigrams in the Greek
Anthology. (Bnnick, Anal. iii. pp. 15, 16 ; Jacobs,
iii. pp. 236, 237), and of a paraphrase of part of
the 11th chapter of John's Gospel, in fifty-seven
hexameter verses. (Jacobs, Paralip. e Cod. Vat.
213, xiii. p. 747.) From some of his epigrams
(4, 5, 6) we learn, that he produced a new recen-
sion of the Homeric poems, in which he reformed
the punctuation. His time is very doubtful. Vil-
loison {Proleg, in Ham. p. lix.) identifies him with
the Cometas who was appointed by Bardas public
professor of grammar at Constantinople in the reign
of Michael III., a. d. 856. Jacobs, however,
thinks that there are indications of his having
lived later, in some marginal notes on his poems in
the Vatican MS. (Jacobs, Antliol. Grace, xiii. p.
873.) These notes are by no means complimentary.
Respecting the title of Cliartularius., see Du Cange,
Gloss. Med. et Inf. Grace, s.v. p. 1735.

Clemens Alexandrinus mentions Cometas, a
Cretan, among the commentators on Homer.
{Strom, i. p. 331.) [P. S.]

COMI'NIA GENS, plebeian. If Postumus or
Pcstumius Cominius Auruncus, consul in b. c. 501,
belonged to this gens, it must have been patrician
originally ; but it is probable that he was a mem-
ber of the Postumia gens, as Valerius Maximus
{de Nom. Rat.) mentions him as an instance in
which the praenomens and cognomens are con-
founded in the consular Fasti. Cominius also
occurs as a cognomen of the Pontii. (See below.)
None of the members of the Cominia gens obUiined
any of the iiigher offices of the state. [Cominius.]

COMI'NIUS. 1. Tribune of the plebs, but in
what year is uncertain, accused iVI. Laetoriua
Mergus, a military tribune, for attempting to
seduce his cornicularius. (Val. Max. vi. 1. § 11.)

2. L. Cominius, military tribune in the anny
of the dictator, L. Papirius Cursor, e. c. 325. (Liv.
viii. 30.)

3. Cominius, the commander of a troop of
cavalry in the army of Tib. Sempronius Gracchus
in Spain, B.C. 178. (Appian, Ilvrp. 43.)

4. Se.x. Cominius, a Roman knight, maltreated
by Verres. (Cic. Verr. iv. 10.)

5. 6. P. and L. or C. Cominii, two brothers,
who are described by Cicero as men of character
and eloquence, accused Staienus, about b. c. 74.
(Cic pro Cluent. 36.) In B. c. ^'o., these two
brothers accused of majestas C. Cornelius, the tri-
bune of the preceding year [C. Cornelius], but
on the day appointed for the trial, the praetor, L.
Cassius, did not appear, and the Cominii were
driven away by a mob, and were eventually
obliged to quit the city. They renewed the ac-
cusation in the following year, b. c. 65 ; Cor-
nelius was defended by Cicero, who was then
praetor, and acquitted. The speech which P.
Cominius delivered on this occasion was extant in
the time of Asconius, who says that it was worth
reading, not only because of Cicero's speech, bi/t
for its own merits. P. Cominius was a native o/

815

C0MM0DIANU3.

Spoletiura. He died shortly before Cicero com-
posed his " Brutus," namely B. c. 45, in which he
calls Cominius his friend, and praises his well-
arranged, lively, and clear style of speaking.
(Ascon. in Cornel.; Cic. Brul. 78.)

7. Q. Cominius, one of Caesar's officers, was
taken prisoner with L. Ticida by Virgilius, a
Pompeian commander, near Thapsus, in crossing
over to Africa, B. c 47. (Hirt. B. Afr. 44, 46.)

8. L. Cominius Pedarius, appointed by
Augustus to assist Messalla Corvinus in his super-
intendence over the aquaeducts. (Frontin. dc
Aquaeduct. 90.)

9. C. Cominius, a Roman knight, was the
author of a libellous poem against Tiberius, but
was pardoned by the emperor on the entreaty of
his brother, who was a senator, a. d. 24. (Tac.
Ann. iv. 31.)

COMI'NIUS, PO'NTIUS, a youth of great
bravery and activity, Avho offered to go to the
senate, when besieged in the Capitol by the Gauls,
to convey the wish of the Roman army at Veii,
that Camillus should be appointed dictator. He
arrived at the Capitol in safety by floating down
the Tiber in the bark of a tree. (Liv. v. 46 ; Plut.
Camill. 25 ; Zonar. vii. 23.)

CUMMINIA'NUS, a Latin grammarian, who
w^as intermediate between Donatus, whom he
quotes, and Servius, by whom he is quoted (Virg.
Ed. iii. 21, Georg. i. 215), and therefore belongs
to the latter part of the fourth century. Large
extracts from his work are to be found in Chari-
sius, and a few fragments in Lindemann, Cram-
matt. Inedit. Lat. i. Zittau. 1822, and in Mai,
Claasici Aitctores ex Codidl/us Vuticanis^ vol. v.
p. 150. [W. R]

CO'MMIUS, king of the Atrebates, was ad-
vanced to that dignity by Caesar. When Caesar's
projected invasion of BriUiin became known to the
iniiabitiints ambassadors from various states came
to him. Commius, in whose fidelity Caesar iiad
great confidence, and whose influence in Britain
was great, was sent back with them, accompanied
by a small body of cavalry. He was seized and
cast into chains by the Britons, but was released
when, after a defeat, they found it expedient to
sue for peace. (Cacs. IS. G. iv. 21, 27, 35.) In
B. c. 53, we find him serving under Caesar against
the Menapii (vi. 6); but towards the close of 52,
when an extensive league was formed by the
Gauls for the purpose of relieving Alesia, his pa-
triotism proved stronger than his gratitude. He
joined the confederates, and was one of those to
whom the chief command was assigned, (vii. 76,
79, &c.) In the course of the ensuing winter, an
ineftectual attempt was made by T. Labienus to
assassinate him. (viii. 23.) We find hira again
in 51 one of the two leaders of the confederacy
formed by the Bellovaci and the neighbouring
tribes. (For an account of the operations which
ensued, see B. G. viii. 7 — 23.) When the Atre-
bates were reduced to subjection, Commius con-
tinued to carry on a predatory warfare against the
Romans, but, having lost a great part of his men
in an engngcment, he made his submission to An-
tonius (viii. 47, 4f.) [C. P. M.]

COMxMODIA'NUS, the Christian composer of
a prosaic poem against the Pagan divinities, divid-
ed into eighty sections, and entitled Instructiancs
wiversus Centimn Dcos pro Christiana Discipliiia.
Of these the first thirtv-six are addressed to the

COMMODUS.

Gentiles with the object of gaining them over to
the true faith ; in the nine which follow an attempt
is made to bring home conviction to the obstinate
ignorance of the Jews ; the remainder are devoted
to the instruction of catechumens and penitents.
Whatever knowledge we possess with regard to
this author is derived exclusively from his work.
The general style and the peculiar words occasion-
ally employed lead us to infer that he was of
African extraction. It is expressly .and repeatedly
declared, that for a long period he was heathen,
but was converted by perusing the Scriptures {e. y.
Praef. 5, Instruct, xxvi. 24, Ixi. 1); while the epi-
thet Cazaeus., which he applies to himself, may
either indicate that he was connected with the
city of Gaza in Palestine, or, more probably, that
he was indebted for support to the treasury of the
church. Doubts have been entertained with re-
gard to the period when he flourished. Rigaltius
concluded, from a conjectural emendation of his
own upon the text of an obscure passage (Instruct.
xxxiii. 5), that it contained an allusion to pope
Sylvester (a. d. 314 — 335), the contemporary of
Constantine the Great ; but the careful and accu-
rate researches of Cave and Dodwell have clearly
proved that Comraodianus belongs to the third
century (comp. Instruct, vi. 6), and may with tole-
rable certainty be placed about A. d. 270.

The Instructiones disphiy much devotion and a
fervent zeal for the propagatioji of the Gospel,
but from their harshness, dryness, and total want
of all poetic fire, they present few attractions as
literary productions. The versification is curious,
since it exhibits an early specimen of the Versus
Politici, in which, while an attempt is made to
imitate the general rhythm of some ancient mea-
sure, the rules of quantity are to a great extent
neglected. Thus the following lines from the
Praefatio are intended for dactyhc hexameters:

Praefatio nostra viam erranti demonstrat
Respectumque bonum, cum venerit saeculi meta
Aeternum fieri : qtjpd^discredunt inscia corda.

The taste for acrostics, also is largely developed :
the initials of the twenty-six concluding verses,
when read backwards, fonn the words Commodia-
nus Mendicus Christi, and in like manner the
general subject and contents of each chapter are
expressed by the first letters of the opening lines.

The Instructiones of Commodianus were first
published by Rigaltius at Toul (Tullum Leucorum),
4to. 1 650. They were subsequently printed at the
end of the edition of Cyprian by Priorius, Paris,
1666, fol. ; in the Bibliotheca Patrum Lugdun.
vol. xxvii. ; in the Bibliotheca Patrum of Gallund,
vol. iii. p. 621 ; and in an independent form, by
Schurzfleisch, Vitemberg. Saxon. 4to. 1704. [W.R.]

CO'MjMODUS, the name of a family of the
Ceionii under the emperors.

1. L. Ceionius Commodus, appears in the Fasti
as consid under Vespasian, a. d. 78.

2. Ceiomus Commodus, who according to some
was named also Verus^ according to others L. Au-
rdius, according to many Aniiius, descended from
a noble family of Etruria or Faveutia (Spartian.
AeL Ver. 2), was the father of

3. L. Ceionius Commoijus, otherwise called
L. AuRELius Verus, who was adopted by Hadrian
when that emperor, feeling that his health was
sinking under the attacks of protracted disease,
deemed it expedient to select an assistant and

COMMODUS.

•uccessor. The new prince from that time for-
ward, as we infer from inscriptions and Fasti, laid
aside his former appellations, and, passing into the
gens Aelia, was styled L. Aelius Vkruh* Caesar,
being the first individual on whom the title of
Catsar was bestowed to indicate the next heir to
the imperijil throne. Of the early life of Aelius
Caesjir we know nothing except that he attracted
the attention and gained the favour of Hadrian by
his personal beauty and literary accomplishments,
although the son-in-law of Nigrinus, who was put
to death as a traitor. The precise date of his
adoption is a disputed point among chronologers
(see Tillemont and Eckhel), some, on the authority
of Spartianus, declaring for a. d. 135; while others
with greater probability conclude, from inscriptions
and coins, that it took place the year following.
He is set down in the Fasti as consul for a.d. 136,
under the name of Ceionius Commodus, which
seems to prove that the ceremonies of adoption had
not at all events been completed at the commence-
ment of that year ; while on the coins of his second
consulship, which belongs to a.d. 137, we find
him designated as L. Aelius Caesar^ and invested
with the tribunicia potestas. Soon after his ele-
vation, he was nominated governor of Pannonia,
returned from his province in the course of 137,
died suddenly on the 1st of January, 138, and
was interred in the mausoleum of Hadrian.

Aelius Caesar, according to the testimony of his
biographer, Spartianus, was a man of comely fea-
tures, graceful bearing, and noble aspect, but in
all other respects deeply stamped with the impress
of mediocrity. He displayed moderate abilities as
a stiitesman, governed his province respectably,
was considered a tolerably good general, and al-
though somewhat addicted to the pleasures of the
table and other luxurious indulgences, maintained
a decent character in his private life and social rela-
tions. His health was so wretched, that Hadrian
is said to have speedily repented of the choice he
had made, declaring that he had leaned for support
upon a falling wall, and had thrown away the
large sums lavished on the soldiers and people in
largesses and shows in honour of the adoption.
Aelius Caesar left behind him one daughter, Fabia,
and one son, namely

4. L. Ceionius Commodus, who was born at
Rome on the 15th of December, A. D. 130. Upon
the adoption of his father by Hadrian, he passed
into the gens Aelia, and was entitled L. Ceionius
Aelius Aurelius Commodus. Again, after the death
of his father, he was, in pursuance of the command
of Hadrian, adopted, along with M. Aurelius, by
Antoninus Pius on the 25th of February, a. d. 138,
and thus became L. Ceionius Aelius Aurelius Coin-
modus Antoninus. During the lifetime of Pius he
enjoyed no peculiar distinction except the appella-
tion yi/trts ^t«/z«^t; in 156 he was quaestor, and
iu the year following consul, an honour which he
enjoyed for a second time, along with his brother
by adoption, in 161. After the death of Anto-
ninus Pius, which took place in March, 161, he
was invested with the titles of Caesar and Au-
yustus, and by the favour of the new sovereign
admitted to a full participation in all the imperial

COMMODUS.

817

* Spartianus in several passages gives him the
name of Verus and so Hadrian (ap. Vopisc. Saturn.
c. 8); but Cardinal Noris rejects Verus, because it
does not appear in inscriptions and Fasti.

dignities. At the same time, M. Aurelius tmns-
ferred to him the name of Verus, which he had
himself borne up to this time, and the designation
of Commodus being altogether dropped, the younger
of the two Augusti was addressed as the emperor
L. Aurelius Verus. His journey to the Fast;
his conduct during the campaign against the Par-
thians ; his marriage with Lucilla, the daughter of
M. Aurelius ; his return to Rome ; the joint tri-
umph of the two princes ; their expedition into
Germany, and the sudden death of Verus at Alti-
num in the country of the Veneti, towards the close
of A. D. 169, in the 39th or 4Uth year of his age
and the 9th of his reign, are fully detailed in the
biography of M. Aurelius, to which the reader is
referred.

It may be remarked, that there is some question
as to the various names enumerated above. In
opposition to the clear and explicit testimony of
Spartianus, Lampridius, and Capitolinus, it has
been doubted whether he was ever called Antoni-
nus, because it never appears upon any public
monument of unquestionable authority. But if we
suppose it to have been assumed, as appears most
natural, at the period of his adoption by Pius, and
dropped after his elevation to the purple, the diffi-
culty will be in a great measure removed, although
it must be confessed, that the Augustan historians
repx'esent him as having received the designations
o£ Antonintis and Verus at the same time from M.
Aurelius.

(Dion Cass. Ixix. 17,. 20, 21, Ixxi. l,&c.; Spar-
tian. Hadrian. 23, AeL Ver.; Capitolin. Ver. Imp.
Anton. Pius, 4, M. Aurel. 4, 5, 7, &c.) [W. R.]

CO'MMODUS, L. AURELIUS, son of M.
Aurelius and the younger Faustina (see genealo-
gical table prefixed to Antoninus Pius), was bom
at Lanuvium on the last day of August, a. D. 161,
a few months after the death of Antoninus Pius,
and this was the first of the Roman emperors to
whom the title oi Poiyhyrogenitu^ could be correctly-
applied. Faustina at the same time gave birth to
a twin son, known as Antoninus Geminus, who
died when four years old. The nurture and edu-
cation of Commodus were watched and superin-
tended from infancy with anxious care ; and from
a very early age he was surrounded with the
most distinguished preceptors in the various de-
partments of general literature, science, and phi-
losophy. The honours heaped upon the royal
youth as he advanced towards manhood have been
accurately chronicled by his biographers. He re-
ceived the appellation of Caesar along with his
younger brother Annius Verus on the 12th of Oc-
tober, A. D, 166, at the time when M. Aurelius
and L. Veins celebrated their triumph over the
Parthians ; he was styled Germanicus on the 1 5th
of October, 172; in 175, on the 20th of January,
he was admitted a member of all the sacerdotal
colleges; on the 19th of May he left the city,
having been summoned in all haste to Germany in
consequence of the news which had arrived from
Syria of the rebellion of Avidius Cassius ; on the
7th of July he was invested with the manly gown,
proclaimed Piinceps Juventutis, and nominated
consul-elect ; he then accompanied his father to the
East, and, during his absence from Rome, Sar-
maticus was added to his other titles ; on the 27th
of November, 176, he was saluted Imperator ; on
the 23rd of December, he shared in the triumph
celebrated over the Germans, and was assumed as

818

COMMODUS.

colleague in the tribunician power; on the 1st of
January, 1 77, he entered on his first consulship ;
in the same year he married Bruttia Crispina, daugh-
ter of Bruttius Praesens, was hailed as Augusttis
and Pater Patriae, and thus at the age of 16 was
admitted to a full participation in all the imperial
dignities except the chief pontificate, which, ac-
cording to the principle maintained inviolate until
the reign of Balbinus and Piipienus [Balbinus],
could be held by one individual only. On the
5th of August he set forth to take part in the war
then raging on the Upper Danube, which, as is
mentioned elsewhere [M. Aurelius], was prose-
cuted with signal success until the death of M.
Aurelius, on the 17th of March, 180.

Impatient of hardship and eager to indulge
without restraint in the pleasures of the capital,
Commodus, disregarding alike the last injunctions
of liis sire and tlie earnest advice of the trusty
counsellors to whose care he had been consigned,
concluded a hasty and therefore uncertain peace
with the barbarians, who in their depressed and
enfeebled condition might by a vigorous effort have
been crushed for ever. In autumn he reached
Rome, where his authority was as fully and freely
acknowledged by the senate, the praetorians, and
the people, as it had been by the legions which he
commanded in person and the armies of the distant
provinces. No prince ever commenced a career of
power under ftiirer auspices. The love and venera-
tion entertained by men of every condition for the
father had descended like an inheritance on the
Yon, and although some who knew him well and
had marked his boyhood might whisper distrust
and fear, such munnurs were drowned by the
general acclamations which greeted his first ap-
pearance as emperor. Nor were the hopes of men
for a while disappointed. Grave and calculating
statesmen might feel displeasure and alarm at the
reckless profusion which characterised the very
commencement of the new reign ; but since a
large portion of the sums squandered was lavished
upon the soldiers and the people, the lower or-
ders at least of the community were enthusiastic in
their attachment to the new ruler. This state of
things did not endure long. A formidable plot
against his life was organised (a. d. 183) by his
sister Lucilla, jealous, it was believed, of the su-
perior influence and position of Crispina ; but the
scheme failed in consequence of the awkwardness
of the assassin, who, instead of dealing the fatal
blow at the proper moment, put the prince upon
his guard by exclaiming as he rushed forward,
" The senate sends thee this." The event seems
to have awakened the slumbering ferocity of a
temper which now burst forth with frightful
vehemence, and raging from that time forward
without controul, especially against the members of
that body in which the conspiracy was said to
have originated, rendered the remainder of his life
an unbroken tissue of sanguinary excesses. Every
pretext was seized for the exhibition of the most
savage cruehy ; false accusations, vague suspicions,
great wealth, high birth, distinguished learning, or
any conspicuous virtue, were sufficient to point out
and doom his victims, long lists of whom have
been preser\-ed by Lampridius, including nearly all
who had risen to fame and fortime under M. Aure-
lius, with the exception of Pertinax, Pompeianus,
and Victorinus. [Pertinax ; Pompeianus ; Vic-
TORiNUS.] All other passions were indulged with

COMMODUS.

the same freedom as the thirst for blood. Resign-
ing the reins of government into the hands of the
various favourites who followed each other in rapid
succession [see Perennis ; Cleander ; Laetus ;
EcLECTUs], he abandoned himself without inter-
ruption to the most shameless and beastly de-
bauchery. But while devouring in gluttony the
resources of the empire and wallowing in every
description of sensual filth, he was at the same
time the slave of the most childish vanity, and
sought for popular applause with indefatigable
activity. He disdained not to dance, to sing, to
play the charioteer and the buffoon, to disguise
himself as a pedlar or a horse-dealer, and to essay
his skill in the practical pursuits of the humble
artizan. Frequently he would appear and officiate
as a sacrificing priest, and eagerly assisted in all
the orgies of foreign superstition, celebrating the
rites of Isis, of Anubis, of Serapis, or of Mithra,
in all their folly and all their horror. His pride
and boast, however, was his skill in the use of
martial weapons. This he sought not to display
against the enemies of his country in the field, but
he fought as a gladiator upwards of seven hundred
times, and slew many thousands of wild beasts in
the amphitheatre with bow and spear. Other em-
perors had sought or accepted the compliment of
having one month named after themselves, but
Commodus decreed that the whole twelve should
be designated by the epithets and titles which he
had at different periods assumed, and that they
should be arranged and enumerated in the following
order : — Amazonius, Invidus, Felix, Pius, Lucius,
Aelius, Aurelius, Commodus, Augustus, llerculeus,
Romarms, Exsuperatorius, ordaining also that the
happy epoch during which he had sojourned on
earth should be distinguished as Seculum aureum
Com.modiajium, the nation as Commodiuna, the
senate as Commodianus, the armies as Commodiuni,
and the eternal city itself as Colonia Commodiana.
At length the miserable craving could be no longer
appeased by the homage and flatteries which a
mere mortal might claim. Long ere this, indeed,
the Greeks had been wont to compare their rulers,
both domestic and foreign, to deities, and the Ro-
mans had sometimes delicately hinted at some such
resemblance by the devices stamped on the reverse
of the coins of their Augusti. But as yet no in-
scription had appeared openly ascribing divine
attributes to living princes, nor had any symbol
appeared on their medals which could openly and
directly convey such impious meaning. It was
left for Commodus to break through these decent
restrictions ; his exploits in the slaughter of wild
beasts suggested an analogy with the Tirynthian
hero ; he demanded that he should be worshipped
as Hercules, and hence from the year 191 we find
a multitude of coins on which he is represented in
the attire of the immortal son of Alcmena, with
the epigraph of Hercules Commodianus or Hercules
Roma?ius. His statues also, we are told by the
historians of the day, were clad in the appropriate
robes ; sacrifices were publicly offered as to a pre-
sent God ; when he went abroad the lion's hide
and other insignia were borne before him ; and, to
crown the whole, a number of unhappy wretches
were inclosed in cases terminating in serpent- tails,
and these he slaughtered with his club, as if they
had been the giants warring against heaven.

After having escaped many plots provoked h^
atrocious tyranny, he at length came to a fitting

COMMODUS.

end. lie had a mistress named Marcia, to wliom
he was deeply attached, and whom he especially
loved to behold equipped as an Amazon. Hence
the epithet Amazonius was frequently assumed by
himself : the name Amazonius, as we have already
seen, was attached to the first month, and he dis-
played his own person in the amphitheatre arrayed
in the Amazonian garb. The first of January,
193, was to have been signalized by a spectacle
which would have thrown into the shade the in-
sults previously heaped upon the senate and the
people, for Coinmodus had determined to put to
death the two consuls-elect, Q. Sosius Falco and
C. Julius Erucius Clarus, and to come forth himself
as consul at the opening of the year, not marching
in robes of state from the palace to the capitol at
the head of the senate, but in the uniform of a
secutor, followed by a band of gladiators issuing
from their training-school. This project he com-
municated to Marcia, who earnestly implored him
to abandon a design so fraught with disgrace and
danger, and her remonstrances were warmly
seconded by Laetus and Eclectus, the one praefect
of the praetorians, the other imperial chamberlain.
These counsellors were dismissed with wrath from
the presence of the prince, who retired to indulge
in his wonted siesta, having previously inscribed
on his tablets a long catalogue of persons who were
to be put to death that night, the names of Marcia,
Laetus, and Eclectus appearing at the head of the
list. This document was found by a favourite
child, who entered the apartment while Commodus
was asleep, and was carried by him in sport to
Marcia, who at once perceived its import. She
immediately communicated the discovery to Laetus
and Eclectus. The danger was imminent, and, un-
less promptly met, inevitable. Their plans were
quickly matured and quickly executed. That
evening poison was administered, and its operation
proving so slow as to excite apprehensions of its
efiicacy. Narcissus, a celebrated athlete, was intro-
duced, and by him Commodus was strangled on the
night of December the 31st, A. D. 192, in the
thirty- second year of his age and the thirteenth of
his reign. When the news of his death, at first
cautiously attributed to apoplexy, was spread
abroad, the intelligence ditiiised universal joy
among all ranks except the guards, who had been
permitted to revel in indolence and luxury and
could scarcely expect again to find a master so
indulgent and liberal. When his successor, Per-
tinax [Pertinax], repaired next morning be-
fore daylight to the senate, that venerable body,
while greeting their new sovereign, poured forth a
string of curses upon the dead tyrant in a sort of
strange chaunt, the words of which have been pre-
served by Lampridius, declared him a public enemy,
and, being unable to vent their rage upon the
living man, begged that his body might be dragged,
like that of a criminal, through the streets with a
hook, and cast into the Tiber, — a request with
which Pertinax, to his credit, refused to comply,
and the corpse was decently interred in the mauso-
leum of Hadrian.

We seldom meet in history with a character
which inspires such pure and unmixed detestation
as that of Commodus. While his vices and crimes
were inexpressibly revolting, they were rendered
if possible more loathsome by his contemptible
meanness and weakness. The most grinding op-
pression was combined with the most childish

COMMODUS.

819

vanity, the most savage cruelty with the most
dastardly cowardice. He hated, persecuted, and
massacred the senate and the nobles, and at the
same time eagerly drank in their most disgusting
flatteries. He slew thousands and tens of thou-
sands of wild be.'ists, but his arrows were shot and
his darts were hurled from behind a screen of net-
work which protected his person from the pos-
sibility of risk. He butchered hundreds of his
fellow-men in gladiatorial combats ; but while he
was clad in the impenetrable armour and wielded
the heavy blade of a secutor, his antagonists had
no defences except weapons of lead or tin ; and
when as, Hercules, he crushed with his club the
unhappy creatures dressed up to resemble the
monstrous progeny of Earth, the rocks which they
hurled at their assailant were formed of sponge.
After examining the ample records preserved of
his career, we shall be unable to find a trace of one
generous action or one kindly feeling, to discern a
single ray of human sympathy to relieve the por-
tentous blackness of his guilt. Dion, indeed, re-
presents him as naturally of a weak and extremely
simple temper ; as one who easily received impres-
sions, and whose crimes were to be attributed
rather to the artful advice of evil counsellors acting
upon a timid and yieldmg disposition, than to any
inherent depravity ; and imagines that he erred at
first from ignorance of what was right, and gliding
by degrees into a habit of doing evil, became
gradually familiar with deeds of shame and wicked-
ness. But had this been the case, the lessons so
carefully inculcated in early life would never have
been so rapidly and for ever obliterated. We feel
more inclined to give credit to the assertion of
Lampridius, who declares that from his earliest
boyhood he displayed evident proofs of dark pas-
sions and a corrupt heart, a propensity to indulge
freely in every low and dissolute pleasure, and
utter indifference to human suffering and life.

It is almost needless to remark, that Commodus
paid no attention to foreign policy nor to the go-
vernment and regulation of the provinces, except
in so far as they might be made to minister to his
profusion and profligacy. The integrity of the
empire was however maintained, and the barbarians
repulsed from the Dacian frontier by the skill and
valour of Clodius Albinus and Pescennius Niger,
the same who after the death of Pertinax contested
the throne with Septiraius Severus. A still more
serious disturbance arose in Britain ; for the north-
ern tribes having forced a passage across the wall
of Antonine, defeated the Roman troops who op-
posed their progress, slew their leader, and laid
waste the more peaceful districts far and wide.
But Ulpius Marcellus having assumed the chief
command, the Caledonians were speedily driven
back, the war was successfully terminated about
A. D. 184, Commodus was saluted Imperator for
the seventh time, and added Bntannicus to his
other titles.

COIN OF COMMODUS.

q2

820

COMNENUS.

(Dion Cass. lib. Ixxii. and Excerpta Vaticana, p.
121, ed. Sturz; Herodian. i. 10 — 55; Capitolin.
M. Aurel. ; Lamprid. Commod. ; and the minor
Roman historians.) [W. R.]

COMNE'NA. [Anna Comnena.]

COMNE'NUS, the name of an illustrious By-
saniine family, which in all probability was of
Italian origin, and migrated to the East in the
time of Constantine the Great or his immediate
successors. Several of the other great Byzantine
families were likewise of Italian origin, as for in-
stance the Ducae. That the name Comnenus was
not unknown in Italy in early times, is proved by
an inscription on a marble discovered in the walls
of the church of St. Secundus, at Ameria in Italy,
and which stands thus : —

L. COMNENO. 0. L. FELICI.

COMNENAE. q. L. NYMPHE.

ET. COMNENO. 3. L. FELIONI.

C. SERVILIO. ALBANO.

Six emperors of the F>ast, — Isaac I., Alexis I.,
Calo-Joannes (John II.), Manuel I., Alexis II.,
and Andronicus I., — all the emperors of Trebizond,
and a vast number of generals, statesmen, and
authors, were descended from the family of the
Comneni ; but while almost all of them were dis-
tinguished by the choicest natural gifts both of

COMNENUS.

mind and of body, many of them were notorious
for a laxity of morals, in which they were excelled
by none of their frivolous countrymen. Imperial
families, such as the Ducae, the Angeli, the Pa-
laeologi, several royal houses in Europe, and even
the reigning dynasty of the sultans in Turkey,
boasted, and still boast, of being descended from
the Comneni ; and down to this very day the pre-
tensions of a noble family in France to be entitled
by descent to the name of Princes de Comnene have
attracted the attention of historians of repute. A
history of that family would be a most valuable
contribution to our knowledge of the Greeks during
the middle ages. When the Comneni first became
known in history, in the tenth century, they be-
longed to the Greek nobility in Asia, and their
family seat was at Castamone, a town in Paphla-
gonia, near the Black Sea, where Alexis Comnenus,
afterwards emperor, visited the palace of his ances-
tors during the reign of Michael VII. Ducas Para-
pinaces. Towards the close of the tenth century
two Comneni, Manuel and Nicephorus, became
conspicuous, who were probably brothers, and who
are generally called the ancestors of the Comnenian
family. The following table exhibits the genealogy
of this family, as far as it can be traced, together
I with a brief account of each individual of it.

Manuel,
Praefectus totius Orientis in a. d.
976, under the emperor Basil II.;
died before 1 025.

I

Nicephorus
Protospatharius ; praefect of Aspracania (Media Superior)
in 101b'; blinded in 1026 by order of the emperor Con-
stantine IX. ; time of death uncertain ; no issue known.

I
1. Isaac I., Emperor [IsaacusL] ; died probably
in 1061 ; married Aiciitherina, or Catherina,
daughter of either Samuel or John Wladislaus,
kings of Bulgaria.

1. Manuel, of whom
nothing is known ;
died young, before
1059.

2. Maria, retired \\'ith
her mother into the
convent of Myri-
laeum, after 1 059.

2- Joannes Curopalata,
Magnus Domesticus,
died shortly after
1067; married Anna
Dalassena, daughter
of Alexis Charon,
praefect of the By-
zantine part of Italy.

3. A daughter,
married one
Doceanus,
probably
Michael Do-
ceanus, Pro-
tospatharius.

I
I.Manuel, bom
before 1048 ;
Protoproedrus,
Protostrator,
Curopalata, a
great general;
taken prisoner
by the Turks
in 1069 ; soon
restored to
liberty ; died
shortly after
1069, in
Bithynia.

I I

2. Isjiac,
Sebasto-
crator.
See Ite-
loii\ I.

3. Alexis,
Emperor.
See be-
low, II.

4. Adrian, Pro- 5. Nioephor-

tosebastus, us, Sebastus,

Magnus Do- Magnus

mesticus Occi- Drungarius;

dentis ; marr. killed in a

Zoe, youngest battle with

daugh. of the the Scy-

Emperor Con- thians, in

stantine XL 1089.
Ducas, and
Eudoxia Da-
lassena ; left
issue, of whom
nothing is known.

Daughter, married a descendant
of the emperor Nicephorus
Botaniates.

I
6. Maria,
married
Michael
Taronita,
Protosebas-
tus, Proto-
vestiarius,
Panhyper-
sebastus, a
Syrian
noble.

I
7. Eudoxia,
married Ni-
cephorus
Melissenus ;
their descen-
dants receiv-
ed among the
Spanish no-
bility to-
wards the
end of the
sixteenth
century.

8. Theodora,
married either
Diogenes, or
more probably
Leo, both sons
of the emperor
Romanus Dio-
genes. Leo was
killed in 1090,
and Theodora
retired to the
convent of
Melissaeum.

Daughter, married Gregorius Pacurianus,
Sebastus, son of Pacurianus, Magnus
Domesticus Occidentis.

From above. I. Isaac,
the excellent elder brother of Alexis I., died before 1118, in a convent to which he retired when old ;
married Irene, daughter of a prince of the Alani, and a relative of Maria, wife of the emperor
Michael VII. Ducas Parapinaces, and, after his death, of the emperor Romanus Diogenes.

COMNENUS.

COMNENUS.

821

2. Alexis
Duke of
Dyrra-
chiiiin
after
1106.

, Constantine,
Scbastus, Duke
of Berrhooa,
Magnus Drun-
gariu8(?); alive
in 1144 (?).

4. Adrian,
Sebastus,
took orders;
died as arch-
bishop of
Bulgaria-

. Joannes,
Duke of
Dyrra-
chium
before
1106;

treacherously-
seized Hugo, Count of Vermandois, third son of king Henry I. of France, one of the chiefs of the
first crusade ; Praefcrtus Sacri Cubiculi under the emperor Calo-Joannes ; was destined to marry a
relative of Henry III., emperor of Germany ; death unknown.

5. Daughter, was
destined to
marry Gre-
gorius Gabra,
Dukeof Tre-
bizond.

6. Other children, vir.
Nicephorus, Manuel,
Stephanus, Joannes,
Isaac, and Paul,
whose parentage is
not well established.

From above. II. Alexis I., Emperor [Alexis I.],
born probably in 1048 ; began to reign in 1081 ; died in 1118; married 1. a daughter of Argynis, of the
noble family of the Argyri; 2. Irene, daughter of Andronicus Ducas, the brother of Constantine X. Ducas.

. Calo-Joannes (Jo-

1
2. Andro-

3. Isaac Se-

4. Anna

5. Maria, bom

6. Eudoxia,

1
7. Theodo-

annes II.), Emperor

nicus

bastocrator.

[Anna

in 1 085 ; mar-

married

ra, marr.

[Calo-Joannes] ;

Sebasto-

father of An-

COMNE-

ried Gregorius

Constan-

Constan-

bom in 1088; ob-

crator;

dronicus I.,

na], bom

Gabni, duke of

tine Ja-

tine An-

tained the throne in

was

founder of the

in 1083 ;

Trebizond,

sita ; ill-

gelus, the

1118;diedinll43;

married ;

branch of the

died after

whose descend-

treated ;

founder of

married Irene, dau.

issue un-

Comneni of

1137;

ants fled to

retired to

the family

of Wladislaus II.,

known.

Trebizond.

marr. Ni-

France after

a convent.

of the

the Saint, king of

See below, Y.

cephorus

the capture of

Angeli.

Hungary.

Bryennius

Constantinople

in 1453.

1. Alexis, titular Emperor, bom in 1106, in Mace-
donia ; died before his father, probably in 1 1 42,
at Attalia, the capital of Pamphylia; his wife,
whose name is unluiown, survived him.

A daughter, married Alexis Protostratus, son of
Joannes Axuch, or Axuchus, the excellent Turkish
minister of the emperors Calo-Joannes and ManueL

I
Andronicus, Sebastocrator ;
died shortly after his bro-
ther Alexis, and likewise
before his father ; his wife
was Irene, at whose per-
suasion Constantine Ma-
nasses wrote his poetical
Annals.

I

Fuither
issue, see
below III,

I. Joannes, Protoves-
tiarius, Protosebastus
under the emperor
Manuel ; killed about
1 174, in a battle
against the Turks ;
well known to the
Latins in Syria and
Palestine ; wife un-
known.

J
2. Alexis, Protostrator,
Protovestiarius, Proto-
sebastus ; govemed the
empire for the minor,
Alexis II. ; his arrogance
insupportable to many
of the Greek nobles,
who declared for Andro-
nicus Comnenus ; blind-
ed and castrated by An-
dronicus ; died in prison
in 1183.
1

3. Maria,
married
I.Theodore
Dasiota ;
2. Joannes
Cantacuze-

I
4. Theodora
(Calusina),
the haughty
concubine of
the emperor
Manuel, by
whom she had

Alexis.

I
5. Eudoxia; first
husband un-
known ; after hi*
death concubine
of Andronicus
Comnenus, after-
wards emperor ;
2. Mich. Gabra,
about 1173.

I I I

1, Alexis. 2. Maria, 3. Some daughters.

married in
1 164, but not in 1 167 as Ducange says, Amaury or Amalric L
about 1176, 2. Baliano de Ibelino, an Italian noble.

Stephanus, Magnus Drangarius.
king of Jerasalem, and, after his death.

From above.

III. Further Issue of the Emperor Calo-Joannes.

3. Isaac Sebastocrator, 4

. Manuel,

1
5. Maria,

6. A daughter.

7. A daugh-

deprived of the suc-

Emperor.

twin sister

married Stepha-

ter, married

cession by his father ;

See below.

of Alexis;

nus Contostepha-

Theodore

on good terms with his

IV.

married Ro-

nus, who was

Vatatzes,

younger brother, the

ger, Prince

killed in the siege

Dux.

emperor Manuel ; wife

of Capua,

of Corcyra, about

unknown.

Caesar.

1160.

82*2

COMNENUS.

COMNENUS.

I . I.

1. Theodora, married 2. Maria,

Raldwin III., king married

of Jerusalem; after his Stephen,

death concubine of An- prince of

dronicus Comnenua, af- Hun-

terwards emperor. gary*

3- A daugh-
ter, married
Con Stan-
tine Ma-
croducas.

I
4. A daughter, married
probably a Ducas, whose
son Isaac became inde-
pendent master of Cy-
prus, and styled himself
emperor.

5. Eudoxia,

married
a French
noble-

From above. IV. Further Issue of the Emperor Calo-Joannes. Manuel, Emperor [Manuel] ;
born about 1120, began to reign 1143, died 1180 ; married
1. Bertha (in 1143), afterwards called Irene, daughter of Berengar, Count of Sulzbach, and niece of
Konrad III., Emperor of Germany, who died about 1158; 2. Maria, afterwards called Xene,
daughter of Raymond, prince of Antioch; put to death by Andronicus I. in 1183 ; 3. Concubine,
Theodora Coranena (Calusina).

1. Maria, betrothed to
Bela, prince of Hungary ;
married, in 1180, Ray-
ner, 2nd son of William,
marquis of Monteferrato,
called Alexis, afterwards
Caesar ; both put to death
by Andronicus I.

2. A
daugh-
ter ;
died
young.

3. Alexis II., Emperor
[Alexis II.] ; born
1167; began to reign
1 180; married,in 1179,
Anna, or Agnes, daugh-
ter of Louis VII., king
of France ; put to death
by Andronicus I. in
1183.

4. Alexis, illegitimate, Sebastocrator ;
married Irene, natural daughter of An-
dronicus I. Comnenus and Theodora
Comnena ; destined to succeed Andro-
nicus I., by whom he was afterwards
blinded for conspiracy ; though blind,
created Caesar by Isaac II. ; for some
time a monk ; a learned and highly gifted
man, of whom no issue is known.
(See Du Cange, Familiae Byzantinae, pp. 169 — 189.)

Frmn above, V. Issue of Isaac Sebastocrator, founder of the Imperial branch of the Comnbni of

Trebizond.

The history of the Emperors of Trebizond was almost entiraly unknown till the publication of Pro-
fessor Fallmerayer's Geschichte des KaiseHhums von TrapezunU one of the most important historical
productions of our 4ay8. The accounts which Du Cange and Gibbon give of these emperors is in many
respects quite erroneous ; but these writers are to be excused, since they could not avail themselves of
several Oriental works perused by Fallmerayer, and especially of two Greek MSS. which the German
professor discovered at Venice, viz., A Chronicle of the imperial palace at Trebizond, by Panaretus, and
a work on Trebizond by the celebrated Cardinal Bessarion. It would not be compatible with the plan
of the present work to give the lives of the Emperors of Trebizond, but it has been thought advisable
to give at least their genealogy, and thus to assist those who should wish to investigate the history and
tragical fall (in 1 462) of the last independent remnant of Greek and Roman power. As there are no
genealogical tables in Fallmerayer's work, the writer has brought together all his separate statements
respecting the genealogy of the fiunily, and the following genealogical table of the Comneni of Trebizond
is thus the first that has yet been printed.

V. Isaac Sebastocrator, Caesar,
third son of Alexis I., and third brother and favourite of the Emperor Calo-Joannes.
In consequence of some slanders against his character, he fled to the Sultan of Iconium, with his son
Joannes, returned, enjoyed again the confidence of Calo-Joannes, lost it once more, was imprisoned,
but released by the emperor Manuel, and died in possession of the highest civil and military honours,
leaving behind him the reputation of having been one of the most virtuous and able men of his time.
Died after 1143. I

J . Joannes ;
returned from Iconium, whither he had fled with his father;
but, for some insult shewn to him, abandoned the Greeks
for ever, adopted the Mohammedan religion, settled at Ico-
nium, and married Camero (?), daughter of Sultan Mazuthi
(Mesud I); called by the Turks-Seljuks Zelebis (Chelebi),
that is, " the Nobleman." This Joannes, as was said by
Mohammed II., sultan of theTurks-Osraanlis, the conqueror
of Constantinople, and repeated by most of the Turkish
historians, was the ancestor of the sultans of Turkey,
leaving issue, viz. Soliman Shah.

Ertoghrul.

Osman,
the well-known founder of the present reigning dynasty
in Turkey. These three persons are all historical, but their
descent from John Comnenus is more than doubtful.

2. Andronicus, Emperor
[Andronicus I.] ; bom
about 1112; began to
reign 1182 — 3; put to
death 1185 ; married
1. name unknown ; 2.
Theodora Comnena, con-
cubine ; 3. Philippa,
daughter of Raymond*
prince of Antioch, and
widow of Baldwin III.,
king of Jerusalem, con-
cubine (wife ?) ; 4. An-
na or Agnes, daughter
of Louis VII., king of
France, and widow oi
the emperor Alexis II.

3. A son.

I
Isaac;
put to death
by Isaac II.
Angelus.

COMNENUS

COMNENUS.

823

1. Manuel Sebastocrator ;
opposed the cruel policy of
his father; put to death
by Isaac II. Angelus ;
married Irene.

I
2. Joannes ; bom in prison,
about 1166; destined to
succeed his father ; put to
death by Isaac II. An-
gelus, in 1186.

I I

3. Maria.

4. Thamar.

5. Alexis, and 6. Irene;
both illegitimate. Irene
married Alexis, the ille-
gitimate son of the em-
peror Manuel.

I
[. Alexis I., first Emperor of Trkbizond ; bom 1182; car-
ried witli his younger brother, by their aunt Thamar, to Trebi-
zond, thence to the Caucasus ; conquered .Trebizond and a great
part of Asia Minor in 1204 ; emperor in the same year; died
in 1222 ; married Theodora.

2. David, a great general ;
his brother's chief sup-
port ; died without issue,
probably in 1215.

I. A daughter; married
Andronicusl. GidonCora-
nenus(II.),* Emperor, of
unknown parentj^re, who
succeeded Alexis I,, and
reigned 13 years; died
probably in 1235.

2. (III.) Joannes I. Axuchus, Em-
peror ; succeeded Andronicus I.
probably in 1235 ; reigned 3 years;
died probably in 1238.

(IV.) Joannicus; Emp. succ. his father
probably in 1238; confined in a
convent shortly afterwards by his
uncle Manuel.

3. (V.) Manuel I., Emperor ;
succ. his nephew Joannicns,
probably in 1238 ; fomied an
alliance with the Mongols ;
reigned 25 years ; died
March, 1263 ; raarr. 1. Anna
Xylaloe ; 2. Irene ; 3. Prin-
cess of Iberia.

I. (VI.) Andronicus 1 1.
Emperor, succeeded
his father Manuel in
1263; reigned three
years ; died probably
in 1266.

2. (VII.) George, Em-
peror, succeeded his
brother Andronicus
II. probably in 1266;
reigned 1 4 years ; died
probably in 1280.

3, (VIII.) Joannes II., Emperor,
siicceeded his brother George, pro-
bably in 1280 ; reigned 18 years ;
died in 1297 or 1298 ; married, in
1282, Eudoxia, daughter of Michael
Palaeologus, emperor of Constantinople.

4. Theo-
dora.

I. (IX.) Alexis II., Emp. ; bom in 1283 ; succ. his father Joannes
II. in 1297 or 1298 ; died in 1330 ; married a princess of Iberia

1. (X.) Andronicus
III., Emp.; succ.
his father Alexis
II. in 1330; reign-
ed 20 months.

(XI.) Manuel II.,
Emp. eight years
old; succ. his father
Andronicus III. ;
deposed in 1333
by his uncle Ba-
sil.

2. (XII.) Basil I. Emp.; 3. (XIV.) Anna ;
sent to Constantinople ; first a nun, then
returned ; deposed his queen of Imere-
nephew Manuel II. in thia; wrested
1333 ; died in 1340 ; the crown from
married, l,Ircne(XlII.) Irene in 1341;
natural daughter of An- strangled by Jo-
dronicus II., emperor of annes III. (XV)
Constantinople ; repudi-
ated soon afterwards ; seized the crown in
1340 ; reigned 16 months ; deposed and sent
to Constan tinople by Anna ( X I V. ); 2. Irene,
a lady of Trebizond, by whom he had issue

2. (XVI.) Michael, 3. George.
Emp.; sent to Con-
stantinople ; fruitless attempt to
seize the crown ; imprisoned ;
succeeded his son Joannes III.
in March, 1334 ; deposed and
confined in a convent, in De-
cember, 1349.

I
(XV.) Joannes III., Emp.; bom
about 1 322 ; wrested the crown
from the empress Anna in Sep-
tember, 1 342 ; confined in a
convent in March 1344 by the
nobles who put his father Mi-
chael on the throne.

1. (XVII.) Alexis III. Joannes, Emp.;
born 1 338 ; succeeded Michael in 1 349 ;
died 1390 (?); married Theodora Canta-
cuzena ; humbled by the Genoese ; under
him lived Panaretus, mentioned above.
I

2. Calo-
Joannes.

3. Maria, married in
1351 Kutlu Bey,
chief of the White
Horde.

[. Theodora, mar-
ried in 1357 Haj-
Emir, chief of
Chalybia.

* The Roman numerals indicate the order in which the members of the family succeeded to the
crown.

824

CONCOLERUS.

CONCORDIA.

1. (XVIII.) Manuel, Emperor,
horn 13G4, Caesar 1376 ; suc-
ceeded his father 1390 (?) ;
submitted to Timur ; died
1412; married Eudoxia, daugh-
ter of David, king of Georgia.

(XIX.) Alexis IV., Emperor ;

I I I

2. Eudoxia, married Ja- 3. Anna, 4. A daughter,

tines or Zetines, a Turkish married married Tahar-

emir, and after his death BagratVI., tan or Zahra-

John V. Palaeologus, king of tan, emir of

Emperor of Constanti- Georgia. Arsinga.
nople.

married a Cantacuzenian princess.

succeeded his father in 1412; murdered between 1445 and 1449 j

(XX.) 1. Joannes
IV. (Calo- Joannes),
Emp.; deposed and
killed his father
between 1445 and
1449; paid tribute
to the Turks; died
1458 ; married a
daughter of Alex-
ander, king of Ibe-

I
2. Alexander,
married a
daughter of
Gatteluzzi,
prince of
Lesbos.

A Son, whose
life was spared
bv Mohammed

li.

4. Mfiria,
married
John VII.
Palaeolo-
gus, em-
peror of
Constan-
tinople.

3, (XXII.) David, the last
Emperor of Trebizond; seized
the crown from his nephew
Alexis V. in 1458 ; married

1. Maria Theodora, of the
house of the Theodori, princes
of Gothia in the Crimea ;

2. Helena (Irene), daughter
of Matthaeus, and grand-
daughter of John VI. Cantacuzenus, emperor of Constantino-
ple ; deposed by Sultan Mohammed II. in 1462; exiled with
his family to Serres, near Adrianople ; put to death with nearly
all his cliildren by order of the Sultan, probably in 1466.

5. A daughter
married a Tur-
koman emir in
Persia.

6. A daughter;
married George
Brancowic7,,kr;il
(king) of Servia.

I
(XXI.) 1. Alexis v., born 1454; succeeded
his father 1458 ; deposed in the same year
by his uncle David ; put to death by
Sultan Mohammed II. after 1462.

2. A daughter,
married Nicolo
(!respo, duke of
the Arch ipehigo.

.1
3. Catharina, married
Usun Hasaji, Emir of
Diyarbekr, Sultan of
Mesopotamia.

I
1 — 7. Seven sons, put to
death with their father
at Adrianople.

A branch of the Comnenian family became ex- |
tinct at Rome in 1551 ; another branch flourished
in Savoy, and became extinct in 1784. Demetrius
Comnenus, a captain in the French army, whose
descendants are still alive, pretended to be de-
scended from Nicephorus, one of the sons of the
last emperor of Trebizond, David, whose life, ac-
cording to him was spared by Mohammed, and
his parentage and name were recognized by letters-
patent of Louis XVI., king of France. But his
claims will hardly stand a critical examination,
notwithstanding many so-called authentic docu-
ments which he published in a rather curious
work, " Precis historique de la Maison Imperiale
des Comnenes, avec Filiation directe et reconnue
par Lettres-Patentes du Roi du mois d'Avril, 1782,
depuis David, dernier empereur de Trebizonde,
jusqu' a Dfuietrius Comnene," Amsterdam, 1784,
8vo. (Fallinerayer, Gcschiclde des Kaiserthums vo7i
Trapezunt.) [W. P.]

COMUS (Kcujuo?), occurs in the later times of
antiquity as the god of festive mirth and joy. He
was represented as a winged youth, and Philo-
stratus {Icon. i. 2) describes him as he appeared in
a painting, dnink and languid after a repast, his
head sunk on his breast; he was slumbering in
a standing attitude, and his legs were crossed.
(Hirt, Mt/thol. Bilderb. ii. p. 224.) [L. S.]

CONCO'LERUS {KoyKoXfpos), the Greek
name of Sardanapalus. (Polyb. Fragm. ix.) Other
forms of the name are KovoaKoyKShopos (see Suid.
5. V.) and QiavocTKoyKoK^^ios. [E. E.]

3. George, the youngest ; said to have adopted
the Mohammedan religion ; his life was
spared, but his fate is doubtful.

9. Anna, her life was
spared ; she married a
Turkish chief.

CONCOLITA'NUS {Y^oyKoXhavos), a king of
the Gallic people called Gaesati, and colleague of
Aneroestus, together with whom he made war
against the Romans, b. c. 225. [Aneroestus.]
In the battle in which they were defeated, Conco-
litanus was taken prisoner. (Polyb. ii. 31.) [E. E.]

CONCO'RDIA, a Roman divinity, the personi-
fication of concord. She had several temples at
Rome, and one was built as early as the time of
Furius Camillus, who vowed and built it in com-
memoration of the reconciliation between the patri-
cians and plebeians. (Plut. Cam. 42 ; Ov. Fast. i.
639.) This temple, in which frequent meetings of
the senate were held, but which appears to have
fallen into decay, was restored by Livia, the wife
of Augustus, and was consecrated by her son,
Tiberius, a. d. 9, after his victory over the Panno-
nians. (Suet. Tib. 20; Dion Cass. Iv. 17.) In the
reign of Constantino and Maxentius, the temple
was burnt do\vn, but was again restored. A second
temple of Concordia was built by Cn. Flavius on
the area of the temple of Vulcan (Liv. ix. 46, xl.
1 9 ; Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 6), and a third was vowed
by L. Manlius during a seditious commotion among
his troops in Gaul, and was afterwards erected on
the Capitoline hill. (Liv. xxii. 33.) Concordia is
represented on several coins as a matron, sometimes
standing and sometimes sitting, and holding in her
left hand a cornucopia, and in her right either an
olive branch or a patera. (Comp. Ov. Fast. vi. 91 ;
^'arr. L. L. v. 73, ed. Miiller ; Cic. de Nat. Dear.
ii. 23 ; Hirt, Mythol. Bilderb. ii. p. 108.) f L. S.]

CONON.

CONDTA'NUS, SEX. QUINTI'LIUS, and
SEX. QUINTI'LIUS MA'XIMUS, two bro-
thers remarkahle for their mutual affection, high
character, learnincr, military skill, and wealth, who
flourished under the Antonines. They were con-
suls together in A. n. 151 ; were subsequently
joint governors, first of Achaia, and afterwards of
Pannonia ; they addressed a joint epistle to M.
Aurelius, to which he gave a rescript (Dig. 38.
tit 2. 8. 16. § 4) ; they wrote jointly a work upon
agriculture frequently quoted in the Geoponica;
and, having been inseparable in life, were not
divided in death, for they both fell victims at the
same time to the cruelty of Commodus, guiltless of
any crime, but open to the suspicion that, from
their high fame .ind probity, they must have felt
disgusted with the existing state of affairs and
eag:er for a change.

Sex. Condianus, son of Maximus, is said
to have been in Syria at the period of his father's
death, and, in anticipation of his own speedy de-
struction, to have devised an ingenious trick for
escape. The story, as told by Dion Cassius, is
amusing and romantic, but bears the aspect of a
fable. (Lamprid. Commod. 4, and Casaubon's
note ; Dion Cass. Ixxii, 5, and Reimarus's note ;
Philostrat. VU. Sophist, ii. 1. § 11; Needhara,Pro-
lepom. ad Oeoponica^ Cantab. 1704.) [W. R.]

* CONISALUS (Kov/o-oAos), a daemon, who to-
gether with Orthanes and Tychon appeared in the
train of Priapus. (Aristoph. Li/s. 983 ; Athen. x.
p. 441 ; Strab. xiii. 'p. 588; Hesych. s.v.) [L.S.]

CO'NIUS {K6vtos), the god"^ vho excites or
makes dust, a surname of Zeus, who had an un-
covered temple under this name in the arx of
Megara. (Paus. i. 40. § 5.) [L. S.]

CONNUS (K6vvoi), the son of Metrobius, a
player on the cithara, who tfiught Socrates music.
(Plat Eu(ht/d. pp. 272, c, 295, d., Menex. p. 235,
e. ; Cic. ad Fam. ix. 22.) This Connus is probably
the same as the flute-player Connas, mentioned by
Aristophanes {Equit. 532), who was, as we learn
from the Scholiast, very poor, although he had
gained several victories in the Olympic games.
Whether the proverb mentioned by Suidas, K6vvov
\lrn<pov, " good for nothing," refers to the same
person, is doubtful.

CONON (KSvccu). 1. A distinguished Athe-
nian general, who lived in the latter part of the
fifth and the beginning of the fourth century B. c.
In 413, he was stationed in command of a fleet off
Naupactus, to prevent the Corinthians from send-
ing succours to the Syracusans. In an engagement
which ensued neither side gained a decisive vic-
tory. (Thuc. vii. 31.) In 410, according to Dio-
dorus (xiii. 48), he was strategus, and was sent to
Corcyra to protect the Athenian interests in that
quarter, when Corcyra became the scene of another
massacre. In 409, he was elected strategus with
Alcibiades and Thrasybulus (Xen. Hell. i. 4. § 10),
and again in 406 was made the first of the ten
generals chosen to supersede Alcibiades. (Xen.
/fell. i. 5. § 16 ; Diod. xiii. 74.) For an account
of the operations which forced him to take refuge
in Mytilene, of his blockade by Callicratidas, and
the victory of the Athenians at Arginusae by which
he was delivered, see Xen. Hell. i. 6 ; Diod. xiii.
77 — 79, 97, &c. When all his colleagues were
deposed, Conon retained his command. (Xen.
fleM. vii. 1.)

When the Athenian fleet was surprised by Ly-

CONON.

825

Sander at Aegos-Potami (b. c. 405), Conon alone
of the generals was on his guard. He escaped
with eight ships, and sought an asylum in Cyprus,
which was governed by his friend Evagoras. (Xen.
Hell. ii. 1. § 20, &c.; Diod. xiii. 106 ; Com. Nep.
Conon, 1 — 3.) Here he remained for some years,
till the war which the Spartans commenced against
the Persians gave him an opportunity of serving
his country. There is some difficulty in reconcil-
ing the accounts which we have left of his pro-
ceedings. He appears to have connected himself
with Phamabazus (Com. Nep. Con. 2), and it was
on the recommendation of the latter, according to
Diodoras (xiv. 39) and Justin (vi. 1), that he was
appointed by the Persian king to the command of
the fleet in B. c. 397. From Ctesias {Pers. 63) it
would appear, that Conon opened a negotiation
with the Persian court while at Salamis, and
Ctesias was sent down to him with a letter em-
powering him to raise a fleet at the expense of the
Persian treasury, and to act as admiral under
Phamabazus. He was first attacked, though
without success, by Pharax, the Lacedaemonian
admiral, while lying at Caunus, and soon after
succeeded in detaching Rhodes from the Spartan
alliance. (Diod. xiv. 79.) Though he received
considerable reinforcements, the want of supplies
kept him inactive. (Isocr. Paneg. c. 39.) He
therefore made a journey to the Persian court in
395. The king granted him all that he want-
ed, and at his request appointed Phamabazus
as his colleague. (Diod. xiv. 81 ; Isocr. Paneg.
c. 39 ; Com. Nep. Con. 2 — 4 ; Justin, vi. 2.) In
B. c. 394, they gained a decisive victory over Pi-
sander, the Spartan admiral, off Cnidus. (Xen.
Hell. iv. 3. § 10, &c.; Diod. xiv. 83 ; Com. Nep.
Con. 4.) Phamabazus and Conon now cruised
about the islands and coasts of the Aegean, ex-
pelled the Lacedaemonian harmosts from the mari-
time towns, and won over the inhabitants by
assurances of freedom from foreign garrisons. (Xen.
HeLl. iv. 8 ; Diod. xiv. 84.) In the course of the
winter, Conon drew contributions from the cities on
the Hellespont, and in the spring of 393, in con-
junction with Phamabazus, sailed to the coast of
Laconia, made descents on various points, ravaged
the vale of the Pamisus, and took possession of
Cythera. They then sailed to Corinth, and
Phamabazus having left a subsidy for the states in
alliance against Sparta, made preparations for re-
tuming home. Conon with his sanction proceeded
to Athens, for the purpose of restoring the long
walls and the fortifications of Peiraeeus. He was
received with the greatest enthusiasm, and with
the aid of his crews great progress was in a short
time made towards the restoration of the walls.
(Xen. Hell. iv. 8. § 7, &c. ; Diod. xiv. 84, 85;
Paus. i. 2 ; Com. Nep. Con. 4 ; Dem. in I^jti.
p. 478 ; Athen. i. 5, p. 3.) When the Spartans
opened their negotiations with Tiribazus, Conon
with some others was sent by the Athenians to
counteract the intrigues of Antalcidas, but was
thrown into prison by Tiribazus. (Xen. Hell. iv.
8. § 16 ; Diod. xiv. 85 ; Corn. Nep. Con. 5.) Ac-
cording to some accounts, he was sent into the
interior of Asia, and there put to death. (Isocr.
Paneg. c. 41 ; Diod. xv. 43 ; Com. Nep. /. c.) But
according to the most probable account, he escaped
to Cypms. He had property in this island, and
on his death left behind him a considerable fortune,
part of which was bequeathed to different relations

B26

CONON.

and temples, and the remainder to his son Timo-
theus. (Lys. de Arist. Bon. p. 638, ed. Reiske ;
Com. Nep. /. c.) His tomb and that of his son, in
the Cerameicus, were to be seen in the time of
Pausanias. (L 29. § 15.)

2. Son of Timotheus, grandson of the pre-
ceding. On the death of Timotheus nine-tenths
of the fines which had been imposed on him were
remitted, and Conon was allowed to discharge the
remainder in the form of a donation for the repair
of the long walls. (Com. Nep. Tim. 4.) He was
sent by the Athenians, together with Phocion and
Clearchus, to remonstrate with Nicanor on his
seizure of Peiraeeus, a c. 318. (Diod. xviii,
64.) [C. P. M.]

CONON, literary. 1. A grammarian of the
age of Augustus, the author of a work entitled
AtTryrja-eiy, addressed to Archelaus Philopator, king
of Cappadocia. It was a collection of fifty narra-
tives relating to the mythical and heroic period,
and especially the foundation of colonies. An
epitome of the work has been preserved in the
Bibliotheca of Photius {Cod. 186), who speaks in
terms of commendation of his Attic style, and re-
marks {Cod. 189), that Nicolaus Damascenus bor-
rowed much from him. There are separate editions
of this abstract in Gale's Histor. Poet. Script, p.
241, &c., Paris, 1675; by Teucher, Lips. 1794
and 1802; and Kanne, Getting, 1798.

Dion Chrysostom {Or. xviii. tom. i, p. 480)
mentions a rhetorician of this name, who may pos-
sibly be identical with the last.

2. A Conon is mentioned by the scholiast on
Apollonius Rhodius (i. 1163), who quotes a pas-
sage, h rfi 'RpaK\eia^ and mentions a treatise by
him, Ufpl Trjs "NritTiaSos. Josephus (c Apion. i.
23) also speaks of a writer of this name.

3. Another Conon, whether identical with any
of those above-mentioned or not is uncertain, is
mentioned by Servius {ad Virg. Aen. vii. 738) as
having written a work on Italy. (Fabric. Biil.
Graec. iv. p. 25 ; Voss. de Hist. Gr. pp. 206, 420, j
ed. Westermann.) j

4. There was a Christian writer of this name,
who wrote on the resurrection against Johannes
Philoponus. (Phot. Cod. 23, 24.) [C. P. M.

CONON (Koi'wi'), of Samos, a mathematician
and astronomer, lived in the time of the Ptolemies
Philadelphus and Euergetes (b. c. 283 — 222), and
was the friend and probably the teacher of Archi-
medes, who survived him. None of his works are
preserved. His observations are referred to by
Ptolemy in his (pdans airXavQu, and in the histo-
rical notice appended to that work they are said
to have been made in Italy (Petav. Uranolog. p.
93), in which country he seems to have been cele-
brated. (See Virgirs mention of him, Ed. iii. 40.)
According to Seneca {Nat. Quaest. vii. 3), he made
a collection of the observations of solar eclipses
preserved by the Egyptians. Apollonius Pergaeus
{Conic, lib. iv. praef.) mentions his attempt to
demonstrate some propositions concerning the num-
ber of points in which two conic sections can cut
one another. Conon was the inventor of the curve
called the spiral of Archimedes [Archimedes];
but he seems to have contented himself with pro-
posing the investigation of its properties as a pro-
blem to other geometers. (Pappus, Math. Coll. iv.
Prop. 18.) He is said to have given the name
Coma Berenices to the constellation so called
[Bkrbnice, 3], on the authority of an ode of |

CONSENTIUS.
Callimachus translated by Catullus (Ixvii. de Coma
Berenices) ; a fragment of the original is preserved
byTheon in his Scholia on Aratus. {Phaenom. 146;
see also Hyginus, Polit. Astron. ii. 24.) But it is
doubtful whether the constellation was really
adopted by the Alexandrian astronomers. The
strongest evidence which remains to us of Conon's
mathematical genius consists in the admiration
with which he is mentioned by Archimedes. See
his prefaces to the treatises on the Quadrature of
the Parabola and on Spira-ls. [W. F. D.]

CONOSTAULUS BKSTES. [Bestes.]
^ CONO'NEUS {Kovwuevs), a Tarentine, is men-
tioned by Appian {Annib. 32) as the person who
betrayed Tarentum to the Romans in b. c. 213.
(Comp. Frontin. Strateg. iii. 3. § 6, where Ouden-
dorp has restored this name from Appian.) Poly-
bius (viii. 19, &c.) and Livy (xxv. 8, &c.) say,
that Philemenus and Nicon were the leaders of
the conspiracy; but Schweighauser remarks {ad
App. I. c), that as Percon was the cognomen of
Nicon (see Liv. xxvi. 39), so there is no reason
why we should not infer that Cononeus was the
cognomen of Philemenus. [Philemenus.]

P. CONS A. A Roman jurist of this name is
mentioned by legal biographers and by writers who
have made lists of jurists, as Val. Forsterus, Ruti-
lius, GuiL Grotius, and Fabricius, but they give no
authority for their statement. The only authority
that we can find for this name is an anecdote in
Plutarch's life of Cicero (c. 26), repeated in his
Apophtlwgmuia. When P. Consa, an ignorant ami
empty man, who held himself forth as a jurist, was
summoned as a witness in a cause, and declared
that he knew nothing whatever about the matter
that he was examined upon, Cicero said to him,
drily, " Perhaps you think that the question re-
lates to law."

The reading of the name in Plutarch is exceed-
ingly doubtful, — Publius may be Popillius, and
Consa may be Caius, Cassius, or Cotta. [J. T. G.]
CONSENTES DIl, the twelve Etruscan goda,
who formed the council of Jupiter. Their name is
probably derived from the ancient verb consa, that
is, consulo. According to Seneca {Quaest. Nat. ii.
41), there was above the Consentes and Jupiter a
yet higher council, consisting of mysterious and
nameless divinities, whom Jupiter consulted when
he intended to announce to mankind great calami-
ties or changes by his lightnings. The Consentes
Dii consisted of six male and six female divinities,
but we do not know the names of all of them ; it
is however certain that Juno, Minerva, Sumraanus,
Vulcan, Saturn, and !Mars were among them. Ac-
cording to the Etruscan theology, they ruled over
the world and time ; they had come into existence
at the beginning of a certain period of the world,
at the end of which they were to cease to exist.
They were also called by the name of Complices,
and were probably a set of divinities distinct from
the twelve great gods of the Greeks and Romans.
(Varro, R. R.i. 1, ap. Arnob. adv. Gent, iii, 40 ;
Hartung, Die Relig. d. Rom. ii. p. 5.) [L. S.]

P. CONSE'NTIUS, the author of a grammatical
treatise "Ars P. Consentii V. C. de duabus parti-
bus Orationis, Nomine et Verbo,"" published origi-
nally by J. Sichard at Basle, in 1528, and subse-
quently, in a much more complete fomi, in the
collection of Putschius {Grammatical Latin. Auc-
tores Antig. 4to. Hannov. 1605), who had access
to MSS. which enabled him to supply numerous

CONSIDIUS.
wA large deficiencies. Another work by the same
writer, entitled "Ars de Barbarismis et Metaplas-
mis," was recently discovered by Cramer in a
Regensburg MS. now at Munich, and was pub-
lished at Berlin, in 1817, by Buttmann. It is of
considerable value on account of the fragments
quoted from lost productions, and of the view which
it affords of the state of the language and of gram-
matical studies at the period when it was com-
posed. In the " de Barbarismis" we find a refer-
ence to a third essay on the structure of periods,
"de Structuranim Ratione," which, if ever pub-
lished, is no longer extant.

Consentius is commonly believed to have flou-
rished at Constantinople in the middle of the fifth
century, on the supposition that he was one or
other of the following individuals.

1. Consentius, a poet violently bepraised by
Sidonius Apollinaris. {Ckinn. xxiii., Epist. viii. 4.)
He married a daughter of the consul Jovianus, by
whom he had a son, namely

2. CoNSKNTius, who rose to high honour under
Valentinian III., by whom he was named Comes
Palatii and despatched upon an important mission
to Theodosius. He also had a son, namely

3. Consentius, who devoted himself to literary
leisure and the enjoyments of a rural life, and is
celebrated as well as his grandfather by Sidonius.

Fabricius {Bibl. Lat. vol. iii. p. 745) tells us,
that in some MSS. the grammarian is styled not
only vir c/arissimus, the ordinary appellation of
learned men at that period, but also quintm consu-
laris quinque civitatum^ which might perhaps lead
as to identify him with the second of the above
personages. [W. R.]

CONSE'VIUS or CONSI'VIUS, the propa-
gator, occurs as the siumame of Jantis and Ops.
(Macrob. Sat. i. 9, iii. 9 ; Fest. s.v. Opima.) [L. S.]

CONSI'DIA GENS, plebeian. None of its
members ever obtained any higher office in the
state than the praetorship, and are, with once ex-
ception, mentioned only in the last century of the
republic. The cognomens of this gens are Gallus.,
Longiis^ Nonianus, and Foetus, the last two of
which also occur on coins ; but as there is some
confusion between some of the members of the
gens, an account of all of them is given under
CoNSiDlus, and not under the cognomens.

CONSl'DIUS. 1. Q. CoNsiDius, tribune of
the plebs, b. c. 476, united with his colleague T.
Genucius in bringing forward the agrarian law
again, and also in accusing T. Menenius Lanatus,
the consul of the preceding year, because it was
supposed that the Fabii had perished at Cremera
through his neglect. (Liv. ii. 52 ; Dionys. ix. 27.)

2. CoNSiDius, a fanner of the public taxes
{pitblicanus), brought an action against L. Sergius
Grata, who was praetor in b. c. 98, on account of
his illegal appropriation of the waters of the Lu-
crine sea. Grata was defended by L. Crassus, who
was a friend of Considius. (Val. Max. ix. 1. $ 1.)

3. L. Considius, conducted, in conjunction with
Sex. Saltius, a colony to Capua, which was formed
by M. Brutus, the father of the so-called tyranni-
cide, in his tribunate, B. c. 83. [Brutus, No. 20 ]
Considius and Saltius are ridiculed by Cicero for
the arrogance which they displayed, and for calling
themselves praetors instead of duumvirs. (Cic. cte
Leg. Agr. ii. 34.)

4. Q. Considius, a senator and one of the
indices, is praised by Cicero for his integrity and

CONSIDIUS.

«27

uprightness as a judge both in B. c 70 {in Verr. i.
7) and in b. c. 66. {Pro Cluent. 38.) Considius
is spoken of as quite an old man in Caesar's con-
sulship, b. c. 59, and it is related of him, that
when very few senators came to the house, on one
occasion, he told Caesar, that the reason of their
absence was their fear of his arms and soldiers ;
and that when Caesar thereupon asked him why
he also did not stop at home, he replied, that old
age had deprived him of all fear. (Plut. Caes. 14;
Cic. ad Att. ii. 24.)

5. Q. Considius, the usurer, may perhaps be
the same as the preceding, especially as the anec-
dote related of him is in accordance with the
character which Cicero gives of the senator. It is
related of this Considius, that, when in the Catili-
narian conspiracy, B. c. 63, the value of all property
had been so much depreciated that it was impos-
sible even for the wealthy to pay their creditors^
he did not call in the principal or interest of anj
of the sums due to him, although he had 15 mil-
lions of sesterces out at interest, endeavouring by
this indulgence to mitigate, as far as he could, the
general alarm. (Val. Max. iv. 8. § 3; comp. Cic.
ad Att. i. 12.)

6. Q. Considius Gallus, one of the heirs of
Q. Turius in b. c. 43, was perhaps a son of No. 4.
(Cic. ad Fam. xii. 26.)

7. P. Considius, served under Caesar in his
first campaign in Gaul, b. c. 58, and is spoken of
as an experienced soldier, who had served under
L. Sulla and afterwards under M. Crassus. (Caes.
B. G. i. 21.)

8. M. Considius Nonianus, praetor in b. c. 52.
He is spoken of in 49 as the intended successor of
Caesar in the province of Nearer Gaul, and he as-
sisted Pompey in the same year in conducting his
preparations at Capua. (Ascon. in Cic. Mil. p. 55,
ed. Orelli ; Cic. ad Fam. xvi. 12, ad A U. viii. 1 1, «.)
The name of C. Considius Nonianus occurs on
coins. (Eckhel, v. p. 177.)

9. C. Considius Longus, propraetor in Africa,
left his province shortly before the breaking out of
the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, in
order to go to Rome to become a candidate for the
consulship, entrusting the government to Q. Liga-
rius. (Cic. pro Ligar. 1 ; Schol. Gronov. in Ligar.
p. 414, ed. Orelli.) When the civil war broke out
in B. c. 49, Considius espoused Pompey's party,
and returned to Africa, where he held Adrumetum
with one legion. (Caes. B. C. ii. 23.) He still
had possession of Adrumetum two years after-
wards, B. c. 47, when Caesar came into Africa;
and when a letter was sent him by the hands of a
captive, Considius caused the unfortunate bearer
to be put to death, because he said he had brought
it from the imperator Caesar, declaring at the same
time himself, that Scipio was the only imperator of
the Roman people at that time. Shortly after-
wards Considius made an unsuccessful attempt
upon Achilla, a free town in Caesar's interest, and
was obliged to retire to Adrumetum. We next
hear of Considius in possession of the strongly-
fortified town of Tisdra; but after the defeat of
Scipio at Thapsus, and when he heard that Cn.
Domitius Calvinus was advancing against the town,
he secretly withdrew from it, accompanied by a
few Gaetulians and laden with money, intending
to fly into Mauretania. But he waa murdered on
the joumev by the Gaetidians, who coveted his
treasures. (Hirt. B. Afr. 3, 4, 33, 43, 76,86, 93.)

B28

CONSTANS.

10, C. CoNSiDius, son of No. 9, fell into Cae-
sar's power, when he obtained possession of Adru-
metura after the battle of Thapsus, B. c. 47, and
was pardoned by Caesar. (Hirt. B. Afr. 89.) It
is supposed that he may be the same as the C.
Considius Paetus, whose name occurs on coins ; but
this is mere conjecture. (Eckhel, v. p. 177.)

CONSTANS I., FLA'VIUS JU'LIUS, the
youngest of the three sons of Constantine the Great
and Fausta, was at an early age appointed by his
father governor of Western lUyricura, Italy, and
Africa, countries which he subsequently received
as his portion upon the di\'i8ion of the empire in
A. D. 337. After having successfully resisted the
treachery and Tiolence of his brother Constantine,
who was slain in invading his territory, a. d. 340,
Constans became master of the whole West, and
being naturally indolent, weak, and profligate,
abandoned himself for some years without restraint
to the indulgence of the most depraved passions.
While hunting in Gaul, he suddenly received in-
telligence that Magnentius [Magnbntius] had
rebelled, that the soldiers had mutinied, and that
emissaries h<ui been despatched to put him to death.
Flying with all speed, he succeeded in reaching
the Pyrenees, but was overtaken near the town of
Helena (formerly lUiberis) by the cavalry of the
usurper, and was slain, a. d. 350, in the thirtieth
year of his age and the thirteenth of his reign.
(Aurel. Vict. deCaes. xlL, Epit. xli.; Eutrop. x. 5;
Zosimus, ii. 42 ; Zonaras, xiii. 6.) [ W. R.]

COIN 0» CONSTANS L

CONSTANS XL, FLA'VIUS HERA'CLIUS,
emperor of the East, a. d. 641-668, the elder son
of the emperor Constantine III. and the empress
Gregoria, was bom on the 7th of November, a. d.
630, and his original name was Heraclius. After
the death of his father, who reigned but a few
months, in a. d. 641, the throne was seized by
Heracleonas, the younger brother of Constantine
III. ; but as Heracleonas was a tool in the hands
of his ambitious mother, Martina, he incurred the
hatred of the people, and a rebellion broke out,
which was headed by Valentinus Caesar. Valen-
tine at first compelled Heracleonas to admit his
nephew Heraclius as co-regent, and on this occasion
Heraclius adopted the name of Constantine, which
he afterwards changed into that of Constans.
Not satisfied with this result, Valentine proclaimed
Constans sole emperor : Heracleonas and Martina
were made prisoners, and, after being mutilated,
were sent into exile. Thus Constans II. succeeded
in the month of August, a. d. 641, and on account
of his youth was obliged to be satisfied with only
the name of emperor, and to abandon his authority
to Valentine, who is probably identical with one
Valentinian, who rebelled in a. d. 644, but was
killed in a skirmish in the streets of Constanti-
nople.

The reign of Constans II. is remarkable for the
great losses which the empire sustained by the at-
tacks of the Arabs and Lon^obards or Lombards.

CONSTANS.

Egypt, and at last its capital, Alexandria, had been
conquered by 'Amru, the general of the khalif
'Omar, towards the close of the reign of the emperor
Heraclius, the grandfather of Constans. (a. d. 610
— 641.) Anxious to regain possession of Alexan-
dria, Constans fitted out an expedition against
Egypt, and we are informed by the Chinese an-
nalists, that he sent ambassadors to the emperor of
China, Taisum, to excite him to a war against the
Arabs, by whom the Chinese possessions in
Turkistan were then infested. (Comp. DeGuignes,
Histoire generale des Huns, i. pp. 55, 56.) This
emperor reigned from a. d. 627 till 650, and as
the Christian religion was preached in China during
his reign by Syrian monks, from which we may
conclude that an intercourse existed between China
and the Greek empire, the fact related by the
Chinese annalists seems worthy of belief, especially
as the danger from the Arabs was common to both
the empires. When Manuel, the commander of the
imperial forces, appeared with a powerful fleet oif
Alexandria, the inhabitants took up arms against
the Arabic governor 'Othman, and with their
assistance Manuel succeeded in taking the town.
(a. n. 646.) But he maintained himself there
only a short time. 'Amru approached with a
strong army ; he took the town by assault, and
Manuel fled to Constantinople with the remnants
of his forces. A considerable portion of Alexandria
was destroyed, and the Greeks never got possession
of it again. Encouraged by this success, the khalif
'Omar ordered his lieutenant 'Abdu-1-lah to invade
the Greek possessions in northern Afirica. 'Abdu-
1-lah met with great success ; he conquered and
killed in battle Gregorius, the imperial governor
of Africa, and the Greeks ceded to him Tripolitana,
and promised to pay an annual tribute for the re-
maining part of the imperial dominions in Africa.
This treaty was concluded without the consent of
Constans, and although it was dictated by neces-
sity, the emperor blamed and punished his officers
severely, and shewed so much resentment against
his subjects in Africa, that he took revenge upon
them seventeen years afterwards, as is mentioned
below.

While 'Abdu-1-lah was gaining these advantages
in Africa, Mu'awiyah, who subsequently became
khalif, drove the Greeks out of Syria, and, after
conquering that country, sailed with a fleet of 1700
small craft to Cyprus, conquered the whole island,
and imposed upon the inhabitants an annual tri-
bute of 7200 pieces of gold. The island, however,
was taken from the Arabs two years after the con-
quest, by the imperial general Cacorizus. The
Arabs made also considerable progress in Cilicia
and Isauria, which were ravaged by Bizr, one of
their best generals. While the finest provinces of
the East thus became a prey to the khalifs, the
emperor was giving all his attention towards the
protection of monothelism, to which sect he was
addicted, and the persecution of the orthodox
catholic faith. Unable to finish the religious con-
test by reasonable means, Constans issued an edict
by which he prohibited all discussions on religious
subjects, hoping thus to establish monothelism by
oppressive measures. This edict, which is known
by the name of " Tj'pus," created as much dis-
content as laughter : it was rejected by the pope
and generally by all the churches in Italy, and
contributed much to ruin the emperor in publit
opinion. His subjects manifested publicly ihefr

CONSTANS.

contempt for his character, and the governors of
distant provinces paid so little respect to his
authority, that they seemed to be independent
jiiinces. A revolt broke out in Armenia under
l*asagnathus, who made himself completely inde-
pendent ; but he afterwards returned to obedience.

As early as 648, a truce for two years had been
concluded between the Arabs and Constans.
'Abdu-1-lah availed himself of that truce to invade
and conquer Nubia and Abyssinia ; but he return-
ed in 651, renewed hostilities, and sent an ex-
pedition against Sicily, where the Arabs took
several places, and maintained themselves there.
In the same year Mu'awiyah spread terror through
both the East and the West by the conquest of
Rhodes, and it was on this occasion that the
famous colossus was sold to a Jew of Edessa.

The fall of Rhodes failed to rouse Constans
from his carelessness. He still endeavoured to
compel obedience to his "Typus" in Italy, al-
though it had been condemned by pope Martin I.
Theodorus Calliopas, the imperial exarch in Italy,
arrested Martin in his own palace in 653, and
sent him from thence to Messina, afterwards to
the island of Naxos, and at last, in 654, to Con-
stantinople. Here, after a mock trial, he was con-
demned of holding treacherous correspondence with
the infidels, and was mutilated and banished to
Cherson, in the Chersonnesus Taurica, where he
died in September, A. d. 655. Many other bishops
of the orthodox faith were likewise persecuted,
among whom was St. Maximus, who died in exile
in the Caucasus, in 662.

In 655, the war with the Arabs became alarmingly
dangerous. Mu'awiyah, then governor of Syria,
fitted out a fleet, which he entrusted to the command
of Abu-1-abar, while he himself with the land forces
marched against Caesareia, whence he intended to
proceed to the Bosporus. In this imminent danger
Constans gave the command of Constantinople to his
eldest son, Constantine, and sailed himself with
his own ships against the hostile fleet. The two
fleets met off the coast of Lycia, and an obstinate
battle ensued, in which the Greeks were at last
completely defeated. Constantinople seemed to be
lost. But the khalif 'Othman was assassinated in
655, and Mu'awiyah, who was chosen in his
stead, was obliged to renounce the conquest of
(Constantinople, and to defend his own empire
against the attempts of 'Ali, and afterwards of his
son Hasan, who assumed the title of khalif, and
maintained themselves at Kufa till 668. De-
livered from the Arabs, Constans made war upon
the Slavonian nations south and north of the Da-
nube with great success.

In 661, Constans put his brother Theodosius to
death. The reasons for this crime are not well
known ; for, as Theodosius had taken orders, and
was consequently unfit for reigning, political
jealousy could not be the cause ; perhaps there was
some religious difference between the two brothers.
The murder of his brother pressed heavily upon him ;
he constantly dreamt about him, and often awoke,
crying out that Theodosius was standing at his bed-
side, holding a cup of blood, and saying, *' Drink,
brother, drink ! " His palace at Constantinople
was insupportable to him, and he at last resolved
to quit the East and to fix his residence in Italy.
The political state of this country, however, was
as strong a reason for the emperor's presence there
as the visions of a murderer.

CONSTANS.

829

As early as a. d. 641, Rotharis, king of the
Longobards, attacked the imperial dominions in
northern Italy, and conquered the greater part of
them. One of his successors, Grimoald, had formed
designs agJiinst the Greek possessions in southern
Italy, where the emperor was still master of the
duchies of Rome and Naples, with both the Cala-
brias. Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica belonged like-
wise to the Greek empire. The emperor's authority
in Italy was much shaken by the religious and
civil troubles which he had caused there by his
absurd edict, the "Typus;" but, on the other
hand, the dissensions among the dukes and other
great chiefs of the Longobards seemed to afford a
favourable chance for the re-establishment of the
Roman empire of Italy by the Greeks, an enter-
prise which one hundred years before the emperor
Justinian had so gloriously achieved by his general
Narses. Under these circumstances, Constans
resolved not only to imitate the example of Jus-
tinian, but to make Rome once more the centre ol
the Roman empire. His resolution caused the
greatest surprise, for since the downfall of the
Western empire no emperor had resided, nor even
made a momentary stay, in Italy. " But," said
Constans, " the mother (Rome) is worthier of my
care than the daughter (Constantinople);" and,
having fitted out a fleet, he fixed the day of his
departure, and ordered the empress and his three
sons to accompany him. He waited for them on
board of his galley, but no sooner had they left
the imperial palace, than the people of Constanti-
nople rose in revolt and prevented them by force
from joining the emperor. Being informed of this,
Constans spit against the city, cursed its inhabit-
ants, and ordered the sailors to weigh anchor.
This took place towards the end of 662. Con-
stans stayed the winter at Athens, having pre-
viously appointed his eldest son, Constantine,
governor of Constantinople. Our space prevents
us from giving an account of his campaign in lUily ;
it is sufficient to state, that though he met at first
with some success, his troops were afterwards de-
feated by the Longobards, and he was obliged to
relinquish his design of subduing them. After
plundering the churches and other public buildings
of Rome of their finest oniaments and treasures,
he took up his residence at Syracuse for a time.
In this city also he gratified his love of avarice
and cruelty to such an extent, that many thousands
fled from the island and settled in difterent parts
of Syria, especially at Damascus, where they
adopted the religion of Mohammed. The emperor's
absence from the seat of government excited
Mu'awiyah to make fresh inroads into the Greek
provinces.

It has been already related that Constans was
deeply offended on account of the treaty having
been concluded without his consent between his
officers in Africa and the Arabian general 'Abdu-
1-lah. In 665f Mu'awiyah being then chiefly oc-
cupied in the eastern part of the Khalifate, Constans
resolved to revenge himself upon his subjects in
Africa, and accordingly imposed a tribute upon
them which was more than double what they had
engiiged to pay to the Arabs. This avaricious and
imprudent measure caused a revolt. They invited
the Arabs to take possession of their country,
promising to make no resistance. Upon this
Mu'awiyah entered Africa, defeated the few troops
who were faithful to Constans, and extended his

830

CONSTANTIA.

conqaests as fer as the frontiers of Mauretania.
During the same time the Longobards extended
their conquests in Italy. Despised and hated by-
all his subjects, Constans lost his life by the hand
of an assassin, at least in a most mysterious
manner, periiaps by the intrigues of orthodox
priests. On the 13th of July, 668, he was found
drowned in his bath at Syracuse. He left three
sons, Constantine IV. Pogonatus, his successor,
Heraclius, and Tiberius. The name of his wife is
not known. (Theophanes, p. 275, &c., ed. Paris ;
Cedrenus, p. 429, &c., ed. Paris ; Zonaras, vol. ii.
p. 87, &«., ed. Paris ; Glycas, p. 277, &c., ed.
Paris ; Philo Byzantinus, LihelUis de Septem Orbis
Speciaculis, ed. Orelli, Leipzig, 1816, pp. 15, &c.,
30, &c., and the notes of Leo AUatius, p. 97, &c. ;
Paulus Diaconus (Waniefried), De Gestis Ijongo-
Lardorum, iv. 51, &c., v. 6—13, 30 ; Abulfeda,
Vita Moliammed, p. 109, ed. Reiske, Annales^ p.
65, &c., ed. Reiske.) [W. P.]

CONSTA'NTIA. 1. Flavia Valeria Con-
STANTiA, also called Constantina, the daughter of
Constantius Chlonis Caesar and his second wife,
Theodora, was bom after a. d. 292 and before a. d.
306, either in Gaul or Britain. She was a half-sister
of Constantine the Great, who gave her in marriage
in 313 to C. Valerius Licinianus Licinius Augustus,
master of the East. In the civil war which broke
out between Constantine and Licinius in 323, the
latter was entirely defeated at Chrysopolis, now Scu-
tari opposite Constantinople, and fled to Nicomedeia,
where he was besieged by the victor. In order to
save the life of her husband, who was able neither
to defend the town nor to escape, Constantia went
into the camp of her brother, and by her earnest
entreaties obtained pardon for Licinius. Afraid,
however, of new troubles, Constantine afterwards
gave orders to put him to death ; but this severity
did not alter his friendship for his sister, whom he
silways treated with kindness and respect Con-
stantia was first an orthodox Christian, having
been baptized by pope Sylvester at Rome ; but she
afterwards adopted the Arian creed. It appears
that she was governed by an Arian priest, whose
name is unknown, but who was certainly a man of
great influence, for it was through him that she
obtained the pardon of Arius, who had been sent
into exile in 325, after his opinion had been con-
demned by the council at Nicaea. During the
negotiations concerning the recall of Arius, Con-
stantia fell ill, and, being visited by her brother
Constantine, besought him on her death-bed to
restore Arius to liberty. She died some time
afterwards, between 328 and 330. She had a son
by Licinius, whose name was Flavins Licinianus
Licinius Caesar. (Philostorg. i. 9; Theophan. pp.
9, 27, ed. Paris ; Euseb. H. iS. x. 8 ; Socrat. i. 2 ;
Zosim. ii. pp. 17, 28.)

2. Flavia Maxima Constantia, the daugh-
ter of the emperor Constantius II. and his third
wife, Faustina, was bom shortly after the death of
her father in a. d. 361. In 375 she was destined
to marry the young emperor Gratian, but, on her
way. to the emperor, was surprised in Illyria by the
Quadi, who had invaded the countr)-, and would
have been carried away into captivity but for the
timely succour of Messalla, the governor of Illyria,
who brought her safely to Sirmium. When a
child of four years, she had the misfortune to be
seized with her mother by Procopius, a cousin of
the emperor Julian, who had raised a rebeUiou in

CONSTANTINUS.

365, and who carried his captives with him in all
his expeditions, in order to excite his troops by
their presence. Constantia died before her hus-
band Gratian, that is, before 383, leaving no issue.
(Amm. Marc. xxi. 15, xxv. 7, 9, xxix. 6.) [ VV.P.]

CONSTANTI'NA, FLA'VIA JU'LIA, by
some authors named CONSTA'NTIA, daughter of
Constantine the Great and Fausta, was married to
Hannibalianus, and received from her father the
title of Augusta. Disappointed in her ambitious
hopes by the death of her husband, she encouraged
the revolt of Vetranio [Vetranio], and is said to
have placed the diadem on his brows with her own
hand. She subsequently became the wife of Cal-
lus Caesar (a. d. 351), and three years afterwards
(a. d. 354) died of a fever in Bithynia. This
princess, if we can trust the highly-coloured picture
drawn by Ammianus Marcellinus, must have been
a perfect demon in the human form, a female fury
ever thirsting for blood, and stimulating to deeds
of violence and savage atrocity the cruel temper of
Gallus, who after her death ascribed many of his
fonner excesses to her evil promptings.

(Amm. Marc. xiv. 1, &c.; Aurel. Vict. 41, 42;
Julian, Epist. ad Athen. p. 501, ed. 1630 ; Philos-
torg. Hist. EccL iii. 22, iv. 1 ; Theophan. Chronog.
p. 37, ed. 1655.) [W. R.]

CONSTANTI'NUS, the second son of Con-
stantius Chlorus, and the first whom he had by
his second wife, Theodora, was probably murdered
by his nephew, the emperor Constantius. He is
mentioned only by Zonaras (vol. i. p. 246, ed.
Paris). There is much doubt respecting him, al-
though it appears from Julianus ( Epist. ad Pop.
Athen. p. 497, ed. Paris), that Constantius put two
uncles to death ; so that we are forced to admit
three brothers of Constantine the Great, one of
whom, Hannibalianus, died before him, while his
brothers Constantius and Constantinus survived
him. The passage in Philostorgius (ii. 4) "Mct
od iroXvv xP^f'ov (after the empress Fausta was
suffocated in a bath) vvo rwv aSeK<i>wv (papfxaKois
Kara, rriv tiiKOfx-i^^fiay hiarpl^ovra avaipeQrjvai "
says cleariy, that at the death of Constantine the
Great there was more than one brother of him
alive. [Constantius II.] [W. P.]

CONSTANTI'NUS, the tyrant, emperor in
Britain, Gaul, and Spain, was a common soldier in
the Roman amiy stationed in Britain in the be-
ginning of the fifth centurj' of our aera, during the
reign of the emperor Honorius. In A. D. 407 these
troops rebelled, and chose one Marcus emperor,
whom they murdered soon afterwards. They then
swore obedience to one Gratianus, and having got
tired of him, they killed him likewise, and chose
one of their comrades, Constantine, in his stead.
They had no other motive for selecting him but
the fact that he bore the venerated and royal name
of Constantine. Although little fitted for the du-
ties of his exalted rank, Constantine considered
that he should soon share the fate of his predeces-
sors, if he did not employ his army in some serious
business. He consequently carried his troops im-
mediately over to Gaul, and landed at Boulogne.
This country was so badly defended, that Constan-
tine was recognized in nearly every province before
the year had elapsed in which he was invested
with the purple, (a. d, 407.) Stilicho, who was
commissioned by the emperor Honorius, sent his
lieutenant Sams, a Goth, into Gaul, who defeated
and killed Justinian, and assassinated Nervigastes,

CONSTANTINUS.

the two best generals of the usurper. Constantine
was besieged by Sarus in Vienna, now Vienna in
Dauphin^ ; but, assisted by the skill of Edobincus
and especially Gerontius, the successors of Justi-
nian and Nervigastcs in the conunand of the army,
he defeated the besiegers, and drove them back
beyond the Alps. Upon this, he took up his resi-
dence at Arelatum, now Aries, and sent his son
Constans, whom he created Caesar, into Spain.
At the head of the Honoriani, a band of mercenary
barbarians, Constans soon established the authority
of his father in Spain (a. d. 408), and was re-
warded with the dignity of Augustus.

In the following year Honorius judged it pru-
dent to acknowledge Constantine as emperor, in
(irder that he might obtain his assistance against
the Goths. Constantine did not hesitate to arm
for the defence of Honorius, having previously ob-
tained his pardon for the assassination of Didymus
(Didymius) and Verinianus (Verenianus), two
kinsmen of Honorius, who had been killed by
order of Constantine for having defended Spain
^!;ainst his son Constans ; and he entered Italy at
the head of a strong army, his secret intention
being to depose Honorius and to make himself
master of the whole Western empire. He had
halted under the walls of Verona, when he was
suddenly recalled to Gaul by the rebellion of his
general, Gerontius, who, having the command of
the anny in Spain, persuaded the troops to support
his revolt. In a short time, Gerontius was master
of Spain ; but, instead of assuming the purple,
he had his friend Maximus proclaimed emperor,
&nd hastened into Gaul, where Constantine had
just arrived from Italy. Constans, the son of
Constantine, was taken prisoner at Vienna, and
put to death, and his father shut himself up in
Aries, where he was besieged by Gerontius. This
state of things was suddenly changed by the arrival
of Constaniius, the general of Honorius, with an
ai-my strong enough to compel Gerontius to raise

CONSTANTINUS.

831

the siege and to fly to the P\TeneeB, where he
perished with his wife. Constantius commanded
part of his troops to pursue him ; with the other
part he continued the siege, as is related under
Constantius, and afterwards compelled Constan-
tine to surrender on condition of having his life
preserved. Constantine and his second son Julian
were sent to Italy ; but Honorius did not keep
the promise made by his general, and both the
captives were put to death. The revolt of Con-
stantine is of great importance in the history of
Britain, since in consequence of it and the rebel-
lion of the inhabitants against the officers of Con-
stantine, the emperor Honorius gave up all hopes
of restoring his authority over that country, and
recognized its independence of Rome, — a circum-
stance that led to the conquest of Britain by the
Saxons, (a. d, 411.) (Zosim. lib. v. ult. and lib.
vi., the chief source ; Oros. vii. 40 — 4'2 ; Sozom.
ix. 11 — 13; Jomandes, de Reb. Goth. p. 112, ed.
Lindenbrog ; Sidon. ApoU. Epist. v. 9 ; Prosper,
Chron.^ Honorio VII. et Tlieodosio II. Coss,
Theodosio Aug. IV. Cons.) [W. P.J

COIN OF CONSTANTINUS, THE TYRANT.

CONSTANTI'NUS I., FLA'VIUS VALE-
RIUS AURE'LIUS, surnamed MAGNUS or
" the Great," Roman emperor, a. d. 306-337, the
eldest son of the emperor Constantius Chlorus by
his first wife Helena. His descent and the prin-
cipal members of his family are represented in the
following genealogical table : —

Crispus, brother of the emperors Claudius II. and Quintilius.

Claudia, married Eutropius.

Constantius Chlorus, Augustus in A. d. 305 ; died at York in a.d. 306 ; married 1. Helena the Saint,

2. Theodora.

I

CONSTANTINUS Magnus. Married, 1. Minervina; 2. Fausta,
daughter of the emperor Galerius and his second wife Eutropia.

Further issue of Constantius Chlo-
rus by Theodora, see below.

1. Crispus ;
Caesar, 316 ;
put to death
by order of
his father,
326 ; married
Helena ;
issue im-
known.

2. Constantinus 3. Constantius 11. ;

II., surnamed the born ,317; Caesar,

Younger; bom, 326 (?); Emperor,

312; Caesar, 337 ; sole Erap.

316; Emperor, 353; died, 361;

337 ; died, 340. marr.l. unknown;

Twice mar- 2. Flavia Aurelia

ricd(?);no Eusebia; 3. Maxi-

issue known. ma Faustina.

Flaviii Maxima Constantia, married the emperor Gratiai)u«.

4. Constans ;
born, 320 ;
Caesar, 333
(335?);
Enip. 337 ;
killed, 350 ;
marr. Olym-
pia ; no issue
known.

Ml

5. Constantius or Constantia ;
married 1. her kinsman Han-
nibalianus, king of Pontus;
2. Constantine Gallus, en>p.

6. Constantia or Constantina;
nun.

7. Helena, Flavia Maximiana ;
married the emperor Julian,
her kinsman.

«32 CONSTANTINUS. CONSTANTI^iUS.

From altove. Further issue of Constantius Chlorus by his second wife, Theodora.

i

1. Constautinus, murdered
by the emperor Constan-
tius IT. ; no issue known.

I
2. Dalmatms Flavius
Hannibalianus ; time
of death unknown.

3. Constantius, Consul, 335 ; murdered
by the emperor Constantius ; married,
1. Galla ; 2. Basilina.

J
1 . Dalmatius, Flavius Julius, Consul in
A. D. 333. Put to death by the em-
peror Constantine the Younger in 339
or 340 ; no issue known.

. . I

2. Hannibalianus, Flavius Claudius, king of

Pontus ; married Constantina, eldest daughter

of Constantine the Great ; perished in the

wholesale murder of his kinsmen.

A Son, 2. Gallas, Flavius Julius, bom in
killed 32.5; Caesar, 34] ; disobedient;
by the put to death by the emperor Con-
emperor Btantius II. near Pola, in Istria, in
Constan- 354 ; married Constantina, widow
tius II. of Hannibalianus and eldest daugh-
in 341. ter of Constantine the Great.

I
3. A

daugh-
ter, mar-
ried the
emperor
Constan-
tius.

4. Julianus, sumamed the Apostate ;
bom 332 (?) ; Caesar, 355 ; succeeded
Constantius in 361; killed in the Per-
sian war, 26th of June, 363. Married
Helena, Flavia Maximiana, youngest
daughter of Constantine the Great ;
left issue whose fate is unknown.

From above. Further issue of Constantius Chlorus by Theodora.

4. Constantia or Constantina [CoN-
stantia] Flavia Valeria, married
in 313 Valeria Licinianus Licinius,
Augustus ; died between 328 and 330.

Flavius Licinianus Licinius, put to
death by Constantine the Great.

6. Eutropia, mar-
ried Popiliiis Ne-
potianus, consul.

5. Anastasia, married Bassianus Caesar,
and after his death, probably, Lucius Ra-
mius Aconitus Optatus, consul.

Flavius Popilius Nepotianus ; assumed the purple in Gaul
in 350 ; killed at Rome in the same year.

Constantine was bom in the month oi l^ebruary,
A. D. 272. There are many different opinions re-
specting his birth-place ; but it is most probable,
and it is now generally believed, that he was born
at Naissus, now Nissa, a well-known town in
Dardania or the upper and southem part of Moesia
Superior.*

Constantine was distinguished by the choicest
gifts of nature, but his education was chiefly
military. When his father obtained the supreme
command in Gaul, Britain, and Spain, he did not
accompany him, but remained with the emperor
Diocletian as a kind of hostage for the fidelity of
his parent, and he attended that emperor on his
celebrated expedition in Egypt. After the capture
of Alexandria and the pacification of that country
in A. D. 296, Constantine served under Galerius in
the Persian war, which resulted in the conquest
and final cession to the Romans of Iberia, Arme-
niii, Mesopotamia, and the adjoining countries, for
which Diocletian and Maximian celebrated a
triumph in Rome in 303. In these wars Constan-
tine distinguished himself so much by personal
courage as well as by higher military talents, that
he became the favourite of the army, and was as
a reward appointed tribunus militum of the first
class. But he was not allowed to enjoy quietly
the honours which he so justly deserved. In his

* Stephanus Byzantinus (s. v. Hcua-aos) calls
this town Kriafia kclL iraTpls KwvaTavTivov rov
/SowiAeaJs, meaning by Kriaua that that town was
enlarged and embellished by Constantine, which
was the case. The opinion that Constantine was
born in Britain is ably refuted in Schbpflin's dis-
sertation, " Constautinus Magnus non fuit Britan-
nus," contained in the author's " Commentationes
Historicae," Basel, 1741, 4 to.

position as a kind of hostage he was exposed to
the machinations of the ambitious, the jealous, and
the designing ; and the dangers by which he was
surrounded increased after the abdication of Dio-
cletian and Maximian and the accession of his
father and Galerius as emperors (a. d. 305). He
continued to live in the East under the eyes of
Galerius, whose jealousy of the superior qualities
of Constantine was so great, that he meditated his
ruin by exposing him to personal dangers, from
which Constantine, however, escaped unhurt. In
such circumstances he was compelled to cultivate
and improve his natural prudence and sagacity,
and to accustom himself to that reserve and dis-
cretion to which he afterwards owed a considerable
part of his greatness, and which was the more re-
markable in him as he was naturally of a most
lively disposition. The jealousy of Galerius be-
came conspicuous when he conferred the dignity of
Caesar upon his sons, Severus and Maximin, a
dignity to which Constantine seemed to be en-
titled by his birth and merits, but which was
withheld from him by Galerius and not conferred
upon him by his father. In this, however, Con-
stantius Chlorus acted wisely, for as his son was
still in the hands of Galerius, he would have
caused his immediate ruin had he proclaimed him
Caesar; so that if Constantine spoke of disappoint-
ment he could only feel disappointed at not being
in the camp of his father. To bring him thither
became now the great object of the policy of both
father and son. Negotiations were carried on for
that purpose with Galerius, who, aware of the
consequences of the departure of Constantine, de-
layed his consent by every means in his power,
till at last his pretexts were exhausted, and he was
obliged to allow him to join his father. Justly
afraid of being detained once more, or of being cut

CONSTANTINUS.

ifT by troachery on his jniirney, CoiiHtintiiie had
tio sooner obtained the permission of Galerius than
he departed from Nicomedeia, where they both
resided, without taking leave of tlie emperor, and
travelled through Thrace, Illyricum, Pannonia,
and Gaul with all possible speed, till he reached
his father at Boulogne just in time to accompany
him to Britain on his expedition against the Picls,
and to be present at his death at York (■25th of
July, 306). Before dying, Constantius declared
his son as his successor.

The moment for seizing the supreme power, or
for shrinking back into death or obscurity, had
now come for Constantine. He was renowned for
his victories in the East, admired by the legions,
and beloved by the subjects, both heathen and
Christian, of Constantius, who did not hesitate to
believe that the son would follow the example of
justice, toleration, and energy set by the father.
The legions proclaimed him emperor ; the barbarian
auxiliaries, headed by Crocus, king of the Alemanni,
acknowledged him ; yet he hesitated to place the
fatal diadem on his head. But his hesitation was
mere pretence ; he was well prepared for the
event ; and in the quick energy with which he
acted, he gave a sample of that marvellous combi-
nation of boldness, cunning, and wisdom in which
but a few great men have surpassed him. In a
conciliatory letter to Galerius, he protested that he
bad not taken the purple on his own account, but
that he had been pressed by the troops to do so,
and he solicited to be acknowledged as Augustus.
At the same time he made preparations to take
the field with all his father's forces, if Galerius
should refuse to grant him his request. But Ga-
lerius dreaded a struggle with the brave legions of
the West, headed by a man like Constantine. He
disguised his resentment, and acknowledged Con-
stantine as master of the countries beyond the
Alps, but with the title of Caesar only: he con-
ferred the dignity of Augustus upon his own son
Severus.

The peace in the empire was of short duration.
The rapjicity of Galerius, his absence from the
capital of the empire, and probably also the ex-
ample of Constantine, caused a rebellion in Rome,
which resulted in Maxentius, the son of Maximian,
seizing the purple ; and when Maximian was
informed of it, he left his retirement and reassumed
the diadem, which he had formerly renounced with
his colleiigue Diocletian. The consequence of their
rebellion was a war with Galerius, whose son,
Severus Augustus, entered Italy with a powerful
force ; but he was shut up in Ravenna ; and, un-
able to defend the town or to escape, he surren-
dered himself up to the besiegers, and was
treacherously put to death by order of Maxentius.
(a. d. 307.) Galerius chose C. Valerius Licini-
anus Licinius as Augustus instead of Severus, and
he was forced to acknowledge the claims of Maxi-
min likewise, who had been proclaimed Augustus
by the legions under his command, which were
stationed in Syria and Egypt. The Roman em-
pire thus obeyed six masters : Galerius, Licinius,
and Maximin in the East, and Maximian, Maxen-
tius, and Constantine in the West (308). The
union between the masters of the West was
cemented by the marriage of Constantine, whose
first wife Minervina was dead, with Fausta, the
daughter of Maximian, which took place as early
as 306 ; and at the same time Constantine was

CONSTANTINUS.

83.1

acknowledged as Augustus by Maximian and
^Maxentius. But before long serious quarrels broke
out between Maxentius and Maximian ; the latter
was forced by his son to fly from Rome, and
finally took refuge with Constantine, by whom he
was well received. Maximian once more abdi-
cated the throne ; but during the absence of Con-
stantine, who was then on the Rhine, he re-
assumed the purple, . and entered into secret
negotiations with his son Maxentius for the pur-
pose of ruining Constantine. He was surprised in
his plots by Constantine, who on the news of his
rebellion had left the Rhine, and embarking his
troops in boats, descended the Saone and Rhone,
appeared under the walls of Aries, where Maxi-
mian then resided, and forced him to take refuge
in Marseilles. That town was immediately be-
sieged ; the inhabitants gave up Maximian, and
Constantine quelled the rebellion by one of those
acts of bloody energy which the world hesitates to
call murder, since the kings of the world cannot
maintain themselves on their thrones without blood.
Maximian was put to death (a. d. 309) ; he had
deserved punishment, yet he was the father of
Constantine's- wife. [Maximianus.]

The authority of Constantine was now unre-
strained in his dominions. He generally resided
at Trier (Treves), and was greatly beloved by
his subjects on account of his excellent adminis-
tration. The inroads of the barbarians were
punished by him with great severity : the captive
chiefs of the Franks were devoured by wild beasts
in the circus of Trier, and many robbers or rebels
suffered the same barbarous punishment. These
occasional cruelties did not prejudice him in the
eyes of the people, and among the emperors who
then ruled the world Constantine was undoubtedly
the most beloved, a circumstance which was of
great advantage to him when he began his struggle
with his rivals. This struggle commenced with
Maxentius, who pretended to feel resentment for
the death of his father, insulted Constantine, and
from insults proceeded to hostile demonstrations.
With a large force assembled in Italy he intended
to invade Gaul, but so great was the aversion of
his subjects to his cruel and rapacious character,
that Roman deputies appeared before Constantine
imploring him to deliver them from a tyrant.
Constantine was well aware of the dangers to
which he exposed himself by attacking Maxentius,
who was obeyed by a numerous army, chiefly com-
posed of veterans, who hud fought under Diocletian
and Maximian. At the same time, the army of
Constantine was well disciplined and accustomed
to fight with the brave barbarians of Germany, and
while his rival was only obeyed by soldiers lie met
with obedience among both his troops and his
subjects. To win the affections of the people he
protected the Christians in his own dominions,
and he persuaded Galerius and Maximin to put a
stop to the persecutions to which the)' were ex-
posed in the East This was a measure of pru-
dence, but the Christians in their joy, which
increased in proportion as Constantine gave them
still more proofs of his conviction, that Christianity
had become a moral element in the nations which
would give power to him who understood how to
wield it, attributed the politic conduct of their
master to divine inspiration, and thus the fable
became believed, that on his march to Italy, either
at Autun in France, or at Verona, or near Aiideiw

3h^^

V34

CONST ANTIN US.

nach on the Rhine in Germany as some pretend,
Constantine had a vision, seeing in his sleep a
cross with the inscription eV toJt<j> viKa. Thus, it
is said, he adopted the cross, and in that sign was
victorious.*

Constantine crossed the Cottian Alps (Mount
Cenis), defeated the vanguard of Maxentius at
Turin, entered Milan, and laid seige to Verona,
under the walls of which Maxentius suflFered a
severe defeat. Another battle fought near Rome
on the 28th of October, 312, decided the fate of
Maxentius : his army was completel}'^ routed, and
while he tried to escape over the Milvian bridge
into Rome, he was driven by the throng of the
fugitives into the Tiber and perished in the river.
[Maxkntius.] Constantine entered Rome, and
displayed great activity in restoring peace to that
city, and in removing the causes of the frequent
disturbances by which Rome had been shaken
during the reign of Maxentius ; he disbanded the
body of the Praetorians, and in order that the
empire might derive some advantage from the ex-
istence of the senators, he subjected them and their
families to a heavy poll-tax. He also accepted
the title of Pontifex Maximus, which shews that
at that time he had not the slightest intention of
elevating Christianity at the expense of Paganism.

The fruit of Constantine's victories was the un-
disputed mastership of the whole western part of
the empire, with its ancient capital, Rome, which,
however, had then ceased to be the ordinary resi-
dence of the emperol-8. At the same time, impor-
tant events took place in the East. The emperor
Galerius died in a. D. 311, and Licinius, having
united his dominions with his own, was involved
in a war with Maximin, who, after having taken
Byzantium by surprise, was defeated in several
battles, and died, on his flight to Egypt, at Tarsus
in Cilicia, in 313. [Maximinus.] Thus Licinius
became sole master of the whole East, and the em-
pire had now only two heads. In the following
year, 314, a war broke out between Licinius and
Constantine. At Cibalis, a town on the junction
of the Sau with the Danube, in the southernmost
part of Pannonia, Constantine defeated his rival
with an inferior force ; a second battle, at Mardia
in Thrace, was indecisive, but the loss which Lici-
nius sustained was immense, and he sought for
peace. This was readily granted him by Constan-
tine, who perhaps felt himself not strong enough
to drive his rival to extremities ; but, Satisfied
with the acquisition of Illyricum, Pannonia, and
Greece, which Licinius ceded to him, he establish-
ed a kind of mock friendship between them by
giving to Licinius the hand of his sister Constan-
tina. During nine years the peace teraained un-
disturbed, a time which Constantine iemployed in
reforming the administration of the empire by
those laws of which we shall speak below, and in
defending the northern frontiers against the in-
roads of the barbarians. Illyricum and Pannonia
were the principal theatres of these devastations,
and among the various barbarians that dwelt north
of the Danube and the Black Sea, the Goths, who
had occupied Dacia, were the most dangerous.
Constantine chastised them several times in Illyri-
cum, and finally crossed the Danube, entered
Dacia, and compelled them to respect the dignity

* Compare " Dissertation sur la Vision de Con-
Btantin le Grand," by Du Voisin, bishop of Nantes.

CONST ANTIN US.

of the Roman empire. His fame as a great mott-
arch, distinguished both by civil and military abi-
lities, increased every year, and the consciousness
of his talents and power induced him to make a
final struggle for the undivided government of the
empire. In 323, he declared war against Licinius,
who was then advanced in years and was detested
for his cruelties, but whose land forces were equal
to those of Constantine, while his navy was more
numerous and manned with more experienced
sailors. The first battle took place near Adrianople
on the 3rd of July, 323. Each of the emperors
had above a hundred thousand men under his com-
mand ; but, after a hard struggle, in which Con-
stantine gave fresh proofs of his skill and personal
courage, Licinius was routed with great slaughter,
his fortified camp was stormed, and he fled to By-
zantium. Constantine followed him thither, and
while he laid siege to the town, his eldest son
Crispus forced the entrance of the Hellespont, and
in a three days' battle defeated Amandus, the ad-
miral of Licinius, who lost one-third of his fleet.
Unable to defend Byzantium with success, Licinius
went to Bithynia, assembled his troops, and offered
a second battle, which was fought at Chrysopolis,
now Skutari, opposite Byzantium. Constantine
obtained a complete victory, and Licinius fled to
Nicomedeia. He surrendered himself on condition
of having his life spared, a promise which Con-
stantine made on the intercession of his sister Con-
stantina, the wife of Licinius ; but, after spending
a short time in false security at Thessalonica, the
place of his exile, he was put to death by order of
his fortunate rival. We cannot believe that he
was killed for forming a conspiracy ; the cause of
his death was undoubtedly the dangerous import-
ance of his person. [Licinius; Constantina.]
Constantine acted towards his memory as, during
the restoration iri France, the memory of Napoleon
was treated by the Bourbons : his reign was con-
sidered as an usurpation, his laws were declared
void, and infamy was cast upon his name.

Constantine was now sole master of the empire,
and the measures which he adopted to maintain
himself in his lofty station were as vigorous, though
less bloody, as those by which he succeeded in at-
taining the great object of his ambition. The
West and the East of the empire had gradually
become more distinct from each other, and as each
of those great divisions had already been governed
during a considerable period by different rulers,
that distinction became dangerous for the integrity
of the whole, in proportion as the people were
accustomed to look upon each other as belong-
ing to either of those divisions, rather than to
the whole empire. Rome was only a nomi-
nal capital, and Italy, corrupted by luxury and
vices, had ceased to be the source of Roman gran-
deur. Constantine felt the necessity of creating a
new centre of the empire, and, after some hesita-
tion, chose that city which down to the present
day is a gate both to the East and the West. He
made Byzantium the capital of the empire and the
residence of the emperors, and called it after his
own name, Constantinople, or the city of Constan-
tine. The solemn inauguration of Constantinople
took place in a. d. 330, according to Idatius and
the Chronicon Alexandrinum. The possibility of
Rome ceasing to be the capital of the Roman em-
pire, had been already observed by Tacitus, who
says (Hist, i. 4), " Evulgato imperii arcano, posse

CONSTANTIiNUS.
principera alibi quam Romae fieri." Constantinople
t\a8 enlarged and embellished by Constantine and
his successors; but when it is said that it equalled
Rome in splendour, the cause must partly be attri-
buted to the fact, that the beauty of ConsUmtino-
ple was ever increasing, while that of Rome was
constantly decreasing under the rough hands of
her barbarian conquerors. (Comp. Ciampini, De
Siicris Acdijiciis a Constantino Mayno constructis.)
By making Constantinople the residence of the
emperors, the centre of the empire was removed
from the Latin world to the Greek ; and although
Latin continued to be the official language for se-
veral centuries, the influence of Greek civilization
soon obtained such an ascendancy over the Latin,
that while the Roman empire perished by the bar-
Imrians in the West, it was changed into a Greek
empire by the Greeks in the East. There was,
however, such a prestige of grandeur connected
with Rome, that down to the capture of Constan-
tinople by the Turks, in 1453, the rulers of the
Eiistern empire retained the name of Roman em-
perors as a title by which they thought that they
inherited the government of the world. The same
title and the same presumption were assumed by
the kings of tlie German barbarians, seated on the
niins of Rome, and they were the pride of their
successors till the downfall of the Holy Roman
empire in Germany in 1806.

The year 324 was signalized by an event which
caused the greatest consternation in the empire,
and which in the opinion of many writers has
thrown indelible disgrace upon Constantine. His
accomplished son, Crispus, whose virtues and glory
would perhaps have been the joy of a father, but
for their rendering him popular with the nation,
and producing ambition in the mind of Crispus
himself, was accused of high treason, and, during
the celebration at Rome of the twentieth anniver-
sary of Constantino's victory over Maxentius, was
arrested and sent to Pola in Istria. There he was
put to death. Licinius Caesar, the son of the em-
peror Licinius and Constantina, the sister of Con-
stantine, was accused of the same crime, and
suffered the same fate. Many other persons ac-
cused of being connected with the conspiracy were
likewise punished with death. It is said, that
Crispus had been calumniated by his step-mother,
Fausta, and that Constantine, repenting the inno-
cent death of his son, and discovering that Fausta
lived in criminal intercourse with a slave, com-
manded her to be suffocated in a warm bath. As
our space does not allow us to present more than a
short sketch of these complicated events, some ad-
ditions to which are given in the lives of Priscus
and Fausta, we refer the reader to the opinion
of Niebuhr, who remarks {History of Rome^ ed. by
Dr. L. Schmitz, vol. v. p. 360), " Every one knows
the miserable death of Constantino's son, Crispus,
who was sent into exile to Pola, and then put to
death. If however people will make a tragedy of
this event, I must confess that I do not see how it
can be proved that Crispua was innocent. When
I read of so many insurrections of sons against
their fathers, I do not see why Crispus, who was
Caesar, and demanded the title of Augustus, which
hia father refused him, should not have thought, —
' Well, if I do not make anything of myself, my
father will not, for he will certainly prefer the sons
of Fausta to me, the son of a repudiated woman.'
Such a thought, if it did occur to Crispus, must

CONSTANTINUS.

835

have stung him to the quick. That a father should
order his own son to be put to death is certainly
repulsive to our feelings, but it is rash and incon-
siderate to assert that Crispus was innocent. It
is to me highly probable that Constantine himself
was quite convinced of his son's guilt : I infer this
from his conduct towards the three step-brothers
of Crispus, whom he always treated with the high-
est respect, and his unity and harmony with his
sons is truly exemplary. It is related that Fausta
was suffocated, by Constantino's command, by the
steam of a bath; but Gibbon has raised some
weighty doubts about this incredible and unac-
countiible act, and I cannot therefore attach any
importance to the story."

During the latter part of his reign, Constantine
enjoyed his power in peace. As early as 315,
Arius denied at Alexandria the divinity of Christ.
His doctrine, which afterwards gave rise to so
many troubles and wars, was condemned by the
general council assembled at Nicaea in 325, one of
the most important events in ecclesiastical history,
Constantine protected the orthodox fathers, though
he must be looked upon as still a Pagan, but he
did not persecute the Arians ; and the dissensions
of a church to which he did not belong, did not
occupy much of his "attention, since the domestic
peace of the empire was not yet in danger from
them. Notwithstanding the tranquillity of the
empire, the evident result of a man of his genius
being the sole ruler, Constantine felt that none
of his sons was his equal ; and by dividing his
empire among them, he hoped to remove the
causes of troubles like those to which he
owed his own accession. He therefore assigned
to Constantine, the eldest, the administration of
Gaul, Britain, Spain, and Tingitania; to Con-
stantius, the second, Egypt and the Asiatic pro-
vinces, except the countries given to Hanniba-
lianus ; to Constans, the youngest, Italy, Western
lUyricum, and the rest of Africa : they all received
the title of Augustus. He conferred the title of
Caesar upon his nephew Dalmatius, who obtained
the administration of Eastern Illyricum, Macedo-
nia, Thrace, and Greece ; and his nephew Hanni-
balianus, who received the new title of Nobilissi-
mus, was placed over Pontus, Cappadocia, and
Armenia Minor, with Caesareia as capital. They
were to govern the empire, after his death, as a
joint property. Among the three Augusti, Con-
stantine, the eldest, was to be the first in rank,
but they were to be equal in authority : the Caesar
and the Nobilissimus, though sovereign in their
dominions, were inferior in rank, and, with regard
to the administration of the whole empire, in au-
thority also to the Augusti. The failure of this plan
of Constantine's is related in the lives of his sons.

In 337, Constantine was going to take the field
against Sapor II., king of Persia, who claimed the
provinces taken from him by Galerius and Maxi-
mian. But his health was bad ; and having re-
tired to Nicomedeia for the sake of the air and the
waters, he died there, after a short illness, on the
22nd of May, 337. Shortly before his death, he
declared his intention of becoming a Christian, and
was accordingly baptized. His death was the sig-
nal for the massacre of nearly all his kinsmen,
which was contrived by his own sons, and subse-
quently of the violent death of two of his sons,
while the second, Constantius, succeeded in be-
coming sole emperor.

3 H 2

BU

CONSTANTINUS.

The following were the most important ot the
laws and regulations of Constantine. He devel-
oped and brought to perfection the hierarchical
Byetem of state dignities established by Diocletian
on the model of the Eastern courts, and of which
the details are contained in the Notitia Dignita-
tum. The principal officers were divided into
three classes : the Illustres, the Spectabiles. and the
Clarissimi ; for officers of a lower rank other titles
were invented, the pompons sounds of which con-
trasted strangely with the pettiness of the func-
tions of the bearers. The consulship was a mere
title, and so was the dignity of patricius ; both of
these titles were in later years often conferred
upon barbarians. The number of public officers
was immense, and they all derived tfieir authority
from the supreme chief of the empire, who could
thus depend upon a host of men raised by their
education above the lower classes, and who, hav-
ing generally nothing but their appointments, were
obliged to do all in their power to prevent revolu-
tions, by which they would have been deprived
of their livelihood. A similar artificial system,
strengthening the goven)ment, is established, in
our days, in Prussia, Austria, France, and most of
the states of Europe. The dignity and dangerous
military power of the praefecti praetorio were abo-
lished. Under Diocletian and Maximiati there
were four praefecti, but they were only lieutenants
of the two Augusti and their two Caesars. Con-
stantine continued the number, and limited their
power by making them civil officers : under him
there was the Praefectus Orienti over the Asiatic
provinces and Thrace ; the Praefectus Itali.ie. over
Italy, Rhaetia, Noricum, and Afiica between
Egypt and Tingitania; the Praefectus lUyrico,
who had lUyricum, Pannonia, Mjicedonia, and
Greece ; and the Praefectus Galliae, over Gaul,
Britain, Spain, and Tingitania or the westernmost
part of Africa. Rome and Constantinople had
each their separate praefect Under the praefecti
there were thirteen high functionaries, who were
civil governors of the thirteen dioceses into which
the empire was divided, and who had either the
title of comes or count, or of vicarius or vice-prae-
fect Between these officers and the praefecti
there were three proconsuls, of Asia, Achaia, and
AfriL'fi, who however were but governors of pro-
vinces, the whole number of which was one hun-
dred and sixteen, and which were governed, be-
sides the proconsuls, by thirty-seven consulares,
five correctores, and seventy-one presidentes.

The military administration was entirely sepa-
rate I from the civil, and as the Praefecti Praetorio
wer ; changed into civil officers, as has been men-
tioned above, the supreme military command was
conferred at first upon two, then four, and finally
eight Magistri Militum, under whom were the j
military Comites and Duces. The number of
legions was diminished, but the armt was never-
theless much increased, especially by barbarian
auxiliaries, a dangerous practice, which hastened
the overthrow of the Western and shook the
Eastern empire to its foundations. The increase
of the army rendered various oppressive taxes
necessary, which were unequally assessed, and
caused many revolts. There were seven high
functionaries, who may be compared with some of
the great officers of state in our country, viz. the
Pr&opositus Sacri Cubiculi, or Lord Chamberlain ;
the Alagister Officiorum, who acted in many con-

CONSTANTINUS.

ceni? ns a secretary for home affairs ; the Quaestor,
or Lord Chancellor and Seal-Keeper ; the Come»
Sacrarum Largitionum, or Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer for the public revenue ; the Comes Rerum
Privatarum Divinae Doraus for the private pro-
perty of the emperor ; and, finally, two Comites
Doniesticorum, or simply Domestici, the com-
manders of the imperial life-guard. For ftirther
details we refer to the authorities enumerated at
the end of this article, .ind to Gutherius, " De
Officiis Domus Augtistae.""

Constantine deserves the name of Great : he rose
to the highest pinnacle of power, and owed his for-
tune to nobody but himself. His birth was a source
of dangers to him ; his exalted qualities caused
jealousy among his enemies, and during the greater
part of his reign his life was one continued struggle.
He overcame all obstacles through his own exer-
tions ; his skill vanquished his enemies ; his
energy kept the hydra of anarchy headless ; his
pnidence conducted him in sjifety through con-
spiracies, rebellions, battles, and murder, to the
throne of Rome ; his wisdom created a new organi-
zation fur an empire, which consisted of huge frag-
ments, and which no human hand seemed powerful
enough to raise to a solid edifice. Christianity-
was made by him the religion of the state, but
Paganism was not persecuted though discouraged.
The Christianity of the emperor himself has been
a subject of warm controversy both in ancient and
modem times, but the graphic account which
Niebuhr gives of Constantine's belief seems to be
perfectly just. Speaking of the murder of Licinius
and his own sonCrispus, Niebuhr remarks (Hist. <^
Home., vol. v. p. 359), " Many judge of him by
too severe a standard, because they look upon him
as a Christian ; but I cannot regard him in that
light. The religion which he had in his head
must have been a strange compound indeed. The
man who had on his coins the inscription Sol
invidus^ who worshipped pagan divinities, consult-
ed the haruspices, indulged in a number of pagan
superstitions, and, on the other hand, built
churches, shut up pagan temples, and interfered
with the council of Nicaea, must have been a re-
pulsive phaenomenon, and was certainly not a
Christian. He did not allow himself to be bap-
tized till the last moments of his life, and those
who praise him for this do not know what they
are doing. He was a superstitious man, and
mixed up his Christian religion with all kinds of
absurd superstitions and opinions. When, there-
fore, certain Oriental writers call him tVoTroo-ToAos
they do not know what they are saying, and to
speak of him as a saint is a profanation of the word.**

The blame which falls upon Constantine for the
death of Maximian, Licinius, and Crispus, will fail
upon many kings, and we hjive only fabulous ac-
counts of the mental sufferings which his bloody
deeds miglit have caused him. Constantine was
not so great during the latter part of his reign.
In proportion as he advanced in years he lost that
serene generosity which had distinguished him
while he was younger ; his temper grew acrimonious,
and he gave way to passionate bursts of resent-
ment which he would have suppressed while he was
in the bloom of manhood. He felt that the gran-
deur of Rome could be maintained only in the
East, and he founded Constantinople; but the
spirit of the East overwhelmed him, and he sacri-
ficed the heroic majesty of a Roman emperor to

CONSTANTIXUS.
the showy pomp and the vain ceremonies of un
Asiatic court. His life is an example of a great
biatorical lesson : the West nuiy conquer the East,
but the conqueror will die ou his trophies by the
poison of sensuality.

As Constiintine the Great was a succwstjful
political reformer, and the protector of a new
religion, he has received as much undeserved re-
proaches as praise ; the Christian writers generally
deified him, and the Pagan historians have cast
infamy on his memory. To judge him fairly was
reserved for the historians of later times.

(Euseb. Vita Constantini ; Eutrop. lib. x. ;
Sextus Rufus, Brev. 26 ; Aurel. Vict. Epit. 40,
41, (It! Cues. 40, &c.; Zosim. lib. ii., Zosimus is
a violent antagonist of Constantine ; Zonar. lib.
xiii. ; Lactam, de Mori. Persecui. 24 — 52 ; Oros.
lib. vii. ; Anim. Marc. lib. xiv., &c., Eacei-pta, p.
710, &c., ed. Valesius. The accounts of, and the
opinions on, Constantine given by Eumenius,
Naa:u-ius, &c., in the Panegyrics (especially vi. —
xi.), and by the emperor Julian, in his Caesars as
well as in his Onitions, are of great importance,
but full of partiality : Julian treats Constantine
very badly, and the Panegyrics are what their
name indicates. Among the ecclesiiistical writers,
Eusebius, Lactantius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theo-
phanes, &c., are the principal ; but it has already
been observed that their statements must be pe-
rused with great prectiution. The Life of Constan-
tine by Praxagoras, which was known to the
Byzantines, is lost. Besides these sources, there
is scarcely a writer of the time of Constantine and
the following centuries, who does not give some
account of Constantine ; and even in the works of
the later Byzantines, such as Constantine Porphy-
rogenitus and Cedrenus, we find valuable additions
to the history of that great emperor. The most com-
plete list of sources, with critical observations, is con-
tained in Tillemont, Histoire des Empereurs. See
also Manso, Leben Constantins den Grossen.) [ W. P.]

CONST AN TIN US.

837

COIN OF CONSTANTINUS I.

CONSTANTl'NUS IL FLA'VIUS CLAU'-
DIUS, surnamed the Younger, Roman emperor,
A. D. 337 — 340, the second son of Constantine
the Great, and the first whom he had by his second
wife, Fausta, was born at Arelatum, now Aries, in
Gaul, on the 7th of August, a. d. 312. As early
as A. D. 316, he was created Caesar, together with
his elder brother, Crispus, and the younger Lici-
iiius, and he held the consulship several times. In
commemoration of the fifth anniversary of his
Caesjirship, in 321, the oiator Nazarius delivered
a pjinegyric {Fatieyj/r. Vrter. ix.), which, however,
is of little importance. In 335 he was entrusted
with the administration of Gaul, Britain, and
Spain. After the death of his fiither, 337, he receiv-
ed in the division of the empire between the three
sons of the Great ConstJintine and his nephews,
Dalmatius and Hannibalianus, the same provinces
which he had governed under his father, and a
pai-t of Africa, Being the eldest surviving son of

Confttantine, he received some exterior marks of
respect from the other emperors, but he had uo
authority over them. Dissatisfied with his share
of the spoil, he exacted from his younger brother
Constans the rest of Africa and the co-administra-
tion of Italy. Constans refused to give up those
provinces. Constantine declared war against him,
and invaded It<ily by sea and by land, and
at Aquiieia met with the army of Constans, who
approached from Dacia. Having rashly pursued
the enemy when they gave way ia a mock flight,
Constantine was suddenly surrounded by them and
fell under their swords, (a. d. 340.) His body was
thrown into the river Alsa, but was afterwards
found and buried with royal honours. He was
twice married, but the names of his wives are not
known ; they probably both died before him, and he '
left no issue. An unknown author pronounced a
monody on his death, which is contained in Ha-
vercamp's edition of Eutropius. (Zosim. lib. ii, ;
Zonar. lib. xiii. ; Euseb. Vita Const, iv. 40—49 ;
Prosper, Chron. Acyndino et Proculo Coss ; more
authorities are given in the lives of his brothers,
Constantius and Constans.) [W. P.]

COIN OF C01SSTANT1NUS 11.

CONSTANTl'NUS III., FLA'VIUS HE-
RA'CLIUS, called NOVUS CONSTANTl'NUS,
emperor of the East,A. d. 641, the son of the emperor
Heraclius by his first wife, Eudoxia, was bom in
May, 612, and succeeded his father on the llth of
March (February), 641, together with his younger
half-brother Hemcleonas, the succession being thus
established by the testament of their father. Cou-
stanline died as etirly as the 22nd of June (25th
of May) A. D. 641, after a reign of 103 days, either
from ill-health, or probably from poison adminis-
tered to him by his step-mother Martina. His
successor was his brother Heracleonas. [Hkra-
CLEONAS ; Constans IL] Constantine distin-
guished himself personally in a war against the
Persians. Advised by his rapacious treasurer,
Philagrius, he sacrilegiously ordered the grave of
his father to be robbed of a golden crown of seventy
pounds' weight, which stuck so fast to the head of
the dead emperor, that the corpse was mutilated
in removing the crown from it. (Theophau. pp.
251, 275, Ace, ed. Paris; Cedren. p. 430, &c., ed.
Paris; Zonar. vol. ii. pp. 71, 87, &c., ed. Paris;
Glvcas, p. 276, ed. Paris.) [W. P.]

CONSTANTl'NUS IV., FLA'VIUS, sur-
named POGONA'TUS or BARBA'TUS, em-
peror of the East, a. d. 668 — 685, the eldest mm
of Constans II., succeeded his father in 668.
Constans having lost his life by assassination at
Syracuse, his murderers, who seemed to have had
great power, and who were assisted by the Greek
army sUitioned in Sicily, chose as emperor one
Mizizus, Mticentiiis, or Mezzetius, an Armenian.
Consta)itine fitted out an expedition against the
usurper, quelled the rebellion in 669, and put
Mizizus to death. After a short stay at Syracuse,
Constantine >ailed back to Constantinople, carrj-
ing with him the body of his father; but uo sooner

83^

CONSTANTINUS.

vna he gone, than an Arabic fleet, perhaps invited
thither by the rebels, appeared off Sj-racuse.
The place was taken by surprise and partly de-
stroyed, and the riches and statues, the plunder of
Rome, collected there by Constans, were carried
by the Arabs to Alexandria. The Greek troops
10 Asia revolted soon after the return of the em-
peror. They would be governed by a " Trinity,"
and not by a sole sovereign, and demanded that
Constantine should divide his authority with his
two brothers, Heraclius and Tiberius, who had the
title but not the power of Augusti. This rebellion
was likewise soon quelled, and Constantine par-
doned both his brothers. At the same time, an
Arabic army commanded by Ukbah and Dinar
invaded the remaining part of the Greek dominions
in Africa (Mauretania), penetrated as far as the
shores of the Atlantic, and ravaged the country so
fearfully, that both the Greek and Berber inhabi-
tants rose in despair, and, under the command of a
native chief named Kussileh, surprised the Mos-
lems, and killed nearly all of them. This however
was no advantage to the emperor, since Kussileh
succeeded in seizing the supreme power in that
country.

In 671 the Arabs equipped a powerful fleet
with the intention of laying siege to Constantino-
j)le. They conquered Smyrna and nearly all the
islands of the Grecian archipelago, and began the
blockade of Constantinople in the spring of 67'2 ;
but, after a protracted siege of five months, were com-
pelled to sail back, after sustaining immense losses
from the Greek fire, which had just been invented
by Callinicus, a native of Heliopolis in Syria, and
was first employed in that siege. Yezid, the son
of the khalif Mu'awiyah, who commanded the
Arabic forces, returned in the following spring,
and, during a period of seven years, regularly ap-
peared before Constantinople in the spring, and
sailed to his winter-quarters in the autumn, but
was not able to take the city. During the last
siege, in 679, the Arabic fleet lost so many ships
by the Greek fire, that Yezid was compelled to
make a hasty retreat, and not having a sufficient
number of ships for his numerous forces, despatched
a body of 30,000 men by land for Syria, while he
embarked the rest on board his fleet. But his
fleet was destroyed by a storm, and the land army
was overtaken and cut to pieces by a Greek army
commanded by Florus, Petronas, and Cyprianus.
This unfortunate campaign, and the war at the
same time with the Maronites or Druses of Mount
Lebanon, pressed so heavily upon the khalif
Mu'awiyah, that, wishing for peace, he signed the
conditions offered him by Constantine, and he thus
became liable, for the period of thirty years, to an
annual tribute of 3000 pounds of gold accompanied
by rich presents of slaves and horses. By this
glorious peace the authority of the Greek emperor
rose to such a height, that all the minor powers of
Asia sought his protection. But his name was
less dreaded in Europe, for he was compelled by
the Bulgarians to cede to them that country south
of the Danube which is still called Bulgaria.

In 680 Constantine assembled the sixth general
council at Constantinople, by which the Monoth-
elists were condemned and peace was restored
to the church. In 681 the emperor's brothers,
Heraclius and Tiberius, were both deprived of their
dignity of Augustus, which title Constantine con-
ferred upon his son Justinian. We know almost

CONSTANTINUS.
nothing of the last five years of the reign of Con-
stantine : he died in the month of September, 685,
and was succeeded by his son, Justinian II.

Besides the wars which signalized the reign
of Constantine IV., there is an event not less
remarkable, which most probably took place during
the same period. "VVe allude to the new division
of the empire, which had hitherto been adminis-
tered according to the ancient system, so that, for
instance, all the Asiatic dominions were ruled by
a civil governor or proconsul, and the whole army
stationed in that part of the empire had likewise
but one chief commander, the praefect of Asia.
The constant incursions of the Arabs required the
presence of different moveable corps stationed in
the frontier provinces, the commanders of which
were independent of one another: these bodies
were called themaia (fle/taTa), from ihema {Bf/xa),
a position. This name was afterwards given to
the districts in which such corps were stationed,
and its use became so general, that at last the
whole empire was divided into twenty-nine tJie-
mata, seventeen of which were in the eastern and
southern or Asiatic part of the empire, and twelve
in the northern and western parts, from the Cim-
merian Bosporus to Sicily. This important change
in the administration of the empire took place in
the latter years of the reign of Heraclius, or in the
reign of Constantine IV., that is, from about 635
to 685. But although we do not precisely know
the year, there are many reasons for believing that
Constantine IV. was the originator of that plan.
[CONSTANTINUS VII.] (Cedren. p. 436, &c., ed;
Paris ; Zonar. vol. ii. p. 89, &c., ed. Paris ; Gly-
cas, p. 278, &c., ed. Paris ; Theophan, p. 289, &c.,
ed. Paris ; Paulus Diacon. De Gestis Longohard.
V. 30.) [W.P.]

CONSTANTI'NUS V., sumamed COPRO'-
NYMUS (o Konpwvvnos), because he polluted the
baptismal font at the time of his baptism, emperor
of the East, a. d. 741 — 775, was the only son of
the emperor Leo III. Isaurus. He was born in 719,
and succeeded his father in 741. The unfortunate
commencement of his reign is related in the life of
the emperor Artavasdes, p. 370, b. The down-
fall of this usurper in 743 and the complete success
of Constantine caused much grief to pope Zacharias,
who had recognized Artavasdes because he pro-
tected the worship of images, while Constantine
was an iconoclast, at whose instigation a council
held at Constantinople in 754 condemned the wor-
ship of images throughout the whole Eastern em-
pire. Constantine was most cruel in his proceed-
ings against the orthodox : he anathematized
Joannes Damascenus and put to death Constan-
tine, the patriarch of Constantinople, St. Stepha-
nns, and many other fathers who had declared for
the images. In 751 Eutychius, exarch of Ravenna,
was driven out by Astolf (Astaulphus), king of the
Longobards, who united that province with his
dominions after the dignity of exarch had been in
existence during a period of 185 years, A war
having broken out between Astolf and Pipin the
Short, king of the Franks, the latter conquered
the exarchate and gave it to pope Stephen (755),
the first pope who ever had temporal dominions,
the duchy of Rome being still a dependency of the
Eastern empire. Constantine sent ambassadors to
Pipin, Astolf, and the pope, to claim the restitution
of the exarchate ; but the negotiations proved abor •
tive, since the emperor could not give them suffi-

CONSTANTINUS.

cient weight by the display of a formidable army
in Italy ; for his troops were engaged in disastrous
wars with the Arabs, who ravaged Pamphylia,
Cilicia, and Isauria ; with the Slavonians, who
conquered Greece ; and with the Bulgarians, who
penetrated several times as far as the environs of
Constantinople. The Bulgarian king, Paganus,
however, suffered a severe defeat from Constantine
in 765, in which he was treacherously killed, and
Constantine entered his capital in triumph ; but in
the following year he sustained a severe defeat
from the Bulgarians, and was compelled to fly
ingloriously, after losing his fleet and army.
Constantine still flattered himself with reg-aining
Ravenna, either by force or arms ; but after Charle-
magne became king of the Franks he relinquished
this hope, and united his dominions on the conti-
nent of southern Italy with the island of Sicily,
putting all those provinces under the authority of
the Patricius or governor-general of Sicily. The
continental part of the new province or Thema of
Sicily was sometimes called Sicilia secunda, whence
arose the name of both the Sicilies, which is still
the regular designation of the kingdom of Naples.
In 7/4, the empire was once more invaded by the
Bulgarians under their king Telericus ; but Con-
stantine checked his progress, and in the following
year fitted out a powerful expedition to chastise
the barbarian. Having resolved to take the com-
mand of it in person, he set out for the Haemus ;
but some ulcers on his legs, the consequence of his
debaucheries, having suddenly burst, he stopped at
Arcadiopolis, and finally went on board his fleet
off Selembria, where he died from an inflammatory
fever on the 14th of September, 775,

Constantine V. was a cruel, profligate, and most
fanatical man ; but he was, nevertheless, well
adapted for the business of government. He was
addicted to unnatural vices ; his passion for horses
procured him the nickname of Caballinus. He was
thrice married : viz. to Irene, daughter of the
khagan or khan of the Khazars ; a lady called
Maria; and Eudoxia Melissena. His successor
was his eldest son, Leo IV., whom he had by
Irene. During the reign of Constantine V. the
beautiful aqueduct of Constantinople, built by the
emperor Valens, which had been ruined by the
barbarians in the time of the emperor Heraclius,
was restored by order of Constantine. (Theophan.
p. 346, &c., ed. Paris ; Cedren. p. 549, &c., ed.
Paris ; Nicephor. Gregoras, p. 38, &c., ed. Paris ;
Glycas, p. 283, ed. Paris; Zonar. vol. ii. p. 105,
ed. Paris.) [W. P.]

CONSTANTI'NUS VI., FLA'VIUS, emperor
of the East, a. d. 780-797, the son of Leo IV.
Chazarus Isaurus and Irene, was born in 771, and
succeeded his father in 780, under the guardian-
ship of his mother, a highly-gifted but ambitious
and cruel woman, a native of Athens. The reign
of Constantine VI. presents a hideous picture of
wars, civil and religious troubles, and pitiless crimes.
Elpidus, governor of the thema of Sicily, revolted
in 781; and it seems that his intention was either
to place himself or one of the four paternal uncles
of the young emperor on the throne ; but the
eunuch Theodore, an able general, defeated him in
several engagements in 782, and Elpidus fled with
his treasures to the Arabs in Africa, by whom he
was treated till his death with the honours due to
an emperor. The power of the Arabs grew every
year more dangerous to the empire. In 781 they

CONSTANTINUS. 839

suffered a severe defeat from the eunuch Joannes
in Armenia, evacuated that countrj', and fled in
confusion to Syria ; but in the following year, a
powerful Arabian army, divided into three strong
bodies, and commanded by Har6n-ar-Rashid, the
son of the khalif Mahadi, penetrated as far as the
Bosponis, and compelled Irene to pay an annual
tribute of 60,000 pieces of gold. The peace, how-
ever, was broken some years afterwards, and the
new war lasted till the end of the reign of Con-
stantine, who in 790 lost half of his fleet in the
gulf of Attalia, but obtained several victories over
the Arabs by land. He was likewise victorious
in a war with the Slavonians, who had conquered
all Greece, but were driven back by Stauracius
in 784.

At an early age, Constantine was betrothed to
Rotrudis, daughter of Charlemagne ; but quarrels
having broken out with that emperor on the sub-
ject of the Greek dominions in Italy, the match
was broken off, and Constantine married Maria,
an Armenian lady, whom he repudiated three
years afterwards, and married one Theodata. In
787, the sect of the Iconoclasts was condemned in
the seventh general council held at Nicaea, and
the worship of images was restored throughout
the empire. When Constantine came of age, he
was of course intrusted with the administration of
the empire ; but Irene's influence was so great,
that she remained the real sovereign. Tired
of his vassalage, Constantine intrigued against her,
and had already resolved to arrest her, when the
plot was discovered ; his partisans were severely
punished, and he himself received the chastisement
of a boy from the hands of his mother. Infuriated
by this outrage, the young emperor requested the
assistance of his Armenian life-guard, and, hav-
ing found them all devoted to him, seized upon
his mother, and confined her in one of her palaces,
where she was kindly treated, but was allowed to
have no other company but that of her attendants.
A reconciliation took place some time afterwards,
but Irene finally contrived the ruin of her son.

After succeeding in being recognized as the
lawful master of the empire, Constantine put him-
self at the head of his array, and set out to meet
the Bulgarians, who were plundering all Thrace.
He obtained some advantages over them, but lost
a pitched battle, saw his army cut to pieces, and
with difficulty escaped to Constantinople. There
he received intelligence that a conspiracy against
his life, formed by his four uncles and supported
by the Armenian guard, was on the eve of
breaking out. His measures were at once quick
and energetic : he seized the conspirators, dis-
armed the Armenians, whose commander, Alexis,
had his eyes put out, and punished his uncles with
equal severity : one of them was blinded, and the
three others had their tongues cut off, and they
were all forced to become ecclesiastics, in order to
incapacitate them for reigning. They were after-
wards banished, and died in obscurity.

The reconciliation which had taken place be-
tween Constantine and his mother was a hollow
one ; Irene could not forget that she had once
ruled, and during an expedition of her son against
the Arabs she formed another conspiracy. On Con-
stantine's return in 797, he was suddenly assailed
by assassins while he was sitting in the Hippo-
drome to look at the races. He escaped unhurt, fled
from the city, and directed his course to Phrygia.

RJO

CONSTANTINUS.

Before arriving there, he was joined by tlie empress
and a host of partisans. Relying on the promises
of Irene, he returned to Constantinople, but was
surprised in his palace by a band of assassins hiied
by Irene and her favourite, the general Stauracius.
His eyes were put out by their order with so
much violence that he died on the same day. By
a singular coincidence of circumstances, he was
murdered in the " Porphyra," the name of the
apartment where the empresses were accustomed
to be confined, and where he was bom. His
only son, Leo, having died in his lifetime, he was
succeeded by his mother Irene. Constantine VI.
was the last of the Isaurian dynasty. Zonaras
and Cedrenus any, that he survived his excaeca-
tion for a considerable time ; but their opinion
seems to be untenable, although Le Beau believes
it to be correct. (Theophan. p. 382, &c., ed. Paris ;
Cedren. p. 46.9, &c., ed. Paris ; Zonar. vol. ii. p.
93, &c., ed. Paris ; Joel, p. 178, ed. Paris ; Gly-
cas p. 28% ed. Paris. [W, P.]

CONSTANTI'NUS VII. FLA'VIUS POR-
PHVROGE'NITUS (o Uop<pvpuyevuTtTos), em-
peror of the East, a. d. .911 — 959, the only son
of the empt^ror Leo VI. Philosophus, of the
Macedonian dynasty, and his fourth wife, Zoe,
was born in a. d. 905 ; the name UofxpvpoyfvvrjTos,
that is. " born in the purple," was given to him
because he was born in an apartment of the im-
perial palace tailed irofxpvpa^'m which the empresses
awaited their confinement. The name Porphyro-
genituR is also given to Constantine VI., but it is
genemlly employed to distinguish the subject of
this article. Constantine succeeded his father in
911, and reigned under the guardianship of his
paternal uncle, Alexander, who was already Augus-
tus, governed the empire as an absolute monarch,
and died in the following year, 912. After his
death the government was usurped by Romanus
Lecapenus, who excluded Constantine from the
administration, leaving him nothing but an hono-
rary retreat in the imperial palace, and who niled
as emperor till 944, when he wjis deposed and
exiled by his sons Stephanus and Constantine,
both Augusti, and who expected to be recognised
as emperors. [Romanus Lbcapenus.] They
were deceived ; the people declared for the son of
Leo ; Constantine left his solitude, and, supported
by an enthusiastic population, seized upon the
usurpers, banished them, and ascended the throne.

In the long period of his retirement Constantine
had become a model of learning and theoretical
wisdom ; but the energy of his character was sup-
pressed ; instead of men he knew books, and when
lie took the reins of government into his hands, he
held them without strength, prudence, and resolu-
tion. He would have been an excellent artist or
professor, but was an incompetent emperor. Yet
the good qualities of his hejirt, his humanity, his
love of justice, his sense of order, his passion for
the fine arts and literature, won him the affections
of his subjects. His good nature often caused him
to trust without discernment, and to confer the
liigh offices of the state upon fools or rogues ; but
he was not always deceived in his choice, and
many of his ministers and generals were able men,
and equally devoted to their business and their
master. The empire was thus governed much
better than could have been expected. In a long
and bloody war against the Arabs in Syria, the I
Greek arms were victorious under Leo and Nice- :

CONSTANTINUS,

phorus, the sons of Bardas Phocas ; the Chris-
tian princes of IVjeria recognised the supremacy ot
the emperor ; alliances of the Greeks with th.>
Petchenegues or Patzinacitae ii. southern Russia
j checked both the Russians and the Bulgarians in
their hostile designs against the empire ; and Con-
stantine had the satisfaction of receiving in his
palace ambassadors of the khalifs of Baghdad and
Africa, and of the Roman emperor Otho the Great.
Luitprand, the emperor's ambassador, has left us a
most interesting account of his mission to Constan-
tinople. {Annales Luitprandi.) One of the most
praiseworthj' acts of Constantine was the restoration
to their lawful proprietors of estates confiscated
during rebellions, and held by robbers and swind-
lers without any titles, or under fraudulent ones.
Constantine's end was hastened by poison, ad-
ministered to him by an ungrateful son, Romanus
(his successor), in consequence of which he died
on the 15th of November, a. d. 959. His wife
was Helena, by whom he had the above-mentioned
son Romanus, a daughter Theodora, married to
Joannes Zimiscus, and other children.

Constintine Porphyrogenitus holds a high rank
in literature. His productions are no master-
works in point of style and thought, but they treat
of import^uit and interesting subjects, and without
him our knowledge of his time would be reduced
to a few vague notions ; for he not only composed
works himself, but caused others to be composed
or compiled by the most able men among his
subjects. His own works are —

I, 'ItTTopiKv Sfqyria-is tuv /Sj'ou Koi trpa^euv rov
Ba<ri\ciou rov doiSifiov fiaffihias ( Vita Jiasilii),
the life of Basilius I. Macedo, the grandfather of
Constantine Porphyrogenitus, a work of great im-
portance for the reign and character of that great
emperor, although it contains many things which
cannot be relied upon, as Constantine was rather
credulous, and embellished the truth from motives
of filial piety or vanity. Editions: 1. By Leo
Allatius in his Su/u/xiktoj, with a Latin translation,
Cologne, 1653, 8vo. ; the text divided into 70
sections or chapters. 2. By Combefisius, in his
" Scriptores post Theophanem," Paris, 1 685, fol. ;
divided into 101 sections or chapters ; with a new
translation and notes of the editor.

II. Tlepl Tcau Qefidruv, " De Thematibus." (The
origin and signification of the word d^/xa as a new
name for " province," is given in the life of CoN-
8TANTINUS IV.) This w^ork is divided into two
books ; the first treats on the Eastern (Eastern and
Southern) or Asiatic themas, and the second on
the Western (Western and Northern) or European
themas. Editions: 1. The first book, with a
Latin translation and notes, by B. Vulcanius,
Leyden, 1588, 8vo. 2. The second book, with a
Latin translation and notes by T. Morellus, Paris,
1609, 8vo. Both these editions, and consequently
the complete work, were reprinted and edited with
some other works of Constantine, by Meursius,
Leyden, 1617, 8vo. 3. The same in the sixth
volume of " J. Meursii Opera," edited by Lami.
4. The complete work, by Bandurius, in the first
volume of his " Iniperium Orientale," with notes
and a corrected version by the editor. 5. The
same in the third volume of the Bonn edition oi
the works of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, a re-
vised reprint of the edition of Bandurius, but
without the map of De Tlsle, edited by Immanuel
Bekker, Bonn, 1840.

CONSTANTINUb.

III. " De Administrando Iniperio," without a
corresponding Greek title. This celebrated work
was written by the imperial author for the special
puqiose of infonning his son Romanus of the
politiail state of the empire, its various resources,
and the political principles which ought to be fol-
lowed in its administration, as well as in its rela-
tions to foreign nations. It contains abundance of
historical, geographical, ethnographical, and politi-
cal facts of great importance, and without it our
knowledge of the times of the author and the
nations which were either his subjects or his
neighbours would be little more than vagueness,
error, or complete darkness. The work is divided
into 53 chapters, preceded by a dedication to
prince Romanus. In the first 13 chapters the
author gives an account of the state of several na-
tions which lived towards the north of the Danube,
Biich as the Petcheneguea or Patzinacitae, the
Chazars, the Bulgarians, the Turks (by which he
means the Majars or present Hungarians), and
especially the Russians, who were then the most
dangerous enemies of Constantinople. In the
l4th and following chapters he speaks of Moham-
med, and gives a view of the rising power of the
Arabs, which leads him to Spain and the conquest
of the West Gothic kingdom by the Arabs, (cc
23 and 24.) The relations of the Greeks to Italy
and to the Prankish kingdoms are related in cc.
26 to 28. In the eight following chapters (29 to
36), which are all very long, he dwells on the
history and geography of those parts of the empire
which a few centuries before his time were, and
are still, occupied by Slavonian nations, viz. Dal-
matia, Servia, Croatia, &c. In c. 37 and following
he returns to the Patzinacitae, Chazars, and other
nations in ancient Scythia — a most valuable and in-
teresting section, on which Bayer wrote the best
commentary which we have on the work : it refers
likewise to the corresponding part of the Themata
and is contained in the ninth volume of the " Com-
luentarii Academiae Petropolitanae." After illus-
trating that subject, Constantine proceeds to Iberia,
Armenia, and some of the adjacent countries in
Asia. Chapter 52 contains some remarks on the
thema of the Peloponnesus, a country of which
the author speaks also occasionally in other chap-
ters ; and in the 53rd and last chapter, which is
of considerable length, he gives interesting infor-
mation respecting the city of Cherson, the (Mierso-
nitae, and other adjacent nations. The style of
the work is generally clear and simple, but the
logical order of the subjects is in some instances
broken. Editions: 1 and 2. By Meursius, 1610,
8vo. and 1617, 8vo., in his " Opera Const. Porph.,"
with a Latin translation. 3. By the same, in the
sixth volume of " Meursii Opera," edited by Lami,
in which, however, only the translation of Meursius
is contained, the editor having likewise given the
more perfect text and translation of Bandurius.
4. By Bandurius, in his " Imperium Orientale,"
the best edition, partly on account of a map of the
Kastem empire by Guillaume de L' Isle, which be-
longs both to this work and to that on the Themas.
Bandurius added a new translation and an exten-
sive commentary. Having perused better MSS.
tlian Meursius, Bandurius was enabled to add the
text with a translation of the 23rd and 24th chap-
ters ('• De Iberia" and " De Hispania"), of which
Meursius had only fragments, so that he could not
translate them. 5. By Iramanuel Bekker, Bonn,

CONSTANTINUS.

841

1840, in the Bonn collection of the Byzantines, a
revised reprint of the edition of Bandurius without
the map of Guillaume de L' Isle. Tiie commen-
tary of Bayer cited above belongs likewise to this
work.

I V. Bi§\lov TaKTiKoUy rd^iv irfpiex.ov rwv Hard
SoAoTToi' Kod yrju fMxon4vuv, commonly called
** Tactica," an essay on the art of warfare by sea
and by land, a very interesting treatise. Edi-
tions : 1 and 2. By Meursius, in " Constantini
Opera," and in the sixth volume of " Meursii
Opera," edited by Lami, both cited above. No. 1
gives only the text, but No. 2 has also a Latin
translation by Lami. Maifei, who translated a
Cod. Veronensis of this work, attributes it to Con-
stantine, the son of the emperor Romanus Leca-
penus.

V. BiSKioy I.TparttyiKov irepl iQuv hiaxp6p<av
idvuu, &c., commonly called " Strategica," an in-
teresting treatise on the mode of warfare adopted
by different nations. Edition, by Meursius, in the
sixth volume of his works edited by Lami, with a
Latin translation of the editor.

VI. "EKeearis TTjs BaaiKtriov To^ews, " De Cere-
moniis Aulae Byzantinae." This work is divided
into three sections, viz. the first book, an appendix
to the first book, and the second book. It gives a
detailed account of the ceremonies observed at the
imperial court of Constantinople. The appendix
to the first book treats of the ceremonies observed
in the imperial camp, and when the emperor sets
out from his palace for the purpose of leading his
army into the field, or returns from it to his
capital : it is dedicated to Romanus, the son of
Constantine. The first book is divided into 97
chapters, the appendix into 16 sections, or heads,
which are not numbered, and the second book
into 56 chapters, the last chapter incomplete ; and
it seems that there were originally some chapters
more, which have not been discovered yet. The
work is on the whole tedious and wearisome, as we
may presume from the nature of the subject and
the character of the emperor, who dwells with
delight on trifling fonns and usages which
scai'cely anybody but a master of ceremonies would
find it worth while to write upon. The style,
however, is pure and elegant for the time ; but the
work abounds with Arabic and other terms strange
to the Greek language, which are, however, ex-
plained by the commentators. It is impossible to
read it through ; but if used as a book of reference
it answers well, and it contains, besides, a nimiber
of important facts, and little stories or anecdotes
referring to the life of former emperors. Editions :
1. By Leich and Reiske, the first volume contain-
ing the first book and the appendix, Leipzig, 1 751,
fol. ; the second volume containing the second
book, ibid. 1754, fol., with a Latin translation,
an excellent Commentary to the first book by
Reiske, and Notes and a " Commentatio de Vita
et Rebus Gestis Constantini" by Leich. 2. By
Niebuhr, vol, i., Bonn, 1829, 8vo. ; vol. ii., ibid.
1830. Tliis is a carefully revised reprint of the
editio princeps ; it contains the remaining part -t
Reiske's commentary (to the appendix and the
second book), first edited by Niebuhr. The prin-
cipal laws issued by Constantine (Novellae Con-
stitutiones) have been published by Leunclavius.
in his "Jus Graeco-Romanmn," and by Labbe,
Paris, 1 606, 8vo. Constantine wrote besides several
smaller treatises on religious and other matters.

B4fi

CONSTANTINUS.

Besides his own writings, we owe to Constan-
tine's love of literature the preservation of some
works from destruction or oblivion, and the compila-
tion of others at his order. Such are : I. " Collectanea
et Excerpta Historico-Politica et Moralia," an ex-
tensive compilation, of which but the 27th book,
Tlepl Upe(r€€icov, " De Legationibus," and the 50th,
riepl 'ApfTTJs Kal KaHias, " De Virtute et Vitio,"
have been preserved. A further "account of this
work is given in the life of Priscus. II. 'liriria-
TpiKd, " De Medicina Veterinaria," compiled from
the works of a number of writei-s, a list of whom
is given by Fabricius ; it is divided into two
books. Editions: 1. A Latin translation by J.
Ruellius, Paris, 1530, fol. 2. The Greek text, by
Simon Grynaeus, Basel, 1 537, 4to. 3. By Valesius,
together with the ** Collectanea," &c., Paris, 1634,
4to. An Italian translation of it was published
at Venice, 1543, 8vo., and a French one at Paris,
1563, 4to. III. TewwoviKd, « De Re Rustica,"
which is generall}' attributed to Bassus Cassianus.
[Bassus Cassianus.] Both the Hippiatrica and
the Geoponica were held in high esteem in the
middle ages as well as in after times, and they
were both used for practical purposes, as we may
8ee from the numerous editions and translations,
especially of the Geoponica. The fii"st eight books
of this work, which treat on the cure of beasts,
and form a kind of domestic veterinary hand-
book, were separately published in a Latin trans-
lation by Andreas a Lacuna, Cologne, 1543, 8vo.
An Italian translation of the complete work ap-
peared at Venice, 1542; French ones at Poitiers,
1545, Lyon, 1557; and a German, by Michael
Herr, in 1551, 3rd edition, edited by Ludwig
Rabus, Strassburg, 1566, 8vo.

The Annals of Theophanes were continued by
Constantine's order [Theophanes], and he also
induced Josephus Genesius to write his Annals,
which contain the period from Leo Armenus to
Basilius Macedo. [Gene-sius.] An account of
Constantine's laws is given in the life of the empe-
ror Leo Philosophus. (Cedren. pp. 607,&c.,631,
&c., ed. Paris; Leo Diaconus, pp. 487, &c., 507,
&c., ed. Paris ; Zonar. vol. ii. pp. 1 82, &c., 192, &c.,
ed. Paris ; Joel, pp. 180, 181, ed. Paris ; Glycas,
pp. 302, 303, ed. Paris; Hanckius, De Script.
Byzant. pp.461 — 478; Hamberger, ZuverVdssiye
Nachrichten^ &c., vol. iii. p. 686, &c. ; Fabric. Bibl.
Graec.yol. viii. p. l,&c. ; Leich, Commentaiiode Vita
et Rebus Gesiis Const. Porphyr.^ Leipzig, 1746, 4to.,
and also in his and Reiske's edition of Constan-
tine's works, as well as in the Bonn edition of
" De Cerem. Aulae Byzant.**) [ W. P.]

CONSTANTI'NUS VIII., emperor of the
East, reigned, together with his brother Stephanus,
after the deposition of their father, Romaniis Leca-
penus, but was soon compelled to cede the throne
to the lawful sovereign, Constantine Porphyroge-
nitus. (a. d. 945.) [Constantinus VI I.]

CONSTANTI'NUS IX., emperor of the East,
A. D. 976 — 1028, the son of the emperor Roma-
nus II., was born in A. d. 961, and began to reign,
together with his elder brother, Basil II., in 976 ;
but, addicted to idleness and luxury, he took no
part in the administration of the empire. After
the death of Basil in 1025, he became sole empe-
ror ; but, fortunately for his subjects, who suffered
much from the Arabians during his miserable ad-
ministration, he died three years afterwards, in
1028. Constantine IX. was the last of the Mace-

CONSTANTINUS.

donian dynasty. His successor was Romanus
Argyrus, the husband of his daughter Zoe, whom
he had by his wife Helena Augusta. [ Basil: tfs II.]

CONSTANTI'NUS X. MONOMA'CHUS
(J Moj/o^uoxos), emperor of the East, a. d. 1042 —
1054. His surname was given him on account of
his personal courage in war. In 1042 the go-
vernment of the empire was in the hands oi two
imperial sisters, Zoe, the widow of the emperor Ro-
manus Argyrus, and afterwards of Michael IV. the
Paphlagonian, and Theodora, a spinster, who were
placed on the throne by the inhabitants of Con-
stantinople, after they had deposed the emperor
Michael V. Calaphates, the adopted son of Zoe.
The two sisters being afraid of their position, Zoe
proposed to Constantine Monomachus that he
should marry her ; and as she was rather advanced
in age, being then upwards of sixty, she allowed
the gallant warrior to bring his beautiful mistress,
Sclerena, with him to the imperial palace, where
the two ladies lived together on the best terms.
Constantine was saluted as emperor, and conferred
the dignity of Augusta upon Sclerena. Soon after
the accession of Constantine, Georgius Maniaces, a
brother of Sclerena, who was renowned for his
victories over the Arabs, and who then held the
command in Italy, raised a rebellion. At the head
of a chosen body of troops he crossed the Adriatic,
landed in Epeirus, joined an auxiliary army of
Bulgarians, and marched upon Constantinople. An
assassin delivered the emperor from his fears :
Maniaces was murdered by an unknown hand in
the midst of his camp.

A still greater danger arose in 1043 from an
invasion of the Russians, who appeared with a
powerful fleet in the Bosporus, while a land force
penetrated as far as Varna : but the fleet was dis-
persed or taken in a bloody engagement, and the
Russian army was routed by Catacalo.

In 1047, while absent on an expedition against
the Arabs, Constantine received news of another
rebellion having broken out, headed by Tomicius,
a relative of the emperor, who assumed the imperial
title, and laid siege to Constantinople. The em-
peror hastened to the defence of his capital, broke
the forces of the rebel in a decisive battle, and
Tomicius, having fallen into the hands of his pur-
suers, was blinded and confined to a monastery.
Constantine was not less fortunate in a war with
Cacicus, the vassal king of Annenia and Iberia,
who tried to make himself independent; but, un-
able to take the field against the imperial armies,
he was at last compelled to throw himself at the
feet of the emperor and implore his clemency. His
crown was taken from him, but he was allowed to
enjoy both life and liberty, and spent the rest of
his days in Cappadocia, where his generous victor
had given him extensive estates. Iberia and Ar-
menia were reunited under the immediate autho-
rity of the Greeks.

While the froatiers of the empire were thus ex-
tended in the East, Thrace and Macedonia suffered
dreadfully from an invasion of the Petchenegues,
who were so superior to the Greeks in martial
qualities, that they would have conquered all those
provinces which they had hitherto only plundered,
but for the timely interference of the emperor's
body-guards, composed of Waregians or Normans,
who drove the enemy back beyond the Danube,
and compelled them to beg for peace, (a. d. 1053.)
At the same time the Normans made great progress

CONSTANTINUS.
in Italy, where they finally succeeded in conquer-
ing all the dominions of the Greek emperors. In
the following year, 1054, the great schism began,
which resulted in the complete separation of the
Greek and Roman churches, and put an end to
the authority of the popes in the East. Constan-
tine did not live to see the completion of the schism,
for he died in the course of the same year, 1054.
Constantino was a man of generous character, who,
when emperor, would not revenge many insults he
had received while he was but an officer in the
army. He managed, however, the financial de-
partment in an unprincipled manner, spending
large sums upon the embellishment of Constantino-
ple and other luxuries, and shewing himself a
miser where he ought to have spared no money.
Thus, for economy's sake, he paid off his Iberian
troops, 50,000 in number, who were the bulwark
of Greece, and who were no sooner disbanded than
the frontier provinces of the empire were inun-
dated by Arabs and Petchenegues, so that, although
he augmented the extent of his dominions by the
addition of Iberia and Armenia, he contributed
much to the rapid decline of Greek power under his
successor. The successor of Constantine X. was
the empress Theodora mentioned above. (Cedren.
p. 754, &c., ed. Paris ; Psellus in Zonar. vol. ii.
p. 247, &c. ed. Paris; Glycas, p. 319, &c., ed.
Paris ; Joel, p. 1 83, &c., ed. Paris.) [ W.P.]

CONSTANTI'NUS XI. DUCAS (6 ^ovkus),
emperor of the East, a. d. 1059 — 1067, was
chosen by the emperor Isaac I. Comnenus, who
abdicated in 1059, as his successor, in preference
to his own children, because he thought him to be
the most worthy of his subjects. It proved, how-
ever, that, although Constantine was undoubtedly
one of the best subjects of Isaac, he still was not
fit to rule in those troublous times. Previously to
his election, Constantine had been very active in
putting Michael VI. Stratioticus on the throne
(a. d. 1056), but he deserted him in the following
year and espoused the party of Isaac Comnenus,
who succeeded in seizing the government. Thence
their friendship arose. When he ascended the
throne, the people expected that he would take
vigorous measures against those swarms of barba-
rians who were attacking the empire from all sides,
and they were the more justified in their expecta-
tions as Constantine was an able general. But he
loved talking quite as much as action, and instead
of preparing for war, he addressed the people in a
long elaborate speech on the duties of an emperor
under the circumstances of the times. So fond
was he of speeches, that he said he preferred the
crown of eloquence to the crown of Rome, nor can
we feel sure whether he really meant so or not, for
both those crowns were rather dusty then. Having
reduced his army from motives of economy, he saw
his empire suddenly invaded (in 1064) by a host,
or probably the whole nation, of the Uzes, for they
are said to have been 600,000 men strong. While
they ravaged Thrace and Macedonia, the Hunga-
rians crossed the Danube and seized Belgrade, the
key of the empire. Fortunately for the Greeks,
the plague broke out in tlie camps of those barba-
rians, and so much diminished their numbers that
they hastened back to their steppes beyond the
Danube. During the same time the Turks-Seljuks
made similar attacks upon the Greek domains in
Asia, and the Norm.ins obtained possession of the
rest of the emperor's dominions in Italy. Bari,

CONSTANTINUS.

843

the capital of them, was taken shortly before the
death of the emperor, which happened in a. d.
1067. Constantine had many good qualitiei,
though they were overshadowed by petty and
strange passions. Love of justice induced him to
recall immediately on his accession all those who
were exiled for political crimes, and to undertake a
great number of lawsuits, which, accustomed as he
was to follow his sophistical genius, he believed to
be just, while they proved to be mere chicaneries.
When it became known that his love of war had
turned into love of legal intrigues, many officers of
his army abandoned the profession of arms, and
became advocates for the purpose of rising to
honours and making their fortunes. Constantine
conferred the title of Augustus upon his three sons,
Michael, Andronicus, and Constantine, who were
all under age, and whom he destined to succeed
him and to reign conjointly under the regency of
his widow Eudoxia. But she was unable to keep
the throne alone, and married Romanus Diogenes
for the sake of protection and support, and this
distinguished general, who was created emperor,
must be considered as the real successor of Con-
stantine XI. (Scylitzes, p. 813, &c., ed. Paris ;
Psellus in Zonar. vol. ii. p. 272, &c., ed. Paris ;
Glycas, p. 324, &c., ed. Paris ; Nicephorus Bryenn.
p. 19, &c., ed. Paris.) [W. P.]

CONSTANTI'NUS XII. DUCAS, emperor
of the East, the youngest son of the preceding,
succeeded his father Constantine XI. in 1067, to-
gether with his brothers Michael and Andronicus,
under the regency of their mother Eudoxia, who
married Romanus III. Diogenes and made him
emperor. After the capture of Romanus by the
Turks in 1071, Constantine and his brothers were
proclaimed emperors, but Michael, the eldest, was
the real ruler. Constantine was confined in a
monastery by the emperor Nicephorus III. Bota-
niates about 1078. His final fate is not well
known. He died either in the same year in con-
sequence of cruel tortures to which he had been
exposed, or as late as 1082, in a battle between
the emperor Alexis I. and Robert Guiscard. Anna
Comnena calls him Constantius (p. 117, ed. Paris).
[Michael VII. ; Romanus III.] [W. P.]

CONSTANTI'NUS XIII. PALAEO'LOGUS,
surnamed DRAGASES (6 YlaXaioKoyos 6 Apayd-
o-ijs), the last emperor of the East, A. D. 1448-1453,
was the fourth son of the emperor Manuel II. Pa-
laeologus. He was bom in a. d. 1 394, and obtained
the throne after the death of his elder brother, the
emperor John VIL, in 1448. He first married
Theodora, daugliter of Leonardo, count of Tocco,
a lord in the Peloponnesus, and, after her death,
Catharina, daughter of Notaras Palaeologus Cate-
lusius, prince of Lesbos, by neither of whom he
left issue.

Previously to his accession, Constantine was
despot or lord of a small remnant of the Byzantine
empire in the Chersonnesus Taurica, and during
the reign of his brother John he was invested with
the principality of, or more correctly a principality
in, the Peloponnesus, which he bravely defended
against the Turks. After the death of John, the
throne was claimed bj' his surviving brothers,
Demetrius, the eldest, Constantine, and Thomas.
A strong party having declared for Constantine,
this prince, who was still in the Peloponnesus,
accepted the crown after long hesitation, as he saw
that he had but few chances of defending it against

Mt CONSTANT! N US.

the overwhelming power of the Turks, wlio had
gradually reduced the Byzantine empire to the
city of Constantinople and a few maritime places
and islands in Greece. In his embarrassment he
sent Phranza, the historian, to the court of sultan
Murad II., declaring that he would not exercise
that power which the Greeks had conferred upon
him, unless the sultan would give hira his pormis-
Bion. Miirad having received the ambassador
favourably, and given his consent, Constantino
embarked on board a squadron, and. soon after-
wards arrived at Constantinople. He made peace
with his brothers by giving them his former do-
main in the Peloponnesus. The beginning of his
reign was quiet; but sultan Miirad died in 1450,
and his son and successor, the ambitious and lofty
Mohammed, was far from shewing the same senti-
ments towards Constantine as his father. Mo-
hammed was then engaged in a war against the
Turkish emir of Caramania, who made such a des-
pt^rate resistance, that the councillors of Constan-
tine thought this to be a favourable opportunity
for making their master somewhat more indepen-
dent of the sultan. They threatened to assist
prince Urkhan (the eldest brother of Mohammed?),
who lived at Constantinople and claimed the Turk-
ish throne, to raise an army and to enter into a
contest with Mohammed. Ambassadors having
been sent to the sultan to inform hira of the dispo-
sitions of the Greek court, the vizir Khalil re-
proached them with their imprudent and presump-
tuous conduct in very severe terms, and concluded
with the words, "If you will proclaim Urkhan as
sultan, you may do so ; you may call the Hunga-
rians for assistance, you may try to reconquer all
those countries which we have taken from you ;
but know ye that you will succeed in nothing, and
that instead of winning an inch of ground, you
will lose tlie petty remains of your empire which
we have left you. My master shall be informed of
the subject of your message, and his will shall be
done." (Ducas, p. 132.) Soon afterwards, Mo-
hammed made preparations for a siege of Constan-
tinople, having declared that he would not make
peace till he could reside in the capital of the
Greek empire.

Constantinople was blockaded by land and by
sea till the sultan's artillery was ready, which was
cast at Adrianople by Urban, a Dacian* or Hun-
garian founder, and was of greater dimensions than
had ever been made before. While it was casting
Mohammed took Mesembria, Anchialos, Byzon,
and other towns which still belonged to the em-
pire. On the 6th of April, 1453, JMohamraed ap-
peared under the walls of Constantinople at the
head of an army of 258,000 men, carrying with
him, among other pieces of large size, a gun which
threw a stone ball of 1200 pounds. The city was
defended by the Greeks and numerous Venetian,
Genoese, and other Prankish auxiliaries or volun-
teers ; and the Christian navy was superior to the
Turkish, not in number, but in the constmction of
the ships and the skill of the Prankish marines.

Our limits do not allow us to give a history of
this siege. Among the numerous works, in which
the account is given with more or less truth or

* A Dacian (Aa^) according to Chalcondylas,
and a Hungarian according to Ducas. (Jibbon
(xii, p. 197, ed. 1815) says, "a Datie or Hunga-
tian," — either a mistake or a typographical error.

CONSTANTINUS.

beauty, we refer to Gibbon, Le Beau, '* Histoire
du Bas Empire," continued by Ameilhon, and
Hammer, " Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches."
The contest lasted from the 6th of April till the
29th of May, 1 453 : prophecies had foretold its
issue. Chi that day the last emperor of the East
fell on the wall of his trembling capital : ®e\bu
^avflv ndWov rj ^riv, he cried out in despair when
the Turks stormed the wall and he was forsaken
by his guards. Surrounded by a crowd of Janis-
saries, and foreseeing his fate, he cried out again,
'• Is there no Christian who will cut off my head ?''^
He had scarcely uttered these words when he was
struck by two Turks at once, and expired un-
known to them on a heap of slain. His body was
afterwards discovered, and when Mohammed was
in undisputed possession of the city, he ordered his
head to be cut off, and had it nailed on the porphyry
column on the place called Augusteum. It was
afterwards sent as a trophy to the principal towns
in Turkish Asia. One of the first acts of the vic-
tor was the consecration of the church of St. Sophia
as a mosque, and ^Mohammed was the first Moslem
who prayed there standing on the altar. It is
said that he entered that church on horseback, but
this is an idle story invented by monks. He
alighted from his horse at the principal gate, en-
tered the church with visible respect and admira-
tion, and was so far from committing any profana-
tion, that he killed with his own hand a Turk
whom he discovered breaking up the beautiful
marbles of the pavement.

The conquest of Constantinople was an event of
the greatest importance to the Sultans. During
upwards of one thousand years that city had been
looked upon by the nations of the East as the
sacred seat of both the supreme temporal and
spiritual power, and being masters of Constanti-
nople, the Sultans at once were considered as the
heirs of the Roman emperors. Until then the
obedience paid to them was but submission to the
sword of a conqueror : it was now both fear and
habit, and the transient impression of victorj' ac-
quired the strength of hereditary duty. With the
fall of Constantinople, darkness spread over the
East ; but the Muses flying from the Bosporus
found a more genial home on the banks of the Arno
and the Tiber. Almost four centuries have elapsed
since the first Mohammedan prayer was offered in
St. Sophia ; yet all the power and glory of the
Sultans have been unable to root out of the minds
of the Greeks the remembrance of their past gran-
deur, and at the present moment the duration of
the Turkish power in Constantinople is less pro-
bable than the revival of a new Greek empire.
(Phranzes, lib. iiL, &c. ; Ducas, c. 34, &c. ; Chalco-
condyles, lib. vii., &c. ; Leonardus Chiensis, Hist.
Constant, a Turc. eapugnatue^ 1st ed., Niirnberg,
1544, 4to., a small but curious work, written a few
months after the fall of Constantinople.) [W. P.J

CONSTANTI'NUS ACROPOLl'TA. [Acro-

POLITA, GeORGIUS.]

CONSTANTI'NUS, of Antioch, also called
Constantius, was a presbyter at the metropoli-
tan church of Antioch, lived about a. d. 400,
and was destined to succeed bishop Flavianus,
Porphyrins, however, who wished to obtain that
see, intrigued at the court of Constantinople,
and succeeded in obtaining an order from the
emperor Arcadius for the banishment of Con-
stantine. With the aid of some friends, Constan-

CONSTANTINUS.

tine escaped to Cyprus, where he seems tn have
remained during the rest of his life. He survived
St. Chrysostom, who died in a. d, 407. Constan-
tine edited the Commentary of St. Chrysostom on
the Epistle to the Hebrews, consisting of thirty-
four homilies, arranged by the editor. Among the
Epistles of St. Chrysostom, two, viz. Ep. 221 and
225, are addressed to Constantine, who is perhaps
the author of two other Epistles commonly attri-
buted to St. Chrvsostom, viz. Ep. 237 and 238.
(Cave, ffutt. Lit. u. p. 13.% ad an. 404.) [W. P.]

CONSTANTl'NUS CE'PHALAS {Kwuarav-
rivos 6 Ke<^Aos), was the compiler of the most
important of the Greek Anthologies, the one which
is known by the name of the Palatine Anthology.
His personal history is entirely unknown, but in
all probability his Anthology was composed at the
beginning of the tenth century of our era. An
account of the literary history of the Greek Antho-
logy is given under Pi.anudks. [P. S.]

'CONSTANXrNUS, diaconis and chartophy-
lax at the metropolitan church of Constantinople,
wrote " Oratio encomiastica in Omnes Sanctos
Martyres," the Greek text of which is extant in
MS., and which is referred to in the Acts of the
second council of Nicaea in "Acta Patnim." He
lived before the eighth century. (Cave, Hist. Lit.
ii. D. p. 10; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. x. p. 288, xi.
p. 270, xii. p. 239.) [W. P.]

CONSTANTl'NUS HARMENOPULUS.
[Harmknopulus.]

CONSTANTl'NUS, a jurist, a contemporary
of Justinian. In A. n. 528, he was one of the
commissioners appointed to form the first code.
He was then, and in a. d. 529, when the first code
was confirmed, mentioned by Justinian with se-
veral official titles : vir illustris, comes sacrarum
largitionum inter agentes, et magister scrinii libel-
lorum et sacranim cognitionum." (Const. Haec
quae necessario., § 1, Const. Summa Reipublicae,

§ 2.)

A person of the same name, who is described as
an advocate at Constantinople, without any of
these official titles, was one of the commissioners
appointed to compile the Digest, a. d. 530 (Const.
Tanta, § 9), and was also one of the commissioners
.ippointed to draw up that new edition of the Code
which now forms part of the Corpus Juris* (Const.
Cordi, § 2.)

In the collection of Edicta Praefectorura Prae-
torio, first published by Zachariae (Atiecdoia, Lips.
1843) from a Bodleian manuscript, are three edicts
of Constantinus (p. 272). The edicts in this col-
lection belong to the time of Anastasius, Justin,
and Justinian, (a. d. 491-565.) Zachariae thinks
that the author of these three edicts was the Con-
stantinus who was praef. praet of the East under
Ansistasius, as appears from Cod. 8, tit. 48. s. 5,
and Cod. 2, tit 7. s. 22, and that his full name
was Asper Alypius Constantinus. (p. 260, nn. 19,
20.) [J. T. G.]

CONSTANTl'NUS LICHUDES or LICU-
DEX, protovestiariufl, became patriarch of Con-
stantinople about A. D. 1058, and died in 1066.
We have two Decreta Synodalia of him, on "Cri-
minal Slaves," and on " Priests being arrested for
Murder," which are contained with a Latin trans-
lation in Leunclavius, Jus GraecchRomanum. (Cave,
JlisL Lit. i. p. 613, ad an. 1058.) [W. P.]

CONSTANTl'NUS MAN ASSES. [Ma-

KASSBS.]

CONSTANTINUS.

845

CONSTANTl'NUS MELITENIO'TA, archi-
diaconus, lived about 1276, patronized the union
of the Greek and Latin Churches, died in exile in
Bithynia, and wrote two treatises "De Ecclesiastica
Unione Latinorum et Graecorum," and " De Pro-
cessione Spiritus Sancti," both, in the Greek text
with a liatin translation, contained in Leo Allatius,
" Graecia Orthodoxa." (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 738;
Fabric. BiU. Graec. xi. p. 272, 397.) [W. P.]

CONSTANTl'NUS, sumamcd NICAEUS from
the place of his abode, by which surname alone he
is usually designated in the Basilica, was a Graeco-
Roman jurist. (Basil, iii. p. 372.) He was poste-
rior to Garidas, who flourished in the latter half of
the eleventh century of the Christian aera, for in
Basilica^ ii. pp. 653, 654, he cites the ':iToix€Mv of
Garidas. He was a commentator upon the Novells
of Justinian (Bas. iii. p. 113), and upon the books
of the Basilica. {Bas. ii. p. 651, iii. p. 240.) Nic.
Comnenus {Praenot. Mi/stoff. p. 371) cites his ex-
position of the Novells. In Ba^. iii. p. 208, he
speaks of Stephanus as his teacher (o SiScttr/caAos
TJfioov 'S,T4<f>avos) ; but by this expression he may
have referred to the jurist Stephanus, who waa a
contemporary of Justinian, as an English lawyer
might call Coke his master. Reiz, however (cut
Tfieoplu p. 1245), thinks it more probable, that he
referred to an Antonius Stephanus, judge and ma-
gistrate, who is said by Nic. Comnenus (Papado-
poli) (Praenot. Mystag, p. 404) to have written
scholia on the Ecloga of Leo ; but G. E. Heimbach
(Anecdofa, i. p. 221) has in this ease clearly ex-
posed the fabrication of Comnenus. In the scholia
of Constantinus Nicaeus appended to the Basilica
are citations of Cyrillus, Stephanus, and Thalelaeua
(iii. p. 141), of Joannes Nomophylus, with whom
he disagrees (ii. p. 549), of the Institutes (iii. p.
616), of the Digest (iii. p. 275, ii. p. 650), of the
Novells of Leo (iii. p. 186), and of the Basilica
(ii. pp. 550, 615, 616, 619, iii. pp. 194, 240).
(Reiz, ad Theoph. p. 1238; Assemani, 5ii/. «/Mr.
Orient, ii. c. 20, p. 404 ; Pohl, ad Snares. Notit.
Basil, p. 1 34, n. (tr) ; Heimbach, de Basil. Orig.
p. 75.) [J. T. G.]

CONSTANTl'NUS RHO'DIUS (Kwv<nav-
t7vos 6 'PoSios), is the author of three epigrams in
the Greek Anthology (Jacobs, Paralip. e Cod. Vat.
201—203, xiii. pp. 738—740), the first of which
was written, as appears from internal evidence,
during the joint reign of the emperors Leo and
Alexander, that is, between a. D. 906 and 911.
Reiske supposed him to be the same person as
Constantinus Cephalas, who compiled the Palatine
Anthology. [Constantinus Cephalas.] The
poetry of Constantine himself is barbarous in the
last degree. (Jacobs, Anthol. Graec, xiii. pp. 874,
875 ; Fabric. BiU. Graec. iv. 469.) [P. S.]

CONSTANTl'NUS SI'CULUS (KwuaraPTl-
vos 6 5t/feAo'j), is the author of an epigram in the
Greek Anthology on the chair (^povos) from which
he taught, which is followed in the Vatican MS.
by the reply of Theophanes. (Jacobs, Paralip. e.
Cod. Vat. 199, 200, xiii. pp. 737, 738.) Since
each poet's name has the title fjuaxapinv added to
it, it would appear that they Avere both dead be-
fore the time when the Palatine Anthology was
compiled, that is, the beginning of the tenth cen-
tury. From the subject of the above-mentioned
epigram it is inferred, that Constantine was a
rhetorician or philosopher. There is extant in
MS. an anacreontic poem by Constantine, a pfi'lo*

8M

CONST ANTI US.

sopher of Sicily. {KoavoTatn-Cuov ^tXoffStfiov rod
:ZiKe\ov ; Lambec. BiU, Caesar. L. V. Cod. 333,
p. 295 ; Jacobs, ArUhol Grace, xiii. p. 874 ; Fa-
bric. Bibl.. Graec. iv. 469.) [P. S.]

CONSTA'NTIUS I. FLA'VIUS VALE'-
RIUS, sumamed CHLORUS (o X\a.prfs), "the
Pale," Roman emperor, a. d. 305-306, the father
of Constantine the Great, was the son of one Eu-
tropius, of a noble Dardanian family, and Clandia^
the daughter of Crispus, who was the (younger ?)
brother of the emperors Claudius II. and Quintilius.
He was probably born in 250. Distinguished
by ability, valour, and virtue, Constantius became
governor of Dalmatia during the reign of the em-
peror Cams, who, disgusted with the extravagant
conduct of his son Carinus, intended to adopt and
appoint as his successor the more worthy Constan-
tius. Death prevented Cams from carrying that
plan into execution, and the reward of Constantius
was left to the emperors Diocletian and Maximian,
■who had experienced that the government of the
immense Roman empire, in its perpetual and hos-
tile contact with so many barbarians, was a burden
too heavy not only for one, but even for two em-
perors, however distinguished they were. They
consequently resolved that each should appoint a
co-regent Caesar, and their choice fell upon Con-
gtantius, who was adopted by Maximian, and
Galerius, who was adopted by Diocletian. Both
the Caesars were obliged to repudiate their wives,
and Galerius was married to Valeria, the daughter
of Diocletian, while Constantius received the hand
of Theodora, the daughter of the wife of Maximian.
Their appointment as Caesars took place at Nico-
medeia on the Ist of March, 292. The govern-
ment of the empire was distributed among the
four princes in the following manner : Constantius
was set over the provinces beyond the Alps, that
is, Gaul, Britain, and Spain (?) ; Galerius received
both the Illyriae and Moesia, an extensive tract
comprising all the countries from the Inn in Ger-
many to mount Athos and the shores of the Archi-
pelago, and from the Adriatic Sea to the mouth of
the Danube ; Maximian governed Italy and Africa;
and Thrace, Egypt, and all the Asiatic provinces
were reserved for the authority of Diocletian. The
first and most important business of Constantius
was the reunion of Britain with the empire, as
Carausius had succeeded in making himself inde-
pendent of the authority of Diocletian and Maxi-
mian. [Carausius.] After the murder of Carau-
sius by AUectus in 293, this officer seized the
government; but Britain was taken from him
after a struggle of three years [Allectus], and
Constantius established his authority there. Some
time afterwards, the Alemanni invaded Gaul. A
pitched battle took place, in 298, between them
and Constantius at Lingones, in Lugdunensis
Prima, now Langres : the Romans were nearly
routed, when Constantius restored the battle, de-
feated the enemy, and killed either 60,000 or 6000
barbarians. They suffered another defeat at Vin-
donissa, now Windish, in Switzerland : there are
doubts with regard to this battle. After the
abdication of Diocletian and Maximian, in 305,
Constantius and Galerius assumed the title and
dignity of Augusti, and mled as co-emperors.
Constantius died fifteen months afterwards (25th
of July, 306) at Eboracum, now York, on an expedi-
tion against the Picts, in which he was accompanied
by his son Constantine, whom he had by bis first

CONSTANTIUS,

wife, Helena, whom be had repudiated. The same
Constantine, afterwards the Great, succeeded him
in his share of the government Constantius was
one of the most excellent characters among the
later Romans, and it is to be regretted that we
know so little about him. His administration of
his provinces procured him great honour, for he
took the most lively interest in the welfare of the
people, and was so far from imitating the rapacity
of other governors, that he was not even provided
with such things as are necessary to men of his
rank, though a vulgar appellation calls them luxu-
ries. In his abstinence from luxuries he seems,
however, to have shewn some affectation. The
Pagans praised him for his humanity, and the
Christians for his impartiality and toleration.
Theophanes calls him Xpi<TTiav6<ppuv, or a man of
Christian principles. His conduct during the per-
secution of the Christians by Diocletian was very
humane. It is not known whence he received the
surname of Chlorus, or the Pale, which is given
to him only by later Byzantine writers. Gibbon
(vol. ii. p. 118, note 1. ed. 1815) observes, that any
remarkable degree of paleness seems inconsistent
with the rubor mentioned in the Panegyrics (v.
19). Besides his son and successor, Constantine,
Constantius had by his second wife, Theodora,
three sons and three daughters, who are mentioned
in the genealogical table prefixed to the life of
CoNSTANTiNUS I. (Eutrop. ix. 14-23; Aurel. Vict.
Caes. 39, &c., Epti. 39 ; Zosim. ii. 7, &c. ; Theo-
phan. pp. 4-8, ed. Paris ; Panegyric. Veier. iv. 3,
vi. 4, 6 ; Euseb. Fit. Const, i. 13-21 ; Treb. Pol-
lio, Claudius^ 3. 13; Ael. Spart. Ael. Verus^ 2 ;
Vopiscus, Carimis, 16, 17, Aurelianus, 44, ProbuSf
22 ; Amm. Marc. xix. 2.) [ W. P.]

COIN OP CON.STANTIUS I.

CONSTA'NTIUS II., FLAVIUS JULlUS,
Roman emperor, A. d. 337-361, whose name is
sometimes written Flavins Claudius Constantius,
Flavius Valerius Constantius, and Constantinus
Constantius. He was the third son of Constantine
the Great, and the second whom he had by his se-
cond wife, Fausta ; he was bora at Sirmium in Pan-
nonia on the 6 th of August, A. D. 317, in the con-
sulate of Ovidius Gallicanus and Septimius Bassus.
He was educated with and received the same care-
ful education as his brothers, Constantine and Con-
stans, was less proficient in learned pursuits and
fine arts, but surpassed them in gymnastic and
military exercises. He was created consul in
326, or perhaps as early as 324, and was employed
by his father in the administration of the eastern
provinces. At the death of his father in 337,
Constantius was in Asia, and immediately has^
tened to Constantinople, where the garrison had
already declared that none should reign but the
sons of Constantine, excluding thus the nephews
of the late emperor, Dalmatius and Hannibahanua,
from the government of those provinces which had.
been assigned to them by Constantine, who had
placed Dalmatius over Greece, Macedonia, Thraoe,

rONSTANTIUS.

nnd part of Illyriciim, and Hjinnibalianus over
I'ontus, Cappadocia, and Armenia Minor, with
Caesareia as the capital The declaration of the
army, whether preconcerted between them and
the sons of Constantine or not, was agreeable to
Constantiiis, who was apparently resolved to act
in accordance with the same views. In a whole-
sale murder^ where the troops were the execu-
tioners, the male descendants of Constantiiis Chlo-
rus by his second wife pt^rished through the cruel
perfidy of Constantius, who spared the liVes of
only two princes, Flavius Jillius Gallus and Fla-
vins Claudius Julianus, the sons of Flavius Jnlianus
Constantius, youngest son of Constantius Chlorus,
who himself became a victim of his nephew's am-
bition. Besides those priiices, the patrician Opta-
tus and the praefectus praetorio Ablavius were
likewise massacred. It would be difficult to ex-
culpate Constantius from the part which he took
in this bloody affair, even if it were true that his
crime was not so much that of A murderer as that
of a cool spectator of a massacre which he could
have prevented.

After this the three song of Constantine the
Great had an interview at Sirmiuin in Pannonia,
and made a new division of the empire (Septem-
ber, 337), in which Constantine, the eldest, re-
ceived Gaul, Spain, Britain, and part of Africa ;
Constantius, the second and the subject of this
article, Thrace, Macedonia^ Greece, the Asiatic
provinces, and Egypt ; and Constans, the youngest,
Italy, Illyricum, and the rest of Africa, The an-
cient world was thus governed by three youths of
twenty-one, twenty, and seventeen years of age;
Immediately after the death of Constantine the Great
a war broke out with the Persian king, Sapor 11..^
which was chiefly carried on in Mesopotamia and
on the frontiers of Syria, and, with short interrup-
tions, lasted during the whole reign of Constantius.
This war was to the disadvantage of the Romans
(Greeks), who were vanquished in many battles,
especially at Singara, in 343, where Constan-
tius commanded in person, and after having car-
ried the day» was routed with great slaughter of
his troops in the succeeding night. On the other
hand, the Persians sustained great losses in their
fruitless attempts to take the strong fortress of
Nisibis, the key of Mesopotamia; and as other
fortified places in that country as well as in the
mountains of Armenia were equally well defended,
Sapor gained victories without making any acqui-
sitions.

Being thus engaged in the east, Constantius was
prevented from paying due intention to the west,
and he was obliged to be a quiet spectator of the
civil war between his brothers, in which Constan-
tine was slain at Aquileia, and Constans got pos-
session of the whole share of Constantine in the
division of the empire (a. d. 340). In 350,
Constans was murdered by the troops of Magncn-
tius, who assumed the purple and was obeyed as
emperor in Britain, Gaul, and Spain ; at the same
time Vetranio, commander of the legions in the
extensive province of Illyricum, was forced by his
troops to imitate the example of Magnentius, and
he likewise assumed the purple. It was now time
for Constantius to prove with his sword that none
but a son of the great Constantine should rule over
Rome. At the head of his army he marched from
the Persian frontier to the West. At Heracleia in
Thrace ambassadors of Magnentius waited upon

CONSTANTIUS.

347

him, proposing that he should acknowledge their
master as emperor, and cement their alliance by a
marriage of Constantius with the daughter of
Magnentius, and of Magnentius with Constantina,
eldest sister of Constantius ; they threatened him
with the consequences of a war should he decline
those propositions. Constantius dismissed the
ambassadors with a haughty refusal, and, sending
one of them back to Magnentius, ordered the
others to be put in prison as the agents of a rebel.
His conduct towards Vetranio tended to a reconci-
liation; but while he promised to acknowledge him
as co-emperor if he would join him against Mag-
nentius, he secretly planned treachery. Having
bribed or persuaded the principal officers of Vetranio
to forsake their master if it should stiit his plans,
he advanced towards Sardica, now Sophia, where
he met with Vetranio, both of them being at the
head of an army, that of Vetranio, however, being
by far the stronger. Had Vetranio, a straight-
forvvard veteran, who could disobey but was not
made for more refined perfidy, now acted in the
spirit of Constantius^ he could have seized his rival
in the midst of his camp ; but the result was very
different. On a plain near Sardica a tribune was
erected, where the two emperors showed them-
selves to their troops, who filled the plain ap-
parently for the purpose of being witnesses of a
ceremony by which the empire was to have two
lawful heads. Constantius first addressed the
armed crowd, and artfully turning upon his " legi-
timate" opinion, that a son of the great Constantine
was alone worthy to reign, suddenly met with a
thunder of applause from his own troops as well as
those of Vetranio, who, either spontaneously or in
accordance with the instructions of their officers,
declared that they would obey no emperor but
Constantius. Vetranio at once perceived his situ-
ation : he took off his diadem, knelt down before
Constantius, and acknowledged him as his master,
himself as his guilty subject. Constantius evinced
equal wisdom : he raised Vetranio from the ground,
embraced him, and, as he despised a throne, as-
signed him a pension, and allowed him to spend
the rest of his days at Prusa. (a. d. 351.)

Constantius now turned his arms against Mag-
nentius, after having appointed his cousin Gallus
as Caesar and commander-in-chief of the army
against the Persians. At Mursa, now Essek, a
town on the river Drave in Hungary, Magnentius
was routed (28th of September, a. d. 351) in a
bloody battle, in which Constantius evinced more
piety than courage, but where the flower of both
armies perished. The conquest of Illyricum and
Italy was the fruit of that victory, and Magnentius
fled into Gaul. There he was attacked in the
east by the army under ConsUmtius, and in the
west by another army, which, after having con-
quered Africa and Spain, crossed the Pyrenees and
penetrated into Gaul. After another complete de-
feat at mount Seleucus in the Cossian Alps, and
the rebellion of the principal cities in Gaul, Mag-
nentius, reduced to extremity, put an end to his
life, and his brother Decentius followed his exam-
ple, (a. d. 353.) [Magnkntjus.] Constantius
became thus master of the whole West He
avenged the murder of his brother Constans, and
established his authority by cruel measures, and
neither the guilty nor the innocent were exempt
from his resentment.

Once more the immense extent of the RconAa

848

CONSTANT I US.

empire was ruled by one man. The administra-
tion of the government and the public and private
life of Constantius, approached more and more
those of an Asiatic monarch : eunuchs reigned at
the court, and secret murders, dictated by jealousy
or suspicion, were committed by order of the em-
peror, whenever justice disdained or was too weak
to assist him in his plans. One of the victims of
his malice was his cousin, Gallus Caesar. Guilty
of negligence, disobedience, and cruelty in his ad-
ministration of the East, he desen-ed punishment ;
and his guilt became still greater when he put to
death the imperial commissioners. Domitian, prae-
fectus praetorio Orientis, and Montins, quaestor
palatii, who were sent to his residence, Antioch,
to inquire into his conduct, but conducted them-
selves with the most imprudent haughtines, threat-
ening and defying Gallus, when they ought to
have ensnared him with gentle persuasions and
intrigues, according to their instructions. They
were torn to pieces by the mob excited by Gallus,
who after such an atrocious act seemed to have
had but one means of saving himself from the em-
peror's resentment, — rebellion. But decei\ed by
new promises from the artful Constantius, he went
to meet him at Milan. At Petovio in Pannonia
he was arrested, and sent to Pola in Istria, where
he was beheaded in a prison, (a. d. 354.) Julian,
the brother of Gallus was likewise arrested ; but,
after having spent about a year in prison and exile,
was pardoned at the intervention of his protectress,
the empress Eusebia, and in November, 355, was
created Caesar and appointed to the coramand-in-
chief in Gaul, which was suffering from the con-
sequences of the rebellion of Sylvans.s, who had
assumed the purple, but was ensnared by Ursicinus,
by whom he was murdered in the church of St
Severin at Cologne in September, 355.

In 357, Constantius visited Rome, where he
celebrated an undeserved triumph. Imitating the
example of Augustus, he ordered the great obelisk
which stood before the temple of the Sun at Helio-
polis to be carried to Rome, where it was erected in
the Circus Maximus. (Having been thrown down,
it was placed by order of pope Sixtus V. before the
portal of the church of St. John Lateran, and is
known as the Lateran obelisk.) From Rome
Constantius went to Illyricum, where his generals
made a successful campaign against the Quadi
and Sarmatians, and thence returned in 359 to
Asia to meet the armies of Sapor, who had once
more invaded Mesopotamia, and taken Amida, now
Diyarbekr, and the minor fortresses of Singara and
Bezabde. Before Sapor appeared in the field,
Gaul was invaded by the Alemanni and the Franks,
but their power was broken in a three years' cam-
paign by Julian, who made Chnodomarius, the
king of the Alemanni prisoner [Chnodomarius] ;
and not only by his martial deeds, but also by his
excellent administration, which won him the hearts
of the inhabitants, he excited the jealousy of Con-
stantius. Accordingly, orders arrived in Gaul
that the legions employed there should march to
the defence of the East. The pretext for this
command was, that Gaul being tranquil, no great
array was required there, but the real motive was
the fear that Julian might abuse his popularity,
wid assume the purple. Instead of preventing
tnat event, the imprudent order caused it. The
troops refused to march ; and Julian having ne-
rertheless brought them into motion, they sud-

CONSTANTIUS.

denly proclaimed him emperor, (a. n. 360.) It is
related in the life of Julian how he acted under
these circumstances ; his protestations of innocence
were misconstrued ; his ambassadors, who met
with Constantius at Caesareia, were dismissed
with anger, and war was declared. Constantius,
with the greater part of his army, marched to tlie
West, and the empire was on the eve of being
shaken by a dreadful civil war, when the sudden
death of Constantius at Mopsocrene, near Tarsus
in Cilicia (3rd of November, a. d. 361), prevented
that calamity, and made Julian the sole master of
the empire. [Julianus.] By his third wife.
Maxima Faustina, Constantius left one daughter,
who was afterwards married to the emperor Gra-
tian. (Amm. Marc. lib. xiv. — xxi. ; Zosimus, lib.
ii. iii. ; Agathias, lib. iv. ; Euseb. Vila Constantin.
lib. iv. ; Eutrop. lib. x. 5, &c. ; Julian. Orai. i. ii. ;
Liban. Orat. iii.-x.; Zonar. lib. xiii. ; the authori-
ties referred to under Constantinus II. and Con-
stans I. ; Tillemont, Hisioire des Empereurs.) [W.P.]

COIN OF CONSTANTIUS II.

CONSTA'NTIUS III., emperor of the West,
A. D. 421, was bom in Illyria in the latter part
of the 4th century of our aera. He became early
known by his military deeds, and was beloved at
the court of the emperor Honorius, as well as
among the people and the soldiers, for his talents
and amiable yet energetic character, which were
enhanced by extraordinary manly beauty. When
the tyrant Constantine, after his return from Italy,
was besieged in Aries by his rebellious and successful
general, Gerontius, Constantius was despatched by
Honorius to reduce Gaul and Spain to obedience ;
but the emperor refrained from sending troops over
to Britain, since this country was then in a hope-
less state of revolt against everything Roman. It is
related under Constantine the tyrant [p. 831] how
Constantius, whose first lieutenant was Ulphilas, a
Goth, compelled Gerontius to raise the siege and
to fly to the Pyrenees, where he perished. Con-
stantius then continued the siege ; but, although
closely confined, his adversary found means to send
one Edobicus or Edovinchus into Gennany, for the
purpose of calling the nations beyond the Rhine to
his assistance. Edobicus soon returned at the
head of a body of Frankish and Alemannic auxili-
aries ; but, instead of surprising Constantius, the
latter surprised him, having suddenly left his camp,
and marched to attack the barbarians, whom he
and Ulphilas met with beyond the Rhone and de-
feated entirely. Edovicus was murdered by a
friend in whose house he had taken refuge, and
the murderer presented the head of Edovicus to
the victor, expecting a recompense. With the
virtue of an ancient Roman, Constantius refused
to accept the hideous present, and ordered the
murderer to be turned out of his camp straight-
way. Constantius hastened back to Aries, re-
sumed the interrupted siege, and forced Constan-
tine to surrender, whose fate is related in his Iifp«

Constantius was rewarded for his victory by

CONSTANTIUS.

Konorius with the consulship (a. d. 414), and was
also created comes and patricius. In A. d. 414 he
marched against Ataulphus, who supported the
claims of the rival emperor Attains, but was de-
feated and compelled to give him up to his vic-
tor in 416. [Attalus.] The reward of Con-
stantius was the hand of Placidia, the sister of
Honorius, who, after being a captive of the West-
Gothic kings, Ataulphus (to whom she was mar-
ried), Sigericus, and Wallia, since 410, was
given up in 417 by Wallia, who became an
ally of the Romans. Constantius afterwards in-
duced him to cede the conquests which he had
made in Spain to Honorius, and Wallia received
in compensiition Aquitania II. and probably also
Novempopulania, or Aquitania III. From this
time Toulouse became the capital of the West-
Gothic kings. In 421 (8th of February), Ho-
norius conferred upon Constantius the dignity
of Augustus and fhe authority of a co-emperor of
the West. Theodosius II., emperor of the East,
having refused to recognize him as Augustus, Con-
stantius prepared to make war against him ; but,
before actual hostilities had broken out, he died
at Ravenna, on the 11th of September, 421, after
a short reign of not quite seven months. After
his accession he was more severe than he used to
be, but it seems that he does not deserve reproaches
for it, since he shewed that severity in restoring
domestic peace to Italy and Rome, where ambitious
men of all nations caused disturbances of the worst
description. His children by Placidia were Flavius
Placidius Valentinianus, afterwards Valentinian
III., emperor, and Justa Grata Honoria, afterwards
betrothed to Attila. Only gold coins of Constan-
tius have been found ; they are very rare. (Zosim.
lib. V. ult. and lib. vi., the chief authority ; Sossom.
ix. 13—16; Oros. vii. 42, 43; Philostorg. xii.
4, 12; Theoph. pp. 66—72, od. Pans; Prosper,
Chron. Theodosio Aug. IV. Cons. &c.) [W. P.}

CONSUS.

849

COIN OF CONSTANTIUS III,

CONSTA'NTIUS GALLUS. [Constan-
tius.]

CONSTA'NTIUS, a native of Gaul, was pri-
vate secretary to Attila and his brother Bleda, to
whom he was recommended by Aetius. Constan-
tius was a very rapacious man. Having been
Rent to the court of Theodosius II. to negotiate
a lasting peace, he promised to promote the in-
terest of the emperor if he would give him a rich
woman in marriage. Theodosius offered him the
hand of a daughter of Satuminus, Comes Domesti-
corum, who was very rich, but who had been
carried off by Zeno, Praefectus Orienti. Con-
stantius having complained about it to Attila, this
king threatened to invade Greece if the emperor
did not produce the woman, and as Theodosius
was unable to do so, Attila availed himself of the
circumstiuice as a pretext for making war upon the
emperor. During this war (a. d. 441) he laid
siege to Sirmium. The bishop of Sirmium sent a
lonsiderable quantity of gold and silver vessels

belonging to his church to Constantius, requesting
that he would keep them as his ransom in case the
town should be taken and he fall into the hands of
the victors. But Constantius kept those vessels for
himself, and pledged them to a banker of the name
of Sylvanus. When after the capture of Sirmium
and the captivity of the bishop, Attila was in-
formed of the robbery, he requested Theodosius to
give up Sylvanus and his property, and Theodosius
having refused to comply with the demand, Attila
prolonged the war on that ground. Constantius
was afterwards charged with high treason, and
crucified by order of his master. (Priscus, in Ex-
cerpt, de Ijegal. pp. 54, 57, 69, ed. Paris.) [W. P.]
CONSTA'NTIUS, a presbyter of Lyons, who
flourished towards the close of the fifth century,
has been characterised by a French writer as at
once the Maecenas and the Aristarchus of the lite-
rary men of that period, fostering them by his
munificence and training them to excellence by his
counsel. We find four letters addressed to him
by his friend Sidonius ApoUinaris, from the first
of which we learn, that this collection of epistles
was made at his suggestion and submitted to his
criticism and correction.

Constantius, at the request of Patiens, bishop of
Lyons, drew up a biography of Germanus, bishop
of Auxerre, who died in a. d. 448. This work,
entitled Vita S. Crermani Episcopi A utissiodoremisy
appears from the second dedication to have been
completed about a. d. 488, and is contained in the
compilations of Surius and of the Bollandists under
the Saints of July. It was rendered into verse
by Ericus, a Benedictine monk of Auxerre, who
lived about a. d. 989, and translated into French
by Arnauld d'Andilly.

Some persons have ascribed to Constantius the
" Vita S. Justi Lugdunensis Episcopi," who died
in A. u. 390, but there is no evidence that he was
the author. This performance also will be found
in Surius under September 2nd, and has been
translated into French by Le Maitre de Sacy in
his " Vies des Peres du Desert." [ W. R.]

CONSUS, an ancient Roman divinity, whose
name is derived by some from conso^ i. e. consulo
(Plut. Rom. 14 ; Tertulh deSped. 5), while others
regard it as a contraction of conditus. (Pseudo-
Ascon. in Cic. Verr. ii. 10.) All we know about
the nature of this divinity is limited to what may
be inferred from the etymology of the name, and
from the rites and ceremonies which were observed
at his festival, the Consualia. {Diet, of Ant. s. v.)
With regard to the former, some call hira the god
of secret deliberations, and others the hidden or
mysterious god, that is, a god of the lower regions.
The story about the introduction of his worship
throws no light upon the question, since both ex-
planations are equally in accordance with it.
When after the building of Rome the Romans had
no women, it is said, and when their suit to obtain
them from the neighbouring tribes was rejected,
Romulus spread a report, that he had found the
altar of an unknown god buried under the earth.
The god was called Consus, and Romulus vowed
sacrifices and a festival to him, if he succeeded in
the plan he devised to obtain wives for his Ro-
mans. (Plut. I. c. ; Dionys. ii. 30, &c.) Livy- (i.
9) calls the god Neptunus Equestris. Haitung
{hie ReVui. d. Rom. ii. p. 87) has pointed out
reasons suHicient to shew, that Census must be re-
garded as an infernal divinity ; this notion is

3 1

850

COPONIUS.

implied in the tradition of his altar being lound '
under the earth, and also in the fact that mules
and horses, which were under the especial protec-
tion of the infernal divinities, were used in the
races at the Consualia, and were treated with
especial care and solemnity on that occasion. [L. S.]

COON (Kowv), a son of Antenor and brother of
Iphidamas, who wounded Agamemnon, but was
afterwards slain bj' him. He was represented on
the chest of Cvpselus. (Horn. //. xi. 248, &c.,
xix. 53; Paus.V. 19. U-) [L. S.J

COPHEN or COPHES {Ku<^u, Kw<^7js), son
of the satrap Arlabazus [No. 4, p. 368, b.), was
appointed to convey to Damascus the treasures of
Dareius, when the latter marched from Babylon to
meet Alexander, B. c 333. {Arr. Anab. ii. 15;
comp. Curt. Hi. 10.) The favour with which
Alexander regarded Artabazus was extended also
to Cophen, whom we find mentioned among the
young Asiatic nobles that were enrolled in the
body, of cavalry called "AyvfM, in the re-organiza-
tion of the anny in B. c. 424. (Arr. Anah. vii. 6 ;
comp. Polyb. v, 25, 65, xxxi. 3.) [E. E.]

COPO'NIUS, the name of a Roman family,
which originally came from Tibur. The name
occurs in an inscription found at Tibur.

1. T. CoPONius, of Tibur, a man of distin-
guished merit and rank, was made a Roman citizen
upon the condemnation of C. Masso, whom he
accused. (Cic. pro Balb. 23.)

2. M. CopoNius, had a celebrated law-suit re-
specting an inheritance with M\ Curius, b. c. 93.
The cause of Coponius was pleaded by Q. Scaevola,
and that of Curius by L. Crassus, in the court of
the centumviri. (Cic. de Oral. i. 39, ii. 32, Brui.
52.) [Curius.]

3. 4. T. and C. Coponii, two grandsons of No.
1, are spoken of by Cicero in a. c. 56 as two
young men of great acquirements. (Cic. pro Balb,
23, pro Cael. 10.) C. Coponius is probably the
same as No, 6.

5. Coponius, was left in command of Carrae in
the expedition of Crassus against the Parthians,
B. c. 53. (Plut. Crass. 27.) He may also have
been the same as No. 6.

6. C. Coponius, one of the praetors on the
breaking out of the civil war in B. c. 49. He
espoused the side of Pompey, followed him into
Greece, and had the command of the Rhodian
ships conjointly with C. Marcellus. (Cic. ad Alt.
viii. 12, A. ; Caes. B. C. iii. 5, 26 ; Cic. de Div. i.
32, ii. 55.) Coponius was proscribed by the
triumvirs in b. c. 43, but his wife obtained his
pardon from Antony by the sacrifice of her honour.
(Appian, B. C. iii. 40.) He is afterwards men-
tioned shortly before the battle of Actium as tlie
father-in-law of Silius, and as a greatly respected
member of the senate. (Veil. Pat. ii. 83.)

The following coin was probably struck by order
of this Coponius. It contains on the obverse the
head of Apollo, with the inscription Q. SiciNius
IIIviR (that is, of the mint), and on the reverse
a club with the skin of a lion upon it, and the in-

CORBULO.
scription C. Coponius Pr. S. C. The reverse no
doubt has reference to Hercules, whose worship
prevailed at Tibur.

COPO'NIUS, a Roman sculptor, author of the
fourteen statues of nations conquered by Pompey,
which were placed at the entrance of the porticoes
belonging to the theatre of Pompey at Rome, which
gave to this entrance-hall the name of Porticus ad
Nationes. This was built by Pompey himself, and
afterwards restored by Augustus. (Plin. H. N.
xxxvi. 4. §§ 12, 13; Suet. Ciaud. 46 ; Serv. ad
Viry. Aen. viii. 720; Thiersch, Epoch, p. 296 ; Ur-
lichs, Beschreib. der Stadt Rom, iii. 3, p. 59.) [L.U.]

COPREUS (KoTrpeus), a son of Pelops and
father of Periphetes. After having murdered
Iphitus, he fled from Elis to Mycenae, where he
was purified by Eurystheus, who employed him to
inform Heracles of the labours he had to perform.
(Hom. //. XV. 639 ; ApoUod. i. 5. § 1.) Euripides
in his " Heracleidae" makes him the herald of
Eurystheus. [L. S.]

CORAX (K<$pa|), a Sicilian, who, after the ex-
pulsion of Thrasybulus from Syracuse (b. c. 467),
by his oratorical powers acquired so much influence
over the citizens, that for a considerable time he
was the leading man in the commonwealth. The
great increase of litigation consequent on the con-
fusion produced by the expulsion of the tyrants
and the claims of those whom they had deprived
of their property, gjive a new impulse to the prac-
tice of forensic eloquence. Corax applied himself
to the study of its principles, opened a school of
rhetoric, and wrote a treatise (entitled Tex^v) era-
bodying such rules of the art as he had discovered.
He is commonly mentioned, with his pupil Tisias,
as the founder of the art of rhetoric ; he was at
any rate the earliest writer on the subject. His
work has entirely perished. It has been conjec-
tured (by Gamier, Mem. de Vlnstitut. de France.,
Classe d'' Hvitoire^ vol. ii. p. 44, &c., and others),
though upon very slight and insufficient grounds,
that the treatise entitled Rlietorica ad Alexandruvi,
found amongst the works of Aristotle, is the sup-
posed lost work of Corax. (Cic. Brut. 12, de Orai.
i. 20, iii. 21 ; Aristot. Rivet, ii. 24 ; Quintil. iii. 1;
Mongitor, BUL Sicul. i. p. 146, &c., ii. p. 267, &c.;
Westermann, Gesch. der Griech. Beredlsamkeii, i.
§ 27, note 5, &c., § 68, notes 8, 27.) [C. P. M.]

CORBIS and ORSUA, two Spanish chiefs,
and cousins-german, fought in the presence of
Scipio at New Carthage in Spain, B. c. 206, for
the sovereignty of the town of Ibis. (Li v. xxviii.
21; Val. Max. ix. 11, extern. 1.)

CO'RBULO, CN. DOMI'TIUS, a son of
Vestilia, who was married first to Herdonius, after-
wards to Pomponius, and at last to Orfitus. He
was accordingly a brother of Caesonia, the wife of
Caligula. He was invested with the praetorship
as early as the reign of Tiberius, and after the
expiration of this office was commissioned by Tibe-
rius and afterwards by Caligula to superintend the
improvement of the high-roads in Italy, which the
carelessness of the magistrates had allowed to fall
into decay. While engaged upon this undertaking
he committed acts of cruelty and extortion, proba-
bly in compliance with commands which he re-
ceived from Caligula, Avho rewarded his proceedings
with tlie honour of consul suffectus in a. d. 39.
In the reign of Claudius, however, he was taken
to account for these proceedings, and those who
had been injured by him were indemnified as far

CORBULO.

as was possible. In 47, however, Corbiilo obtiiincd
the command of an army in Germany, and fought
with great success against the Chauci under their
leader Gennascus. He maintained excellent dis-
cipline among his troops, and acted with great
caution and courage. His success excited either
the fear or jealousy of Claudius, for he was com-
manded to lead his army back to the western banks
of the Rhine. Corbulo obeyed, though with re-
lucUmce, as his career was thus checked without
any necessity; but to prevent his soldiers from
becoming demoralized by inactivity, he made them
dig a canal between the Meuse and the Rhine, of
2;i,000 paces in length, in order to prevent the
inundation of the country by the tide of the sea.
In 54, shortly after the accession of Nero, Corbulo
was entrusted with the supreme command against
the Parthians, whose king, Vologeses, had invaded
Armenia and expelled its king, Rhadamistus, who
was under the protection of the Romans. But as
Vologeses was engaged in quelling an insurrection
of his own son, Vardanes, he withdrew his troops
from Armenia, and gave the most distinguished
members of the family of the Arsacidae as hostages
to the Romans. But, a few years later, a. d. 58,
the war broke out afresh, and Corbulo fought
with great success against Tiridates, the brother of
\'ologeses, who now claimed the throne of Armenia.
Corbulo took the towns of Artaxata and Tigrano-
certa, and secured the throne to Tigranes, to whom
Nero had given the kingdom of Armenia. In 63,
Vologeses and Tiridates renewed the war; and, as
Corbulo had to protect Syria, Caesennius Paetus
was sent into Armenia ; but he conducted the war
with so much inability and want of success, that
Corbulo was in the end glad to see Vologeses will-
ing to conclude a treaty by w^hich both the Romans
and Parthians were obliged to evacuate Armenia.
But Tiridates soon after took possession of Arme-
nia, and then sent an insulting letter to Rome,
requesting Nero's sanction to his title of king of
Armenia. This conduct occasioned a renewal of
the war, and Corbulo marched with a strong army
into Armenia. But the Parthians had become
tired of incessant warfare : they sued for peace,
and Tiridates condescended to lay down his crown
before a statue of Nero, in order to receive it back
at Rome from the hands of the emperor himself.
Corbulo sent Annius, his son-in-law, to accompany
Tiridates to Rome, in order to attest his own fide-
lity to the emperor.

Corbulo was one of the greatest generals of the
time, and amid the universal hatred which Nero
had drawn upon himself, Corbulo remained faith-
ful to him. His power and influence with the
army were very great, and if he had placed himself
at the head of an insurn^ction, he would have been
sure of obtaining the imperial dignity. But he
seems never to have entertained such a thought :
the reward he earned for his fidelity was — death.
For, in a. d. 67, when Nero was in Greece, he
invited Corbulo to come to him. As soon as the
latter landed at Cenchreae, Nero gave orders for
his execution. When Corbulo was informed of his
fate, he plunged his sword into his breast, exclaim-
ing, " Well deserved !" (Plin. H. N. ii. 70, vi. 8,
13, vii. 5 ; Tac. Ann. iii. 31, ix. 18, &c., xiii. 6,
&c., 34, &c., xiv. 23, &c., xv. 1, &c., 26, &c..
Hist. ii. 76 ; Dion Cass. li.x. 15, Ix. 30, Ixii. 19,
&c., Ixiii, 17 ; Frontin, Slraieg. iv. 2, 7, ii. 9,
iv. 1.) [L.S.]

CORDUS. 851

CORDACA (Kop^cf/ca), a surname of Axtemis
in Elis, derived from an indecent dance called
/frf/DSol, which the companions of Pelops are said
to have performed in honour of the goddess after
a victory which they had won. (Paus. vi. 22,
§ 1.) [L. S.]

CORDUS, AE'LIUS, or Junius Cordus,
apparently different designations of the same indi-
vidual— an historian perpetually quoted by Capito-
linus in his biographies of Albinu*, the Maximins,
the Gordians, and Maximus with Balbinus. He
appears to have been an accurate chronicler of
trivial facts. (Capit. Albin. c. 11.) [W. R.]

CORDUS, CAE/SIUS, governor of Crete, with
the title of proconsul, in the reign of Tiberius, was
accused by Ancharius Priscus of extortion in his
province. The accusation was supported by the
inhabitants of Cyrene, which was included in the
province of Crete, and Cordus was condemned.
(Tac. Ann. iii. 38, 70.)

CORDUS, CREMU'TIUS, a Roman historian,
who, after having lived long and blamelessly, was
impeached by two of his own clients before Tibe-
rius of having praised Brutus and denominated
Cassius " the last of the Romans'" — " crimine,"
says Tacitus, " novo ac tunc primum audito."
His real offence, however, was the freedom of
speech in which he had indulged against Sejanus,
for the work in which the objectionable passages
occurred had been published for many years, and
had been read with approbation by Augustus him-
self. Perceiving from the relentless aspect of the
emperor that there was no room for hope, Cordus
delivered an apology, the substance of which has
been preserved or fabricated by Tacitus, appealing
to the impunity enjoyed under similar circum-
stances by all preceding annalists, and then quitting
the senate-house retired to his own mansion, where
he starved himself to death, (a. d. 25.) The
subservient fathers ordained that his works should
be burned by the aediles in the city, and by the
public authorities wherever elsewhere found, but
copies were so much the more eagerly treasured in
concealment by his daughter Marcia and by his
friends, who afterwards gave them again to the
world with the full permission of Caligula. A few
scanty fragments are contained in the seventh of
the Smisoriae of Seneca.

(Tac. Ann. iv. 34, 35 ; Sueton. Odav. 35, Tib.
61, Calig. 16; Senec. Suasor. vii., and especially
his Cmisolatio addressed to Marcia, the daughter
of Cremutius Cordus, cc. 1 and 22 ; Dion Cass.
Ivii. 24.) [W. R.]

CORDUS, JUNIUS. [Cordus, Ablius.]

CORDUS, MUCIUS. This surname was borne
by some of the Scaevolae [Scaevolae], and occurs
on the annexed coin of the Mucia gens. The
obverse represents two heads, the one crowned
with laurel and the other with a helmet, which
would appear from the letters on each side to
represent Honos and Virtus • the letters Kaleni
underneath refer to some members of the Fufia
gens. [Caleni:s.] On the reverse two women
are standing, the one on the left representing Italia
and the one on the right Roma, the former hold-
ing a cornucopia in her hand, and the latter with
a sceptre in her hand and her foot on a globe :
beneath is Cordi. Who the Calenus and Cordus
are, mentioned on the coin, is quite uncertiiin. The
figures of Italia and Roma would seem to refer to
I the times when harmony was established between

3i2

852

CORINNA.

Rome and the people of lUily after the Social wai-. 1
(Eckhel, V. pp. 220, 2.56.) j

CORE (K(Jp7j), the maiden, a name by which
Persephone is often called. [Perskphone.] [L. S.]

CORE, of Corinth, mentioned among the mythic
stories of the invention of sculpture. (Plin. H. N.
XXXV. 43; Athenag. Legal, pro Chrht. c. 17.) [L.U.]

L. CORFI'DIUS, a Roman knight, whom
Cicero mentioned in his oration for Ligarius, B. c.
46, as one of the distinguished men who were in-
terceding with Caesar on behalf of Ligarius ; but
after the oration was published, Cicero was re-
minded that he had made a mistake in mentioning
the name of Corfidius, as the latter had died before
the speech was delivered. (Cic. pro Lijar. 11,
ad Alt. xiii. 44.) It is probably this Corfidius of
Avhose return to life an amusing tale is related by
Pliny on the authority of Varro. {H. N. vii. 52.)

CORINNA {K6pivva), a Greek poetess, a na-
tive of Tanagra in Boeotia. According to some
accounts (Eudocia, p. 270; Welcker, in Creuzer's
Me/etem, ii. pp. 10-17), she was the daughter of
Achelodorus and Procratia. On account of her
long residence in Thebes, she was sometimes called
a Theban. She flourished about the beginning of
the fifth century b. c, and was a conteniporary of
Pindar, whom she is said to have instructed (Flut.
de Glor. Allien, iv. p. 348, a.), and with whom she
strove for a prize at the public games at Thebe.s.
According to Aelian ( V. H. xiii. 25), she gained
the victory over him five times. Pausanias (iit.
22. ( 3) does not speak of more than one victory,
and mentions a picture which he saw at Tanagra,
in which she was represented binding her liair
with a fillet in token of her victory, which he
attributes as much to her beauty and to the cir-
cumstance that she wrote in the Aeolic dialect, as
to her poetical tjilents. At a later period, when
Pindar's fame was more securely established, she
blamed her contemporary, Myrtis, for entering into
a similar contest with him. (Apollon. Dj'scol. in
Wolf, Corinmie Carm. p. 56, &c.) The Aeolic
dialect employed by Corinna had many Boeotian
peculiarities. (Eustath. ad Od. vol. i. p. 376. 10,
ad 11. vol. ii. p. 364. 22, ed. Lips. ; Wolf, /. c.)
She appears to have intended her poems chiefly
for Boeotian ears ; hence the numerous local refer-
ences connected with Boeotia to be found in them.
(Paus. ix. 20. $ 1 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. ©ea-rreta ;
Eustath. ad II. vol. i. p. 215. 2. ed. Lips. ; Schol.
ml Apoll. lihod. ii. 1177.) They were collected in
five books, and were chiefly of a lyrical kind, com-
prising choral songs, lyrical nomes, parthenia, epi-
grams, and erotic and heroic poems. The last,
however, seem to have been written in a lyrical
fonn. Among them we find mentioned one enti-
tled lolausy and one llie Seven agahist Tliebes.
Only a few unimportant fragments have been pre-
served.

Statues were erected to Corinna in different
purts of Greece, and she was ranked as the first
and most distinguished of the nine lyrical Muses.

CORIOLAXL'S-

She was sumamed Myia (the Fly). \\'e liave
mention of a younger Corinna of Thebes, also sur-
named Myia, who is probably the same with the
contemporary of Pindar. And so also is probably
a Myia or Corinna of Thespiae who is mentioned
(Suidas, s.v. Kopivva). The fragments that are left
may be found in Ch. Wolfs Fott. oclo Fragm. ei
Elog. Hamburg, 1734, and in A. Schneider's Poet.
Graec Fragm. Giessen, 1802. [C. P. M.]

CORINNUS (Koptj/j'os), was, according to Sui-
das (s. r.), an epic poet, a native of Ilium, who
lived before Homer, in the time of the Trojan war,
and wrote an Iliad, from which Homer borrowed
the argument of his poem. He also, according to
the same authority, sang the war of Dardanus
with the Paphlagonians. He is likewise said to
have been a pupil of Palamedes, and to have writ-
ten in the Doric characters invented by the latter.
(Suidas, s. v.; Eudocisi, p. 271 ; Fabric. BiU.
Graec. i. 16.) [C. P. M.]

CORINTH US (Kopivdos), according to the
local tradition of Corinth, a son of Zeus and the
founder of the town of Corinth. (Paus. ii. 1. § 1 ;
SchoL ad Find. Nem. vii. 155.) There are two
other mvthical beings of this name. (Paus. ii. 3.
$ 8; Apollod. iii. 16. §2.) [L. S.]

CORIOLA'NUS, C, or more properly, Cn.
MA'RCIUS, the hero of one of the most beautiful
of the early Roman legends, was said to have been
the son of a descendant of king Ancus Marcius.
His mother's name, according to the best authori-
ties, was Veturia (Plutarch calls her Volumnia).
He lost his father while yet a child, and under the
training of his mother, whom he loved exceedingly,
grew up to be a brave and valiant man ; but he
was likewise noted for his imperious and proud
temper. He was said to have fought in the battle
by the lake Regillus, and to have won a civic
crown in it. To explain his surname, Coriolanus,
the legend told how in a war with the Volscians
their capital, Corioli, was attacked by the Romans.
When the enemy made a sally, Marcius at the
head of a few brave men drove them back, and
then, single-handed (for his followers could not
support him), drove the Volscians before him to
the other side of the town. So in memory of his
prowess the surname Coriolanus was given him.
But his haughty bearing towards the commons
excited their fear and dislike, and when he was a
candidate for the consulship, they refused to elect
him. After this, when there was a famine in the
city, and a Greek prince sent corn from Sicily,
Coriolanus advised that it should not be distributed
to the commons, unless they gave up their tribunes.
For this he was impeached and condemned to
exile. He now took refuge among the Volscians,
and promised to assist them in war against the
Romans. Attius Tullius, the king of the Vols-
cians, found a pretext for a quarrel, and war was
declared. Coriolanus was appointed general of the
Volscian army. He took many towns, and ad-
vanced plundering and burning the property of the
commons, but sparing that of the patricians, till he
came to the fossa Cluilia, or Cluilian dyke. Here
he encamped, and the Romans in alarm (for they
could not raise an army) sent as deputies to him
five consulars, offering to restore him to his rights.
But he refused to make peace unless the Romans
would restore to the Volscians all the lands they
had taken from them, and receive all the people as
citizens. To these terms the deputies could not

CORIPPUS.

agree. After this the Romans sent the ton chief
men of the Senate, and then all the priests and
augurs. But Coriolanus would not listen to them.
Then, at the suggestion of Valeria, the noblest ma-
trons of Rome, headed by Veturia, and Volumnia,
the wife of Coriolanus, with his two little children,
came to his tent. His mother's reproaches, and
the tears of his wife, and the other matrons bent
his purpose. He led back his army, and lived in
exile among the Volscians till his death. On the
spot where he yielded to his mother's words, a
temple was dedicated to Fortuna Muliebris, and
Valeria was the first priestess.

Such is the substance of the legend. The date
assigned to it in the annals is b. c 490. Its in-
consistency with the traces of real history which
have come down to us have been pointed out by
Niebuhr, who has also shewn that if his banish-
ment be placed some twenty years later, and his
attack on the Romans about ten years after that,
the groundwork of the story is reconcileable with
history. The account of his condemnation is not
applicable to the sUite of things earlier than B. c.
470^ about which time a famine happened, while
Hiero was tyrant of Syracuse, and might have been
induced by his hostility to the Etruscans to send
com to the Romans. Moreover, in B. c. 458, the
Volscians obtained from the Romans the very
tenns which were proposed by Coriolanus. " The
list of his conquests is only that of a portion of
those made by the Volscians transferred to a
Roman whose glory was flattering to national
vanity." The circumstance that the story has
been referred to a wrong date Niebuhr considers
to have arisen from its being mixed up with the
foundation of the temple to Fortuna Muliebris,
The name Coriolanus may have been derived from
his settling in the town of Corioli after his banish-
ment. Whether he had anj-^ share in bringing
about the peace of 458, Niebuhr considers doubt-
ful. (Plut. Coriolanus; Liv. ii. 34 — 40 ; Dionys.
vii. 20— viii. 59; Niebuhr, vol. ii. pp. 94—107,
234—260). [C. P. M.]

CORIPPUS, FLA'VIUS CRESCO'NIUS.
In the year 1581 a work issued from the press of
Plantin at Antwerp, editec^ by Michael Ruiz, a
Spaniard, and bearing the title Corippi Africani
Grammatici fragmentum carminis in laudein impe-
rato)is Juatiui Minoris; Carmen paneyyricum in
latnlem Anastasii quaestoris et magistri ; de laudibus
Justini A ugusti Minoris lieroico carmine libri I V.
The two former, of which the first is imperfect, are
extremely short, and in reality are merely the pre-
face and epistle dedicatory of the third, which
extends to nearly 1600 hexameter lines, and is a
formal panegyric, conceived in all the hyperbolical
extravagance of the Byzantine school, in honour of
the younger Justin, who swayed the empire of the
East from A, D. 565 to 578. Ruiz asserts, that
these pieces were faithfully copied from a MS.
more than 700 years old ; but of this document he
gives no description ; he does not state how it had
come into his possession, nor where it was deposited ;
it has never been found ; and no other being known
to exist, the text depends upon the editio princeps
alone.

Corippus, in the preface above mentioned, refers
to a poem which he had previously composed upon
the African wars.

Quid Libycas gentes, quid Syrtica proelia dicam

Jam libris completa nieis ?

CORIPPUS.

853

Now, Johannes Cuspianus " De Caesaribus ct Im-
peratoribus" declares, that he saw in the royal
library at Buda a poem in eight books entitled
Johannis by F/avitis Cresconius Corippus, the sub-
ject of which was the war carried on against the
Africans by Johannes Patricius, and he quotes the
first five lines beginning
Signa, duces gentesque feras, Martisque ruinas.

Moreover, we can prove from history that Cuspia-
nus was at Buda between the years 1510 and 1515.
Secondly, it is known that as late as 1532 a MS.
"De Bellis Libycis" was preserved in the monas-
tery of the Monte Casino, bearing the name of
Cresconius, the first word being " Victoris." This
does not correspond, it will be observed, with the
commencement given by Cuspianus ; but the differ-
ence, as we shall soon see, is only apparent. Both
of the above MSS. have disappeared and left no
trace behind them. Lastly, in the Valhcellan
library at Rome is a MS. of the tenth century,
containing a collection of ancient canons, to which
the transcriber has prefixed the following note :
" Concordia Canonum a Cresconio Afiicano episcopo
digesta sub capitulis trecentis : iste nimirum Cres-
conius bella et victorias, quas Johannes Patricius
apud Africam de Saracenis gessit, hexametris ver-
sibus descripsit," &c. From this it was inferred
by many scholars, that Cresconius must have flour-
ished towards the end of the seventh century,
since we learn from Cedrenus that, in 697, the
Arabians overran Africa, and were expelled by a
certain Johannes Patricius despatched thither by
the emperor Leontius ; hence also Corippus and
Cresconius were generally distinguished from each
other, the former being supposed to be the author
of the panegyric upon Justin, the latter of the
Concordia Canonura and the poem " de Bellis
Libycis." Various other conjectures were formed
and combinations imagined which are now not
worth discussing, since a great portion of the doubt
and difficulty was removed by Mazuchelli in 1814,
who discovered the long-lost Juhannis in the li-
brary of the Marquis of Trivulzi at Milan, where
it had been overlooked in consequence of having
been inserted in the catalogue as the production of
a Johannes de Aretio, who lived towards the close
of the 1 4th century, and who appears to have tran-
scribed it into the same volume with his own bar-
barous effusions. The Praefatio to this Johannis
begins

Victoris, proceres, praesumsi dicere lauros,

while the first lines of the poem itself are the same
with those quoted by Cuspianus, thus establishing
the identity of the piece with that contained in
the MSS. of Buda and Monte Casino, and enabling
us to determine the full name of the author as
given at the head of this article. The theme is a
war carried on in Africa against the Moors and
Vandals during the reign of Justinian, about the
year 550, by a proconsul or magister militiae
named Johannes, who is the hero of the lay. The
campaign in question is noticed by Procopius
{Ii. V. ii. 28, B. a. iv. 17) and Pauhis Diaconus.
{De. Gestk Longobard. i. 25.) Of Johannes we
know nothing except what we are told by Proco-
pius and by the poet himself. He was the brother
of Pappus; had served along with him on two
previous occasions in Africa, under Belisarius m
533, and under Oermanus in 537 ; his father was

851 CORIPPUS.

named Evantus; his wife was the daughter of a
king; his son was cjiUed Peter; he had been em-
ployed in the East against the Persians, and had
been recalled from thence to head an expedition
against the rebellious Moors. (Procop. //. cc. and
U. a. iv. 34 ; Johan. i. 197, 380, vii. 576.)

Although the designation and age of Corippus
are thus satisfactorily ascertained, and the author
of the Johannis is proved to be the same person
with the panegyrist of Justinian's nephew, we
have no means of deciding with equal certainty
whether he is to be identified with the African
bishop Cresconius who compiled a Cunonum Bre-
viarium and a Concordia Canonum, the former
being a sort of index or table of contents to the
latter, which comprises an extensive and important
collection of laws of the Cluirch, aininged not
chronologically according to the date of the several
councils, but systematically according to the nature
of the subjects, and distributed under three hun-
dred titles. Saxe and most writers upon the history
of ecclesiastical literature j)lace the prelate in the
reign of Tiberius III. as low as a. d. ()98, this
epoch being assigned to him on the double suppo-
Bition that he was the composer of the Libyan War
and that this was the Libyan War of Leontius ;
bat the latter hypothesis has now been proved to
be false. The epithets Afiicani and Grammatici
— attached, as we have already seen, to the name
of Corippus in the editio priiiceps of the panegyric,
the former pointing out his countrj% which is
clearly indicated by several expressions in the
work itself, the latter a complimentary designation
equivalent at that period to "learned," — convey
the sum total of the information we possess con-
cerning his personal history.

With regard to his merits, the opigrammatia
censure of Riillet, that he was a grer.t flatterer
and a little poet, is perhaps not absolutely unjust;
but if we view him in relation to the state of lite-
rature in the age when he flourished, and compare
him with his contemporaries, we may feel inclined
to entertain some respect for his talents. He was
evidently well read in Virgil, Lucan, and Claudian;
the last two especially seem to have been his mo-
dels ; and hence, while his language is wonderfully
pure, we have a constant display of rhetorical de-
clamation and a most ambitious straining after
splendour of diction. Nor is the perusal of his
verses unattended with profit, inasmuch as he
frequently sheds light upon a period of history for
which our authorities are singularly imperfect and
obscure, and frequently illustrates with great life
and vigour, the manners of the Byzantine court.
In proof of this, we need only turn to the 45th
chapter of Gibbon, where the striking description
of Justin's elevation, and the complicated ceremo-
nies which attended his coronation, is merely a
translation " into simple and concise prose" from
the first two books of Corippus. The text, as
might be anticipated from the circumstance that
each poem depends upon a single MS., that one of
these has never been collated or even seen by any
modern scholar, and that the other was transcribed
at a late period by a most ignorant copyist, — is
miserably defective ; nor can we form any reason-
able expectation of its being materially improved.

The Editio Princeps of the Panegyric is gene-
rally marked by bibliographers as having been
printed by Plantin, at Antwerp, in 1581; but
Funccius {De inerti etc decrepU. L. L. Scncdide,

CORN EL L\.

p. 247) speaks as if Ruiz had previously published
an edition at Madrid in 1579; to this, or the.se,
succeeded the edition of Thomas Dempster, 8vo.,
Paris, 1610; of Rivinus, 8vo., Leipzig, 1663 ; ot
Ritterhusius, 4to., Altdorf, 1664; of Goetzius,
8vo., Altdorf, 1743 ; and of Foggini, 4to. Rome,
1777, which completes the list.

The Johannis, discovered as described above,
was first printed at Milan, 4to., 1820, with the
notes of Mazuchelli.

Both works will be found in the best form in
the new Corpus Scriptorura Historiae Byzantinae
at present in the course of publication at Bonn.

The Cunonum Breviarium and the Concordia
Canonum are printed entire in the first volume of
the Bibliotheca Juris Canonici published by Voellus
and Justellus at Paris, fol. 1661.

The lireviurium was first published at Paris by
Pithou in 1588, 8vo., and is contained in the
Bibliotlieca Putrum Lugdun. vol. ix. [W. R. j

CORISCUS (Kopio-Kos), is mentioned, with
Erastus, as a disciple of Plato, by Diogenes (iii.
31, 8. 46), who also states, that Plato wrote a
letter to Erastus and Coriscus. (iii. 36, s. 61.)
They were both natives of Scepsis in the Troas.
(Diog. /. c; Strab. xiii. p. 608.) [P. S.]

CORNE'LIA. 1. One of the noble women at
Rome, who was said to have been guilty of poison-
ing the leading men of the state in B. c. 331, the
first instance in which this crime is mentioned in
Roir.an history. The aediles were informed by a
slave-girl of the guilt of Cornelia and other Roman
matrons, and in consequence of her information
they detected Cornelia and her accomplices in the
act of preparing certain drugs over a fire, which
they were compelled by the magistrates to drink,
and thus perished. (Liv. viii. 18; comp. Val.
Max. ii. 5. § 3 ; August, de Civ. Dei, iii. 1 7 ;
Did. of Ant. s. v. Veneficium.)

Family o/iJie Cifinae.

2. Daughter of L. Cinna, one of the great
leaders of the Marian party, was married to C.
Caesar, afterwards dictator. Caesar married her
in B. c. 83, when he was only seventeen years of
age ; and when Sulla commanded him to put her
away, he refused to do so, and chose rather to be
deprived of her fortune and to be proscribed himself.
Cornelia bore him his daughter Julia, and died be-
fore his quaestorship. Caesar delivered an oration
in praise of her from the Rostra, when he was
quaestor. (Plut. Cues. 1, 5; Suet. Cues. 1, 5, 6 ;
Veil. Pat. ii. 41.)

3. Sister of the preceding, was married to Cn.
Domitius Ahenobarbus, who was proscribed by
Sulla in B. c. 82, and killed in Africa, whither he
liad fled. [Ahenobarbus, No. 6.]

Family (if the Scipiones.

4. The elder daughter of P. Scipio Africanus
the elder, was married in her father's life-time to
P. Scipio Nasica. (Liv. xxxviii. 57 ; Polyb. xxxii.
13.)

5. The younger daughter of P. Scipio Africanus
the elder, was married to Ti. Sempronius Gracchus,
censor b. c. 169, and was by him the mother of
the two tribunes Tiberius and Caius. Gracchus
espoused the popular party in the commonwealth,
and was consequently not on good terms with
Scipio, and it was not till after the death of the
latter, according to most accounts, that Gracchus

COKNELIA.

married his daughter. According to other state-
ments, however, Cornelia was married to Gracchus
in the life-time of her father, and Scipio is said to
have given her to Gnicchus, because the latter in-
terfered to save his brother L. Scipio from being
dragged to prison. (Plut. Ti, Graech. 1 ; Liv.
xxxviii. 57.) ComelLi was left a widow with a
young family of twelve children, and devoted her-
self entirely to their education, rejecting all offers
of a second marriage, and adhering to her resolu-
tion even when tempted by Ptolemy, who offered
to share his crown and bed with her. Of her
numerous family three only survived their child-
hood,— a daughter, who was married to Scipio
Africanus the Younger, and her two sons Tiberius
and Cuius. Cornelia had inherited from her father
a love of literature, and united in her person the
severe virtues of the old Roman matron with the
superior knowledge, refinement, and civilization
which then began to prevail in the higher classes
at Rome. She was well acquainted with Greek
literature, and spoke her own language with that
purity and elegance which pre-eminently character-
ises well educated women in every country. Her
letters, which were extant in the time of Cicero,
were models of composition, and it was doubtless
mainly owing to her judicious training that her
sons became in after-life such distinguished orators
and statesmen. (Comp. Cic. Brut. 58.) As the
daughter of the conqueror of Hannibal, the mother
of the Gracchi, and the mother-in-law of the taker
of Carthage and Numantia, Cornelia occupies a
prouder position than any other woman in Roman
history. She was almost idolized by the people,
and exercised an important influence over her two
sons, whose greatness she lived to see, — and also
their death. It was related by some writers that Ti.
Gracchus was urged on to propose his laws by the
reproaches of his mother, who upbraided him with
her being called the mother-in-law of Scipio and
not the mother of the Gracchi ; but though she
was doubtless privy to all the plans of her son,
and probably urged him to persevere in his course,
his lofty soul needed not such inducements as these
to undertake what he considered necessary for the
salvation of the state. Such respect was paid to
her by her son Caius, that he dropped a law upon
her intercession which was directed against M.
Octavius, who had been a coUcigue of Tiberius in
his tribunate. But great as she was, she did not
escape the foul aspersions of calumny and slander.
Some attributed to her, with the assistance of her
daughter, the death of her son-in-law, Scipio Afri-
canus the Younger (Appian, B. C. i. 20) ; but this
charge is probably nothing but the base invention of
party malice. She bore the death of her sons with
magnanimity, and said in reference to the conse-
crated places where they had lost their lives, that
they were sepulchres worthy of them. On the mur-
der of Caius, she retired to Misenum, where she
spent the remainder of her life. Here she exercised
unbounded hospitality ; she was constantly sur-
rounded by Greeks and men of letters ; and the
various kings in alliance with the Romans were
accustomed to send her presents, and receive the
like from her in return. Thus she reached a good
old age, honoured and respected by all, and the
Roman people erected a statue to her, with the
inscription, Cornelia, mother of thb Gracchi.
(Plut. Ti. Graech. 1, 8, C. Graech. 4, 19; Oros.
V. 12; Veil. Pat. ii. 1.)

CORNELIANUS.

855

6. Daughter of P. Cornelius Scipio (also called
Q. Caecilius Metellus Scipio, on account of his
adoption by Q. Metellus), consul in b. c. 52,
was first married to P. Crassus, the son of the
triumvir, who perished, in B. c. 53, with hig fa-
ther, in the expedition against the Parthians.
In the next year she married Pompey the
Great. This marriage was not merely a political
one ; for Pompey seems to have been captivated
by her. She was still young, possessed of ex-
traordinary beauty, and distinguished for her
knowledge of literature, music, geometry, and phi-
losophy. In B. c. 49, Pompey sent her, when he
abandoned Italy, with his youngest son Sextus to
Lesbos, where she received her husband upon his
flight after the battle of Pharsalia. She accom-
panied him to the Egyptian coast, saw him mur-
dered, and fled first to Cypnis and afterwards to
Cyrene. But, pardoned by Caesar, she soon after-
wards returned to Rome, and received from him
the ashes of her husband, which she preserved on
his Alban estate. (Plut. Pomp. 55, 66, 74, 76,
78—80; Appian, B. C. ii. 83 ; Dion Cass. xl. 51,
xlii. 5 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 53 ; Lucan, iii. 23, v. 725,
viii. 40, &c.)

Family of the SuUae.

7. Sister of the dictator Sulla, was married to
Nonius, and her son is mentioned as grown up
in B. c. 88. (Plut. Sull. 10.)

8. Daughter of the dictator Sulla, was married
to Q. Pompeius Rufus, who was murdered by the
Marian party, in B. c. 88, at the instigation of the
tribune Sulpicius. (Liv. Epit. 77 ; Veil. Pat. ii.
18; Plut. ^«//. 8.)

9. Another daughter of the dictator Sulla, was
married first to C. Memmius, and afterwards to T.
Annius Milo. She is better known by the name
of Fausta. [Fausta.]

CORNE'LIA ORESTILLA. [OREyriLLA.]
CORNE'LIA PAULLA. [Paulla.]
CORNE'LIA GENS, patrician and plebeijui,
was one of the most distinguished Roman gentes,
and produced a greater number of illustrious men
than any other house at Rome. All its gi-eat
families belonged to the patrician order. The
names of the patrician families are: — Arvina,
Blasio, Cethegus, Cinna, Cossrs, Dolabeli.a,
Lentulus (with the agnomens Cuudimis, Clodi-
anus. Cms, Gaetulicus, Lupus, Maluginensis, Mar-
celH7ius, Niger, Rufinus, Scipio, Spinther, Su?-a}j
Maluginensis, Mammula, Merenda, Merula,
RuFiNus, Scapula, Scipio (with the agnomens
Afncanus, Asiaiicua, Asina^ Barbcttus, Calvus^
Hu-pallus, Nasica, Serapio), Sisenna, and Sulla
(with the agnomen Felix). The names of the
plebeian families are Balbus and Gallus, and we
also find various cognomens, as Chrysogonus, Cul-
leolus, Phoffita, &c., given to freedmen of this gens.
There are also several plebeians mentioned without
any surname : of these an account is given under
Cornelius. The following cognomens occur on
coins of this gens: — Balbus, Blasio, Cethegus, Cinrnif
Lentulus, Scipio, Sisenna, Sulla. Under the empire
the number of cognomens increased considerably ;
of these an alphabetical list is given under Cor-
nelius.

CORNELIA'NUS, a Roman rhetorician, who
seems to have lived in the reign of M. Aurelius
and Verus, and was secretary to the emperor M.
Aurelius. The grammarian Phr\ nichus, who de-

856

CORNELIUS.

dicated to Comelianus his " Ecloge." speaks of him
in terms of high praise, and describes him as wor-
thy of the age of Demosthenes. (Comp. Phrynich.
s. V. ^a<ri\i(r(ra, p, •225, s. v. to irpoa-wna, p, 379,
ed. Lobeck.) Pronto (Epist. ad Amic. i. 4, p. 187
and p. 237) mentions a rhetorician of the name of
Sulpicius Cornelianus ; but whether he is the same
as the friend of Phrynichus, as Mai supposes, is
uncertain, though there is nothing to oppose the
supposition. [L. S.]

CORNE'LTUS. Many plebeians of this name
frequently occur towards the end of the republic
without any cognomen. [Cornelia Gens.] Their
great number is no doubt owing to the fact men-
tioned by Appian (/?. C. i. 100), that the dictator
Sulla bestowed the Roman franchise upon 10,000
slaves, and called them after his own name, " Cor-
nelii," that he might alwaj's have a large number
among the people to support him. Of these the
most important are : —

1. Cornelius, a secretary (scriba) in Sulla's
dictatorship, lived to become city quaestor in the
dictatorship of Caesar. (Sail. Hist, in Or. Lep.;
Cic. de Ojr. ii. 8.)

2. Cornelius Phagita, the commander of a
company of soldiers, into whose hands Caesar fell
when he was proscribed by Sulla in B. c. 82. It
was with difficulty that Cornelius allowed him to
escape even after receiving a bribe of two talents,
but Caesar never punished him when he afterwards
obtained supreme power. (Suet. Caes. 74; Plut.
Caes. 1.

3. C. CoRNK.Lius, tribune of the plebs, b.c. 67.
whom Cicero defended. See below.

4. C. Cornelius, a Roman knight, and one of
Catiline's crew, undertook, in conjunction with L.
Varjrunteius to murder Cicero in B.C. 63, but their
plan was frustrated by information conveyed to
Ciiero tlirougii Curius and Fulvia. Wlien accuse<i
Kub.sequenlly, he could obtain no one to defend
him; but he escaped punishment probably on ac-
count of the information he gave respecting the
con.^pirary. Wiien P. Sulla was accused in B c.
62 of participation in the conspiracy. Cornelius
Ciiused his son to i-ome forward as a witness against
liim. (Sal. Cat. 17, 28; C'lc. pro Sull. 2, 6, 18.)

5. P. Cornelius, tribune of the plebs, B.C. 51.
(Cic ad Fum. viii. 8.)

6. Cornelius, a centurion in the army of
young Octavianus, was at the head of the embassy
sent to Rome in B. c. 43, to demand in the name
of the army the consulship for their general.
When the senate hesitated to comply with their
demands, Cornelius threw back his cloak, and
pointing to the hilt of his sword, exclaimed, " This
shall make him consul, if vou won't." (Suet. A ug. 26. )

C. CORNE'LIUS, of a plebeian branch of the
Cornelia gens, was quaestor of Pompey the Great.
In the year B. c. 67, he was tribune of the plebs,
and proposed a law in the senate to prevent the
lending of money to foreign ambassadors at Rome.
The proposition was not carried, since many of
the senators derived profit from the practice, which
had led to sliameful abuses by the bribery and ex-
tortions which it covered. He then proposed that
no person should be released from the obligations
of a law except bj' the populus. The senate had
of late exercised a power, analogous to that of the
British Parliament in passing private acts, which
exempt individuals in certain cases from the general
provisions of the law. This power the senate was

CORNELIUS.

unwilling to be deprived of, and the tribune Ser-
vilius Globulus, a colleague of Cornelius, was per-
suaded to interpose, and prohibit the reading of
the rogation by the clerk. Cornelius thereupon
read it himself, and a tumult followed. Cornelius
took no part in the riot, and evinced his moderation
by being content with a law, which made the
presence of 200 senators requisite to the validity
of a dispensing senatusconsultum. When his year
of office was ended, he was accused of majestas by
P. Cominius, for reading the rogation in defiance
of the intercession of Globulus ; the accusation
was dropped this year, but renewed in b. c. 65.
Cornelius was ably defended by Cicero (part of
whose speech is extant), and was acquitted by a
majority of votes. [Cominius, Nos. 5 and 6.]

In his tribuneship, he was the successful pro-
poser of a law, of which the importance can
scarcely be over-rated. In order to check the
partiality of occasional edicts, it was enacted by
the lex Cornelia " ut praetores ex edictis suis per-
I petuis jus dicerent." {Did. of Ant. s. v. Edictum.)

Cornelius was a man of blameless private life,
and, in his public character, though he was accused
of factiousness by the nobles, seems to have advo-
cated useful measures. (Asconius, in Cic. pro
Cornel. ; Dion Cass, xxxvi. 21, 23 ; Drumann'a
GescJi. Rams, ii. p. 613.) [J. T. G.]

CORNE'LIUS, succeeded Fabianus as bishop
of Rome on the 4th of June, A. D. 251. He is
chiefly remarkable on account of the controversy
which he maintained with Novatianus in regard to
the readinission of the Lapsi, that is. Christians
who after baptism, influenced by the terrors of per-
secution, had openly fallen away from the faitli.
Cornelius was disposed to be lenient towards the
renegades upon receiving full evidence of their
contrition, while Novatianus denied the power of
the church to grant forgiveness under such circum-
stances and restore the culprits to her communion.
The result of the dispute was, that, upon the elec-
tion of Cornelius, Novatianus refused to acknow-
ledge the authority of his opponent, who summoned
a council, by which his own opinions were fully
confirmed. Upon this the religious warfare raged
more fiercely than ever ; Novatianus was irregu-
larly chosen bishop by some of his own partizans,
and thus arose the schism of the Novatians. [No-
vatianus.] Cornelius, however, enjoyed his
dignity for but a very brief period. He was
banished to Civita Vecchia by the emperor Gallus,
in A. D. 252, where he soon after died, or, accord-
ing to some accounts, suiFered martyrdom. He is
known to have written several Epistles, two of
which addressed to Cyprian will be found in the
works of that prelate, and in Constant's '' Epistolae
Pontificum," p. 125, while a fragment of a third is
preserved in the ecclesiastical history of Eusebius.
(vi. 43.) [Cyprianu.s.] [W. R.]

CORNE'LIUS, SE'RVIUS. In the Graeco-
Roman Epitome Legum, composed about A. D. 945
by one Embatus, and preserved in MS- at Flo-
rence (Cod. Laurent. Ixxx. 6), it is stated, that
Servius Cornelius was employed by the emperor
Hadrian, in conjunction with Salvius Julianus, to
collect, arrange, and remodel the edictum per-
petuum. The passage (which, though the late-
ness of its date diminishes its value, is the most
explicit of the few that relate to this obscure part
of legal history) is given by Klenze. (Lehrhiu-h
'^er Crcsch. des Rom. Redds, p. 54.) [.J. T. G.]

CORNIFICIUS.

CORNE'LIUS CRLSUS. [Celsus.]
CORNF/LIUS CHRYSO'GONUS. [Cury-

so(;oNUs.]
CORNE'LIUS PRONTO. [Pronto.]
CORNE'LIUS FUSCUS. [Fuscus.]
CORNE'LIUS LACO. [Laco.]
CORNE'LIUS MARCELLUS. [Marcbl-

i.us.]
CORNE'LIUS MARTIALIS. [Martialis.]
CORNE'LIUS NEPOS. [Nkpos.]
CORNE'LIUS TA'CITUS. j Tacitus]
CORNE'LIUS TLEPO'LEMUS. [Tlbpo-

LKMUS.]

CORNE'LIUS TUSCUS. [Tuscus.]
CORNI'ADES (Kopj/ioSTjs), an intimate friend
of Epicurus, is spoken of by Cicero (de Fin. v. 31)
as paying a visit to Arcesilaus. The MSS. of Ci-
cero have Canieades, but there can be little doubt
that Comiades is the correct reading, since the
latter is mentioned by Plutarch (wow posse suamter
rivi secundum Epicur. p. lOB.O) as a friend of Epi-
curus, and the former could not possibly have
been the friend of Epicurus, as Cameades died in
B. c. 129, and Epicurus in B. c. 209.

CO'RNICEN, a "horn-blower," an agnomen of
Postumns Aebutius Elva, consul B.C. 442 [Elva],
and a cognomen of the Oppia gens. Cicero uses
the form Cornicinus. [See No. 2.]

1. Sp. Oppius CoRNicKN, a plebeian, one of the
second decemvirate, B. c. 450. When the other
decemvirs had to march against the enemy, Cor-
nicen was left as the colleague of App. Claudins to
tcike care of the city ; and it was he who convened
the senate when the people rose in arms upon the
death of Virginia. In the next year, he was sent
to prison on the evidence of an old soldier, whom,
after twenty-seven years of service, he had ordered
to be scourged without any cause ; but Cornicen,
fearing the result of a trial, put an end to his own
life in prison. (Liv. iii. 35, 41, 49, 50, 58; Dio-
nys. X. 58, xi. 23, 44, 46.)

2. (Oppius) Cornicinus, a senator, the son-in-
law of Sex. Atilius Serranus, tribune of the plebs,
B. c. 57. (Cic. ad Att. iv. 2.)

CORNIFI'CIA. 1. Daughter of Q. Comificius
[CoRNiKicius, No. 2], was sought in marriage by
Juventius Thalna in B. c. 45, when she was rather
advanced in years and had been married several
times ; but she refused his offer, because his for-
tune was not large enough. (Cic. ad Att. xiii. 29.)

2. Sister of the poet Comificius, is said by
Ilieronymus (Chron. Euseb. 01. 184. 4) to have
written some excellent epigrams, which were ex-
tant in his time.

CORNI'FICIA, the last surviving daughter of
M. Aurelius, was put to death by Caracalla, and a
very interesting account of her last moments and
last words has recently come to light in the fi-ag-
ments of Dion Cassius discovered by Mai. (Mai,
Fragment. Vatican, ii. p. 230.) [W. R.]

CORNI'FICIA GENS, plebeian, seems to
have come originally from Rhegium. (Cic. ad Fam.
xii. 25.) No persons of this name occur till the
last century of the republic ; and the first who ob-
tained any of the higher honours of the state was
Q. Comificius, praetor, B. c. 66. On coins the
name is written Cornuficius, which is also the forai
used by Dion Cassius (xlviii. 21).

CORNl'FICIUS. 1. CoRNiFicius, secretary
(scrif)a) of Vcrres in his praetorship, B. c. 74.
(Cic. in Ven: i. 57.)

CORNIFICIUS.

857

2. Q. CoRNiFicius, was one of the judices on
the trial of Verres, and tribune of the plebs in the
following year, B. c. 69. He probably obtained
the praetorship in 66, and was one of Cicero's
competitors for the consulship in 64 His failure,
however, did not make him an enemy of the great
orator ; he seems to have assisted him in the sup-
pression of the Catilinarian conspiracy, and it waa
to his care that Cethegus was committed upon the
arrest of the conspirators. Subsequently in B. c.
62, Comificius was the first to bring before the
senate the sacrilege of Clodius in violating the
mysteries of the Bona Dea. He probably died
soon afterwards, as we hear nothing further of him.
He is called by Asconius "vir sobrius ac sanctus."
(Cic. in Verr. Act. i. 10; A scon, in Tog. Cand. p.
82; Cic. adAtt.\.\; SaU. Cat. 47; Appian,
B.C. ii. 5; C\c. ad Att. i. 13.)

3. Q. CoRNiFicius, son of No. 2, is first men-
tioned in B. c. 50, as betrothing himself to the
daughter of Aurelia Orestilla, the beautiful but pro-
fligate widow of Catiline. (Cic. ad Fam. viii. 7.)
In the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, he
served in 48 as the quaestor of the former, by
whom he was sent into Illyricum with the title of
propraetor. By his prudence and military skill,
Comificius reduced the province to a state of obe-
dience, and rendered no small service to Caesar's
cause. (Hirt. B. Alex. 42.) He seems to have
returned to Rome in the following year, and was
then probably rewarded by Caesar with the augu-
rate, as we find, from Cicero's letters, that he was
in possession of that office in the next year. He
also formed an intimate friendship with Cicero,
several of whose letters to him are exttint. {Ad
Fam. xii. 17—30.)

Comificius did not remain long in Rome. In
B. c. 46, we find him in Syria, where he was ob-
serving the movements of Caecilius Bassus, and in
the beginning of the following year he was ap-
pointed by Caesar governor of Syria. (Cic. ad Fam.
xii. 18, 19.) This ofiice, however, he did not hold
long, for on the death of Caesar, in b. c. 44, he
was in possession of the province of Old Africa.
This he maintained for the senate against L. Cal-
visius Sabinus, and continued to adhere to the
same party on the formation of the triumvirate, in
43. He sent troops to the assistance of Sex.
Pompey, and gave shelter and protection to those
who had been proscribed by the triumvirs. He
refused to surrender his province to T. Sextius,
who commanded the neighbouring province of
New Africa, and who had ordered him, in the
name of the triumvirs, to do so. Hereupon a war
broke out between them. The details of this war
are related somewhat differently by Appian and
Dion Cassius; but so much is certain, that Comi-
ficius at first defeated T. Sextius, but was eventu-
ally conquered by the latter, and fell in battle.
(Appian, B. C. iii. 85, iv. 36, 53 — 56 ; Dion Cass,
xlviii. 17, 21 ; Liv. Epit. 123.)

Comificius was a man of literary habits and
tastes. Cicero speaks highly of his judgment
when he sends him in B. c. 45 a copy of his "Ora*
tor," but seems to banter him somewhat respecting
his oratory. (Cic. ^rf /'am. xii. 17, 18.) Many
have attributed to him the authorship of the
" Rhetorica ad Herennium." Some remarks are
made on this subject below.

The following coin refers to this Comificius. It
bears on the obverse the head of Ammon, and on

858 CORNIFICIUS.

the reverse Juno holding a shield and crowning a
man who has a lituus in his right hand, with the
legend Q. Cornvfici Avgvr Imp. From the
head of Ammon, it would appear to have been
struck in Africa, and the title of Imperator was
probably given hira by his soldiers after his vic-
tory over T. Sextius.

4. L. CoRNiFicius, was one of the accusers of
Milo in B. c. 52, after the death of Clodius. (As-
con, in Milon. pp. 40, 54, ed. Orelli.) The P.
Cornificius, a senator, also mentioned by Asconius
(/« Milon. p. 37), is probably the same person.

5. L. Cornificius, probably, from his praeno-
men, the son of No. 4, was the accuser of M.
Brutus in the court by which the murderers of
Caesar were tried. He afterwards commanded
the fleet of Octavianus in the war against Sex.
Pompey, and by his boldness and bravery saved
the fleet when it was in great danger off the coast
of Sicily (b. c. 38), and took the ship of Demo-
chares, the admiral of the Pompeian squadron.
Cornificius again distinguished himself in the cam-
paign of B. c. 36. He had been left by Octavianus
with the land forces at Tauromenium, where they
were in circumstances of the greatest peril ; but by
a most bold and dangerous march he arrived at
Mylae, and united his army with Agrippa's. For
these services he was rewarded with the con-
sulship in the following year, b. c. 35 ; and he
considered himself entitled to such honour from
saving the lives of the soldiers, that he was accus-
tomed afterwards at Rome to ride home upon an
elephant whenever he supped out. Like the other
generals of Augustus, Cornificius was obliged after-
wards to expend some of his property in embel-
lishing the city, and accordingly built a temple of
Diana. (Plut. Brut. 27; Appian, B. C. v. 80, 8f),
111—115 ; Dion Cass. xlix. 5—7 ; Veil. Pat. ii.
79; Dion Cass. xlix. 18; Suet. Aug. 29.)

Quintilian speaks (iii. 1. § 21, ix. 3. §§ 89, 91!)
of one Cornificius as the writer of a work on Khe-
toric ; and, as some of the extracts which Quinti-
lian gives from this work agree in many respects
both in form and substance with the " Rhetorica
ad Herennium," several critics have ascribed the
authorship of the latter treatise to Cornificius.
But the difficulties in which this matter is in-
volved are pointed out under Cicero, p. 727, b. ;
and even if the " Rhetorica ad Herennium" were
written by Cornificius, there is no reason to iden-
tify him either with Q. Cornificius, the father, or
the son [No. 2 or 3], as is usually done. There
are also chronological difficulties in this supposition
which are pointed out in the Prolegomena to the
first -olume (p. Iv.) of the complete edition of Ci-
cero's works by Schlitz. (Lips. 1814.") The au-
thor of the work on Rhetoric referred to by Quin-
tilian may be (though the matter is quite uncertain)
tlie same as the writer of the "• Et}niia," of which
the third book is quoted by Macrobius {^Sat. i. 9),
and which must have been composed at least sub-
sequently to B. c. 44, as it contained a quotation
from Cicero's " De Natura Deorum ,"' which was

CORNUTUS.

published in that year. The etymologies of Cor-
nificius, frequently quoted by Festus, were takiMi
undoubtedly from this work, and are rather worse
than the usual wretched etjTuologies of the an-
cients. Thus, for instance, nare is derived from
navis, because " aqua feratur natans ut avis ; "
oscillare from os and caelare; nupliae from norus
" quod nova petantur conjugia," the word for
marriage being of course of no consequence !

Again, there is a poet Cornificius mentioned by
Ovid {Trist. ii. 436), and also by Macrobius, who
has preserved an hexameter line and a half of a
poem of his, entitled " Glaucus." (5a^ vi. 5.)
Donatus, in his life of Virgil (§§ 67, 76), likewise
speaks of a Cornificius who was an enemy and a
detractor of the Mantuan bard ; and Servius tells
us, that Cornificius is intended under the name of
Amyntas in two passages of the Eclogues. (Serv.
ad Virg. Eel. ii. 39, v. 8.) Now, it seems proba-
ble enough that the poet mentioned by Ovid and
Macrobius are the same ; but his identity with the
detractor of Virgil is rendered doubtful by the
statement of HieronjTuus (Chron. Euseb. 01. 184.
4), that the poet Cornificius perished in B. c. 41,
deserted by his soldiers. Heyne, who is followed
by Clinton, remarks, that, if the date of Hierony-
mus is correct, the poet Cornificius must be a dif-
ferent person from the detractor of Virgil, as the
latter had not risen to eminence so early as b. c.
4 1 ; but Weichert {^Po'ctaruin Latinorum Reliquiae^
p. 167) observes, that as the "Culex" was written
in B. c. 44 and some of the Eclogues before B. c. 4 1 ,
the rising fame of Virgil may have provoked the
jealousy of Cornificius, who is described by Dona-
tus as a man " perversae naturae." At all events,
it is likely enough that the poet Cornificius is the
same as the Cornificius to whom Catullus addresses
his 38th poem.

CORNU'TUS, occurs as an agnomen in the
family of the Camerini, who belonged to the pa-
trician Snlpicia gens [Camehixl's], and also as a
cognomen of several plebeians whose gens is u)i-
known.

1. C. CoRNUTUS, tribune of the plebs in b. ( .
61, is described by Cicero as a well-meaning man,
and resembling Cato in his character, whence he is
called Pseudo-Cato. In 57 he held the office of
praetor, and was among those who were active iu
bringing about the recall of Cicero from exile.
(Cic. ad Att. i. 14, Pod. Red. in Sen. 9.)

2. M. CoRNiJTUS, a praetorian, served, in b. c.
90, as legate in the Marsic war, and distinguished
himself as an experienced officer. (Cic. pro Foid.
15.) He is in all probability the same person
with the Comutus who, in B. c. 87, opposed Marius
and Cinna, and was saved from destruction througli
the artifice of his slaves. (Appian, B. C. i. 73;
Plut. Mar. 43.)

3. M. CoR.xuTU.s, probably a son of No. 2,
was praetor urbanus in b. c. 43, and, during the
absence of the consuls Hirtius and Pansa, he sup-
plied their place at Rome : after the death of the
consuls, he was ordered by the senate to superin-
tend their funeral. When Octavianus shortly after
demanded the consulship for himself, and advanced
towards Rome upon the senate refusing to grant
it, the three legions stationed in the city went
over to Octavianus, and M. Cornutus, who had the
command of one of them, put an end to his life,
(Cic. ndFam. x. 12, 16, Philip, xiv. 14 ; Val. Max.
V. 2. § 10 ; Appian, B. C. iii. 92.) [L. S.]

CORNUTUS.

CORNU'TIJS, a Roman historian, who, ac-
cortling to the account of Suidas (s. v. Kopi/ouros,
whore, however, the account of the philosopher
L. Annaous Cornutus and the historian are jum-
bled together in one article), seems to have been a
contemporary of Livy, but very inferior to him in
point of merit. His great wealth and the circum-
stance of his having no children, attracted crowds
of admirers around him, but no further particulars
are known about him. (G. J. de Martini, Di«ptU.
lit. de L. Antmeo Cornuto, p. 8, &c.) [L. S.]

CORNUTUS, L. ANNAEUS {'hvyaios Kop-
voCtoj), one of the commentators on Aristotle,
concerning whose life but few particulars are known.
The work of Diogenes Laertius is believed to have
contained a life of Cornutus, which, however, is
lost. (Salraas. EcrercU. Plin. p. 888, &c.) Our
principal sources of information are Suidas («. v.
KopvovTos) — where, however, only the last words
of the article refer to the philosopher, and all the
rest to Cornutus the historian — and Eudocia (p.
273). Cornutus was bom at Leptis in Libya, and
came, probably in the capacity of a slave, into the
house of the Annaei, which was distinguished for
its love of literary pursuits. The Annaei emanci-
pated him (whence his name Annaeus), and he
became the teacher and friend of the poet Persius,
on whose intellectual culture and development he
exercised a very great influence. He was sent
into exile by Nero, for having too freely criticised
the literary attempts of the emperor. (Dion Cass.
Ixii. 29.) This happened, according to Hieronymus
in his Chronicle, in a. d. 68. The account of Dion
Cassius furnishes a characteristic feature of the
defiance peculiar to the Stoics of that time, to whom
Cornutus also belonged, as we see from the fifth
satire of Persius. That he was a man of very ex-
tensive knowledge is attested by the authority of
Dion Cassius, as well as by the works he wrote.

One of the most important of the philosophical
productions of Cornutus was his work on Aristotle's
Categories, which is referred to by the later com-
mentators, Simplicius and Porphyrius. (Schol.
Aristot. p. 48, b. 13, p. 80, a. 22, ed. Brandis ;
Simplic. fol. 5, a,, ed. Basil.) He seems to have
been very partial to the study of Aristotle, for he
wrote a work against Athenodorus, an opponent of
the Aristotelian philosophy, which, according to
Bake's emendation, bore the title 'AvriyfXKpri vpos
'AdiqvoScapov. (Simplic. p. 47, b. 22, ed. Brandis ;
Porphyr. Ejrpos. Arist. Categ. p. 21, ed. Paris;
Simplic. fol. 15, b.) He also wrote a philosophical
work, entitled 'EAAtji/j/ct) ©60X0710, which is pro-
bably still extant, and the same as the much muti-
lated treatise Ilept rris twv ©eon/ ^vaecos, edited
by Oale in his " Opusc. MythoL Phys. Eth." p.
139. (Ritter, Gesch. d. PhUos. iv. p. 202.) Others,
however, consider this treatise as a mere abridg-
ment of the original work of Cornutus. The other
philosophical productions of Cornutus, which were
very numerous, are completely lost, and not even
their titles have come down to us. He also wrote
on rhetorical and grammatical subjects. Thus he
made, for example, a commentary on all Virgil's
poems, wiiich he dedicated to the poet Silius
Italicus. (Suringar, Hist. Crit. Scholiast. Lot. ii.
p. 1 1 b\ &c. ) According to the fashion of the time,
he also tried his hand in tragedy, in conjunction
with his friend Seneca and his pupils Lucan and
Persius (Welcker, Griech. Trag. iii. p. 1456, &c.) ;
and he is even said to have made attempts at |

CORONATUS.

85.<>

writing siitires. ( VVemsdorf, Poet. I/xt. Min. iii.
p. xvii. 4.) A minute account of his relation to
the poet Persius, as well as of his pupils and his
literary merits, is given by Ger. Jo. de Martini,
Disputaiio Litteraria de L. Annaco Comuto, Lugd.
Bat. 1825, and in Otto Jahn's Prolegomena to his
edition of Persius, Lipsiae, 1843, pp. viii. — xxvii.
(Comp. Stahr, Aristoteles bei d. liomern., p. 71,
&c.) [A. S.]

CORNU'TUS, CAECI'LIUS, a man of prae-
torian rank in the reign of Tiberius, who was im-
plicated, in A. D. 24, in the affair between young
Vibius Serenus and his father, and put an end to
his life to escape an unjust verdict (Tac. Ann. iv.
28.) [L. S.]

CORNU'TUS TERTULLUS was consul
suffectus in A. D. 101 together with Pliny the
Younger, who mentions him several times as a
person of great merit. {Epist. iv. 17, v. 15, vii.
21, 31.) [L. S.]

CORO'BIUS {Kop<i§ios\ a purple-dyer of Ita-
nus in Crete. When the Theraeans were seeking
for some one to lead them to Libya, where the
Delphic oracle had enjoined them to plant a colony,
Corobius undertook to shew them the way. He
accordingly conducted a party of them to the island
of Platea, off the Libyan coast, and there he wjis
left by them with a supply of provisions, while
they sailed back to Thera to report how matters
stood. As they did not however return to Plateii
at the time appointed, Corobius was in danger of
perishing from hunger, but was relieved by the
crew of a Samian ship which had been driven to
the island on its way to Egypt. (Herod, iv. 151,
152.) For the connexion of Crete with Them,
and of Samos with Cyrene, see Herod, iv. 154,
162—164. [E. E.]

COROEBUS (K6poi€os), a Phrygian, a son of
Mygdon, was one of the heroes that fought in the
Trojan war on the side of the Trojans. He was
one of the suitors of Cassandra, and was slain by
Neoptoleraus or Diomedes. (Paus. ix. 27. § 1 ;
Virg. Aen. ii. 341.) [L. S.]

COROEBUS {K6poi§os), an Elean, who gained
a victory in the stadium at the Olympian games in
01. 1. (a c. 776.) According to tradition, he sL-w
the daemon Poene, whom Apollo had sent into t!u;
country of the Argives. He was represented ou
his tomb in the act of killing Poene, and his sta-
tue, which was made of stone, was one of the most
ancient that Pausanias saw in the whole of Greece.
(Paus. i. 43. § 7, 44. § 1, v. 8. § 3, viii. 26. § 2 ;
Strab. viii. p. 355.) [L. S.]

COROEBUS, architect at the time of Peri-
cles, who began the temple of Demeter at Eleusi.s,
but died before he had completed his task. (Plut.
Pericl. 13.) [L. U.]

CORO'NA, SILI'CIUS, a senator, who voted
for the acquittal of Brutus and Cassius, when Oc-
tavianus called upon the court to condemn the
murderers of Caesar. The life of Silicius was
spared at the time, but he was afterwards includeil
in the proscription, and perished in B. c. 43. Plu-
tarch calls him P. Silicius, and Appian Icilius.
(Dion Cass. xlvi. 49 ; Plut. Brut. 27 ; Appian, Ii.
a iv. 27.)

CORONA'TUS, styled in MSS. Vir Clarissi-
mus^ the author of three pieces in the Latin An-
thology (ed. Burm. i. 176, v. 155, 157, or Nos.
549 — 551, ed. Meyer). The first, consisting
of t warty-nine hexameters, is a poetical amplifica-

860 CORUNXANIUS.

tion, possessing no piutlcuiar merit, of the Virgilian
line '* Vivo equidem, vitanique extrema per omnia
duco;" the second and third are short epigrams,
ingeniously expressed, upon hens fattened with
their own eggs. We possess no information with
regard to this writer, but he probablv belongs to a
late period. ' [W.R.]

CORO'NIS (Kopuvis). 1. A daughter of
Ph'egyas and mother of Asclepius. (Ov. Fast. i.
291 ; Schol. ad Find. FytL iiL 14, 48, 59 ; comp.
Asclepius.)

2. A daughter of Phoroneus, king of Phocis ;
she was metamorphosed by Athena into a crow,
for when she was pursued by Poseidon, she im-
plored the protection of Athena. (Ov. Afet. ii.
550, &c. ) A third Coronis is mentioned among
the Hyades. (Hvgin. Fab. 182.) [L. S.]

CORO'NUS ikofKcv6s). 1. A son of Apollo
by Chrysorthe, father of Corax and Liimedon, and
king of Sicyon. (Pans. ii. 5. § 5.)

2. A son of Thersander, grandson of Sisyphus,
and founder of Coroneia. (Paus. ix. 34. § 5 ;
MiJller, Orchonu p. 1 33, &c.)

3. A son of Caeneus, was a prince of the Lapi-
thae, and father of Leonteus and Lyside. He was
slain by Heracles. (ApoUod. ii. 7. § 7 ; Miiller,
Orchom. pp. 194,203.)

4. The lather of the Argonaut Caeneus. (Apol-
lod. i. 9. $ 16 ; comp. Schol. <id Apollon. Rhod.
i. 57.) [L. S.]

CORREUS, a Gaul, chief of the Bellovaci, was
distinguished by a high spirit of independence and
an inveterate hatred of the Romans, and was ac-
cordingly acknowledged as their commander by
all the tribes which, together with the Bellovaci,
made war against Caesar in b. c. 51. Correus,
conducted the campaign with much ability, and,
when he at length met with a decisive defeat, dis-
dained to stirrender himself, and fell fighting des-
perately. (Hirt. B. G. viii. 5—) 7.) [E. E.]

CORVI'NUS, a cognomen in the Valeria gens,
and merely a longer form of Corvus, the surname
of M. Valerius. Many writers give Corvinus as
the surname of M. Valerius himself, and his des-
cendants seem to have invariably adopted the form
Corvinus. [See Corvus.] The Messallae Corvini
of the Valeria gens are given under Messalla.

CORVI'NUS, TAURUS STATI'LIUS, con-
sul in A. D. 45 with M. Vinucius. (Dion Cass, Ix.
25 ; Phlegon, Mirabil. 6.) He is probably the
same as the Statilius Corvinus who conspired
against the emperor Claudius. (Suet. Claud. 13 )

TI. CORUNCA'NIUS, a distinguished Roman
pontiff and jurist, was descended from a father
and a grandfather of the same name, but none of
his ancestors had ever obtained the honours of the
Roman magistracy. According to a speech of the
emperor Claudius in Tacitus, the Coruncanii came
from Camerium {Ann. xi. 24) ; but Cicero makes
the jurist a townsman of Tusculum {pro Plane. 8).
Notwithstanding his provincial extraction, this
novus homo was promoted to all the highest offices
at Rome. (Veil. Pat. ii. 128.) In b. c. 280, he
was consul with P. Valerius Laevinus, and while
his colleague was engaged in the commencement of
the war against Pyrrhus, the province of Etruria
fell to Coruncanius, who was successful in quell-
ing the remains of disaffection, and entirely de-
feated the Vulsinienses and Vulcientes. For these
A-ictories he was honoured with a triumph early
in the following year. After subduing Etruria.

CORUNCANIUS.

he rcturnod towards Rome to aid Laevinus in
checking the advance of Pyrrhus. (Appian, Samu.
10. $ 3.) In B. i;. 270, he seems to have been
censor with C. Claudius Canina. Modern writers
appear to be ignorant of any ancient historical ac-
count of this censorship. In VArt de verifier les
Dates., i. p. 605, Coruncanius is inferred to have
been censor in the 34 th lustrum, from the expres-
sions of Velleius Paterculus (ii. 128), and a Clau-
dius is wanting to complete the seven censors in
that family mentioned by Suetonius. {Tiber. 1.)
Seneca {de VU. Beat. 21) says, that Cato of Utica
was wont to praise the age of M'. Curius and
Coruncanius, when it was a censorian crime to
possess a few thin plates of silver. Niebuhr (iii.
p. 555) speaks of this censorship as missing ; but,
though it is not mentioned by the epitomizer of
Livy, we suspect that there is some classical au-
thority extant concerning it, known to less modem
scholars, for Panciroli {de Clar. Intcrp. p. 21) says,
that Coruncanius was censor with C. Claudius ;
and Val. Forsterus {Historia Juris., fol. 41, b.)
states, that in his censorship the population in-
cluded in the census amounted to 277,222.

About B. c. 254, Coruncanius was created pon-
tifex maximus, and was the first plebeian who
ever filled that office (Liv. Epist. xviii.), although,
before that time, his brother jurist, P. Sempronius
Sophus, and other plebeians, had been pontifices.
(Liv. X. 9.) In B.C. 246, he was appointed dictator
for the purpose of holding the comitia, in order to
prevent the necessity of recalling either of the con-
suls from Sicily; and he must have died shortly
afterwards, at a very advanced age (Cic. de Seneci.
6), for, in Liv. Epit. xix., Caecilius Metellus is
named as pontifex maximus.

Coruncanius was a remarkable man. He lived
on terms of strict friendship with M'. Curius and
other eminent statesmen of his day. He was a
Roman sage (Sapiens), a character more practical
than that of a Grecian philosopher, but he was
sufficiently versed in the learning of the times.
That philosophy which placed the highest good in
pleasure he rejected, and, with M\ Curius, wished
that the enemies of Rome, Pyrrhus and the Sam-
nites, could be taught to believe its precepts. He
was a manly orator ; his advice and opinion were
respected in war as well as in peace, and he had
great influence in the senate as well as in the pub-
lic assembly. (Cic. de Oral. iii. 33.) Cicero, who
often sounds his praises, speaks of him as one of
those extraordinary persons whose greatness was
owing to a special Providence, {De jVat. Deor. ii.
66.) To the highest acquirements of a politician
he united profound knowledge of pontifical and
civil law. Pomponius (Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 2. § 38)
says, that he left behind no writings, but that he
gave many cml opinions, which were handed down
to remembrance by legal tradition. Cicero says,
that the Pontificum Commentarii afforded proof of
his surpassing abilities {Brut. 14) ; and, in the trea-
tise de Legibus (ii. 21), he cites one of his memo-
rabilia. Another of his legal fragments is preserved
by Pliny. {H. N. viii. 51. s. 77.) It might be
supposed from a passage in Seneca {Ep. 114), that
writings of Conmcanius were extant in his time,
for he there ridicules the affectation of oratoi-s,
who, thinking Gracchus and Crassus and Curio
too modern, went back to the language of the 12
Tables, of Appius, and of Coruncanius.

There is a passiige relating to Coruncanius in

CORVUS.
Ponipouius (Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. B. § 35), which has
given occasion to much controversy. Me says
that Coruncanius was the first who publicly pro-
fessed law, since, before his time, jurists en-
deavoured to conceal the jus civile, and gave their
time, not to students, but to those who wanted
their advice. The statement as to the early con-
cealment of the law has been supposed to be
fabulous (Puchta, Institutionen^ i. p. 301); but
liere it is proper to distinguish between the rules
applicable to ordinary dealings on the one hand,
and the technical regulations of the ctilendar, of
procedure and of religious rites, on the other.
Schrader(in Hugo's C«-t/. Mag. v. p. 187) assumes
that it was usual for jurists before Coruncanius to
admit patrician students — those at least who were
destined for the college of pontiffs — to learn law
by being present at their consultations with their
clients. He further thinks that Coruncanius did
not profess to give any systematic or peculiar in-
struction in the theory of law, and certainly there
are passages which prove that such theoretic in-
struction was not common in the time of Cicero.
(Cic. Brut. 89, de Amic. 1, de Leg. i. 4, de Of. ii.
1 3.) Sohrader therefore comes to the conclusion,
that Coruncanius first publicly professed law only
in this sense, that he was the first to allow ple-
Ijeians and patricians indiscriminately to learn law
by attending his consultations. This interpreta-
tion, though it is ingenious, and has found favour
with Hugo (R. R. G. p. 460) and Zimmern (R.
R. G. i. § 53), appears to us to be very strained,
and we think Pomponius must have meant to con-
vey, whether rightly or wrongly, first, that before
Coruncanius, it was not usual for jurists to take
pupils ; and, secondly, that the pupils of Corunca-
nius were not left to gain knowledge merely by
8«?cing business transacted and hearing or reading
the opinions given by their master to those who
consulted him, but that they received special in-
struction in the general doctrines of law.

The two Coruncanii who were sent B. c. 228 as
ambassadors from Rome to Teuta, queen of Illy-
ricum, to complain of the maritime depredations of
her subjects, aud one of whom at least was put to
death by her orders, were probably the sons of the
jurist. (Appian, de Rebus lllyr. 7 ; Polyb. ii. 8 ;
Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 6.) By Polybius they are
called Caius and Lucius ; by Pliny, P. Junius and
Tiberius.

Titus for I'iberius, and Coruncanus for Corun-
canius, are ordinary corruptions of the jurist's name.

(Rutilius, Vitue JCtorum^ c. 5 ; Heineccius,
Hist. Jur. Civ. §118; Schweppe, R. R. G. § 127 ;
L. A. WiirfFel, Epist. de Ti. Coruncnnio., Hal.
1740.) [J. T. G.]

CORVUS, a snmame in the Aquillia and Va-
leria gentes. In the latter, the lengthened fonn
Corvinus was adopted after the time of M. Vale-
rius Corvus. [See below. No. 3, and Corvinus.]

1 L. Aquillius Corvus, consular tribune in
B. c. 388. (Liv. vi. 4.)

2. M. Valerius Cokvus, one of the most illus-
trious men in the early history of the republic,
was born about b. c. 371 in the midst of the strug-
gles attending the Licinian laws. Boiiig a member
of the great Valerian house, he had an early oppor-
tunity of distinguishing himself, and we accord-
ingly find him serving in B. c. 349 as military tri-
bune in the army of the consul L. Furius Camillus
in his campaign against the Gauls. His celebinted

CORVUS.

801

exploit in this war, from which he obtained the
surname of "Corvus," or "Raven," is, like many
other of the achievements of the early Roman he-
roes, mingled with fable. A Gallic warrior of
gigantic size challenged to single combat any one
of the Romans. 1 1 was accepted by Valerius after
obtaining the consent of the consul, and as he was
commencing the comlwit, a raven settled upon his
helmet, and, as often as he attacked the Gaul, the
raven flew at the face of the foe, till at length the
barbarian fell by the sword of Valerius. A general
battle then ensued, in which the Gauls were en-
tirely defeated. The consul presented Valerius
with ten oxen and a golden crown, and the grate-
ful people elected him, in his absence, consul for
the next year, though he was only twenty-three
years of age. He was consul in B. c. 348 with
L. Popillius Laenas. There was peace in that
year both at home and abroad : a treaty was made
with Carthage. (Liv. vii. 26, 27 ; Cell. ix. 11;
Val. Max. viii. 15. § 5; Eutrop. ii. 6.)

In B. c. 346 Corvus was consul a second time
with C. Poetelius Libo. He carried on war against
the Volsci, defeated them in battle, and then took
Satricum, which he burnt to the ground with the
exception of the temple of Mater Matuta. He
obtained a triumph on his return to Rome. (Liv.
vii. 27; Censorin. de Die Nat. 17.)

In B. c. 343 Corvus was consul a third time
with A. Cornelius Cossus Arvina. Young as he
was, Corvus was already regarded as one of the
very first generals of the republic, and the state
therefore looked up to him to conduct the war
against the Samnites, which had broken out in
this year. His popularity with the soldiers was
as great as his military talents, and he consequently
possessed unbounded influence over his troops. He
was distinguished by a kind and amiable disposi-
tion, like the other members of his house ; and in
the camp he was in the habit of competing with
the common soldiers in the athletic games which
amused their leisure hours. It was fortunate for
the Romans that they had such a genei-al in the
great struggle they were now entering upon. After
a hard-fought and most bloody battle, Corvus en-
tirely defeated the Samnites on mount Gaurua
above Cumae : a battle which, as Niebuhr remarks,
seldom as it is mentioned, is one of the most me-
morable in the history of the world, since it was a
presage of the result of the great contest which had
tiien begun between Sabellians and Latins for the
sovereignty of the world. Meanwhile the colleague
of Corvus had been in the greatest danger in the
mountain passes near Caudium, where the Romans
met with such a disaster twenty-one years after-
wards ; but the army was saved by the valour of
P. Decius. Corvus seems to have joined his col-
league shortly afterwards, and with their united
forces, or with his own alone, he gained another
brilliant victory over the Samnites near Suessula.
Forty thousand shields of those who had been
slain or had fled, and a hundred and seventy stan-
dards are said to have been piled up before the
consul. His triumph on his return to Rome was
the most brilliant that the Romans had yet seen.
Corvus gained these two great victories in his
twenty-ninth year, and he is another instance of
the fact which we so frequently find in history,
that the greatest military talents are mostly deve-
loped at an early age. (Liv. vii. 28 — 39 ; Appian,
Samn. 1.)

862

CORVUS.

In the year following, b, c. 342, Comis was
appointed dictator in consequence of the mutiny of
the anny. The legions stationed at Capua and
the surrounding Campanian towns had openly re-
belled, marched against Rome, and pitched their
camp within eight miles of the city. Here they
Avere met by Corvus at the head of an army ; but
before proceeding to use force, he offered them
peace. This was accepted by the soldiers, who
could place implicit confidence in their favourite
general and a member likewise of the Valerian
house. Through his influence an amnesty was
grante I to the soldiers ; and this was followed by
the en ictment of several important laws. Another
accoun ., however, of this revolt has been preserved,
and the whole subject has been investigated by
Niebuhr (iii. p. 63, &c.) at great length. (Liv. vii.
40—42.)

In B. c. 335 Corvus was elected consul a fourth
time with M. Atilius Regulus, since the Sidici-
iiians had joined the Ausonians of Cales, and the
senate was anxious that the war should be en-
trusted to a general on whom they could entirely
depend The consuls accordingly did not draw
lots for their provinces, and that of Cales was
given to Corvus. He did not disappoint their ex-
pectations. Cales was taken by storm, and, in
consequence of the importance of its situation, the
Romans settled there a colony of 2,500 men.
Corvus obtained the honour of a triumph, and also
the surname of Calenus from the conquest of the
town. (Liv. viii. 16.)

With the exception of the years B. c. 332
and 320, in which he acted as interrex (viii. 17,
ix. 7), we do not hear of Corvus again for several
years. The M. Valerius, who was one of the le-
gates of the dictator L. Papiriua Cursor in the
great battle fought against the Samnites in B. c.
309, is probably the same as our Corvus, since
Livy says, that he was created praetor for the
fourth time as a reward for hi* services in this
battle, and we know that Corvus held curule dig-
nities twenty-one times, (ix. 40, 41.)

In a. c. 301, in consequence of the dangers
which threatened Rome, Corvus, who was then in
his 70th year, was again summoned to the dicta-
torship, Etruria was in arms, and the Marsi, one
of the most warlike of the neighbouring people,
had also risen. But the genius of Corvus again
triumphed. The Marsi were defeated in battle;
several of their fortified towns, Milionia, Plestina,
and Fresilia, were taken ; and the Marsi were
glad to have their ancient alliance renewed on the
forfeiture of part of their land. Having thus
quickly finished the war against the Marsi, Corvus
marched into Etruria ; but, before commencing
active operations, he had to return to Rome to re-
new the auspices. In his absence, his master of
the horse was attacked by the enemy while on a
foraging expedition, and was shut up in his camp
with the loss of several of his men and some mili-
tary standards. This disaster caused the greatest
terror at Rome ; a "justitium" or universal cessa-
tion from business was proclaimed, and the gates
and walls were manned and guarded as if the ene-
my were at hand. But the arrival of Corvus in
the camp soon changed the posture of affairs. The
Etruscans were defeated in a great battle ; and an-
other triumph was added to the laurels of Corvus.
(x. 3—5.)

In J$. c. 300, Corvus was elected consul for the

COR YPH ASIA.

fifth time with Q. Appuleius Pansa. The state
of aft'airs at home rather than those abroad led to
his election this year. There must have been se-
vere struggles between the two orders for some
time previously, and probably both of them looked
to Corvus as the man most likely to bring matters
to an amicable settlement. During his fifth con-
sulship the Ogulnian law was passed, by which
the colleges of pontiffs and augurs were thrown
open to the plebeians. The consul himself renew-
ed the law of his ancestor respecting the right of
appeal {provocatio) to the people, and rendered it
more certain to be observed by afiixing a definite
punishment for any magistrate who transgressed
it. (x. 5, 6—9.)

In B. c. 299 Corvus was elected consul a sixth
time in place of T, Manlius Torquatus, who had
been killed by a fall from his horse while engaged
in the Etruscan war. The death of so great a
man, and the superstitious feeling attending it,
induced the people unanimously to appoint Corvus
to the vacant office. The Etruscans, who had
been elated by the death cf Torqujitus, no sooner
heard of the arrival of Corvus, tlian they kept
close within their fortifications, nor could he pro-
voke them to risk a battle, although he set whole
villages on fire. (x. 11.)

From this time, Corvus retired from public life ;
but he lived nearly thirty years longer, and reach-
ed the age of a hundred. His health was sound
and vigorous to the last, and he is frequently re-
ferred to by the later Roman writers as a memor-
able example of the favours of fortune. He was
twice dictator, six times consul, and had filled the
curule chair twenty-one times. He lived to see
Pyrrhus driven out of Italy, and the dominion of
Rome firmly established in the peninsula. He
died about b. c. 217, seven years before the
commencement of the first Punic war, (Cic. de
Sened. 17 ; Vah Max. viii. 13, § 1 ; Plin. H. N.
vii. 48. s. 49; Niebuhr, iii, p. 124.)

A statue of Valerius Corvus was erected by
Augustus in his own forum along with the statues
of the other great Roman heroes. (Gell. ix. 11;
comp. Suet. Aug. 31.)

2. M. Valerius M. f. M. n. Maximuss Cor-
viNUS, son apparently of the preceding, was consul
with Q, Caedicius Noctua in b, c. 289 ; but his
name occurs only in the Fasti.

CORYBANTES. [Cabeiri and Cybele.j

CORY'CIA {KwpvKia or Kwpu/cts), a nymph,
who became by Apollo the mother of Lycorus or
Lycoreus, and from whom the Corycian cave in
mount Parnassus was believed to have derived its
name, (Pans. x. 6. § 2, 32. § 2.) The plural,
Coryciae, is applied to the daughters of Pleistus.
(Apollon. Rhod. ii. 710; Ov. Met. i. 320, Heroid.
XX. 221.) [L. S.]

CO'RYDUS (KjpvSos), a surname of Apollo,
under which the god had a temple eighty stadia
from Corone, on the sea-coast. (Paus. iv. 34. §
4, &c,) [L. S.]

CO'RYLAS. [CoTYS, No. 1.]

CORYPHAEA {Kopv<paia\ the goddess who
inhabits the summit of the mountain, a surname of
Artemis, under which she had a temple on mount
Coryphaeon, near Epidaurus, (Paus, ii, 28, § 2,;
It is also applied to designate the highest or
supreme god, and is consequently given as an epi-
thet to Zeus. (Paus. ii. 4. § 5.) [L. S.]

CORYPHA'SIA {Kopv(pa(Tia), a surname of

COSCONIUS.

Athana, derived from the promontory of Corj-pha-
sion. on which she had a sanctuary. (Paus. iv.
36. § 2.) [L. S.]

COKYTHA'LLIA {Kopv9aXXla), a surname of
Artemis at Sparta, at whose festival of the Tithe-
nidia the Spartan boys were carried into her sanc-
tuary. (Athen. iv. p. 139.) [L. S.]

CO'RYTHUS (Kjpu0oj). 1. An Italian hero,
a son of Jupiter, and husband of Electra, the
daughter of Atlas, by whom he became the father
of .Jasius and Dardanus. He is described as king
of Tuscia, and as the founder of Corythus. (Cor-
tona; Serv. ad Aen. iii. 167, vii. 207, x. 719.)

2. A son of Paris and Oenone. He loved
Helena and was beloved by her, and was therefore
killed by his own father. (Parthen. Erot. 34.)
Accordintr to other traditions, Oenone made use of
him for the purpose of provoking the jealousy of
Paris, and thereby causing the ruin of Helena.
(Conon, Narrat. 22 ; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 57.)
Others agjiin call Corythus a son of Paris by
Helena. (Dictys. Cret. v. 5.) There are four
other mythical personages of this name. (Ptolem.
Heph. ii. p. 311 ; Ov. Met. v. 125, xii. 290 ; Paus.
i. 4. § 6.) [L. S.]

COSCO'NIA GENS, plebeian. Members of
tliis gens are first mentioned in the second Punic
war, but none ever obtained the honours of the
consulship : the first who held a curule office was
M. Cosconius, praetor in B. c. 135. [Coscoxius.]

COSCO'NIUS. 1. M. Cosconius, military
tribune in the army of the praetor P. Quinctilius
Varus, fell in the battle fought with Mago in the
land of the Insubrian Gauls, B. c. 203. (Liv. xxx.
18.)

2. M. Cosconius, perhaps grandson of the pre-
ceding, praetor in b. c. 135, fought successfully
with the Scordisci in Thrace. (Liv. Epit. 56.)

3. C. Cosconius, praetor in the Social war,
B. c. 89, distinguished himself in the command of
one of the Roman armies. According to Livy
{Epit. 75) Cosconius and Lucceius defeated the
Samnites in battle, slew Marius Egnatius, the
most distinguished of the enemy's generals, and
received the surrender of very many towns. Ap-
pian {B. C. i. 52) says, that Cosconius burnt Sala-
pia, took possession of Cannae, and then proceeded
to besiege Canusium ; but a Samnite army came
to the relief of the town, which defeated Cosconius
and obliged him to fall back upon Cannae. Tre-
batius, the Samnite general, following up his ad-
vantage, crossed the Aufidus, but was attacked,
immediately after his passage of the river, by Cos-
conius, defeated with a loss of 15,000 men, and
fled with the remnant to Canusium. Hereupon,
Cosconius marched into the territories of the Lari-
nates, Venusini, and Apulians, and conquered the
Poediculi in two days. Most modem commenta-
tors identify Egnatius and Trebatius, and suppose
that Appian has made a mistake in the name
(Schweigh. ad App. I. c.) ; but Livy and Appian
probably speak of two different battles.

The above-named Cosconius seems to be .the
same with the C. Cosconius who was sent into
Illyricum, with the title of proconsul, about a c.
78, and who conquered a great part of Dalmatia,
took Salonae, and, after concluding the war, re-
turned to Rome at the end of two years' time.
( Eutrop. vi. 4 ; Oros. v. 23 ; comp. Cic. pro Clu-
ent. 35.)

4. C. Cosconius Calidianus, adopted from

COSMAS.

0G3

the Calidia gens, a Roman orator of little merit,
distinguished for his vehement action and gesticu-
lation (Cic. Brut. 69), is perhaps the same person
a« the preceding or succeeding.

6. C. Cosconius, praetor in b. c. 63, the same
year that Cicero was consul, obtained in the fol-
lowing year the province of Further Spain, with
the title of proconsul, and was, it seems, on his
return accused of extortion, but acquitted. He
was one of the twenty commissioners appointed
in B. c. 59 to carry into execution the agrarian
law of Julius Caesar for dividing the public lands
in Campania, but he died in this year, and his
vacant place was offered to Cicero by Caesar, who
wished to withdraw him from the threatened at-
tack of Clodius. This offer, however, was refused
by Cicero. (Cic. pro Sidl. 14, in Vaiin. 5 ; comp.
Val. Max. viii. 1. ($ 8 ; Cic. ad Att. ii. 19, ix. 2, a;
Quintil. xii. 1. $ 16.)

6. C. Cosconius, tribune of the plebs in B. c.
59, when he was one of the colleagues of P. Vati-
nius, aedile in 57, and one of the judices in the
following year, 56, in the trial of P. Sextius. In
the same year, C. Cato, the tribune of the plebs,
purchased of Cosconius some bestiarii which the
latter had undoubtedly exhibited the year before
in the games of his aedileship. It seems that
Cosconius subsequently obtained the aedileship,
for Plutarch states, that Cosconius and Galba, two
men of praetorian rank, were murdered by Cae-
sar's soldiers in the mutiny in Campania, B. c. 47,
and we know of no other Cosconius who is likely
to have been praetor. (Cic. in Vaiin. 7, ad Q. Fr.
ii. 6; Plut. Caes. 51 ; comp. Dion. Cass. xlii. 52,
)8ouA€UTas hio.)

7. Cosconius, a writer of Epigrams in the time
of Martial, attacked the latter on account of the
length of his epigrams and their lascivious nature.
He is severely handled in two epigrams of Martial,
(ii. 77, iii. 69 ; comp. Weichert, Poctarum Latin-
orum Reliquiae., p. 249, &c.)

Varro speaks {L. L. vi. 36, 89, ed. Miiller) of a
Cosconius who wrote a grammatical work and an-
other on "Actiones," but it is uncertain who he
was.

It is also doubtful to which of the Cosconii the
following coin refers. It contains on the ob-
verse the head of Pallas, with L. Cosc. M. f.,
and on the reverse Mars driving a chariot, with
L. Lie. Cn. Dom. It is therefore supposed that
this Cosconius was a triumvir of the mint at the
time that L. Licinius and Cn. Domitius held one
of the higher magistracies ; and as we find that
they were censors in b. c. 92, the coin is referred
to that year. (Eckhel. v. p. 196.)

COSINGAS, a Thracian chief, and priest of
Juno, whose stratagem for securing the obedience
of his people is related by Polyaenus. {Stratag.
vii. 22.) [P. S.]

COSMAS (Koo-juos), a celebrated physician,
saint, and martyr, who lived in the third and
fourth centuries after Christ. He is said to have
been the brother of St Damianus, with who.se

8G-t

COSMAS.

name iiis own is constantly associated, and under
which article the particulars of their lives and
deaths are mentioned, A medical prescription
attributed to them is preserved by Amaldus Vil-
lanovanus (Antidot. p. 453, in Opera^ ed. Basil.
1585), and there are several Greek homilies still
extant in MS., written or preached in their honour.
Their memory is observed by the Greek and Ro-
man Churches on the 27th of September. (Ada
SancL, Sept. vol. vii. p. 4'28; Bomer, De Cosma et
Dam. . . Commenlatio, Helraest. 1751, 4to.; Fabric.
DiU. Gr. vol. ix. p. 68, xiii. 128, ed. vet.; Bzovius,
Nomendator Sanctorum Professione Medkorum ;
Carpzovius, De Afedicts ab Ecdesia pro Sanctis
liohitis.) [W. A. G.]

COSMAS (Koo-^s), of Jerusalem, a monk,
the friend and companion of John of Damascus,
and afterwards bishop of Maiuma in Palestine
(about A. D. 743), was the most celebrated com-
])()ser of hymns in the Greek church, and obtained
the surname of /teA^o's. Among his compositions
was a version ((K<ppaais) of the Psalms of David
in Iambic metre. Many of his hymns exist in
MS., but no complete edition of them has been
published. Fabricius mentions, as a rare book,' an
Aldine edition of some of them. Thirteen of them
are printed in Gallandi's BiUioth. Fatrwn. Several
of the hymns of Cosmas are acrostics. (Suid. s. v.
'Iwdwrjs 6 Aafmaiaivos ; Fabric Bibl. Graec. xi.
pp. 173—181, viii. 596.) [P.S.]

COSMAS (Ko(r/xas), commonly called Indico-
PLEUSTES (Indian navigator), an Egyptian monk,
who flourished in the reign of Justinian, about
A. D. 535. In early life he followed the employ-
ment of a merchant, and was extensively engaged
in traffic. He navigated the Red Sea, advanced
to India, visited various nations, Ethiopia, Syria,
Arabia, Persia, and almost all places of the East.
Impelled, as it would appear, more by curiosity
than by desire of gain, eager to inspect the habits
and manners of distant people, he carried on a
commerce amid dangers sufficient to appal the most
adventurous. There is abundant reason for be-
lieving, that he was an attentive observer of every
thing that met his eye, and that he carefully
recristered his remarks upon the scenes and objects
which presented themselves. But a migratory life
became irksome. After many years spent in this
manner, he bade adieu to worldly occupations, took
up his residence in a monastery, and devoted him-
self to a contemplative life. Possessed of multifa-
rious knowledge acquired in many lands, and
doubtless learned according to the standard of his
times, he began to embody his information in
books. His chief work is his Toiro^'pacpla Xpi<T-
TJOf jKTj, " Topographia Christiana, sive Christiano-
rum Opinio de Mundo,'' in twelve books. The last
book, as hitherto published, is imperfect at the end.
The object of the treatise is to shew, in opposition
to the universal opinion of astronomers, that the
earth is not spherical, but an extended surface.
The arguments adduced in proof of sucli a position
are drawn from Scripture, reason, testimony, and
the authority of the fathers. Weapons of everj-
kind are employed against the prevailing theory,
and the earth is affirmed to be a vast oblong plain,
its length from east to west being more than twice
its breadth, the whole enclosed by the ocean. The
only value of the work consists in the geographical
and historical information it contains. Its author
desciibes in general with great accuracy the situa-

COSMAS.

tion of countries, the manners of their people, their
modes of commercial intercourse, the nature and
properties of plants and animals, and many other
particulars of a like kind, which serve to throw
light on the Scriptures. His illustrations, which
are far from being methodically arranged, touch
upon subjects the most diverse. He speaks, for
example, of the locality where the Israelites passed
through the Red Sea, their garments in the wilder-
ness, the terrestrial paradise, the epistle to the
Hebrews, the birthday of the Lord, the rite of
baptism, the catholic epistles, Egyptian hierogly-
phics, the state of the Christians in India, their
bishops, priests, &c. But the most curious and
interesting piece of antiquarian information relates
to that celebrated monument of antiquity which
was placed at the entrance of the city Adulite, con-
sisting of a royal seat of white marble consecrated
to Mars, with the images of Hercules and Mercury
sculptured upon it. On every side of this monu-
ment Greek letters were written, and an ample
inscription had been added, as has been gene-
rally supposed, by Ptolemy II. Euergetes (b. c.
247-222). This was copied by Cosmas, and is
given, with notes, in the second book of the
Topography. It appears, however, from the re-
searches of Mr. Salt, that Cosmas has made two
different inscriptitms into one, and that while the
first part refers to Ptolemy Euergetes, the second
relates to some Ethiopian king, whose conquests
are commemorated on the inscription. The author
also inserts in the work, in illustration of his sen-
timents, astronomical figures and tables. We meet
too with several passages from writings of the
fathers now lost, and fragments of epistles, espe-
cially from Athanasius.

Photius (cod. 36) reviewed this production with-
out mentioning the writer's name, probably because
it was not in the copy he had before him. He
speaks of it under the titles of Xpiffriavov /3i§Ao$,
'• Christianorum liber, Expositio in Octateuchum ;"
the former, as containing the opinion of Christians
concerning the earth ; the latter, because the first
part of the work treats of the tabernacle of Moses
and other things described in the Pentateuch. The
same writer affirms, that many of Cosmas's narra-
tives are fabulous. The monk, however, relates
events as thej' were commonly received and viewed
in his own time. His diction is plain and familiar.
So far is it from approaching elegance or elevation,
that it is even below mediocrity. He did not aim
at pompous or polished phraseology ; and in several
places he modestly acknowledges that his mode of
expression is homely and inelegant.

Manuscripts vary much in the contents of the
work. It was composed at different times. At
first it consisted of five books ; but in consequence
of various attacks, the author added the remaining
seven at different periods, enlarging, correcting,
and curtailing, so as best to meet the arguments of
those who still contended that the earth was sphe-
rical. This accounts for the longer and shorter
forms of the production in different manuscript
copies. The entire treatise was first published by
Bernard de Montfaucon, from a MS. of the tenth
centur}', in Greek and Latin, in his CoUectio Nova
Patrum et Scriptortim Graecorum., fol., Paris, 170(j,
vol. ii. pp. 113 — 346, to which the editor prefixed
an able and learned preface. This is the best
edition. It is also printed in the BiUiotheca Vctt.
Patrum edited by Gallandi, Yen. 1765, vol. ix.

COSSINIUS.

We learn from Cosmas himself, that he com-
posed a Universid Cosmography ^ as also Astronomi-
cal tables^ in which the motions of the stars were
described. He was likewise the author of a Com-
mentary on the Canticles and an exposition on the
Psalms. These are now lost. Leo Allatius thinks
that he wrote the Chronicon Alexandrinura ; but
it is more correct to affirm, with Cave, that the
author of the Chronicle borrowed largely from
Cosmas, copying without scruple, and in the same
words, many of his observations. (Montfaucon,
Nova CoUcdio Pair, ei Scriptor. Graecor. vol. ii. ;
Cave, Historia Literana^ vol. i. pp. 515-10', Oxford,
1740; Fabric. BM. Graec. vol. iv. p. 255.) [S.D.J

COSMAS, a Graeco- Roman jurist, usually named
Cosmas Magister, probably because he filled the
office of magister officiorum under Romanus Senior ;
although Reiz, in the index of proper names sub-
joined to his edition of Harmenopulus in the sup-
plementary volume of Meennann's Thesaurus, is
inclined to think that Magister was a family sur-
name. In Leunclavius (J. G. R. ii. pp. 166, 167)
are two sententiaa {y^<poi) of Cosmas in the style of
imperial constitutions, as if he had been authorized
by Romanus to frame legal regulations. It further
appears from a Novell of Romanus, published in
the collection of Leunclavius (ii. p. 158), that
Cosmas was employed by the emperor in the com-
position of his laws. Hence Assemani {Bibl. Jur.
Orient, lib. ii. c. 29, pp. 582 — 584) is disposed to
ascribe to Cosmas a legal work which is preserved
in manuscript in the Royal Library at Vienna. It
is a system or compendium of law, divided into
50 titles, and compiled in the first year of Romanus
Senior (a. d. 919 or 920) under the name 6VA077)
vofuav tQv h 6irtToV<^ iicnQifiivu>v. (Lambecius,
Comment, in Bibl. Vindob. vi. p. 38 ; Zachariae,
Hist. J. G. R. § 37.) The preface and tit. 1 of
this work were first published by Zachariae in his
edition of the Procheiron of Basileius (d -rrpoxftpos
v6/.ios^ Heidelb. 1837). Cedrenus (in Constantino
et Romatio) mentions Cosmas as a patricius and
logotheta dromi, the hippodromus being the name
of the highest court of justice in Constantinople.
Harmenopulus, in the preface to his Hexabiblus,
acknowledges his obligations to the RomaYca of
Magister (ret 'Pw/xaiKa tov Mayiarpov Myoixha),
and Jac. Godefroi supposes that Cosmas is meant.
In this, as in most other questions in the history
of Graeco- Roman law, there is great difficulty in
arriving at the truth ; but we believe the Magister
referred to by Harmenopulus to be Eustathius
Patricius Romanus. (Reiz, ad Harvienop. in Meerm.
Thes. viii. p. 6, n. 8, ib. pp. 399, 400 ; Pohl, ad
Suares. Notit. Basil, p. 15, n. (0), ib. p. 52, n. (x);
Zachariae, Hist. Jur. G. R. % 4=1.) [J. T. G.J

COSMAS (Koff/ias), a Monk, according to the
title in Brunck's Analeda, but according to that
in Stephen's edition of the Planudean Anthology,
a mechanician, is the author of one epigram in the
Greek Anthology. (Anah. iii, p. 127 ; Jacobs, iv.
p. ^^.) Whether he is the same person as CosaiAS
Indicopleustes, or as the Cosmas of Jerusa-
lem, or whether he was different from both, is
altogether uncertain. [P. S.]

CO'SROES, king of Parthia. [Arsaces XXV.]

CO'SROES, king of Persia. [Sassanidae.]

COSSI'NIUS, the name of a Roman family
which came from Tibur. None of its members
ever obtained any of the higher offices of the state.

1. L. CossiNius, of Tibur, received ibe Roman

COSSUS.

865

franchise in consequence of the condemnation of
T. Caelius, whom he had accused. (C'c. pro Balb.
23.) He is perhaps the same as the Cossinius
who was one of the legates in the army of the
praetor P. Varinius, and who fell in battle against
Spartacus, b. c. 73. (Plut. Crass. 9.)

2. L. Cossinius, a Roman knight and son of
the preceding (Cic. pro Balb. 23), was a friend of
Cicero, Atticus, and Varro. Cicero mentions his
death in B. c. 45, and expresses his grief at his
loss. (Cic. ad Att. i. 19, 20, ii. 1, ad Fum. xiii.
23; Varr. R. R. ii. 1 ; Cic. ad Att. xiii. 46.)

3. L. Cossinius Anchialus, a freedman of
No. 2, is recommended by Cicero to Ser. Sulpicius
in B. c. 46. (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 23.)

4. Cossinius, a Roman knight and a friend of
Nero's, was poisoned by mistake by an Egyptian
physician, whom the emperor had sent for in order
to cure his friend. (Plin. H. N. xxix. 4. s. 30.)

COSSUS, the name of a patrician family of the
Cornelia gens. This family produced many illus-
trious men in the fifth century before the Christian
aera, but afterwards sunk into oblivion. The name
" Cossus " was afterwards revived as a praenomen
in the family of the Lentuli, who belonged to the
same gens. The Cossi and Maluginenses were
probably one family originally, for at first both
these surnames are united, as for instance, in the
case of Ser. Cornelius Cossus Maluginensis, consul
in B. c. 485. [Maluginensis.] Afterwards,
however, the Cossi and Maluginenses became two
separate families.

1. Ser. Cornelius M. f. L. n. Cossus, one of
the three consular tribunes in B. c. 434, though other
authorities assign consuls to this year. (Diod. xii.
53 ; Liv. iv. 23.)

2. Ser. Cornelius (M. f. L. n.) Cossus, pro-
bably brother of the preceding, was consul in B. c.
428 with T. Quinctius Pennus Cincinnatus II., and
two years afterwards, B. c. 426, one of the four
consular tribunes, when he was entrusted with
the care of the city, while his three colleagues had
the conduct of the war against Veil. But the
latter having met with a repulse, Cossus nominated
Mam. Aerailius Mamercinus dictator, who in his
turn appointed Cossus master of the horse.

It was this Cossus who killed Lar Tolumnius,
the king of the Veii, in single combat, and dedi-
cated his spoils in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius —
the second of the three instances in which the spolia
opima were won. But the year in which Tolum-
nius was slain, was a subject of dispute even in
antiquity. Livy following, as he says, all his
authorities, places it in b. c. 437, nine years before
the consulship of Cossus, when he was military
tribune in the army of Mam. Aemilius Mamerci-
nus, who is said to have been dictator in that year
likewise. At the same time the historian brings
forward several reasons why this was improbable,
and mentions in particular that Augustus had dis-
covered a linen breastplate in the temple of Jupiter
Feretrius, on which it was stated that the consul
Cossus had won these spoils. But as the year of
Cossus' consulship was, according to the annalists,
one of pestilence and dearth without any military
operations, it is probable that Tolumnius was slain'
by Cossus in the year of his consular tribunate,
when he was master of the horse, especially since
it is expressly placed in that year by some writers.
(Val. Max. iii. 2. § 4 ; Aur. Vict, de Vir. III. 25.)
In dedicating the spoils, Cossus would have added

3 K

866

COSSUTIA.

the title of consul, either on account of his having
filled that dignity or in consideration of his holding
at the time the consular tribunate. (Li v. iv. 19, 20,
30—32; Plut. Bomul. 16, MarcelL 8; Niebuhr,
ii. p. 458, &c. ; Propert. iv. 10. 23, &c., who gives
quite a different account.)

3. P. CoRNKLius A. F. P. N. Cossus, consukr
tribune in B. c.415. (Liv. iv. 49; Diod. xiii. 34.)

4. Cn, Cornelius A. f. M. n. Cossus, consular
tribune in b. c, 414, and consul in 409 with L.
Furius Mediillinus II., the year in which plebeian
quaestors were first created. (Liv. iv. 49, 54 ;
Diod. xiii. 38.)

5. A. Cornelius A. f. M. n. Cossus, brother
of No. 4, consul in B. c 413 with L. Furius Me-
dullinus. (Liv. iv. 51 ; Diod. xiii. 43.)

6. P. Cornelius A. f. M. n. Cossus, brother
of Nos. 4 and 5, consular tribune in B. c. 408, in
which year a dictator was appointed on account of
the war with the Volsci and Aequi. (Liv. iv. 56 ;
Diod. xiii. 104.)

7. P. Cornelius M. f. L. n. Rutilus Cossus,
dictator in b. c. 408, defeated the Volsci near An-
tium, laid waste their territory, took by stomi a
fort near lake Fucinus, by which he made 3000
prisoners, and then returned to Rome. He was
consular tribune in b. c. 406. (Liv. iv. 56, 58.)

8. Cn. Cornelius P. f. A. n. Cossus, consular
tribune in B. c. 406, when he was left in charge of
the city while his colleagues marched against Veii,
consular tribune a second time in 404, and a third
time in 401, in the last of which years he laid
waste the country of the Capenates, but the enemy
did not venture upon a battle. Cossus was a
moderate man in the party struggles of his day.
He caused a third stipendium to be paid to those
horsemen, who were not supplied with a horse by
the state, and was supposed to have procured the
elevation of his half-brother or cousin, the plebeian
P. Licinius Calvus, to the consular tribunate in
B.C. 400. (Liv. iv. 58, 61, v. 10, 12.)

9. P. Cornelius Maluginensis Cossus, con-
sular tribune a c. 395, when he ravaged the ter-
ritory of the Falisci, and consul in 393 with L.
Valerius Potitus ; but he and his colleague were
obliged to resign their office in consequence of
some defect in the election, and L. Lucretius Fla-
vus Triciptinus and Ser. Sulpicius Camerinus were
appointed in their stead. (Liv. v. 24; Fasti.)

10. A. Cornelius Cossus, was appointed dic-
tator B. c. 385, partly on account of the Volscian
war, but chiefly to crush the designs of Manlius.
The dictator at first marched against the Volsci,
whom he defeated with great slaughter, although
their forces were augmented by the Latini, Hernici
and others. He then returned to Rome, threw
Manlius into prison, and celebrated a triumph for
the victory he had gained over the Volsci. (Liv. vi.
11-16.)"

11. A. Cornelius Cossus, consular tribune in
B. c. 369, and a second time in 367, in the latter
of which years the Licinian laws were passed.
(Liv. vi. 36, 42.)

12. A. Cornelius Cossus Arvina. [Ar VINA.]
COSSU'TIA, the first wife of C. Julius Caesar,

belonged to an equestrian family, and was very
rich. She was betrothed to Caesar by his parents,
while he was very young, but was divorced by
him in his seventeenth year, that he might marry
Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna. (Suet. Caes. 1.)
COSSU'TIA GENS of equestrian rank (Suet.

COTTA.

Caes. 1), never attained to any importance. It \a
conjectured by some from Cicero's mention of the
Cossutianae tabulae^ near Caesena, in Gallia Cisal-
pina {ad Fam. xvi. 27), that the Cossutii came
originally from that place. On coins of this gens
we find the cognomens Maiidianus and Sabula^
but none occur in history.

COSSUTIA'NUS CA'PITO. [Capito, p. 602,
a.]

M. COSSU'TIUS, a Roman knight, a man of
the greatest respectability and integrity, who lived
in Sicily during the administration of Verres, and
defended Xeno before the latter. (Cic. Verr. iii.
22, 80.)

COSSU'TIUS, a Roman architect, who rebuilt
at the expense of Antiochus Epiphanes of Syria
the temple of the Olympian Zeus at Athens, about
B. c. 168, in the most magnificent Corinthian style.
The temple, however, in its present form, which
had been deprived of its pillars by Sulla, was
finished by Hadrian. (Vitruv. Pi-acf. vii. ; Liv.
xli. 20; Veil. Pat. i. 10 ; Athen. v. p. 594, a. ;
Strab. ix. p. 396 ; Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 5 ; Jacobs,
Amalth. ii. p. 249 ; Bockh, Corp. Inscr. i. n. 362,
363.) [L. U.]

CO'TISO, a king of the Dacians, who was con-
quered in the reign of Augustus by Lentulus.
(Flor. iv. 12 ; Hor. Carra. iii. 8. 18.) He seems
to be the same as the Cotiso, king of the Getae, to
whom, according to M. Antony, Augustus be-
trothed his daughter Julia, and Avhose daughter
Augustus himself sought in marriage. ( Suet. Aug.
63.)

Q. CO'TIUS surnamed ACHILLES on ac-
count of his bravery, accompanied, as a legate, the
consul Q. Metellus Macedonicus in his campaign
against the Celtiberi in Spain, B.C. 143, and dis-
tinguished himself by slaying two of the enemy in
single combat. (Val. Max. iii. 2. § 21.)

COTTA, AURE'LIUS. 1. C. Aurelius
CoTTA, was consul in b. c. 252, with P. Servilius
Geminus, and both consuls carried on the war in
Sicily against the Carthaginians with great success.
Among several other places they also took Himera,
but its inhabitants had been secretly removed by
the Carthaginians. Afterwards Cotta borrowed
ships from Hiero, and having united them with
the remnants of the Roman fleet, he sailed to
Lipai-a, the blockade of which he left to his tri-
bune, Q. Cassius, with the express order not to
engage in a battle ; but, during the absence of
the consul, Cassius notwithstanding allowed him-
self to be drawn into an engagement, in which
many Romans were killed. On being informed of
this Cotta returned to Lipara, besieged and took
the town, put its inhabitants to the sword, and
deprived Cassius of his office of tribune. Cotta
was celebrated for the strict discipline which he
maintained among his troops, and of which several
ii stances are on record. During the siege of
Lipara one of his own kinsmen, P. Aurelius Pecu-
niola, was scourged and degraded to the rank of a
common soldier, because through his fault a part
of the camp was set on fire, in consequence of
which almost the whole camp fell into the hands of
the enemy. It was probably during the same
campaign, that he acted with great rigour towards
the equites who refused to obey his commands.
(Frontin. Strateg. iv. 1. § 22.) At the close of his
consulship Cotta triumphed over the Carthaginians
and Sicilians. In 2'^8 he obtained the consulship

I

COTTA.

a second time, together with his former collengne,
P. Servilius Geminus, and again fought in Sicily
against the Carthaginians. Carthalo in vain en-
deavoured to malce a diversion by attacking the
coasts of Italy ; but further particulars are not
known about him. (Zonar. viii. 14, 16 ; Oros.
iv. 9 ; Cic. Acad. ii. 26 ; Frontin. Strateg. iv. 1.
§ 31 ; Val. Max. ii. 7. § 4 ; Fast. Capit.)

2. M. AuRELius CoTTA, was plebian aedile in
B. c. 216, and had in 212 the command of a de-
tachment at Puteoli under the consul App. Clau-
dius Pulcher. Nine years later, B. c. 203, he was
appointed decemvir sacrorum^ in the place of M.
Pomponius Matho. The year after this he was
sent as ambassador to Philip of Macedonia, and
protected the Roman allies who had to suffer from
the inroads of the Macedonians. After the con-
clusion of the war against Carthage, he urged the
necessity of proceeding with energy against Philip.
He died, in b. c. 201, as decemvir sacroruni, in
which office he was succeeded by M'. Acilius Gla-
brio. (Liv. xxiii. 30, xxv. 22, xxix. 38, xxx. 26,
42, xxxi. 3, 5, 50.)

3. C. AuRELius CoTTA, was praetor urbanus,
in B. c. 202, and consul in 200, with P. Sulpicius
Galba. He obtained Italy as his province, and
with it the command in the war against the
Boians, Insubrians and Cenomanians, who, under
the command of Hamilcar, a Carthaginian, had in-
vaded the Roman dominion. The praetor, L.
Furius Purpureo, however, had the merit of con-
quering the enemies ; and Cotta, who was indig-
nant at the laurels being snatched from him, occu-
pied himself chiefly with plundering and ravaging
the country of the enemy, and gained more booty
than glory, while the praetor Furius was honoured
with a triumph. (Liv. xxx. 26, 27, xxxi. 5, 6,
10, 11, 21, 22, 47, 49 ; Zonar. ix. 15 ; Oros. iv.
20.)

4. M. AuREMUS CoTTA, was legate of L. Cor-
nelius Scipio, in b. c. 1H9, during the war against
Antiochus. He returned to Rome with the am-
bassadors of Antiochus, with Eumenes and the
Rhodians, to report to the senate the state of affairs
in the East. (Liv. xxxvii. 52.)

5. L. AuRELius Cotta, was tribune of the
soldiers, in B.C. 181, and commanded, together
with Sex. Julius Caesar, the third legion in the
war against the Ligurians. (Liv. xl. 27.)

6. L, AuRELius Cotta, was tribune of the peo-
ple in B. c. 154, and in reliance on the inviolable
character of his office he refused paying his credi-
tors, whereupon however his colleagues declared,
that unless he satisfied the creditors they would sup-
port them in their claims. In b.c. 144, he was con-
sul together with Ser. Sulpicius Galba, and disput-
ed in the senate which of them was to obtain the
command against Viriathus in Spain ; but Scipio
Aemilianus carried a decree that neither of them
should be sent to Spain, and the command in that
country was accordingly prolonged to the pro-
consul F.ibiu8 MaximuB Aemilianus. Subsequently
Cotta was accused by Scipio Aemilianus, and al-
though he was guilty of glaring acts of injustice
he was acquitted, merely because the judges wished
to avoid the appearance of Cotta having been crushed
by the overwhelming influence of his accuser.
Cotta was defended on that occasion by Q. Metel-
lus Macedonicus. Cicero states that Cotta was
considered a veterator^ that is, a man cunning in
managing his own affairs. (Val. Max. vi. 4. § 2,

COTTA.

8G7

5. § 4, viii. 1. § 11 ; Cic. jr/ro Muren. 2B, pro Font,
13, Brut. 21, Divin in Caecil. 21 ; Tacit. Ann. iii,
66.)

7. L. AuRELius Cotta, was consul in b.c. 119,
and proposed in the senate that C. Marius, who
was then tribune of the people, should be called to
account for a law (lex Maria) which he had brought
forward relative to the voting in the comitia, and
which was levelled at the influence of the opti-
mates. Marius, who was summoned accordingly,
appeared in the senate, but, instead of defending
himself, threatened Cotta with imprisonment unless
he withdrew his motion. L. Caecilius Metellus,
the other consul, who supported Cotta, was really
thrown into prison by the command of Manus,
none of whose colleagues would listen to the appeal
of the consul, so that the senate was compelled to
yield. (Plut. Mar. 4 ; Cic.de Leg. iii. 17.) From
Appian {lUyr. 10) it might seem as if Cotta had
taken part with his colleague Metellus in the war
against the Illyrians, but it may also be that Ap-
pian mentions his name only as the consul of that
year, without wishing to suggest anything further.

8. L. AuRELius Cotta, was tribune of the
people in B. c. 95, together with T. Didius and C.
Norbanus. When the last of them brought for-
ward an accusation against Q. Caepio, Cotta and
Didius attempted to interfere, but Cotta was pulled
down by force from the tribunal (templum). He
must afterwards have held the office of praetor,
since Cicero calls him a praetorius. Cicero speaks
of him several times, and mentions him as a friend
of Q. Lutatius Catulus ; he places him among the
orators of mediocrity, and states that in his speeches
he purposely abstained from all refinement, and
gloried in a certain coarseness and rusticity which
more resembled the style of an uneducated peasant,
than that of the earlier Roman orators. (Cic. de
Orat. ii. 47, iii. 11,12, Brut. 36, 74).

9. C. AuRELius Cotta, brother of No. 8, was
born in B. c. 124, and was the son of Rutibiu He
was a friend of the tribune M. Livius Drusus, who
was murdered in B. c. 91 ; and in the same yf^ar he
sued for the tribuneship, but was rejected, and a
few months afterwards went into voluntary exile
to avoid being condemned by the lex Varia, which
ordained that an inquiry should be made as to who
had either publicly or privately supported the
claims of the Italian allies in their demand of the
franchise. Cotta did not return to Rome till the
year b. c. 82, when Sulla was dictator, and in 75
he obtained the consulship, together with L, Octa-
vius. In that year he excited the hostility of the
optimates by a law by which he endeavoured to
rjiise the tribuneship from the condition into which
it had been thrown by Sulla. The exact nature
of this law, however, is not certain. (Cic. traguu
Cornel, p. 80 ed. Orelli, with the note of Ascon. ;
Sallust, Hist. Fragm. p. 210, ed. Geriach.) A
lex de jiuiiciis prix^atis of Cotta is likewise men-
tioned by Cicero, {Fragm. Corn, p.448,) which, how-
ever, was abolished the year after by his brother. In
his consulship Cotta also concluded a treaty with
Hiempsal of Mauretania. On the expiration of his
office he obtained Gaul for his province, and al-
though he did not carry on any real war in it, he
yet demanded a triumph on his return. His re-
quest was granted, but on the day before the
solemnity was to take place, a wound which he
had received many years before burst open, in con-
sequence of which he died the same day. Cotta

3k2

868

COTTA.

was one of the most distinguished orators of his
time ; he is placed by the side of P. Sulpicius and
C. Caesar, and Cicero entertained a veiy high
opinion of him. Cicero, who at an early period of
his life, and when Sulla still had the power in his
hands, pleaded the case of a woman of Arretium
jigainst Cotta, characterises him as a most acute
and subtile orator ; his arguments were always
sound, but calm and dry, and his oratory was never
sublime or animated. We still possess a specimen
of it among the fragments of Sallust's Historiae.
He appears to have occupied himself also with the
study of philosophy, for Cicero introduces him as
one of the interlocutors in the " De Oratore," and
in the third book of the " De Natura Deoram,"
as maintaining the cause of the Academics. (Cic.
<lc OraU i. 7, ii. 23, iii. 3, 8, Brut 4.9, 55, 86,
88, 90, Orat. 30, 38, ad All. xii. '20, in Yen: i.
50, iii. 7, de Leg. Ayr. ii. 22, in Pison. 26 ; Sal-
lust, Hid. Fraxjm. ii. p. 206, ed. Gerl.; Appian,
de B. C. i. 37. Compare ^leyer, Fnu/m. Orat.
Rom. p. 338, &c., 2nd ed.)

10. M. AuRELius Cotta, a brother of No. 9,
was consul in B. c. 74, together with L. Licinius
LucuUus. In this year the war against Mithri-
dates broke out again, and while the conduct of it
was entrusted to Metellus, Cotta obtained Bithynia
for his province, and a fleet to protect the Pro-
pontis. When Alithridates marched into Bithynia
with his army, Cotta retreated to Chalcedon, in the
port of which his fleet was stationed. In the
neighbourhood of Chalcedon a battle was fought, in
which Cotta was not only defeated and obliged to
take refuge within the walls of Chalcedon, but lost
his whole fleet of sixty-four sail. Mithridates,
who had to direct his attention towards another
quarter, left Cotta at Chalcedon. During this cam-
paign Cotta dismissed his quaestor, P. Oppius,
whom he suspected of being bribed by the enemy
and plotting agjiinst him. On his return to Rome,
therefore, Cotta brought an accusation against Op-
pius, who was defended by Cicero. Afterwards
Cotta himself was charged by C. Carbo with having
been guilty of extortion in his province of Bithynia,
and was condemned. His son, M. Aurelius Cotta,
took revenge for this hostility of Carbo towards
his father, by accusing Carbo of the same crime,
on the very same daj- that he (M. Cotta) assumed
the manly gown. (Li v. Epit. 93 ; Eutrop. vi. 6 ;
Sail. Fragm. Hist. lib. iv. ; Ascon. in Cornel, p. 67 ;
Plut. LucuU. 5, 6, 8; Cic. in Verr. v. 13, pro
Muren. 15, pro 0pp. Fragm. p. 444 ed. Orelli ;
Dion. Cass, xxxvi. 23 ; Appian, MUhrid. 71 ; Val.
Max. v. 4. § 4.)

11. L. Aurelius Cotta, a brother of Nos. 9
and 10, was praetor in b. c. 70, in which year he
carried the celebrated law {lex Aurelia jttdiciaria).,
which entrusted the judicia to courts consisting of
senators, equites, and the tribuni aerarii. The
main object of this law was to deprive the senators
of their exclusive right to act as judices, and to
allow other parts of the Roman state a share in the
judicial functions, for which reason the law is
sometimes vaguely described as ha\'ing transferred
^he judicia from the senate to the equites. P. Cor-
nelius Sulla and P. Autronius Paetus were the
consuls elect for the year b. c. 65, but both were
accused by L. Aurelius Cotta and L. Manlius Tor-
quatus of ambitus : they were convicted and their
accusers were elected consuls in their stead. No
sooner had they entered upon their consulship, than

COTTA.

P. Autronius Paetus fonned a plan with Catiline for
murdering the consuls and most of the senators.
This conspiracy however was discovered and frus-
trated. The year after his consulship, b. c. 64,
Cotta was censor, but he and his colleague abdi-
cated on account of the machinations of the tribunes.
In 63, when Cicero had suppressed the Catiliim-
rian conspiracy, in the debates upon which in the
senate Cotta had taken a part, he proposed a sup-
plicatio for Cicero ; and he afterwards shewed the*
same friendship for the unfortunate orator, as he
was the first to bring forward in the senate a mo-
tion for the recall of Cicero from his exile. Du-
ring the civil war Cotta belonged to the party of
Caesar, whose mother Aurelia was his kinswoman,
and when Caesar was alone at the head of the
republic, it was rumoured that Cotta, who then
held the oflice of quindecimvir, would propose in
the senate to confer upon Caesar the title of king,
since it was written in the libri fatales that the
Parthians, against whom Caesar was preparing
war, could be conquered only by a king. After
the murder of Caesar, Cotta rarely attended the
meetings of the senate from a feeling of despair.
He is praised by Cicero as a man of great talent
and of the highest prudence. (Ascon. in Cornel.
pp. 64, 67, 78, &c. ; Cic. in Pison. 16, in Verr. ii.
71, in P. Clod. 7, de Leg. Agr. ii. 17, in CatU.
iii. 8, Philip, ii. 6, pro bom. 26, 32, pro Sea-t.
34, ad Att. xii. 21, de Leg. iii. \9, ad Fam. xii. '
2 ; Suet. Cues. 79 ; Liv. EpU. 97 ; Veil. Pat.
ii. 32; Corn. Nep. Attic. 4; Plut. Cic. 27. Comp.
Orelli, Onom. Trill, ii. p. 90.)

12. Aurelius Cotta Messallinus, a son
of the orator Messalla, who was adopted into
the Aurelia gens. In the reign of Tiberius, with
whom he was on terms of intimacy, he made him-
self notorious for the gratuitous harshness and ajii-
mosity with which he acted on several occasions.
This drew upon him an accusation of the most il-
lustrious senators in a.d. 32, for having spoken
disrespectfully of Tiberius ; but the emperor him-
self sent a written defence to the senate, which of
course procured his acquittal. Tacitus characterises
him as nolnlis quidem, sed egens ob luxum et per
flagitia in/amis. (Plin. H. N. x. 27 ; Tacit Ann. ii.
32, iv. 20, V. 3, vi. 5, &c.) "

On coins of the Aurelia gens we find the names
of M. Cotta and L. Cotta, but there are no means

of identifying them with any of the preceding
persons. Of the two coins annexed the obverse of
the former represents the head of Pallas, the re-
verse Hercules in a biga drawn b}' two centaurs ;
the obverse of the latter represents the head of

COTYLA.

Vulcan with forcipes behind him, the reverse an
eagle standing on a thunderbolt. [L. S.]

COTTA, L. AURUNCULE'IUS, served as
legate in the amiy of C. Julius Caesjir in Gaul,
and distinguished himself no less by his valour
than by his foresight and prudence. In B. c. .54,
when Caesar, on account of the scarcity of provi-
sions in Gaul, distributed his troops over a greiit
part of the country for their winter-quarters, Cotta
and Q. Titurius Sabinus obtained the command of
one legion and five cohorts, with which they took
up their position in the territory of the Eburones,
between the Aleuse and the lihine. Soon after,
Ambiorix and Cativolcus, the chiefs of the Ebu-
rones, caused a revolt against the Romans, and
attacked the camp of Cotta and Sabinus only fif-
teen days after they had been stationed in the
country. Cotta, who apprehended more from the
cunning than from the open attacks of the Gauls,
strongly recommended his colleague not to abandon
the camp and tnist to the faith of the Gauls ; but
Sabinus, who feared that they should be overpow-
ered in their Avinter- quarters, was anxious to avail
himself of the safe-conduct which Ambiorix pro-
mised, and to proceed to the winter-quarters of
the legions neai-est to them. After some debates,
Cotta gave way for the sjike of concord among his
forces. The Romans were drawn into an ambus-
cade by the Gauls, and Cotta, who neglected none
of the duties of a general in his perilous position,
received a wound in his face while addressing the
soldiers ; but he still continued to fight bravely,
and refused entering into negotiations with the
enemy, until shortly after he and the greater part
of his soldiers were cut down by the Gauls. (Cae-
sar, B. G. ii. 11, V. 24-37 ; Dion Cass. xl. 5, 6 ;
Sueton. Goes. 25 ; Appian, B. C. ii. 1 50 ; Floras,
iii. 10; Eutrop. vi. 14.) [L. S.]

M. and P. COTTII, of Tauromenium in Sicily,
two Roman knights, witnesses against Verres.
(Cic. Verr. v. 64.)

CO'TTIUS, son of Donnus, was king of seve-
ral Ligurian tribes in those parts of the Alps,
which were called after him, the Cottian Alps.
He maintained his independence when the other
Alpine tribes were subdued by Augustus, till at
length the emperor purchased his submission, by
granting him the sovereignty over twelve of these
tribes, with the title of Praefectus. Cottius there-
upon made roads over the Alps, and shewed his gra-
titude to Augustus by erecting (b. c. 8) at Segusio,
now Suza, a triumphal arch to his honour, which
is extant at the present day, and bears an inscrip-
tion, in which the praefect is called M. Julius Cot-
tius, and the names of the people are enumerated,
of which he was praefect. His authority was
transmitted to his son, who also bore the name of
M. Julius Cottius, and upon whom the emperor
Claudius conferred the title of king. But upon
the death of this prince, his kingdom was reduced
by Nero into the form of a Roman province.
(Amm. Marc. xv. 10 ; Strab. iv. p, 204 ; Plin.
//. N. iii. 20. s. 24 ; Orelli, Inscr. No. 626 ; Dion.
Cass. Ix. 24 ; Suet. Ner. 1 8 ; Aur. Vict. Caes. 5,
Epit. 5 ; Eutrop. vii. 14.)

CO'TYLA, L. VA'RIUS, one of Antony's
most intimate friends and boon companions, al-
though Cicero says that Antony had him whipped
on two occasions, during a banquet, by public
■laves. He was probably aedile in B. c. 44, as he
is called in the following year a man of aedilician

COTYS.

86i)

rank. When Antony was besieging Mutina, in
B. c. 43, he sent Cotyla to Rome, to propose terras
of peace to the senate ; and when after his defeat
at Mutina he had collected another army in Gaul,
and rocrossed the Alps later in the year, he en-
trusted Cotyla with the command of the legions,
which he left behind in Gaul. (Cic. Philipp. v. 2,
viii. 8, 10, ) 1, xiii. 12 ; Plut. Ant. 18, who calls
him Cotylo.)

COTYS or COTYTTO (Ko'ruy or KotuttcJ), a
Thracian divinity, whose festival, the Cotyttia
{Did. of Ant. s. v.), resembled that of the Phrygian
Cybele, and was celebrated on hills with riotous
proceedings. In later times her worship was in-
troduced at Athens and Corinth, and was connect-
ed, like that of Dionysus, with licentious frivolity.
Her worship appears to have spread even as far as
Italy and Sicily. Those who celebrated her fes-
tival were called fidirrai, from the purifications
which were originally connected with the solem-
nity. (Strab. x. p. 470 ; Hesych. Suid. s. vr.
KoTuy, Stoo-wTTjs ; Herat. Epod. xvii. 56 ; Juven.
ii. 92; Virg. Catal. v. 19; A. Meineke, Quaest.
Seen. p. 41, &c.) [L. S.]

COTYS (KoTvs). 1. A king of Paphlagonia,
seems to have been the same whom Xenophon
(Anab. v. 5. § 12, &c.) calls Corylas. Otys also
is only another form of the name. A vasssd origi-
nally of the Persian throne, he had thrown off his
allegiance to Artaxerxes II., and, when summoned
to court, as a test probably of his loyalty, had re-
fused obedience. He therefore listened readily to
the recommendation of Spithridates to enter into
alliance with Sparta, and having met Agesilaus for
this purpose on his entrance into Paphlagonia, he
left with him a considerable reinforcement for his
array. For this service Agesilaus rewarded Spi-
thridates by negotiating a marriage for his daugh-
ter with Cotys, B. c. 395. (Xen. Hell. iv. ]. § 3,
&c.) The subject of the present article has been
identified by some with Thyus, whom Datames
conquered and carried prisoner to Artaxerxes about
B. c. 364 ; but this conjecture does not appear to
rest on any valid grounds. (See Schneider, ad
Xen. Nell. I. c.) [Thvcs.]

2. King of Thrace from b. c. 382 to 358. (See
Suid. s. v., where his reign is said to have lasted
twenty-four years.) It is not, however, till to-
wards the end of this period that we find anything
recorded of him. In b. c. 364 he appears as an
enemy of the Athenians, the main point of dispute
being the possession of the Thracian Chersonesus,
and it was at this time that he first availed himself
of the aid of the adventurer Charidemus on his
desertion from the Athenian service [see p. 684,
b.]. He also secured the valuable assistance of
Iphicrates, to whom he gave one of his daughtei-s
in marriage, and who did not scrapie to take part
with his father-in-law against his country. (Dem.
c. Aristocr. pp. 663, ^^9., 672 ; Pseudo-Aristot.
Oecon. ii. 26 ; Nep. Tphicr. 3 ; Anaxandr. ap.
Athen. iv. p. 131.) In b. c. 362, Miltocythes, a
powerful chief, revolted from Cotys, and engaged
the Athenians on his side by promising to cede
the Chersonesus to them ; but Cotys sent them a
letter, outbidding his adversary in promises, and
the Athenians passed a decree in the king's favour.
It has been thought that this was the same decree
which conferred on him the gift of citizenship.
(See Thiriwall's Greece^ vol. v. p. 217 ; Ep. Phil.
ad Ath. p. 161, where he is called " Sitalces.")

870

COTYS.

The effect of it certainly was so to discourage
Miltocythes that he abandoned the struggle, while
Cotys, having gained his point, never dreamed of
fulfilling his promises. (Dera. c. Aiistocr. p. 655,
c. PolycL 1207.) [AuTOCLES, No. 2.] In the
same year he vigorously opposed Ariobarzanes and
the other revolted satraps of the western provinces.
Here again he shewed his hostility to Athens,
which sided with the rebels, while another motive
with him for the course he took seems to have
been, that the satraps protected the cities on the
Hellespont, over which he desired to establish his
own authority. Having besieged Sestus, which
belonged to Ariobarzanes, he was compelled, ap-
parently by Timotheus, to raise the siege ; but the
town soon after revolted from Athens and sub-
mitted to Cotys, who, having in vain tried to per-
suade Iphicrates to aid him [Iphicrates], again
bought the services of Charidemus, made him his
son-in-law, and prosecuted the war with his
assistance. (Xen. Ages^ ii. § 26 ; Nep. Timoih.
1 ; Dem. de Rhod. Lib. p. 193, c. Aristocr. pp.
663, 664, 672—674.) [Charidemus.] This
appears to have occurred in b. c. 359, and in the
same year, and not long after Philip's accession,
we find him supporting the claims of the pretender
Paiisanias to the Macedonian throne ; but the
bribes of Philip induced him to abandon his cause.
(Diod. xvi. 2, 3.) For his letter to Philip, perhaps
on this occasion, see Hegesand. ap. Aihen. vi. p.
248. In B. c. 358, he was assassinated by Py-
thon or Parrhon and Heracleides (two citizens of
Aenus, a Greek town in Thrace), whose father he
had in some way injured. The murderers were
honoured by the Athenians with golden crowns
and the franchise of the city. (Arist. Polit. v. 10,
ed. Bekk. ; Dem. c. Aristocr. pp. 659, 662, 674;
Plut. adv. Colot. 32 ; Diog. Laert. iii. 46, ix. 65.)
Cotys, from the accounts we have of him, was
much addicted to gross luxury, and especially to
drunkenness, the prevalent vice of his nation. His
violence and cruelty were excessive, almost, in
fact, akin to madness. He is said to have mur-
dered his wife, of whom he was jealous, with cir-
cumstances of the most shocking barbarity ; on one
occasion also he persuaded himself, or chose to
assert, that he was the bridegroom of the goddess
Athena, and, having drunk deeply at what he
called the nuptial feast, he put to death two of his
attendants successively, who had not presence of
mind or courtly tact sufficient to fall in with his
mad humour. (Theopomp. ap. Atlien. x\\. pp.531,
532 ; Said. s. v. ; Plut. JReff. et Imp. Apophth.)

3. A king of the Odrysae in Thrace. He was
originally an ally of Rome, but was forced into an
alliance against her with Perseus, to whom he
gave hostages for his fidelity, and supplied a force
of 2000 men. When Perseus was conquered by
Aemilius Paullus in B. c. 168, Bites, the son of
Cotys, was taken prisoner and carried to Rome,
and his father sent ambassadors to offer any sura
of money for his freedom, and to account for his
own conduct in having sided with Macedonia.
The Roman senate did not admit the excuse of
Cotys as a valid one, but they made a flourish of
generosity, and released the prince unransomed.
Cotys is honourably recorded as differing widely
from the generality of his countrymen in sobriety,
gentleness, and cultivation of mind. (Polyb. xxvii.
\ 0, XXX. 12 ; Suid. s. v. ; Liv. xlii. 29, 61, 57, b^,
67, xiiii. 18, xlv. 42.)

CRANAEA.

4. A king of Thrace, took part against Caesar
with Pompcy, and sent him a body of auxiliaries
under his son Sadales in b. c. 48. (Caes. Bell.
Civ, iii. 4 ; Lucan. Phars. v. 54.)

5. Son of Rhoemetalces, king of Thrace. On
the death of Rhoemetalces his dominions were
divided by Augustus between his brother Rhescu-
poris and his son Cotys. Rhescuporis desired to
subject the whole kingdom to himself, but did not
venture on palpable acts of aggression till the death
of Augustus. He then openly waged war against
his nephew, but both parties were commanded by
Tiberius to desist from hostilies, Rhescuporis
then, feigning a wish for friendly negotiation, in-
vited Cotys to a conference, and, at the banquet
which followed, he treacherously seized him, and,
having thrown him into chains, wrote to Tibeiius,
pretending that he had only acted in self-defence
and anticipated a plot on the part of Cotys. He
was, however, commanded to release him, and to
come to Rome to have the matter investigated,
whereupon (a. d. 19) he murdered his prisoner,
thinking, says Tacitus, that he might as well have
to answer for a crime completed as for one half
done. Tacitus speaks of Cotys as a man of gentle
disposition and manners, and Ovid, in an epistle
addressed to him during his exile at Torai, alludes
to his cultivated taste for literature, and claims his
favour and protection as a brother- poet. (Tac. Ann.
ii. 64—67, iii. 38 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 129 ; Ov. ex Pont.
ii. 9.)

6. A king of a portion of Thrace, and perhaps
one of the sons of No. 5. (See Tac. Ann. ii. 67.)
In A. D. 38, Caligula gave the whole of Thrace to
Rhoemetalces, son of Rhescuporis, and put Cotys
in possession of Armenia Minor. In a. d. 47,
when Claudius wished to place Mithridates on the
throne of Armenia, Cotys endeavoured to obtain it
for himself, and had succeeded in attaching some
of the nobles to his cause, but was compelled by
the commands of the emperor to desist. (Dion
Cass. lix. 12 ; Tac. Ann. xi. 9.)

7. King of the Bosporus, which he received
from the Romans on the expulsion of his brother
Mithridates. As only a few cohorts under Julius
Aquila had been left in the country to support
the new king, who was himself young and inex-
perienced, Mithridates endeavoured to recover his
dominions by force of arms, A. D. 50 ; but he was
conquered and carried prisoner to Rome. (Tac.
Ann. xii. 15 — 21.)

The second of the coins figured on p. 777, a.
belongs to this Cotys, who is sometimes called
Cotys I., king of the Bosporus. The coin given
below belongs to Cotys II., who reigned under
Hadrian, and is mentioned by Arrian in his Peri-
plus. The obverse represents the head of Cotys,
the reverse that of Hadrian. (Eckhel, ii. pp. 376,
378.) [E. E.J

CRANAEA {Kpavaia)^ a surname of Artemis,
derived from a temple on a hill near Elateia in

CRASSINUS.

Phocis, in wliich the office of priest was always
held by youths below the age of puberty, and for
the space of five years by each youth. (Paus. x.
34. §4.) [L. S.]

CRANA'US (KpavaSs), an autochthon and king
of Attica, who reigned at the time of the flood of
Deucalion. He was married to Pedias, by whom
he became the father of Cranae, Cranaechme, and
Attliis, from the last of whom Attica was believed
to have derived its name. He was deprived of his
kingdom by Amphictyon, his son-in-law, and after
his death he was buried in the demos of Lamprae,
where his tomb was shewn as late as the time of
Pausanias. (ApoUod. iii. 14. § 5, &c. ; Paus. i. 2.
§5, 31. §2.) [L.S.]

CRANE. [Cardka.]

GRANTOR (Kpdurup), of Soli in Cilicia, left
his native countrj', and repaired to Athens, in
order to study philosophy, where he became a
pupil of Xenocrates and a friend of Polemo, and
one of the most distinguished supporters of the
philosophy of the older Academy. As Xenocrates
died a c. 315, Grantor must have come to Athens
previous to that year, but we do not know the
date of his birth or his death. He died before
Polemo and Grates, and the dropsy was the cause
of his death. He left his fortune, which amounted
to twelve talents, to Arcesilaiis; and this may be
the reason why many of Grantor's writings were
ascribed by the ancients to Arcesilaiis. His works
were very numerous. Diogenes Laertius says,
that he left behind Gommentaries (uTrojUi^juaTo),
which consisted of 30,000 lines ; but of these only
fragments have been preserved. They appear to
have related principally to moral subjects, and,
accordingly, Horace {Ep. i. 2. 4) classes him with
Ghrysippus as a moral philosopher, and speaks of
him in a manner which proves that the writings of
Grantor were much read and generally known in
Rome at that time. The most popular of Grantor's
works at Rome seems to have been that " On Grief "
(De Ltictu, riepl Yiiv6ovs\ which was addressed to
liis friend Hippocles on the death of his son, and
from which Gicero seems to have taken almost the
whole of the third book of his Tusculan Disputa-
tions, The philosopher Panaetius called it a
" golden " work, which deserved to be learnt by
heart word for word. (Gic. Acad. ii. 44.) Gicero
also made great use of it while writing his cele-
brated " Gonsolatio" on the death of his daughter,
Tullia ; and several extracts from it are preserved
in Plutarch's treatise on Gonsolation addressed to
Apollonius, which has come down to us.

Grantor was the first of Plato's followers who
wrote commentaries on the works of his master.
He also made some attempts in poetry ; and Dio-
genes Laertius relates, that, after sealing up a col-
lection of his poems, he deposited them in the
temple of Athena in his native city. Soli. He is
accordingly called by the poet Theaetetus, in an
epitaph which he composed upon him, the friend
of the Muses ; and we are told, that his chief fa-
vourites among the poets were Homer and Euri-
pides. (Diog. Laert. iv. 24 — 27 ; Orelli, Onom.
Tull. ii. p. 201; Schneider in Zimmermann's Zeit-
schriftfur Alterthumstmssenschqf}, 1836, Nos. 104,
105; Kayser, De Crantore Academico, Heidelb.
1841.) [A. S.]

CRASSI'NUS or CRASSUS, a surname borne
in early times by many members of the patrician
Claudia gens. [Claudius, p. 767.]

CRASSITIUS. 871

CRASSIPES, " thick-footed," the name of a
patrician family of the Furia gens.

1. M. FuRius Crassipe.s, was one of the three
commissioners appointed in B. c. 194 to found a
Latin colony among the Bnitii, and he with his
colleagues accordingly led, two years afterwards,
3700 foot soldiers and 300 horsemen to Vibo,
which had been previously called Hipponium.
Grassipes was elected praetor, in B.C. 187, and
obtained the province of Gaul. Desiring to obtain
a pretext for a war, he deprived the Cenonuvni of
their arms, though they had been guilty of no of-
fence ; but when this people appealed to the senate
at Rome, Grassipes was commanded to restore
them their arms, and to depart from the province.
He obtained the praetorship a second time in B.C.
173, and received Sicily as his province. (Li v.
xxxiv. 53, XXXV. 40, xxxviii. 42, xxxix. 3, xli. 28.
s. 33, xlii. 1.)

2. FuRius Grassipes, married Tullia, the
daughter of M. Tullius Gicero, after the death of her
first husband, G. Piso Frugi. The maniage con-
tract (sponsalia) was made on the 6th of April, B.C.
56. She was, however, shortly afterwards divorced
from Grassipes, but at what time is uncertain ; it
must have been before B. c. 50, as she was married
te Dolabella in that year. Gicero notwithstanding
continued to live on friendly terms with Grassipes,
and mentions to Atticus a conversation he had
had with him, when Pompey was setting out from
Brundisium, in B. c. 49. (Gic. ad Qu. Fr. ii. 4, v. 1,
vi. 1, ad Fam. i. 7. § U, 9. § 20, ad Att. iv. 5, 12,
vii. 1, ad Att. ix. 11.) There is a letter of Cicero's
{ad Fain. xiii. 9) addressed to Grassipes, when he
was quaestor in Bithynia, B. c. 51, recommending
to his notice the company that farmed the taxes ia
that province.

3. P. FuRius Grassipes, curule aedile, as wa
learn from coins (a specimen of which is given
below), but at what time is uncertain. The ob-
verse of the coin annexed represents a woman's
head crowned with a tower, and by the side a
foot, through a kind of jocular allusion to the name
of Grassipes ; on the reverse is a curule seat.

L. CRASSITIUS, a Latin grammarian, was a
native of Tarentum and a freedman, and was sur-
naraed Pasicles, which he afterwards changed into
Pansa. He was first employed in assisting the
writers of the mimes for the stage, afterwards gave
lectures on grammar, and at length wrote a com-
mentary on the obscure poem of C. Helvius Ginna,
entitled Smyrna, which gained him great re-
nown : his praises were celebrated in an epigram
preserved by Suetonius, but the meaning of it
is difficult to understand. He taught the sons of
many of the noblest families at Rome, and among
others Julius Antonius, the son of the triumvir, but
eventually he gave up his school, in order to be
compared to Verrius Flnccus, and betook himself
to the study of philosophy. (Suet. lUustr. Gramin,
18 ; Weichert, Poct. Latin. Reliqu. p. 184.)

It is not impossible that this Crassitius was ori-
ginally the slave of the Crassitius or Crassicius,

872

CRASSUS.

mentioned by Cicero in b.c. 43 {Pldlipp. v. 6.
xiii. 2) as one of the friends of Antony. His ori-
ginal name would therefore have been Pasicleu,
and he would have taken the name of his patron
as a matter of course upon manumission. It may
be, however, that the Crassitius mentioned by Ci-
cero is the same as the grammarian.

CRASSUS, M. AQUI'LIUS, was praetor in
B.C. 43, and was sent by the senate into Picenum
to levy troops, in order to resist Octavianus, when
he marched upon the city in this year, in order to
demand the consulship. Crassus was seized in a
slave's dress, and brought to Octavianus, who did
not punish him at the time, but afterwards in-
cluded his name in the proscription. ( Appian, B. C.
iii. .93, 94.) It is thought by some commentators
that we ought to read Acilius instead oi AquUius.
If this conjecture be correct, the Crassus men-
tioned above would be the same as the Acilius,
who was included in the proscription, and whose
escape is related by Appian. (B. C. iv. 39.)

CRASSUS, CALPU'RNIUS, descended from
the ancient family of the (Licinii ?) Crassi, con-
spired against Nerva ; but when his designs were
detected, he received no punishment from the em-
peror, but was merely removed to Tarentum with
his wife. Crassus was subsequently put to death,
on account of his forming a conspiracy against the
life of Trajan. (Aur. Vict. EpU. 12 ; Dion Cass.
Ixviii. 3, 16.

CRASSUS, L. CANI'DIUS, was with Lepidus
in Gaul, in B. c. 43, when Antony was compelled
to seek refuge there, and was the main instru-
ment in bringing about the union between the
armies of Lepidus and Antony. Three years
later, B. c. 40, he was consul suffectus with L.
Cornelius Balbus, and afterwards he was one of
the legates of Antony, whom he accompanied in
his campaign against the Parthians. In b. c. 38,

CRASSUS.

when Antony returned from that expedition, Ca-
nidius Crassus remained in Armenia, and conti-
nued the war against those nations with consider-
able success, for he defeated the Armenians, and
also the kings of the Iberians and Albanians, and
penetrated as far as the Caucasus. In the cam-
paign which Antony made against the Parthians in
B. c. 36, Crassus was as unfortunate as the other
Roman generals, all of whom suffered great losses,
and were compelled to retreat. In B. c. 32, when
Antony resolved upon the war with Octavian,
Crassus was commissioned to lead the army, which
was stationed in Armenia, to the coast of the Me-
diterranean. On the outbreak of the war many of
Antony's friends advised him to remove Cleopatra
from the army, but Crassus who was bribed by the
queen, opposed this plan, and she accordingly ac-
companied her lover to the fatal war. Shortly
afterwards, however, Crassus also advised Antony
to send her back to Egypt, and to fight the decisive
battle on the land and not on the sea. This time
his advice was disregarded. During the battle of Ac-
tiura, Crassus who had the command of Antony's
land forces, could only act the part of a spectator.
After the unfortunate issue of the seafight, Crassus
and his army still held out for seven days in the
hope that Antony would return ; but in the end
Crassus in despair took to flight, and followed his
master to Alexandria, where he informed him of
the issue of the contest and of the fate of his
army. After the fall of Antony Crassus was put
to death by the command of Octavianus. He died
as a coward, although in times of prosperity he had
been in the habit of boasting, that death had no
terrors for him. (Cic. ad Fam. x. 21 ; Dion
Cass, xlviii. 32, xlix. 24 ; Plut. Ant. 34, 42, 56,
63, 65, 68, 71, Comparat. Dem. c. Ant. 1 ;
Veil. Pat. ii. 85, 87 ; Oros. vi. 19.) [L. S.]
CRASSUS, CLAU'DIUS. [Claudius, p.767.]

CRASSUS, LICI'NIUS.

Stemma Crassorum.

(A.)

C. Licinius Varus.

1. P. Licinius Crassus, Cos. B. c. 171.

I
2. C. Licinius Crassus, Cos. b. c. 168.

3. C. Licinius Crassus, Tr. PI. b. c. 145. (.>)
4. C. Licinius [Crassus] ? 5. Licinia, vestal, b. c. 123.

(B.)
6. P. Licinius Crassus Dives, Cos. b. c. 205.

... I
7. P. Licinius Crassus Dives.

I

8, P. Licinius Crassus Dives Mucianus,
adopted son of No. 7, Cos. b. c. 131.

...I
9. M. Licinius Crassus

Agelastus.

10. Licinia, (.') married
Claudius Asellus.

11. Licinia, married 12. Licinia, married
C. Sulpicius Galba. C. Sempronius Gracchus.

13. M. Licinius
Crassus, Pr.B.c. 107.

14. P. Lie. Crassus Dives,
(a) Cos. B. c. 97 ; married
Venuleia,
1

CRASSUS.

CRASSUS.

87S

15. P. Licinius Crassus Dives,
died B. c. 87.

1 8. P. Licinius Crassus Dives,
Deeodor.

16. Licinius Crassus
Dives.

17. M. Licinius Crassus, triumvir,
married Tertulla.

1 9. M. Licinius Crassus Dives,
Quaestor of Caesar.
I
21. M. Licinius Crassus Dives, Cos. B. c. 30.

2*2. M. Licinius Crassus Dives, Cos. b. c. 14.

20. P. Licinius Crassus Dives,
Legate of Caesar, marr. Cornelia.

(C.)
23. L. Licinius Crassus, orator ; Cos. b. c. 95 ; married Mucia.

I I I

24. Licinia, married 25. Licinia, married 26. L. Licinius Crassus Scipio, son of

Scipio Nasica. C. Marius. No. 24, and adopted by No. 23.

(D.) Other Licinii Crassi of uncertain pedigree.

27. Licinius Crassus Dives, Pr. b. c. 59. 28. P. Licinius Crassus, Pr. b. c. 57.

30. M. Licinius Crassus Mucianus, a contem-
porary of Vespasian.

29. P. Licinius Crassus Junianus, Tr. PI.
b. c. 53.

1. P. Licinius C. p. P. n. Crassus, was
grandson of P. Licinius Varus, who was praetor
b. c. 208. In B. c. 176 he was praetor, and plead-
ed that he was bound to perform a solemn sacrifice
as an excuse for not proceeding to his province,
Hither Spain. In b. c. 171 he was consul, and
appointed to the command against Perseus. He
advanced through Epeirus to Thessaly, and was
defeated by the king in an engagement of cavalry.
(Liv. xli., xlii., xliii.) During his command, he
oppressed the Athenians by excessive requisitions
of com to supply his troops, and was accused on
this account to the senate.

2. C. Licinius C. f. P. n. Crassus, brother of
No. 1, was praetor in b. c. 172, and in b. c. 171
served as legatus with his brother in Greece, and
commanded the right wing in the unsuccessful
battle against Perseus. In b. c. 168 he was con-
sul, and in the following year went to Macedonia,
instead of proceeding to Cisalpine Gaul, which was
his appointed province. (Liv. xlv. 17.)

3. C. Licinius Crassus, probably a son of No.
2, was tribune of the plebs b. c. 145, and accord-
ing to Cicero {de Antic. 25) and Varro (de Re
Bust. i. 2), was the first who in his orations to the
people turned towards the forum, instead of turn-
ing towards the comitium and the curia, Plutarch
(C. Gracch. 5) attributes the introduction of this
mark of independence to C. Gracchus. He intro-
duced a rogation in order to prevent the colleges of
priests from filling up vacancies by co-optation,
and to transfer the election to the people ; but the
measure was defeated in consequence of the speech
of the then praetor, C. Laelius Sapiens. (Cic. Brut.
21.) (Huschke, Ueber die Stelle des Varro von
den Liciniem, Heidelb. 1837.)

4. C. Licinius (Crassus), probably a son of
No. 3. (Dion Cass. Frag, xcii.)

5. Licinia. [Licinia.]

6. P. Licinius P. f. P. n. Crassus, Dives,
was the son of P. Licinius Varus, and was the first
Licinius with the surname Dives mentioned in
history. In b. c. 212, though a young man who
had never sat in the curule chair, he defeated two
distinguished and aged consulars, Q. Fulvius Flac-

cus and T. Manlius Torquatus, in a hard-fought
contest for the office of pontifex maxiraus. (Liv.
XXV. 5.) In b. c. 211 he was curule aedile, and
gave splendid games, remarkable for the crowns
with foliage of gold and silver, that were then first
exhibited at Rome (Plin. H. N. xxi. 4) ; in b. c.
210 he was magister equitum of the dictator Q.
Fulvius Flaccus, and in the same year obtained
the censorship, but abdicated (as was usual) in con-
sequence of the death of his colleague. In b. c.
208 he was praetor. In B. c. 205 he was consul
with Scipio Africanus, and undertook the task of
keeping Hannibal in check in the country of the
Bruttii. Here he succeeded in rescuing some
towns from the enemy, but was able to do little
in consequence of a contagious disease which
attacked him and his army. (Liv. xxix. 10.)
In the following year he united his forces with
those of the consul Sempronius, to oppose Han-
nibal in the neighbourhood of Croton, but the Ro-
mans were defeated. In b. c. 203, he returned
to Rome, and died at an advanced age, B. c. 183,
when his funeral was celebrated with games and
feasts which lasted for three days, and by a
fight of 1 20 gladiators, (xxxix. 46.) He possessed
many gifts of nature and fortune, and added to
them by his own industry. He was noble and
rich, of commanding form and great corporeal
strength, and, in addition to his military accom-
plishments, was extremely eloquent, whether in
addressing the senate or haranguing the people. In
civil and pontifical law he was deeply skilled,
(xxx. 1.) Valerius Maxunus (i. 1. § 6) gives an
example of his religious severity in condemning a
Vestal virgin to be burnt, because one night she
neglected her charge of guarding the everlasting fire.

7. P. Licinius Crassus Divks, son of No. 6.

8. P. Licinius Crassus Divbs Mucianus, was
the adopted son of No. 7. (Cic. Bnd. 26.) Hi«
natural father was P. Mucius Scaevola, who was
consul B. c. 175. In the year B. c. 131 he was
consul and pontifex maximus, and, according to
Livy, was the first priest of that rank who
went beyond Italy. {Epii. lix.) As pontifex
maximus, he forbade his colleague, Valerius Flao-

874

CRASSUS.

CU8, who was flaraen Martialis, to undertake the
command against Aristonicus, and imposed a fine
upon him, in case of liis leaving the sacred rites.
The people remitted the fine, but shewed their
sense of due priestly subordination by ordering the
flamen to obey the pontiff. (Cic. Phil. xi. 8.)
Crassus, though his own absence was liable to
similar objection, proceeded to oppose Aristonicus,
who had occupied the kingdom of Pergaraus, which
had been bequeathed by Attalus to the Roman
people. His expedition to Asia was unfortunate.
He suffered a defeat at Leucae, and was overtaken
in his flight between Elaea and Smyrna by the
body-guard of the enemy. In order that he might
not be taken alive, he struck a Thracian in the eye
with his horse-whip, and the Thracian, smarting
with the blow, stabbed him to death. (Val. Max.
iii. 2. § 12.) His body was buried at Smyrna,
and his head was brought to Aristonicus, who, in
the following year, surrendered to Perpema, and
was put to death at Rome. He was so minutely
skilled in the Greek language, that when he pre-
sided in Asia, he was in the habit of giving judg-
ment to those who resorted to his tribunal in any
one of five dialects in which they preferred their
claim. (Quintil. xi. 2, fin.) Cicero extols him as
a good orator and jurist (Cic. Brut. 26 ; compare
Dig. 1 . tit. 2. 8. 4), and Gellius ( who gives an example
of the strictness of his military discipline) says that,
according to Sempronius Asellio and other writers
of Roman history, he possessed five of the best of
good things, " quod esset ditissimus, quod nobilis-
simus, quod eloquentissimus, quod jurisconsultissi-
mus, quod pontifex maximus." (Gell. i. 13.) How
the legal lore of Crassus was on one occasion well-
nigh foiled in contest with the superior eloquence
of Ser. Sulpicius Galba (whose son married the
daughter of Crassus) may be read in Cicero {de
Oral. i. 56). By Heineccius {Hist. Jur. Rom. i.
143) and many others, he has been confounded
with L. Licinius Crassus, the orator, No. 23.
(Rutilius, Vitae JClorum., c. xviii.)

9. M. Licinius Crassus Agklastus, son of
No. 7, and grandfather of Crassus the triumvir. He
derived his cognomen from having never laughed
(Plin. //. A^. vii. 18), or, as Cicero says, he was
not the less entitled to the designation, though
Lucilius. reports that he laughed once in his life.
(Cic. de Fin. v. 30.)

10, 11, 12. LiCINIAE. [LiCINIA.]

13. M. Licinius Crassus, son of No. 9, was
praetor b. c. 107.

14. P. Licinius M. f, P. n. Crassus Dives,
brother of No. 13 and father of the triumvir. He
was the proposer of the lex Licinia, mentioned by
Gellius (ii. 24), to prevent excessive expense and
gluttony in banquets. The exact date of this law
is uncertain, but it was alluded to by the poet
Lucilius, who died before the consulship of Crassus,
which took place b. c. 97. The sumptuary law of
Crassus was so much approved of, that it was
directed by a decree of the senate to take effect
immediately after its publication, and before it had
been actually passed by the populus. (Macrob. ii.
13.) It was abolished at the proposition of Duro-
nius in b.c. 98. (Val. Max. ii. 9. § 3.) The extrava-
gance of the games and shows given by the
aediles had now become unreasonably great, and
Crassus during his aedileship yielded to the pre-
vailing prodigality. (Cic. de Of. ii. 16,) During
the consulship of Crassus, the senate made a re-

CRASSUS.

markable decree, by which it was ordained ^ no
homo immolaretur," — a monstrous rite, says Pliny,
which up to that time had been publicly solem-
nized. (Plin. H. N. XXX. 3.) After his con-
sulship, he took the command in Spain, where
he presided for several years, and, in the year B. c.
93, was honoured with a triumph for his successes
in combating the Lusitanian tribes. In the social
war, B. c 90, he was the legate of L. Julius
Caesar, and in the following year his colleague in
the censorship (Festus, s. v. referri), and with him
enrolled in new tribes certain of the Latini and
Itali, who were rewarded for their fidelity with
the rights of citizenship. In the civil war which
commenced soon afterwards, he took part with
Sulla and the aristocracy. When Marius and
Cinna, after being proscribed, returned to Rome in
the absence of Sulla, he stabbed himself in order to
escape a more ignominious death from the hands
of their partisans. (Liv. Epit. Ixxx.)

15. P. Licinius Crassus Divks, son of No.
14, by Venuleia. (Cic. ad Att. xii. 24.) In B. c.
87, he was put to death by the horsemen of Fim-
bria, who belonged to the party of Marius, and, ac-
cording to Florus (iii. 21. § 14), was massacred
before his father's eyes. Appian {B. C. i. p. 394)
differs from other historians in his account of this
transaction. He relates that the father, after slay-
ing his son, was himself slaughtered by the party
in pursuit.

16. Licinius Crassus Dives, a younger bro-
ther of No. 15. His praenomen is unknown, and
the only particulars of his history which have been
recorded are the fact of his marriage in the lifetime
of his parents, and his escape from the massacre of
the year B. c. 87. (Plut. Crass. 1, 4.)

17. M. Licinius P. f. M. n. Crassus Dives,
the younger son of No. 14. The date of his birth
is not precisely recorded, but it is probable that
he was born about the year B. c. 105, for Plutarch
states, that he was younger than Pompey (Plut.
Crass. 6), and that he was more than sixty years
old when he departed (in the year B. c. 55) to
make war against the Parthians. (76. 17.)

In the year b. c. 87, when his father and bro-
ther suffered death for their resistance to Marius
and Cinna, he was not considered of sufficient im-
portance to be involved in the same doom ; but he
was closely watched, and after some time he
thought it prudent to make his escape to Spain,
which he had visited some years before, when his
father had the command in that country. How
he concealed himself in a cavern near the sea upon
the estate of Vibius Paciaecus, and how he passed
his life in this strange retreat, is related in detail
by the lively and amusing pen of Plutarch. After
a retirement of eight months, the death of Cinna
(b. c. 84) relieved him from his voluntary confine-
ment. He put himself at the head of a needy
rabble, for whose sustenance he provided by ma-
rauding excursions, and, with 2500 men, made his
way to Malaca. Thence, seizing the vessels in
the port, he set sail for Africa, where he met Q.
Metellus Pius, who had escaped from the party of
Marius. He soon quarrelled with Metellus, and
did not remain long in Africa, for when Sulla
(b. c. 83) landed in Italy, Crassus proceeded to
join that successful general.

He was now brought into competition with
Pompey, who also served under Sulla. The mind
of Crassus was of an essentially vulgar type. He

CRASSUS.

was noted for envy, but his envy was low and
cavilling : it was not energetic enough to be cruel
and revengeful, even when successful, and it was
so far under the control of pusillanimity and self-
interest, as to abstain from the open opposition of
manly hatred. It was with such feelings that
Crassus regarded Pompey ; and Sulla played off
the rivals against each other. He understood his
tools. He gratified Pompey by external marks of
honour, and Crassus with gold. The ruling pas-
sion of Crassus was avarice, and to repair and
increase the fortunes of his family he was willing
to submit to servile dependence, to encounter any
risk, and undergo any hardship. He undertook a
service of considerable danger in levying troops
for Sulla among the Marsi, and he afterwards
(b. c. 83) distinguished himself in a successful
campaign in Umbria. He was personally brave,
and, by fighting against the remains of the Marian
faction, he was avenging the wrongs of his house.
Sulla put him in mind of this, and rewarded him
by donations of confiscated property, or by allow-
ing him to purchase at an almost nominal value
the estates of those who were proscribed. Crassus
was reported to have sought for gain by dishonest
means. He was accused of unduly appropriating
the booty taken at Tuder (an Umbrian colony not
far from the Tiber), and of placing, without autho-
rity, a name in the proscribed lists, in order that
he might succeed to an inheritance.

The desire of wealth which absorbed Crassus
was neither the self-sufficing love of possession,
which enables the raiser to despise the hiss of the
people while he contemplates the coin in his chest,
nor did it spring from that voluptuousness which
made Lucullus value the means of material enjoy-
ment, nor from that lofty ambition which made
Sulla and Caesar look upon gold as a mere instru-
ment of empire. Crassus sought wealth because
he loved the reputation of being rich, liked to have
the power of purchasing vulgar popularity, and
prized the kind of influence which the capitalist
acquires over the debtor, and over the man who
wants to borrow or hopes to profit. To these ob-
jects the administration of civil affairs and warlike
command were, in his view, subordinate. He
possessed very great ability and steady industry
in obtaining what lie desired, and soon began to
justify his hereditary surname. Dives. He ex-
tended his influence by acting as an advocate be-
fore the courts, by giving advice in domestic affairs,
by canvassing for votes in favour of his friends,
and by lending money. At one time of his life,
there was scarcely a senator who was not under
some private obligation to him. He was affable
in his demeanour to the common people, taking
them by the hand, and addressing them by name.
Kich legacies and inheritances rewarded his assi-
duity and complaisance to the old and wealthy.
He was a keen and sagacious speculator. He
bought multitudes of slaves, and, in order to in-
crease their value, had them instructed in lucrative
arts, and sometimes assisted personally in their
education. Order and economy reigned in his
household. He worked silver-mines, cultivated
farms, and built houses, which he let at high rents.
He took advantage of the distresses and dangers
of others to make cheap purchases. Was there a
fire in the city, Crassus might be seen among the
throng, bargaining for the houses that were burn-
ing or in danger of being burnt.

CRASSUS.

875

From such pursuits Crassus was called to action
by that servile war which sprang from and indi-
cated the deplorable state of domestic life in Italy,
and was signalized by the romantic adventures
and reverses of the daring but ill-fated Spartacus.
Spart.acu3 had for many months successfully re-
sisted the generals who had been sent to oppose
him. A revolt so really dangerous had begun to
create alarm, and no confidence was placed in the
military talents of the consuls for the year b. c. 71,
who regularly, according to a still-prevailing custom,
would have divided between them the command of
the army. But the occasion called for more experi-
enced leaders, and, in the absence of Pompey, who
was fighting in Spain, the command of six legions
and of the troops already in the field was given to
Crassus, who was created praetor. After several
engagements fought with various success [Spar-
tacus], Crassus at length brought the rebel chief
to a decisive battle in Lucania. Spartacus was
slain with 12,300 (Plut. Pomp. 21), or, according
to Livy {Epit. 97), 60,000 of his followers ; and of
the slaves that were taken prisoners, 6000 were
crucified along the road biHween Rome and Capua.
Crassus had hastened operations in order to anti-
cipate the arrival of Pompey, who he feared might
reap the credit without having shared the dangers
of the campaign. His fears were in some degree
verified, for Pompey came in time to cut off 5000
fugitives, and wrote to the senate, " Crassus, in-
deed, has defeated the enemy, but I have extir-
pated the war by the roots." Though the victory
of Crassus was of great importance, yet, as being
achieved over slaves, it was not thought worthy of
a triumph ; but Crassus was honoured with an
ovation, and allowed the distinction of wearing a
triumphal crown of bay (laurus) instead of the
myrtle, which was appropriate to an ovation.

Crassus now aspired to the consulship, and was
not above applying for assistance to his rival Pom-
pey, who had also announced himself a candidate.
Pompey assumed with pleasure the part of pro-
tector, and declared to the people that he should
consider his own election valueless, unless it were
accompanied with that of Crassus. Both were
elected, (b. c. 70.) Already had Pompey become
a favourite of the people, and already begun to
incur the distrust of the optimates, while Caesar
endeavoured to increase the estrangement by pro-
moting a union between Pompey and Crassus in
popular measures. With their united support, the
lex Aurelia was carried, by which the judices
were selected from the populus (represented by
the tribuni aerarii) and equites as well as the
senate, whereas the senate had possessed the
judicia exclusively during the preceding twelve
years by the lex Conielia of Sulla. The jealousy
of Crassus, however, prevented any cordiality of
sentiment, or general unity of action. He saw
himself overborne by the superior authority of his
colleague. To gain favour, he entertained the po-
pulace at a banquet of 10,000 tables, and distri-
buted com enough to supply the family of every
citizen for three months ; but all this was insuffi-
cient to outweigh the superior personal considera-
tion of Pompey. The coolness between the con-
suls became a matter of public observation, and,
on the last day of the year, the knight C. Aurelius
(probably at the insti^tion of Caesar) mounted,
the tribune, and announced to the assembled mul-
titude that Jupiter, who had appeared to him in a

376

CRASSUS.

dream the niglit before, invited the consuls to be
reconciled before they left office. Pompey re-
mained cold and inflexible, but Ci-assus took the
first step by offering his hand to his rival, in the
midst of general acclamations. The reconciliation
was hollow, for the jealousy of Crassus continued.
He privily opposed the Gabinian rogation, which
commissioned Pompey to clear the sea of pirates ;
and Cicero's support of the Manilian law, which
conferred the command against ^lithridates upon
Pompey, rankled in the mind of Crassus. When
Pompey returned victorious, Crassus, from timidity
or disgust, retired for a time from Rome.

In the year B. c. 65, Crassus was censor with
Q. Catulus, the firm supporter of the senate ; but
the censors, in consequence of their political dis-
cordance, passed the period of their office without
liolding a census or a muster of the equites. In
the following year, Crassus failed in his wish to
obtain the rich province of Eg}T)t.

Crassus was suspected by some, probably with-
out sufficient reason, of being privy to the first
conspiracy of Catiline ; and again, in the year b. c.
63, L. Tarquinius, when he was arrested on his
way to Catiline, affirmed that he was sent by
Crassus with a message inviting Catiline to come
with speed to the rescue of his friends at Rome ;
but the senate denounced the testimony of L. Tar-
quinius as a calumny, and Crassus himself attri-
buted the charge to the subornation of Cicero.
(Sail. B. C. 48.) The interests of Crassus were
opposed to the success of the conspiracy; for it
would have required a man of higher order to
seize and retain the helm in the confusion that
would have ensued.

In the whole intercourse between Crassus and
Cicero may be observed a real coldness, with oc-
casional alternations of affected friendship. (Comp.
Cic. ad Att. i. 14 and 16, ad Fain. xiv. 2, pro
Sejd. 17, ad Fam. i. 9. § 6, v. 8.) In his
intercourse with others, Crassus was equally un-
steady in his likings and enmities. They were, in
fact, not deeply-seated, and, without the practice
of much hj'pocrisy, could be assumed or withdrawn
as temporary expediency might suggest.

It was from motives of self-interest, without
actual community of feeling or purpose, that the
so-called triumvirate was formed between Caesar,
Pompey, and Crassus. Each hoped to gain the
first place for himself by using the others for his
purposes, though there can be no doubt that the
confederacy was really most profitable to Caesar,
and that, of the three, Crassus would have been
the least able to rule alone. Caesar had already
found Crassus a convenient friend ; for in b. c. 61,
when Caesar was about to proceed to his province
in Further Spain, Crassus became security for his
debts to a large amount. It may, at first view,
excite surprise that a person of so little independent
greatness as Crassus should have occupied the
position that he filled, and that men of wider
capacity should have entered into a compact to
share with him the honours and profits of the
commonwealth. But the fact is to be accounted
for by considering, that the character of Crassus
represented in many points a large portion of
the public. While the young, the daring and
the ambitious, the needy, the revolutionary,
and the democratic, adhered to Caesar, — while
the aristocracy, the party of the old constitu-
tion, those who affected the reputation of high

CRASSUS.

principle and steady virtue, looked with greater
favour upon Pompey, — there was a considerable
mass of plain, moderate, practical men, who saw
much that they liked in Crassus. Independently
of the actual influence which he acquired by the
means we have explained, he had the sympathy
of those who, without being noble, were jealous
of the nobility, and were rich or were occupied
in making mone3\ They sympathised with him,
because the love of gain was a strong trait in the
Roman character, and they saw that his unequi-
vocal success in his pursuit was a proof of at
least one unquestionable talent — a talent of the
most universal practical utility. He was not
Avithout literary acquirement, for, under the teach-
ing of the Peripatetic Alexander, he had gained
a moderate proficiency in history and philosophy.
There was no profligacy in his private conduct
to shock decent and respectable mediocrity. He
was not above ordinarj^ comprehension. The many
could appreciate a worldly and vulgar-minded but
safe man, whose principles sat loosely but conve-
niently upon him, who was not likely to innovate
rashh', to dazzle by eccentric brilliancy, or to put
to shame by an overstrained rigidity of virtue.
Thus it was more prudent to combine with Cras-
sus as an ally, than to incur the opposition of his
party, and to risk the counter-influence of an
enormous fortune, which made the name of Cms- J
sus proverbial for wealth. Pliny {H. N. xxxiiL W
47) values his estates in the country alone at two
hundred millions of sesterces. He might have
maintained no despicable army at his own cost.
Without the means of doing this, he thought that
no one deserved to be called rich. In other less
stirring times he might have lived and died with-
out leaving in history any marked traces of his
existence; but in the period of transition and
commotion which preceded the fall of the republic,
such elements of power as he possessed could
scarcely remain neglected and quiescent.

It was part of the triumviral contract — renewed
at an interview between the parties in Luca — that
Pompey and Crassus should be a second time con-
suls together, should share the armies and pro-
vinces of the ensuing year, and should exert their
influence to secure the prolongation for five years
of Caesar's command in Gaul. Notwithstanding
the strenuous opposition of L. Domitius Aheno-
barbus, backed by all the authority of Cato of
Utica (who was forced on the day of election to
leave the Field of Mars with his followers after a
scene of serious riot and uproar), both Pompey
and Crassus were elected consuls, b. c. 55. A law
was passed at the rogation of the tribune C. Tre-
bonius, by which Syria and the two Spains, witli
the right of peace and war, were assigned to the
consuls for five years, while the Gauls and lUyri-
cum were handed over to Caesar for a similar
period. In the distribution of the consular pro-
vinces, Crassus took Syria.

Crassus was anxious to distinguish himself in
war. Pompey, he saw, had subjugated the Pirates
and Mithridates : Caesar had conquered Gaul, and
was marching his army victoriously to Germany
and Britain. Mortified at successes which made
him feel his inferiority to both, he chose rather to
enter upon an imdertaking for which he had no
genius than to continue the pursuit of wealth and
influence at home. Armed by the lex Trebonia
with power to make war, he determined to exer-

CRASSUS.
cise his authority by attacking the Parthians.
This was a stretch and perversion of the law,
for the Parthians were not expressly named in the
lex Trebonia, and the Senate, who constitutionally
were the proper arbiters of peace and war, refused
to sanction hostilities by their decree. Indeed
there was not the sliijhtest pretext for hostil-
ities, and nothing could be more flagrantly un-
just than the detennination of Crassus. It was
in express violation of treaties, for in the year B. c.
92, Sulla had concluded a treaty of peace with the
Parthians, and the treaty had been renewed by
Pompey with their king Phraates. The Romans
wore not very scrupulous in their career of con-
quest, and they often fought from motives of gain
or ambition, but their ostensible reasons generally
bore some show of plausibility, and a total disre-
gard of form was offensive to a people who were
accustomed in their international dealings to ob-
serve certain legal and religious technicalities. It
was not surprising, therefore, that, apart from all
political considerations, the feelings of common jus-
tice should excite a strong repugnance to the plans
of Crassus, who, having gained his immediate
object in obtaining Syria as his province, broke
out into a display of childish vanity and boastful-
ness, which were alien from his usual demeanour.
C. Ateius Capito, the tribune, ordered his officer to
arrest Crassus, but was obliged to release him by
the intercession of his colleagues. However, he
ran on to the gate of the city to intercept the
consul, who was anxious without delay to proceed
to his destination, and resolved to set out at once
without waiting for the termination of his year of
office. Posted at the gate, Ateius kindled a fire,
and with certain fumigations and libations and in-
vocations of strange and terrible deities, mingled
the most awful curses and imprecations against
Crassus. This was done in pursuance of an an-
cient Roman rite, which was never solemnized on
light grounds ; for, while it was believed to be fatal
to the person devoted, it was also thought to bring
calamity upon the person who devoted another.
Rut Crassus was not deterred. He proceeded on
his way to Brundusium. The evil omen daunted
the army, and seems to have occasioned an unusual
attention to disastrous auguries and forebodings,
for Plutarch is copious in his account of tokens of
misfortune in almost every stage of the expedition.
The route of Crassus lay through Macedonia,
Thrace, the Hellespont, Galatia, and the northern
part of Syria to Mesopotamia. Throughout the
whole campaign he exhibited so much imprudence
and such a complete neglect of the first principles
of military ai-t, that premature age may be thought
to have impaired his faculties, though he was now
but little more than sixty years old. He was
deaf, and looked older than he really was. The
aged Deiotarus, whom he met in Galatia, rallied
him on his coming late into the field. He was
accompanied by some able men, especially the
quaestor C. Cassius Longinus (afterwards one of
('aesar's murderers) and the legate Octavius, but
he did not profit by their advice. He was quite
uninformed as to the character and resources of the
enemy he was going to attack ; fancied that he
should have an easy conquest over un warlike peo-
l)le ; that countless treasures lay before him, and
that it would be a matter of no difficulty to out-
Rtrip the glor\' of his predecessors, Scipio, Lucullus,
Poiiipcy, and push on his army to Bactria and

CRASSUS.

877

India. He did not attempt to ttike advantage of
the intestine dissensions in Parthia, did not form
any cordial union with the Armenians and other
tribes who were hostile to the Parthians, and did
not obtiiin correct information as to the position of
the enemy's force, and the nature of the country.
On the contrary, he listened to flatterers; he
suffered himself to be grossly deceived and misled,
and he alienated, by ill-treatment and insolence,
those who might have been useful, and were dis-
posed to be friendly. After crossing the Euphrates,
and tjiking Zenodotium in Mesopotamia (a suc-
cess on which he prided himself as if it were a
great exploit), he did not follow up the attack
upon Parthia, but gave time to the enemy to as-
semble his forces and concert his plans and choose
his ground. He was advised by Cassius to keep
the banks of the Euphrates, to make himself mas-
ter of Seleuceia (which was situate on a canal con-
necting the Euphrates and the Tigris), and to take
Babylon, since both these cities were always at
enmity with the Parthians. He chose, however,
after leaving 7000 infantry and 1000 cavalry in
garrison in Mesopotamia, to recross the Euphrates
with the rest of his forces, and to pass the winter
in northern Syria. In Syria he behaved more
like a revenue officer than a general He omitted
to muster and exercise the troops, or to review the
armour and military stores. It is true that he
ordered the neighbouring tribes and chieftains to
furnish recruits and bring supplies, but these re-
quisitions he willingly commuted for money. Nor
was his cupidity satisfied by such gains. At
Hierapolis there was a wealthy temple, dedicated
to the S\'rian goddess Derceto or Atargatis (the
Ashtarotli of Scripture), who presided over the
elements of nature and the productive seeds of
things. (Plin. H. N. v. 19; Strab. xvi. in
fin.) This temple he plundered of its treasures,
which it took several days to examine and weigh.
One of the ill omens mentioned by Plutarch
occurred here. Crassus had a son Publius, who
had lately arrived from Italy with 1000 Gallic
cavalry to join his father's army. The son, on
going out of the temple, stumbled on the thresh-
old, and the father, who was following, fell over
him. Josephus {AnL xiv. 7, Bell. Jud. i. 8)
gives a circumstantial account of the plunder of the
temple at Jerusalem by Crassus, but the narrative
is not free from suspicion, for Jerusalem lay en-
tirely out of the route of Crassus, and was at a
distance of between 400 and 500 Roman miles
from the winter quarters of the army ; and we
believe that no historian but Josephus mentions
the occurrence, if we except the author of the Latin
work " De Bello Judaico," (i. 21,) which is little
more than an enlarged translation of Josephus, and
passes under the name of Hegesippus. To the
divine judgment for his sacrilege on this occasion,
Dr. Pridcaux (Conneaion, part 2) attributes the
subsequent infatuation of Crassus. According to
this account, Eleazjir, treasurer of the temple, had,
for security, put a bar of gold of the weight of 300
Hebrew minae into a hollowed beam, and to this
beam was attached the veil which separated the
Holy Place from the Holy of Holies. Perceiving
that Crassus intended to plunder the temple,
Eleazar endeavoured to compound with him, by
giving him the bar of gold on condition that he
would spare the other treasures. This Crassui
promised with an oath, but had no sooner receivsd

878

CRASSUS.

the gold, than he seized, not only 2000 talents
in money, which Pompey had left untouched, but
everything else that he thought worth cariying
away, to the value of 8000 talents more.

Orodes (Arsaces XIV.), the king of Parthia,
was himself engaged with part of his army, in an
invasion of Armenia, but he despatched Surenas,
the most illustrious of his nobles and a young ac-
complished general, into Mesopotamia with the
rest of his forces, to hold Crassus in check. Be-
fore proceeding to hostilities, he sent ambassadors
to Crassus to say that if the Roman general made
war by the authority of the senate, the war
could only terminate by the destruction of one or
other of the parties, but if at the prompting of his
owni desire, the king would take compassion on his
* old age, and allow him to withdraw his troops in
safety. Crassus replied that he would give his
answer at Seleuceia. " Sooner," said the ambas-
sador, Vagises, "shall hair grow on the palm of
this hand, than thy eyes behold Seleuceia." Ar-
tavasdes, the king of Armenia, requested Crassus
to join him in Armenia, in order that they might
oppose Orodes with their united forces ; he pointed
out to the Roman general that Armenia being a
rough mountainous countrj', the cavalry, of which
the Parthian army was almost wholly composed,
would there be useless, and he promised to take
care that in Annenia the Roman army should be
supplied with all necessaries. In Mesopotamia,
on the other hand, the Romans would be exposed
to extreme danger on their march through sandy
deserts, where they would be unable to procure
water and provisions. Crassus, however, deter-
mined to march throiigh Mesopotamia, and engaged
Artavasdes to supply him with auxiliary troops ;
but the king never sent the promised forces, excus-
ing himself on the ground that they Avere necessary
for his own defence against Orodes.

Crassus, in pursuing the imprudent course which
he determined upon, was misled by a crafty Ara-
bian chieftain, called by Plutarch, Ariamnes.*
This Arab had formerly served under Pompey,
and was well known to many in the array of
Crassus, for which reason he was selected by
Surenas to betray the Romans. He offered him-
self as a guide to conduct them by the shortest
way to the enemy. He told the Roman general,
that the Parthians durst not stand before him ;
that unless he made haste, they would escape from
him, and rob him of the fruits of victory. Cas-
sius, the legate, suspected Ariamnes of treachery,
and warned Crassus, instead of following him, to
retire to the mountains ; but Crassus, deceived by
his fair words and fooled by his flattery, was led
by him to the open plains of Mesopotamia. Ari-
amnes, having accomplished his object, seized a
frivolous pretext, and rode off to inform Surenas
that the Roman army was delivered into his hands,
and Crassus soon learned from his scouts, that
the Parthians were advancing. The conduct of

• From the Roman ignorance of oriental lan-
guages, there is a great variation among historians
in the oriental names that occur in the expedition
of Crassus. Thus, this chieftain is called by Dion
Cassius, Augarus or Abgarus, and by the compiler
of the Historia Komanorum Parthica., attributed
to Appian, he is called Acbarus. Florus (iii. 11.
§ 7) names him Mazaras. Again, the Armenian
king is called by Dion Cassius (xl. 1 6) Artabazes.

CRASSUS.

Crassus in this emergency was maiked by irreso-
lution. He first drew up his infantry in line, and
placed his cavalry at the wings — an arrangement
which would have obviated the murderous success
of the Parthian archers, and would have prevented
the troops from being outflanked by the Pai-thian
horse ; but he then altered his mind, and formed
the infantry in a solid square flanked by squadrons
of cavalry. To his son he gave one wing, to Cas-
sius the other, and placed himself in the centre.
In the battle that ensued, the Parthians exhibited
their usual tactics, advancing with terrific shouts
and the noise of kettle-drums. They worried the
densely marshalled Romans with showers of arrows
and javelins, every one of which struck its man.
Crassus was disheartened at finding that there was
no chance of their missiles being exhausted, as a
number of camels were laden with a large supply.
By feigned retreats, during which they continued
to discharge their arrows, they led the Romans
into disadvantageous positions ; then they suddenly
rallied and charged, while the enemy was in dis-
order and blinded by dust.

For the details of the engagement, which was dis-
tinguished by errors and misfortunes and unavailing
bravery, we must refer to the account of Plutarch.
Crassus lost his son in the battle, and endeavoured
to encourage the soldiers under a calamity which,
he said, concerned him alone. He talked to them
of honour and their country, but the faint and lan-
guid shout with which they responded to his
harangue, attested their dejection. When night
came on the Parthians retired, it being contrary to
their custom to pass the night near an enemy, be-
cause they never fortified their camps, and be-
cause their horses and arrows could be of little
use in the dark. In this miserable state of affairs,
Octavius and Cassius found Crassus lying upon
the ground, as if he were stunned and senseless.
They held a council of war, and determined to re-
treat at once, leaving the wounded on the field.
Crassus, with such of the troops as had strength
to march, retired to Carrhae (the Haran of Scrip-
ture), and, on the following morning, the Parthians
entered the Roman camp, and massacred the sick
and wounded, to the number of 4000. They then
pursued and overtook four cohorts, which had lost
their way in the dark, and put all but twenty men
to the sword.

Surenas, having ascertained that Crassus and the
principal officers of the Roman array were shut up in
Carrhae, and fearing that they might altogether es-
cape, again had recourse to stratagem and treacherj'.
Crassus was induced to take a guide, Andromachus,
who acted as a traitor, and led the army into dan-
gerous defiles. Having escaped from this snare,
he was forced by the mutinous threats of the
troops, though his eyes were open to the inevitable
result, to accept a perfidious invitation from Sure-
nas, who offered a pacific interview, and held out
hopes that the Romans would be allowed to retire
without molestation. At the interview, a horse,
with rich trappings, was led out as a present
from the king to Crassus, who was forcibly placed
upon the saddle. Octavius, seeing plainly that
it was the object of the Parthians to take Cras-
sus alive, seized the horse by the, bridle. A
scuffle ensued, and Crassus fell by some un-
known hand. Whether he was despatched by an
enemy, or by some friend who desired to save him
from the disgrace of becoming a prisoner, is unccr-

CRASSUS.
tain. In the course of this expedition, — one of
the most disastrous in which the Romans were
ever engaged against a foreign enemy, — Crassus is
said to have lost 20,000 men killed, and 10,000
taken prisoners. At the time of his death,
Artavasdos had made peace with Orodes, and had
given one of his daughters in marriage to Pacorus,
the son of the Parthian. They were sitting to-
gether at the nuptial banquet, and listening to the
representation of the Bacchae of Euripides, when a
messenger arrived from Surenas, and brought in the
head tind hand of Crassus. To the great delight
of the spectators, passages from the drama (1. 11 G8
&c) were applied by the actors to the lifeless
head. Orodes afterwards caused melted gold to be
poured into the mouth of his fallen enemy, saying,
** Sate thyself now with that metal of which in
life thou wert so greedy." (Dion Cass. xl. 27 ;
Floius, in. 1 1.)

(Plutarch, Crassus; Dion Cass, xxxvii. — xl.;
Cic. EpisL passim. The Ilistoria Romanorum Par-
ihica^ usually attributed to Appian, is a compilation
from Plutarch. All the authorities are collected
in Dnimann, Gesch. Roms iv. pp. 71 — 115.)

18. P. LiciNius Crassus Dives, son of No. 15,
and known by the designation of Decoctor; for,
though originally very rich, his prodigality and
dissipation were so inordinate, that he became in-
solvent, and his creditors sold his goods. After
this, he was often taunted by being addressed as
Crassus Dives. (Val. Max. vi. 9. § 12.)

19. M. LiciNius Crassus Dives, the elder
son of the triumvir (No. 17) by Tertulla. (Cic. ad
Fam. v. 8.) From his resemblance to the senator
Axius, there was a slander that his mother had
been unfaithful to her husband. After his younger
brother Publius had left Caesar, Marcus became
Caesar's quaestor in Gaul, and at the breaking out
of the cml war, in b. c. 49 was praefect in Cis-
alpine Gaul. (Caes. B. G. v. 24 ; Justin xlii. 4.)
It is possible that he was the husband of the Cae-
cilia or Metella, who appears by an inscription in
Gruter (p. 377, No. 7) to have been the wife of
M. Crassus, and has by some genealogists been
■wrongly given to the triumvir. (Drumann, Gesch.
Roms ii. p. 5b.)

20. P. LiciNius M. F. Crassus Dives, younger
son of the triumvir, was Caesar's legate in Gaul
from B. c. 58 to the second consulship of his
fether. In b. c. 58, he fought against Ariovistus ;
in the following year, against the Veneti and other
tribes in north-western Gaul ; and in B. c. 6^., he
distinguished himself in Aquitania. In the next
winter, Caesar sent him to Rome with a party of
soldiers who were intended to forward the election
of the triumvirs Pompey and Crassus, and he also
brought home 1000 Gallic cavalry, who afterwards
took part in the Parthian war. Notwithstanding
the mutual dislike of Cicero and Crassus the trium-
vir, Publius was much attached to the great orator,
and derived much pleasure and benefit from his
society. In b. c. 58, he strove to prevent the
banishment of Cicero, and with other young Ro-
mans appeared in public clad in mourning ; and,
on his return to Rome, in B. c. 55, he exerted
himself to procure a reconciliation between Cicero
and his father. (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. ii. 9. § 2.) At
the end of the year b. c. 54, he followed the trium-
vir to Syria, and, in the fatal battle near Carrhae,
behaved with the utmost gallantry. (Plut Crass.
25.) Seeing that he could not rescue his troops,

CRASSUS.

879

he refused to provide for his own safety, and, m
his hand was disabled by being transfixed with an
arrow, he ordered his sword-bearer to run him
through the body. Though he was more ambitious
of militar)'- renown than of the fame of eloquence,
he was fond of literature. He was a proficient in
the art of dancing (Macrob. ii. 10 fin.), and under
the teaching of his friend and freedman ApoUonius,
became well skilled in Greek. (Cic. ad Fam.
xiii. 16.) There is extant a Roman denarius
( posi^ p. 882) which has been usually supposed to
refer to him, although the name inscribed and the
device on the reverse would equally or better apply
to his grandfather, Publius the censor. No. 14.
See below, p. 882, a. (Eckhel, v. p. 232 ; Spanh.
ii. p. 99.)

21. M. LiciNius M. F. Crassus Dives, son of
No. 19. In b. c. 30, he was consul with Octa-
vian, and in the following year, as proconsid of
Macedonia, he fought with success against the sur-
rounding barbarians. (Liv. Epit. cxxxiv., cxxxv.)

22. M. LiciNius M. F. Crassus Dives, son of
No. 21, was consul B. c. 14. (Dion Cass. liv. 24.)

23. L. LiciNius L. F. Crassus, the orator.
His pedigree is unknown. He was bom b. c. 140,
was educated by his father with the greatest care,
and received instruction from the celebrated histo-
rian and jurist, L. Caelius Antipater. (Cic. Brut.
26.) At a verj'- early age he began to display his
oratorical ability. At the age of twenty-one (or,
according to Tacitus, Dial, de Orat. c. 34, two
years earlier) he accused C, Carbo, a man of high
nobility and eloquence, who was hated by the
aristocratic party to which Crassus belonged. Val.
Maximus (vi. 5. § 6) gives an instance of his hon-
ourable conduct in this case. When the slave of
Carbo brought to Crassus a desk filled with his mas-
ter's papers, Crassus sent back the desk to Carbo with
the seal unbroken, together with his slave in chains.
Carbo escaped condemnation by poisoning himself
with cantharides (Cic. ad Fam. ix. 21, BrtU. 27) ;
and Crassus, pitying his fate, felt some remorse at
the eagerness and success of his accusation. (Cic.
Verr. iii. 1.) In the following year (b. c. 118) he
defended the proposal of a law for establishing a
new colony at Narbo in Gaul. The measure was
opposed by the senate, who feared that by the
assignation of lands to the poorer citizens, the
aerariura would suffer from a diminution of the
rents of the ager publicus ; but, on this occasion,
Crassus preferred the quest of popularity to the
reputation of consistent adherence to the aristo-
cracy. (Cic. Brut. 43, de Of. ii. 18.) By eloquence
above his years, he succeeded in carrying the law,
and proceeded himself to found the colony. In
B. c. 114, he undertook the defence of his kins-
woman, the vestal Licinia, who, with two other
vestals, Marcia and Aemilia, were accused of in-
cest; but, though upon a former trial his client
had been acquitted by L. Caecilius Mettius, pon-
tifex maximus, and the whole college of pontiffs,
the energy and ability of his defence were unable
to prevail against the severity of L. Cassius, the
scopulus reoruiriy who was appointed inquisitor by
the people for the purpose of reviewing the former
lenient sentence. (Veil. i. 15 ; Cic. de Orat. ii. 55,
de Of. ii. 18; Macrob. i. 10 ; Clinton, Fasti,
B. c. 114; Ascon. in Mil. p. 46, ed. Orelli.)
In his quaestorship he was the colleague of
Q. Mucins Scaevola, with whom, as colleague, he
served every other office except the tribunate of

880

CRASSUS.

the plebs and the censorship. In his quaestorship
he travelled through Macedonia to Athens on his
return from Asia, which seems to have been his
province. In Asia he had listened to the teaching
of Scepsius Metrodorus, and at Athens he received
instruction from Channadas and other philosophers
and rhetoricians ; but he did not remain so long
as he intended in that city, from unreasonable
resentment at the refusal of the Athenians to re-
peat the solemnization of the mysteries, which
were over two days before his arrival. (Cic. di; Orat.
iii. 20.) After his return to Rome, we tind jiira
engaged in pleading the causes of his friends.
Thus, he defended Sergius Orata, who was accused
of appropriating the public waters for the use of
his oyster fisheries. (Val. Max. ix. 1. § 1.) He
was engaged, on behalf of the same Orata, in an-
other cause, in which the following interesting
question arose : — How far is a vendor, selling a
house to a person from whom he had previously
purchased it, liable to damages for not expressly
mentioning in the conveyance a defect in title that
existed at the time of the former sale, and of which
the purchaser might therefore be supposed to be
cognizant? (Cic. de Off. iii. 16, de Oral. i. 39.)
He was tribune of the people in B, c. 107, but the
period of this office was not distinguished by any-
thing remarkable. In B. c. 1 06 he spoke in favour
of the lex Servilia, by which it was proposed to
restore to the equites the judicia, which were then
in the hands of the senatorian order. The contests
for the power of being selected as judices, which
divided the different orders, prove how much the
administration of justice was perverted by par-
tiality and faction. As there is much confiibion
in the history of the judicia, it may be proper to
mention some of the changes which took place
about this period. In B. c. 122, by the lex Sem-
pronia of C. Gracchus, the judicia were transferred
from the senate to the equites. In b. c. 106, by
the lex Servilia of Q. Servilius Caepio, they were
restored to the senate ; and it is not correct to say
(with Walter, Gesch. des liomischen liechts^ i. p.
244, and others), that by this lex Servilia both
orders were admitted to share the judicia. The
lex Servilia of Caepio had a very brief existence ;
for about b. c. 104, by the lex Servilia of C. Servi-
lius Glaucia, the judicia were again taken from the
senate and given to the knights. Much error has
arisen from the existence of two laws of the same
name and of nearly the same date, but exactly
opposite in their enactments. The speech of Cras-
euB for the lex Servilia of Caepio was one of re-
markable power and eloquence (Cic. Brut. 43, de
Orat. i. 52), and expressed the strength of his
devotion to the aristocratic party. It was proba-
bly in this speech that he attacked Memmius (Cic.
de Orat. ii. o9, 66) who was a strenuous opponent
of the rogation of Caepio. In b. c. 103 he was
curule aedile, and with his colleague, Q. Scaevola,
gave splendid games, in which pillars of foreign
marble were exhibited, and lion tights were intro-
duced. (Cic. deOff. ii. 16; Plin. H. N. xxxvi.
3, viii. 16. s, 20.) After being praetor and augur,
he became a candidate for the consulship, but he
studiously kept away from the presence of his
fiither-in-law, Q. Scaevola, the augur, not wishing
that one whom he so respected should be a witness
of what he considered the degradation of his can-
vass. (Val. Max. iv. 5. § 4.) He was elected, B. c.
95, with his constant colleague, Q. Scaevola, the

CRASSUS.

pontifex maximus, who must be carefully distin-
guished from the augur of the same name. During
their consulship was passed the Lex Licinia Mucia
de Civibus regundis, to prevent persons passing as
citizens who were not entitled to that character,
and to compel all who were not citizens to depart
from Rome. The rigour and inhospitality of this
law seems to have been one of the promoting causes
of the social war. (Ascon. in Cic. pro Cornel.;
Cic. de Off. iii. 11.) During the term of his
office, he had occasion to defend Q. Servilius Caepio,
who was hated by the equites, and was accused of
majestas by the tribune C. Norbanus (Cic. Brut.
35) ; but Caepio was condemned. Crassus was
now anxious to seek for renown in another field.
He hastened to his province. Hither Gaul, and
explored the Alps in search of an enemy ; but he
found no opposition, and was obliged to content
himself with the subjugation of some petty tribes,
by whose depredations he asserted that the pro-
vince was disturbed. For this trifling success h©
was not ashamed to ask a triumph, and would
perhaps have obtained his demand from the senate,
had not his colleague Scaevola opposed such a mis-
application of the honour. (Val. Max. iii. 7. § 6 ;
Cic. in Pison. 26.) With this exception, his con-
duct in the administration of his province was
irreproachable. This was admitted by C. Carbo
(the son of the Carbo whom he had formerly ac-
cused), who accompanied him to Gaul, in order to
seek out the materials of an accusation ; but
Crassus disarmed his opposition by courting in-
quiry, and employing Carbo in the planning and
execution of affairs.

One of the most celebrated private causes in the
annals of Roman jurisprudence was the contest for
an inheritance between M. Curius and M. Coponius,
which was heard before the centumviri under the
presidency of the praetor T. Manilius, in the year
B. c. 93. Crassus, the greatest orator of the day,
pleaded the cause of Curius, while Q. Scaevola, the
greatest living lawyer, supported the claim of
C'oponius. The state of the case was this. A
testator died, supposing his wife to be preg-
nant, and having directed by will that if the
son, who should be bom within the next ten
months, should die befoi'e becoming his own guar-
dian,* M. Curius should succeed as heir in his
place. (Cic. Brut. 52, 53.) No son was bom. —
Scaevola argued that this was a casus omissus, and
insisted upon the strict law, according to Avhich
Curius could have no claim unless a son were first
bom, and then died while under guardianship.
Crassus contended for the equitable construction,
according to which the testator could not be sup-
posed to intend any difference between the case of
no son being born, and the case of a son being born
and dying before ariiving at the age of puberty.
The equitable construction contended for by Crassus
was approved, and Curius gained the inheritance.

In B. c. 92 he Avas made censor with Cn. Do-
mitius Ahenobarbus. A new practice had sprung
up in Rome of sending youths to the schools of
persons who called themselves Latin rhetoricians.
Crassus disapproved the novelty, as tending to

* " Antequam in suam tutelam pervenisset,"
i. e. before attaining the age of 14 years, at whjch
age a son would cease to be under the guardian-
ship of another. The phrase has been misunder-
stood by Drumanu.

CRASSUS.

IdlenftM, and calculated ratlier to encourage effron-
tery than to sharpen intellect. lie thought that
the latins in almost every valuable acquirement
excelled the Greeks, and was displeased to see his
countrymen stoop to an inferior imitation of Gre-
cian customs The censors suppressed the schools
by a proclamation, which may be found in the
Dialogue de Oratonbus and in Gellius (xv. IJ),
and deserves to be referred to as an example of the
fttrra of a censorian edict. Though the two cen-
sors concurred in this measure, they were men of
vory different habits and tempers, and passed the
period of their office in strife and discord, Crassus
was fond of elegance and luxury. He had a house
upon the Palatium, which, though it yielded in
magnificence to the mansion of Q. Catulus upon the
siime hill, and was considerably inferior to that of
('. Aquilius upon the Viminal, was remarkable for
its size, the taste of its fiuniture, and the beauty
of its grounds. It was adorned with pillars of
Ilyniettian marble, with expensive vases, and tri-
clinia inlaid with brass. He had two goblets,
carved by the hand of Mentor, which served rather
for ornament than for use. His gardens were
provided with fish-ponds, and some noble lotus-
trees shaded his walks with their ample foliage.
Ahenobarbus, his colleague, found fault with such
corruption of manners (Plin. H. N. xvii, 1), esti-
mated his house at a hundred million (sester-
iium millies)^ or according to Valerius Maximus
(ix. I. § 4) six million {sexagies sestertio) sester-
ces, and complained of his crying for the loss of a
lamprey, as if it had been a daughter. It was a
time lamprey, which used to come at the call of
Crassus, and feed out of his hand. Crassus made a
public speech against his colleague, and by his
great powers of ridicule, turned him into derision ;
jested upon his name (Sueton. A'ero, 2), and to the
accusation of weeping for a lamprey, replied, that
it was more than Ahenobarbus had done upon the
loss of any of his three wives. (Aelian, Hist.
Anim. viii. 4.) On many occasions, he availed
himself of his power of exciting a laugh against his
opponent (Cic. de Or. ii. 59, 60, 70), and was not
scrupulous as to the mode. Thus, though he care-
fully avoided everything that might impair his own
dignity, and might seem to his audience to savour
of buffoonery, he sometimes jested upon personal
deformities, as may be seen by reference to his sally
upon L. Aelius Lamia in his speech for C. Aculeo
(Cic. de Or. ii.65), and his answer to the trouble-
some witness, as reported by Pliny. {H.N. xxxv.
4.) Shortly before his death, he spoke in favour
of Cn. Plancus in opposition to the charge of M.
Junius Brutus the Accuser. [Brutus, No. 14.]
Brutus, in allusion to his fine house and effeminate
manners, called him the Palatine Venus, and
taunted him with political inconsistency for de-
preciating the senate in his speech for the Nar-
bonese colony, and flattering that body in his
speech for the lex Ser>'ilia. The successful repai"-
tee of Crassus is well known from being recorded
by Cicero {de Oral. ii. 54, pro Cluent. S\) and
Quintilian (vi. 3. § 44). His last speech wns
dt'Iivered in the senate in B. c. 91, against L. Mar-
cius Philippus, the consul, an enemy of the opti-
mates. Philippus, in opposing the measures tf
M. Livius Drusus, impnidently asked how, with \
such a senate, it was possible to carry on the go-
vfniment of the commonwealth. Crassus fi-red
upon this expression, and on that day s-jemed to

CRASSUS. 881

excel himself in the vehemence of his assault upon
the consul. Philippus was so irritated by his
bitter words, that he ordered his lictor to seize
some of the goods of Crassus by way of pledge, —
a strong measure, adopted usually by the highest
magistrates to constrain the performance of public
duties, or to punish contumacious contempt ot
public authority. Crassus repelled the lictor, and
said that he could not respect the chanicter of con-
sul in a man who refused to treat him as a senator.
"If you want to restrain me, it will not do to
seize my goods.* You must tear out this tongue.
Even then, with my very breath I will continue
to denounce your lawless conduct." At his dicta-
tion a vote of the senate was passed by which they
vindicated their own patriotism; but the passionate
vehemence of this contention shattered his health
and brought on a fever. He returned to his
dwelling, was seized with a shivering fit, and in
seven days was dead.

Such was the end of one of the greatest orators
that Rome ever produced. In an age abounding
with orators he stood pre-eminent. (Veil. Pat. ii. 9.)
The rougher style of Coruncanius, Cato, and the
Gracchi, had been succeeded by a medium style,
which, without sacrificing strength to artificial
rules, was more polished and ornamented. His
sentences were short and well-turned. In debate
he was self-possessed and pertinacious, and his
lively wit gave a peculiar zest to his reply. He
employed words in common use, but he always em-
ployed the best and most proper words. His
mode of stating his facts and arguments was
wonderfully clear and concise. Though peror-
naius, he was perbrevis. In early life he had dis-
ciplined his taste by the excellent practice of care-
fully translating into Latin the most celebrated
specimens of Grecian eloquence. In the treatise
De Oratore, Cicero introduces him as one of the
principal speakers, and he is understood to express
Cicero's own sentiments. Few of his speeches
were preserved in writing, and of those few the
greater part, if we may judge from the fragments
that remain, consisted of senatorial orations and
harangues to the people. His chief excellence
seems to have lain in this style rather than in ju-
dicial oratory ; yet, in the judgment of Cicero, he
was eloqueniium jurvsperitinsimus. (Guil. Grotius,
de Vit. JCtorum^ i. 7. $ 9 ; Meyer, Oratorum
Romanorum Fragmenta., pp. 291 — 317 ; Drumann,
Gesch. Roms. iv. p. 62.)

24 and 25. Licima. [Licixia.]

26. L. LiciNius Crassus Scipio, grandson of
Crassus the orator [No. 23], one of whose daugh-
ters married his father P. Scipio Nasica, who was
praetor, b. c. 94, His grandfather, having no son,
adopted him by his testament, and made him heir
to his property. (Cic. Brut. 58 ; Plin. //. N,
xxxiv. 3. s. 8.)

27. LiciMus Crassus Dives, of uncertain
pedigree, was praetor in B. c. 59, when L. Vet-
tius was accused before him of conspiracy against
the life of Pompey. (Cic. ad Att. ii. 24. $ 2.)

* " Non tibi ilia sunt caederida.'* (Cic. de Or,
iii. 1.) Caedenda here implies seizure not sale.
It is probable that, as a symbol of taking legal
possession, the oflicer strude the goods, or marked
them with notches, and that the ceremony was
analogous to the vianus injcclio in personal arrest*

3 L

RR2

CRASSUS

Tt has been conjectxired that his praenomen was
Publius, and that he was identical with No. 18.

28. P. LiciNius Crassus, was praetor in B. c.
57, and favoured Cicero's return from exile.
(Cic. post HedU, in Sen. 9.) Orelli {^Onom. Tull.)
thinks that the name affords evidence of the spu-
riousness of the speech in which it is found.

29. P. Crassus Junianus, one of the gens
Junia. adopted by some LiciNius Crassus.
His name appears on coins. (Spanh. ii. pp. 104,
179; Eckhel. v. pp. 153, 154, 233.) He was
tribune rf the plebs in B. c. 51, and a friend
of Cicero. (Cic. ad Qu Fr. iii. 8. ^ 3.) In the
civil war he fought for Pompey, and served with
the title legatus propraetore under Metellus Scipio
in Africa, where, after the battle of Thapsus, he
made his escape to the sea. (Plut. Cato A/q;.70,fin.)

30. M. LiciNius Crassus Mucianus. [Mu-

CrAN'US.]

The annexed coin of the Licinia gens is the one
referred to uii p. 879, b., and supposed to have been
struck by P. Crassus [No. 20], as it bears the
legend P. (indistinct in the cut) Crassus M. F.
The obverse represents the head of Venus, and the
reverse a man holding a horse, which is supposed
to refer to the ceremony of the public inspection of
the horses of the equites by the censors. {Diet, of
AnL 8. V. Equites.) [J. T. G.] "

CRASSUS, OCTACrUUS. 1. M\ Octaci-
Lius Crassus, was consul in B. c. 263 with M'.
Valerius Maximus and crossed with a numerous
army over to Sicily. After having induced many
of the Sicilian towns to surrender, the consuls ad-
vanced against Hicro of Syracuse. The king, in
compliance with the desire of his people, concluded
a peace, which the Romans gladly accepted, and
in which he gave up to them the towns they had
taken, delivered up the Roman prisoners, and paid
a contribution of 200 talents. He thus became the
ally of Rome. In b. c. 246 Crassus was consul a
second time with M. Fabius Licinus, and carried
on the war against the CJarthaginians, though no-
thing of any consequence seems to have been ac-
complished. (Polyb. i. 16 &c. ; Zonar. viii. 9;
Eutrop. ii. 10 ; Oros. iv. 7 ; Gellius, x. 6.)

2. T. OcTACiLius Crassus, apparently a bro-
ther of the fonner, was consul in B. c. 261, with
L. Valerius Flaccus, and continued the operations
in Sicily against the Carthaginians after the taking
of. Agrigentura ; but nothing is known to have
been accomplished during his consulship. (Polyb.
i. 20.) [L. S.]

CRASSUS, PAPI'RIUS. I. M\ Papirius
Crassus was consul in b. c. 441 with C. Furius
Pacilus. (L-.r. iv. 12 ; Diod. xii. 35.)

2. L. PapiRIUS Crassits was consul in B. c.
436 with M. Cornelius Maluginensis. They led
armies against Veii and Falerii, but as no enemy
appeared in the field, the Romans contented them-
selves with plundering and ravaging the open coun-
try. (Liv. iv. 21 ; Diod. xii. 41.) Crassus was
cetuwr in B. c. 424.

CRATERTT.S.

3. C. Papirius Crassus was consul in b. r.
430 with L. Julius Julus. These consuls disco-
vered, by treacherous means, that the tribunes of
the people intended to bring forward a bill on the
aesiimatio multarum, and in order to anticipate the
favour which the tribunes thereby were likely to
gain with the people, the consuls themselves pro-
posed and carried the law. (Liv. iv. 30 ; Cic. de
Re PuU. ii. 35 ; Diod. xii. 72.)

4. C. Papirius Crassus was consular tribune
in ac. 384. (Liv.vi, 18.)

5. Sp. Papirius Crassus, consular tribune in
B. c. 382. He and L. Papirius Crassus, one of
his colleagues, led an army against Velitrae, and
fought with success against that town and its allies,
the Praenestines. (Liv. vi. 22.)

6. L. Papirius Crassus, consular tribune in
B. c. 382, and again in B. c. 376. (Livy, vi. 22 ;
Diod. XV. 71.)

7. L. Papirius Crassus, consular tribune in
a c. 368. (Liv. vi. 38 ; Diod. xv. 78.)

8. L. Papirius Crassus was made dictator
in a c. 340 while holding the office of praetor,
in order to conduct the war against the revolted
Latins, since the consul Manlius was ill at the
time. Crassus marched against Antium, but was
encamped in its neighbourhood for some months
without accomplishing anything. In B. c. 336 he
was made consul with K. Duilius, and carried on
a war against the Ausonians of Cales. In 330 he
was consul a second time, and carried on a war
against the inhabitants of Privemum. They were
commanded by Vitruvius Flaccus who was con-
quered by the Romans without much difficulty.
In 325 Crassus was magister equitum to the dicta-
tor L. Papirius Cursor, and in 318 he was in-
vested with the censorship. (Liv. viii. 12, 16,
29 ; Diod. xvii. 29, 82 ; Cic, ad Fam. ix. 21.)

9. M. Papirius Crassus, apparently a brother
of the preceding, was appointed dictator in B. c.
332 to conduct the war against the Gauls, who
were then believed to be invading the Roman do-
minion ; but the report proved to be unfounded.
(Liv. viii. 17.)

10. L. Papirius Crassus was magister equi-
tum to the dictator T. Manlius Torquatus, in b. c.
320. (Fast. Cap.) [L. S.]

CRA'STINUS, one of Caesar's veterans, who
had been the primipilus in the tenth legion in the
year before the battle of Pharsalus, and who served
as a volunteer in the campaign against Pompey.
It was he who commenced the battle of Pharsalus,
B. c. 48, saying that, whether he survived or fell,
Caesar should be indebted to him : he died fight-
ing bravely in the foremost line. (Caes. B. C. iii.
91, 92; Flor. iv. 2. § 46; Lucan, vii. 471, &c. ;
Appian, B. C. ii. 82 ; Plut. Pomp. 7 1, Caes. 44.)

CRATAEIS (Kparaits), according to several
traditions, the mother of Scylla. (Horn. Od. xiu
124 ; Ov. Met. xiiL 749 ; Hesych. *. v. ; Plin. H.
N. iii. 10.) fL. S.]

CRA'TERUS (Kpartpo's), one of the most dis-
tinguished generals of Alexander the Great, was a
son of Alexander of Orestis, a district in Mace-
donia, and a brother of Amphotenis. When
Alexander the Great set out on his Asiatic ex-
pedition, Craterus commanded the irt^eTotpoi.
Subsequently we find him commanding a detach-
ment of cavalry, as in the battle of Arbela and in
the Indian campaign ; but it seems that he had no
pemuinent office, and that Alexander employed

CllATERUS

hira on all ficcasions where a general of able and
independent judgment was required. He was a
man of a noble character, and although he was
Btrongly attached to the simple manners and cus-
toms of Macedonia, and was averse to the conduct
which Alexander and his followers assumed in the
East, still the king loved and esteemed him, next
to Hephaestion, the most among all his generals
and friends. In B. c. 324 he was commissioned
by Alexander to lead back the veterans to Macedo-
nia, but as his health was not good at the time,
Polysperchon was ordered to accompany and sup-
port him. It was further arranged that Antipater,
who was then regent of Macedonia, should lead
reinforcements to Asia, and that Craterus should
succeed him in the regency of Macedonia. But
Alexander died before Craterus reached Europe,
and in the division of the empire which was then
made, Antipater and Craterus received in common
the government of Macedonia, Greece, the lUy-
rians, Triballians, Agrianians, and Epeirus, as far
as the Ceraunian mountains. According to Dexip-
pus {ap. Phot. Bill. p. 64, ed. Bekker), the go-
vernment of these countries was divided between
them in such a manner, that Antipater had the
command of the armies and Craterus the adminis-
tration of the kingdom. When Cratenis arrived
in Europe, Antipater was involved in the Lamian
war, and was in a position in which the arrival of
his colleague was a matter of the utmost im-
portance to him, and enabled him to crush the
daring attempts of the Greeks to recover their
independence. After the close of this war Crate-
rus divorced his wife Amastris, who had been
given him by Alexander, and married Phila, the
daughter of Antipater. Soon after Craterus ac-
companied his father-in-law in the war against the
Aetolians, and in b. c. 321 in that against Per-
diccHS in Asia. Craterus had the command against
Euraenes, while Antipater marched through Cilicia
to Egypt. Craterus fell in a battle against Eumenes,
which was fought in Cappadocia, and Euraenes on
being informed of his death, lamented the fate of his
late brother in arms, honoured him with a magni-
ficent funeral, and sent his ashes back to Macedo-
nia, (Arrian, Anab., ap. Phot. Bibl. pp. G9., 224 ;
Q. Curtius; Diod. xviii. 16, 18, xix. 59 ; Pint.
Alex. 47, Phoc. 25 ; Com. Nep. Eum. 4 ; comp.
Antipater, Amastris, Alexander.) [L. S.]

CRA'TERUS(KpaTfpo$), a brother of Antigonus
Gonatas, and father of Alexander, the prince of
Corinth, (Phlegon, de Mirab. 32 ; Justin, Prolog.
xxxvi.) He distinguished himself as a diligent
compiler of historical documents relative to the
history of Attica. He made a collection of Attic
inscriptions, containing decrees of the people
(y\rti<piaix6.Ta>v (Twaforyri)., and out of them he seems
to have constnicted a diplomatic history of Athens.
(Plut. Aristeid. 32, Cirn. 13.) This work is fre-
quently referred to by Harpocration and Stephanus
of Byzantium, the latter of whom (s. v. l^vfx<f>atov)
quotes the ninth book of it. (Comp. Pollux, viii.
126; Schol. ad Aristaph. Av. 1073, Ran. 323.)
"With the exception of the statements contained in
these and other passages, the work of Cratenis,
which must have been of great value, is lost.
(Niebuhr, Kleine Schrift. i. p. 225, note 39 ; Blickh,
Pref. to his Corp. Inscript. i. p. ix.) [L. S.]

CRA'TERUS (Kparepo'j), a Greek physician,
who is mentioned in Cicero's Letters (ad Att. xii.
13, 1 4) as attending the daughter of Atticus, Attica

CRATES.

8R3

(called also Caecilia or Pomponia), B. c. 45. Tie i»
mentioned also by Horace {Sat. ii. 3. 161), Persius
{Sat. iii. 65), and Galen {De Compos. Medicum.
sec. Locos, vii. 5, vol. xiii. p. 96, De Antid. ii. 8.
vol. X. p. 147) ; and he may perhaps be the same
person who is said by Porphyry (De Ahstin. ah Ani-
mal. i. 17, p. 61, ed. Cantab.) to have cured one of
his slaves of a very remarkable disease. [W. A. G.]

CRA'TERUS, a sculptor of the first century
after Christ, whose statues, executed together with
Pythodorus, were much admired, and were re-
garded as a great ornament of the palace of the
Caesars. (Plin. //. N. xxxvi. 4 <5 11.) The words
" palatinas domos Caesarum,'* in that passage, com-
pared with the preceding ones, " Titi Imperatorls
domo," are to be understood of the imperial palaces
on the Palatine hill, and fix the date of Craterus
to the time of the first emperors. [L. U.]

CRATES (KpoTTjy), of Athens, was the son of
Antigenes of the Thriasian deraus, the pupil and
friend of Polemo, and his successor in the chair of
the Academy, perhaps about B. c. 270. The inti-
mate friendship of Crates and Polemo was cele-
brated in antiquity, and Diogenes Laertius has
preserved an epigram of tlie poet Antagoras, ac-
cording to which the two friends were united after
death in one tomb. The most distinguished of the
pupils of Crates were the philosopher Arcesilaiis,
Theodonis, the founder of a sect called after him,
and Bion Borysthenites. The writings of Crates
are lost. Diogenes Laertius says, that they were
on philosophical subjects, on comedy, and also ora-
tions ; but the latter were probably written by
Crates of Tralles. [Crates of Tralles.] (Diog.
Laert. iv. 21—23.) [A. S.]

CRATES (KpoTTjj), of Athens, a comic poet,
of the old comedy, was a yoiinger contemporary
of Cratinus, in whose plays he was the principal
actor before he betook himself to writing comedies.
(Diog. Laert. iv. 23 ; Aristoph. Eqtiit 536-540,
and Schol. ; Anon, de Com. p. xxix.) He began
to flourish in 01. 82. 4, b. c. 449, 448 (Euseb.
Chron.\ and is spoken of by Aristophanes in such
a way as to imply that he was dead before the
Knights was acted, 01. 88. 4, B. c. 424. With
respect to the character of his dramas, there is a
passage in Aristotle {Pott. 5) which has been
misunderstood, but which seems simply to mean,
that, instead of making his comedies vehicles of
personal abuse, he chose such subjects as admitted
of a more general mode of depicting character.
This is confirmed by the titles and fragments of
his plays and by the testimony of the Anonymous
writer on Comedy respecting his imitator, Phere-
crates (p. xxix). His great excellence is attested
by Aristophanes, though in a somewhat ironical
tone (/. c; comp. Ath. iii. p. 117, c), and by the
fragments of his plays. He excelled chiefly in
mirth and fun (Aristoph. /. c; Anon, de Com. I.e.),
which he carried so far as to bring drunken per-
sons on the stage, a thing which Epicharmus had
done, but which no Attic comedian had ventured
on before. (Ath. x. p. 429, a.) His example was
followed by Aristophanes and by later comedians ;
and with the poets of the new comedy it became a
ver}'- common practice. (Dion Chrysost. Orat. 32,
p. 391, b.) Like the other great comic poets, he
was made to feel strongly both the favour and the
inconstancy of the people. (Aristoph. /. c.) The
Scholiast on this passage says, that Crates used to
bribe the spectators, — ^ charge which Meineke

3 l2

hU

CRATES.

thinks may have been taken from some comic poet
who was an enemy to Cnites. There is much
confusion among the ancient writers about the
number and titles of his plays. Suidas has made
two comic poets of the name, but there can be
little doubt that he is wrong. Other grammarians
assign to him seven and eight comedies respectively.
(Anon, de Com. pp. xxix, xxxiv.) The result of
Meineke's analysis of the statements of the ancient
writers is, that fourteen plays are ascribed to
Cnites, namely, rdroves, Ato'j'i/(Toy,"Hp«€s, ©Tjpto,
&r)(ravp6s, Aduia, MeToiKoi, "Oprtfles, Ilat^iai,
Ue^iJTai, 'Pi^T0f}f9, Sa^ioi, ToX/iai, ^lAapyupos, of
which the following are suspicious, Ai6vv(tos,
0r]<ravp6s, M6Tot>co/,"'Opj'j0€S, IleS^roi, ^iKcipyvpos^
thus leaving eight, the number mentioned by the
Anonymous writer on Comedy, namely, Teiroves,
"Hpcoey, ©Tjpt'o, Ao;ina, FlaiStai, 'PjjTopes, 2o/ito«,
ToA/xat. Of these eight plays fragments are still
extant. There are also seventeen fragments,
which cannot be assigned to their proper plays.
The language of Crates is pure, elegant, and sim-
ple, with very few peculiar words and construc-
tions. He uses a very rare metrical peculiarity,
namely, a spondaic ending to the anapaestic tetra-
meter. (Poll. vi. 53; Athcn. iii. p. 119, c. ; Mei-
neke, Fraff. Com. Graec. i. pp. 58 — QQ, ii. pp. 2',M
— 251 ; Bergk, Comment, de Reliq. Comm. Alt.
Antui. pp. 266— -28.1) [P. S.]

CRATES (KpaTTjs), of Mallus in Cilicia, the
son of Timocrates, is said by Suidas {s. v.) to have
been a Stoic philosopher, but is far better known as
one of the most distinguished of the ancient Greek
grammarians. He lived in the reign of Ptolemy
Pliilometor, and was contemporary with Aristar-
chiis, in ri\'nlry with whom he supported the fame
of the Pergamene school of grammar against
the Alexandrian, and the system of u7iomaiy (dU-w-
fxaXia) against that of anahniif {avaXoyia). He is
said by Varro to have derived his grammatical
system from a certain Chrysippus, who left six
books TTfpl T77S avwfxakiat. He was bom at Mal-
lus in Cilicia, and was brought up at Tarsus,
whence he removed to Pergamus, and there lived
under the patronage of Eumenes II. and Attains
II. He was the founder of the Pergamene school
of grammar, and seems to have been at one time
the chief li])rarian. About the year 157 B. c,
shortly after the death of Ennius, Crates was
sent by Attains as an ambassador to Rome, where
he introduced for the first time the study of gram-
mar. The results of his visit lasted a long time,
as may be observed especially in the writings of
Varro. (Sueton. de Jllustr. Grammat. 2.) An
accident, by which he broke a leg, gave him the
leisure, which his official duties might otherwise
have interrupted, for holding frequent grammatical
lectures {aKptaaeis). We know nothing further
of the life of Crates.

In the grammatical system of Crates a strong
distinction was made between o-iiicism and tiram-
niar, the latter of which sciences he regarded as
quite subordinate to the former. The office of the
critic, according to Crates, was to investigate
everything which could throw light upon literar
ture, either from within or from without ; that of
the grammarian was onlj- to apply the rules of
language to clear up the meaning of particular
passages, and to settle the text, the prosody, the
accentuation, and so forth, of the ancient writers.
From this part of his system, Crates derived the

CRATES.

surname of KpiriKos. This title is derived oy some
from the fact that, like Aristarchus, Crates gave the
greatest attention to the Homeric poems, from his
labours upon which he was also surnamed'O.uTjpj/cds.
His chief work is entitled AiopBwcris 'iKiddos Koi
*05v(T(Teias, in nine books, by which we are pro-
bably to understand, not a recension of the Ho-
meric poems, dividing them into nine books, but
that the commentary of Crates itself was divided
into nine books.

The few fragments of this commentary, which
are preserved by the Scholiasts and other ancient
writers, have led "Wolf to express a very unfavour-
able opinion of Crates. As to his emendations, it
must be admitted that he was far inferior to Aris-
tarchus in judgment, but it is equally certain that
he was most ingenious in conjectural emendations.
Several of his readings are to this day preferred
by the best scholars to those of Aristarchus. As
for his excursions into all the scientific and histo-
rical questions for which Homer furnishes an occa-
sion, it was the direct consequence of his opinion
of the critic's office, that he should undertake them,
nor do the results of his inquiries quite deserve
the contempt with which Wolf treats them.
Among the ancients themselves he enjoj'ed a re-
putation little, if at all, inferior to that of Aristar-
chus. The school which he founded at Pergamus
flourished a considerable time, and was the subject
of a work by Ptolemy of Ascalon, entitled ircpl rijs
KparriTfiov aipeVews. To this school Wolf refers
the catalogues of ancient writers which are men-
tioned by Dionysius of Halicamassus (fV roTs
Uffryafiijvols irtVa^j, ii. p, 118, 5, ed. Sylburg.),
who also mentions the school by the name of tovs
fK UepydiJiou ypajxnariKois (p. 112, 27). They
are also called KpaTTjTctot. Among the catalogues
mentioned by Dionysius there can be no doubt
that we ought to include the lists of titles {ava-
ypa<pal) of dramas, which Athenaeus (viii. p. 336, c.)
states to have been composed by the Pergamenes.

Besides his work on Homer, Crates wrote com-
mentaries on the Theogovy of Hesiod, on Euripides,
on Aristophanes, and probably on other ancient
authors, a work on the Attic dialect (^rcpl Attj/c^j
^iaXiKTov\ and works on geography, natural his-
tory, and agriculture, of all which only a few frag-
ments exist. Some scholars, however, think, that
the Crates of Pergamus, whose work on the won-
ders of various countries is quoted by Pliny {H.
N. vii. 2) and Aelian {H. A. xvii. 9), was a
diflferent person. The fragments of his works
are collected by C. F. Wegener {De Aula Attalica
Litt. Artinmqiie Fautrice., Havn. 1836, 8vo.) There
is also one epigram by him in the Greek Anthology
(ii. 3, Bnuick and Jacobs) upon Chocrilus. This
epigram is assigned to Crates on the authority of
its title, KpaTTjTos ypa^fxariKov. But Diogenes
Liiertius mentions an epigrammatic poet of the
name, as distinct from the grammarian.

(Suidas, s.vw Kparris,' ApiaTapxos ; Diog. Laert.
iv. 23; Strabo, pp. 3, 4, 30, 157, 439, 609,
676, &c.; Athen. xi. p. 497, f.; Varro, de L. L. viii.
64, 68, ix. 1 ; Sext. Empir. adv. Math. i. c. 3.
§ 79, c. 12. § 248 ; Schol. in Horn, passim; Plin.
//. A^. iv. 12 ; Wolf, Proleg. in Horn. Ii.; Thiersch,
Ueber das Zeitalter und Vaierland des Horner^ pp.
19 — 64 ; Lersch, Die Sprachphilosophie der Alten^
i. pp. 67, 69—72, 112, ii. 148, 243; Fabric. DVil.
Graec i. pp. 318, 509, iii. p. 558 ; Clinton, Fast,
Hell iiL pp. 528, 529.) [P. S.]

CRATKS.

CRAPES (KpoTTjs), a very ancient Greek mu-
aician, the disciple of Olympus, to whom some
ascribed the composition for the flute, which was
called Po/Mos no\vK4<pa\os, and which was more
usually attributed to Olympus himself. (Vhit.de
Mus. 7, p. 1133, e.) Nothing further is known
of him. LI'- S.]

CRATES (KpaTTjs), of Tarsits, an Academic
philosopher, is expressly distinguished by Diogenes
Laertius (ii. 114, 117) from Crates of Athens,
with whom he has been often confounded. [A.S.]

CRATES (KpaTTjs) of Thebks, the son of As-
condus, repaired to Athens, where he became a
scholar of the Cynic Diogenes, and subsequently
one of the most distinguished of the Cynic philo-
sophers. He flourished, according to Diogenes
Laertius (vi. 87), in B.C. 328, was still living at
Athens in the time of Demetrius Phalereus (A then.
X. p. 422, c. ; Diog. Laert. vi. 90), and was at
Thebes in B. c. 307, when Demetrius Phalereus
withdrew thither. (Plut Mor. p. 69, c.)

Crates was one of the most singular phaenomena
of a time which abounded in all sorts of strange
characters. Though heir to a large fortune, he
renounced it all and bestowed it upon his native
city, since a philosopher had no need of money ;
or, according to another account, he placed it in
the hands of a banker, with the charge, that he
should deliver it to his sons, in case they were
simpletons, but that, if they became philosophers,
he should distribute it among the poor. Diogenes
Laertius has preserved a number of curious tales
about Crates, which prove that he lived and died
as a true Cynic, disregarding all external pleasures,
restricting himself to the most absolute necessaries,
and retaining in every situation of life the most
perfect mastery over his desires, complete equani-
mity of temper, and a constant flow of good spirits.
While exercising this self-controul, he was equally
severe against the vices of others; the female sex
in particular was severely lashed by him ; and he
received the surname of the "Door-opener," be-
cause it was his practice to visit every house at
Athens, and rebuke its inmates. In spite of the
poverty to which he had reduced himself, and not-
withstanding his ugly and deformed figure, he in-
spired Hipparchia, the daughter of a family of dis-
tinction, with such an ardent affection for him,
that she refused many wealthy suitors, and threat-
ened to commit suicide unless her parents would
give their consent to her union with the philoso-
pher. Of the married life of this philosophic cou-
ple Diogenes Laertius relates some very curious
facts.

Crates wrote a book of letters on philosophical
subjects, the style of which is compared by Laer-
tius (vi. 98) to Plato's ; but these are no longer
extant, for the fourteen letters which were pub-
lished from a Venetian m<inuscript under the name
of Crates in the Aldine collection of Greek letters
(Venet. 1499, 4to,), and the thirty-eight which
have been published from the same manuscript by
Boissonade (Notices et Extraits des Alanuscr. de la
Bill, du Roi^ vol. xi. part ii. Paris, 1827) and
which are likewise ascribed to Crates, are, like
the greater number of such letters, the composition
of later rhetoricians. Crates was also the author
of tragedies of an earnest philosophical character,
which are praised by Laertius, and likewise of
some smaller poems, which seem to have been
called na/7»'io, and to which the ♦a»ci7s iyKuyiiov

CRATEVAS.

885

quoted by Athcnacus (iv. p. 158, b.) perhaps be-
longed. Plutarch wrote a detailed biography of
Crates, which unfortunately is lost. (Diog. Laert.
vi. 85—93, 9()— 98; Brunck, Anal. i. p. 186;
Jacobs, Avth. Grace, i. p. 118; Brucker, Hint.
J'hilosoph. i. p. 888 ; Fabric. Dill. Graec. iii. p.
514.) [A. S.]

CRATES (KpctTTjy) of Tralles, an orator or
rhetorician of the school of Isocrates. (Diog. Laert.
iv. 23.) Ruhnken assigns to him the A0701
SrjfxrryopiKoi which ApoUodonis (ap. Diog. I. c.)
ascribes to the Academic philosopher. Crates.
(Hist. Crit. Orat. Graec. in Opusc. \. p. 370.)
Menagius (Coinm. in Diog. I. c.) is wrong in sup-
posing that Crates is mentioned by Lucian. (Klitt.
PraecepU 9.) The person there spoken of is Cii-
tias the sculptor. [P. S.]

CRATES. \. An artist, celebrated for making
cups with carved figures upon them. (Athen. xi.
p. 782, b.)

2. A famous digger of channels at the time of
Alexander. (Diog. Laert. iv. 23 ; Strab. ix. p. 407 ;
Steph. Byz. s. v. 'Adijvai^.) [L, U.]

CRATESI'POLIS (KparnaiiroKis), wife of
Alexander, the son of Polysperchon, was highly
distinguished for her beauty, talents, and enerjjy.
On the murder of her husband at Sicyon, in b c.
314 [see p. 126, a], she kept together his forces,
with whom her kindness to the men had m.ide
her extremely popular, and when the Sicyonians,
hoping for an easy conquest over a woman, rose
against the garrison for the puq)ose of establishing
an independent government, she quelled the sedi-
tion, and, having crucified thirty of the popular
leaders, held the town firmly in subjection for
Cassander. [See p. 620.] In B. c. 308, however,
she was induced by Ptolemy Lagi to betray Co-
rinth and Sicyon to him, these being the only
places, except Athens, yet possessed by Cassander
in Greece. Cratesipolis was at Corinth at the
time, and, as her troops would not have consented
to the surrender, she introduced a body of Ptolemy's
forces into the town, pretending that they were a
reinforcement which she had sent for from Sicyon.
She then withdrew to Patrae in Achaia, where
she was living, when, in the following year (b. c.
307), she held with Demetrius Poliorcetes the re-
markable interview to whi^h each party was
attracted by the fame of the other. (Diod. xix.
67, XX. 37 ; Polyaen. viii. 58 ; Plut. Demetrius^
9.) [E. E.J

CRATESI'PPIDAS (Kpa-r-nirmmUs), a La-
cedaemonian, was sent out as admiral after the
death of Mindarus, B.C. 410, and took the com-
mand at Chios of the fleet which had been collect-
ed by Pasippidas from the allies. He eftected,
however, little or nothing during his term of office
beyond the seizure of the acropolis at Chios, and
the restoration of the Chian exiles, and was suc-
ceeded by Lysander. (Xen. Hell. i. 1. § 32,5. § 1 ;
Diod. xiii. 65, 70.) [E. E.]

CRATEVAS (KpaTfias), a Greek herbiilist
(pi^oTOfws) who lived about the beginning of the
first century b. c, as he gave the name Mithridalia
to a plant in honour of Mithridates. (]Hin. H. N.
XXV. 26.) He is frequently quoted by Pliny and
Dioscorides, and is mentioned by Galen (De
Siiiiplic. Aledicam. Teviperam. ac Facult. vi. prooem.
vol. xi. pp. 795, 797 ; Comment, in Hijjyocr. "i>e
Nat. Horn.'' il 6, vol. xv. p. 134 ; Zte Aniid. i. 2,
vol. xiv. p. 7), among the eminent writers on

886

CRATINUS.

Materia Medica. Some persons have supposed
that Cratevas lived in the fifth and fourth centu-
ries B. c, because one of the spurious letters that
go under the name of Hippocrates (Hippocr.
Opera, vol. iii. p. 790) is addressed to a person of
that name; but as no mention of the contempo-
rary of Hippocrates is found in any other passage,
these spurious letters are hardly sufficient to prove
his existence. [ W. A. G.]

CRATI'NUS (KpaTii/os), Comic poets. 1.
One of the most celebrated Athenian comic poets
of the old comedy, the rise and complete perfection
of which he witnessed during a life of 97 years.
The dates of his birth and death can be ascertained
with tolerable certainty from the following circum-
stances : — In the yeai- 424 B. c, Aristophanes
exhibited his Knights, in which he describt^i Cra-
tinus as a drivelling old man, wandering about
with his crown withered, and so utterly neglected
by his former admirers that he could not even
procure wherewithal to quench the thirst of which
he was perishing. {Equit. 631 — 534.) This
attack roused Cratinus to put forth all his remain-
ing strength in the play entitled IIwt/i/t/ (the
Flagon), which was exhibited the next year, and
with which he carried away the first piize above
the Cunnus of Ameipsias and the Clouds of Aris-
tophanes. {Arg. Nub.) Now Lucijm says that
the Umivr) was the last play of Cratinus, and that
he did not long survive his victory. {Macrob. 25.)
Aristophanes also, in the Peace, which whs acted
in 419 B. c, says that Cratinus died 86* ol Auku-
Vis ivlSoKov. '{Fax, 700, 701.) A doubt has
been raised as to what invasion Aristophanes
meant. He cannot refer to any of the great in-
vasions mentioned by Thucydides, and we are
therefore compelled to suppose some irruption of a
part of the Lacedaemonian army into Attica at the
time when the armistice, which was made shortly
before the negotiations for the fifty years' truce,
was broken, (b. c. 422.) Now Lucian sjiys (/. f.)
that Cratinus lived 97 years. Thus his birth
would fall iu B. c. 519.

If we may trust the granunarians and chi*ono-
graphera, Cratinus did not begin his dramatic
career till he was far advanced iu life. According
to an Anonymous writer on Comedy (p. xxix), he
gained his first victory after the 85th Olympiad,
that is, later than a c. 437, and when he was
more than 80 years old. This date is suspicious in
itself, and is falsified by circumstantial evidence.
For example, in one fragment he blames the tar-
diness of Pericles iu completing the long walls
which we know to have been finished in B. c. 451,
and there are a few other fragments which evi-
dently belong to an earlier period than the 85th
Olympiad. Again, Crates the comic poet acted the
plays of Cratinus before he began to write himself ;
but Crates began to write in b. c. 449 — 448. We
can therefore have no hesitation in preferring the
date of Eusebius (Chrvn. s. a. 01. 81. 3; Syncell.
p. 339), although he is manifestly wrong in join-
ing the name of Plato with that of Cratinus. Ac-
cording to this testimony, Cratinus began to ex-
hibit in B. c. 454 — 453, in about the 66th year of
his age.

Of his personal histor}'^ very little is known.
His father's name was Callimedes, and he himself
was taxiarcli of the *w\7j Olvrjis. (Suid. s. vc.
KfHiTlvos, 'ETreioiJ SeiXorepos.) In the latter
passage he is charged with excessive cowardice.

CRATINUS.

Of the charges which Suidas brings against the
moral character of Cratinus, one is unsupported by
any other testimony, though, if it had been true,
it is not likely that Aristophanes would have been
silent upon it. Probably Suidas was misled by a
passage of Aristophanes (Acharn. 849, 850) which
refers to another Cratinus, a lyric poet. (Schol.
l. c.) The other charge which Suidas brings against
Cratinus, that of habitual intemperance, is sus-
tained by many passages of Aristophanes and
other writers, as well as by the confession of Cra-
tinus himself, who appears to have treated the
subject in a very amusing way, especially in his
nmlinj. (See further on this point Meineke,
Hist. Crit. Com. Grae^. pp. 47 — i9.)

Cratinus exhibited twenty-one plays and gained
nine victories (Suid. s. v.; Eudoc. p. 271 ; Anon.
de Com. p. xxix), and that 1^afJ.^^rq^(i, according
to the Scholiast on Aristophanes. {Equit. 528.)

Cratinus was undoubtedly the poet of the old
comedy. He gave it its peculiar character, and he
did not, like Aristophanes, live to see its decline.
Before his time the comic poets had aimed at little
beyond exciting the laughter of their audience : it
was Cratinus who first made comedy a tgrrible
weapon of personal attack, and the comic poet a
severe censor of public and private vice. An
anonymous ancient writer says, that to the pleasing
in comedy Cratinus a,dded the useful, by accusing
evil-doers and punishing them with comedy as
with a public scourge. (Anon, de Com. p. xxxii.)
He did not even, like Aristophanes, in such attacks
unite mirth with satire, but, as an ancient writer
says, he hurled his reproaches in the plainest form
at the bare heads of the offenders. (Platonius, do.
Com. p. xxvii. ; Christodor. Ecphrusis, v. 357 ;
Persius, Sat. i. 123.) Still, like Aiistophanes
with respect to Sophocles, he sometimes bestowed
the highest praise, as upon Cimon. (Pint. Ciin.
10.) Pericles, on the other hand, was the object
of his most persevering and vehement abuse.

It is proper here to sUate what is known of the
circumstances under which Cratinus and his fol-
lowers were permitted to assume this license of
atUicking institutions and individuals openly and
by name. It evidently arose out of the close con-
nexion which exists in nature between mirth and
satire. While looking for subjects which could be
put in a ridiculous point of view, the poet natiually
fell upon the follies and vices of his countrymen.
The free constitution of Athens inspired him with
courage to attack the offenders, and secured for
him protection from their resentment. And ac-
cordingly we find, that the political freedom of
Athens and this license of her comic poets rose
and fell together. Nay, if we are to believe
Cicero, the law itself granted them impunity. {De
Repub. iv. 10 : "apud quos [Graeeos'] fuit etiam
lege concessum, ut quod vellet comoedia de quo
vellet nominatim diceret.") The same thing is stat-
ed, though not so distinctly, by Themistius. {Orat.
viii. p. 110, b.) This flourishing period lasted from
the establishment of the Athenian power after
the Persian war down to the end of the Pelo-
ponnesian war, or perhaps a few years later (about
B. c. 460 — 393). The exercise of this license,
however, was not altogether unopposed. In ad-
dition to what could be done personally by such
men as Cleon and Alcibiades, the law itself in-
terfered on more than one occasion. In the
iirchonship of Morychides (b. c. 440-439), a law

CRATINUS.
wa» mode prohibiting the comic poets trora holding
a living person up to ridicule by bringing him on
the stage by name {\inj<pi(T/xa rov ^i^ KUfUfSdi/
oyofiaari, Schol. Arist. Acliam. 67 ; Meineke,
Hist. Crit. p. 40). This law remained in force for
the two following years, and was annulled in the
archonship of Euthynienes. (a c. 437— t36.)
Another restriction, which probably belongs to
about the same time, was the law that no Areopa-
gite should write comedies. (Plut. Bell, an Pac.
pretest. Ath. p. 348, c.) From B. c. 436 the old
comedy Hourished in its highest vigour, till a
series of attacks was made upon it by a certain
Syracosius, who is suspected, with great proba-
bility, of having been suborned by Alcibiades.
This Syracosius carried a law, ^t) Ku/xcpSfladai
6vofjia<rTl Tij/o, probably about B. c. 416 — 415,
which did not, however, remain in force long.
(Schol. Arist. Av. 1297.) A similar law is said
to have been carried by Antimachus, but this is
perhaps a mistake. (Schol. Arist. Acham. 1149;
Meineke, p. 41.) That the brief aristocratical
revolution of 411 b. c. affected the liberty of
comedy can hardly be doubted, though we have
no express testimony. If it declined then, we
have clear evidence of its revival with the re-
storation of democracy in the Frogs of Aristo-
phanes and the Cleophon of Plato, (b. c. 405.)
It cannot be doubted that, during the rule of the
thirty tyrants, the liberty of comedy was restrain-
ed, not only by the loss of political libert}- , but by
the exhaustion resulting from the war, in conse-
quence of which the choruses could not be main-
tained with their ancient splendour. We even find
a play of Cratinus without Chorus or Parabasis,
namely, the 'OSuccets, but this was during the
85th Olympiad, when the above-mentioned law was
in force. The old comedy, having thus declined,
was at length brought to an end by the attacks of
the dithyrambic poet Cinesias, and of Agyrrhius,
and was succeeded by the Middle Comedy (about
ac. 393—392 ; Meineke, pp. 42, 43).

Besides what Cratinus did to give a new cha-
racter and power to comedy, he is said to have
.iiade changes in its outward form, so as to bring
it into better order, especially by fixing the num-
ber of actors, which had before been indefinite, at
three. (Anon, de Com. p. xxxii.) On the other
hand, however, Aristotle says, that no one knew
who made this and other such changes. (PoUt. v.
4.)

The character of Cratinus as a poet rests upon the
testimonies of the ancient writers, as we have no
complete play of his extant. These testimonies are
most decided in placing him in the very first rank
of comic poets. By one writer he is compared to
Aeschylus. (Anon, de Com. p. xxix.) There is a
fragment of his own, which evidently is no vain
boast, but expresses the estimation in which he
was held by his contemporaries. (Schol. Arist.
Equit. 526.) Amongst several allusions to him
in Aristophanes, the most remarkable is the pas-
sage in the Knights referred td above, where he
likens Cratinus to a rapid torrent, carrying every-
thing before it, and says that for his many victo-
ries he deserved to drink in the Prytaneium, and
to sit anointed as a spectator of the Dionysia.
But, after all, his highest pmise is in the fact, that
he appeared at the Dionysia of the following year,
not as a spectator, but as a competitor, and carried
cff the prize above Aristophanes himself. His

CRATINUS.

887

style seems to have been somewhat grandiloquent,
and full of trr pes, and altogether of a lyric cast,
lie was very bold in inventing new words, and
in changing the meaning of old ones. His cho-
ruses especially were greatly admired, and were
for a time the favourite songs at banquets. (Aris-
tophanes, /. c.) It was perhaps on account of the
dithyrambic character of his poetry that he was
likened to Aeschylus, and it was no doubt for the
same reason that Aristophanes called him ravpo-
<pdyov {Ran. 357 ; comp. Etym. Mag. p. 747, 50 ;
Apollon. Lex. Horn. p. 156, 20.) Hi» metres
seem to have partaken of the same lofty character.
He sometimes used the epic verse. The ** Crati-
nean metre" of the grammarians, however, was
in use before his time. [Tolynus.] In the in-
vention of his plots he was most ingenious and
felicitous, but his impetuous and exuberant fancy
was apt to derange them in the progress of the
play. (Platonius, p. xxvii.)

Among the poets who imitated him more or less
the ancient writers enumerate Eupolis, Aristo-
phanes, Crates, Telecleides, Strattis, and others.
The only poets whom he himself is known to have
imitated are Homer and Archilochus. (Platonius,
I.e.; Bergk, p. 156.) His most formidable rival
was Aristophanes. (See, besides numerous pas-
sages of Aristophanes and the Scholia on him,
Schol. Plat. p. 330.) Among his enemies Aristo-
phanes mentions ol ircf/l Ka\\(av {I. c). What
Callias he means is doubtful, but it is most natural
to suppose that it is Callias the son of Hippo-
nicus.

There is much confusion among the ancient
writers in quoting from his dramas. Meineke
has shewn that the following plays are wrongly
attributed to him : — FKavKos, &pd(rwv, "Hpwes,
'iXioSer, Kp7J(r(roj, "VricpiafiaTa., ' AWorpioyvoSfiopfs.
These being deducted, there still remain thirty
titles, some of which, however, certainly belong to
the younger Cratinus. After all deductions, there
remain twenty-four titles, namely, 'Apx^^oxoi,
Bovk6\oi, A7]Aiot56f, AiSatr/caAtat, ApaneriSfs^
^Eixiriirpdixevoi or 'iSoiot, EvutTSai, ©parrai, KAeo-
^ouAivat, AaKwves, MaKduKol, Nt^eo-ts, Nd/noi,
'OSufftTfts, Tlavoirrai, Ili/Aaja, TIKovtoi, nuTiVTj,
2oTupo(, 2,tpi<pioi, Tpo((>Mvio5, Xftfia^Ofxtvoi., Xei-
poDvts^'^flpai. The difference between this list and
the statement of the grammarians, who give to
Cratinus only twenty-one plays, may be reconciled
on the supposition that some of these plays had
been lost when the grammarians wrote, as, for
example, the "SidTvpoi and Xfifia^ofxeuoi^ which are
mentioned only in the Didascalia of the Knights
and Achamians.

The following are the plays of Cratinus, the
date of which id known with certainty : —

B. c.
About 448. 'Apx'^oxo'-

In 425. XtiiJ.a^6iJ.fvoi, 2nd prize. Aristophanes

was first, with the Acliamians.

424. laTvpoi, 2nd prize. Aristophanes was

first, with the Knights.

423. nvTiVrj, Ist prize.

2nd. Ameipsias, K6vvos.
3rd. Aristoph. Ne^cAeu.

The chief ancient commentators on Cratinus
were Asclepiades, Didymus, Callistratus, Euphro-
nius, Symmachus, Aristarchus, and the Scholiasts.
(Meineke, Fraa. Com. Graec. i. pp. 43 — 58, ii.
pp. 13—232 ; Bergk, Comment, de Reliq. Com, AU,

888

CRATIPPUS.

Ant.f the first part of which is upon Cratinus
only.)

2. Cratinus the younger, an Athenian comic
poet of the middle comedy, was a contemporary of
Plato the philosopher (Diog. Laert. iii. 28) and of
Corydus (Athen. vi. p. 241, c), and therefore flou-
rished during the middle of the 4th century b. c,
and as late as 324 b. c. (Clinton, Fast. Hell. ii.
p. xliii.) Perhaps he even lived down to the time
of Ptolemy Philadelphus (Athen. xi. p. 469, c,
compared with vi. p. 242, a.), but this is improba-
ble. The following plays are ascribed to him : —
rt7ai'T6s, ©Tjpa/ifKTjs, '0/U(^a\Ti (doubtful), "TwoSo-
XilJioios., Xeipcov ; in addition to which, it is proba-
ble that some of the plays which are ascribed to
the elder Cratinus, belong to the younger.

(Meineke, Frag, Com. Graec. i. pp. 411 — 414,
iii. pp. 374-379.) [P. S.]

CRATl'NUS, the grammarian. [Basilkides,
No. 1.]

CRATI'NUS,a legal professor at Constantinople
and comes sacranira largitioiium, who was charged
by Justinian, in .a. d. 530, to compile the Digest
along with Tribonian, the head of the commission,
the professor Theophilus of Constantinople, Doro-
theus and Anatolius, professors at Berj'tus, and
twelve patroni causarum, of whom Stephanus is
the best known. The commissioners completed
tlieir task in three years. Cratinus does not ap-
pear to have been further employed in the other
compilations of Justinian. The commission is re-
cited in the second preface to the Digest (Const.
Tuiila, § 9), and Cratinus is one of the eight pro-
fessors to whom the constitutio Omnem (so called
from its initial word), establishing the new system
of legal education, is addressed. [J. T. G.]

CRATl'NUS, a painter at Athens, whose worka
in the Pompeion, the hall containing all things used
in processions, are mentioned bv Pliny {H. N.
XXXV. 40. ^« 33, 43). ' [L. U.]

CRATIPPUS {KpdTiinros). 1. A Greek his-
torian and contemporary of Thucj'dides, whose
work he completed — tcL irapa\ei<f,6iin-a vir aJroi;
(Tuuayajuiv yeypacpev. (Dionys. Jud. de Thucyd.
16.) The expression of Dionysius leads us to
Euppose that the work of Cratippus was not only a
continuation of the unfinished history of Thucy-
didcs, but that he also gave an account ef every-
thing that was omitted in the work of Thucydides.
The period to which Cratippus appears to have
carried his history, is pointed out by Plutarch {de
(jlor. Allien. 1) to have been the time of Conon.
(Comp. Marcellin. Vit. Thucyd. § 33; Plut. VU.
X Ural. p. 834.)

2. A Peripatetic philosopher of Mytilene, who
was a contemporary of Pompe)' and Cicero. The
latter, who was connected with him by intimate
friendship, entertained a very high opinion of him,
for he declares him to be the most distinguished
among the Peripatetics that he had known {de Off.
iii. 2), and thinks him at least equal to the greatest
men of his school. {De Divin. i. 3.) Cratippus
accompanied Pompey in his flight after the battle
of Pharsalia, and endeavoured to comfort and rouse
him by philosophical arguments. (Plut. Pomp.
75 ; comp. Aelian, V. H. vii. 21.) Several emi-
nent Romans, such as M. INIarcellus and Cicero
himself, received instruction from him, and in b. c.
44 young M. Cicero was his pupil at Athens, and
was tenderly attached to him. (Cic. Brut. 31, ad
Fam. xii. 16, xvi. 21, deOf.i.l^ ii. 2, 7.) Young

CREON.

Cicero seems also to have visited Asia in his com-
pany. {Ad Fam. xii. 16.) When Caesar was :it
the head of the Roman republic, Cicero obtained
from him the Roman franchise for Cratippus, and
also induced the council of the Areiopagus at
Athens to invite the philosopher to remain in that
city as one of her chief ornaments, and to continue
his instructions in philosophy. (Plut. Cic, 24.)
After the murder of Caesar, Brutus, while staying
at Athens, also attended the lectures of Cratippus.
(Plut. Brut. 24.) Notwithstanding the high
opinion which Cicero entertained of the knowledge
and talent of Cratippus, we do not hear that he
wrote on any philosophical subject, and the only
allusions we have to his tenets, refer to his
opinions on divination, on which he seems to have
written a work. Cicero states that Cratippus be-
lieved in dreams and supernatural inspiration
{furor), but that he rejected all other kinds of
divination. {De Divin, i. 3, 32, 50, 70, 71, ii.
48, 52 ; Tertull. de Anim. 46.) [L. S.]

CRATOR (KpoTwp), a freedman of M. Aure-
lius Verus, wrote a history of Rome from its foun-
dation to the death of Verus, in which the names
of the consuls and other magistrates were given.
(Theophil. ad Antolyc. iii. extr.)

CRATOS ( K/xiToj ), the personification of
strength, is described as a son of Uranus and Ge.
( Hcs. Theog. 385 ; AeschyL Prom. init. ; ApoUod.
i. 2. § 4.) [L. S.]

CRA'TYLUS (KpoTwXos), a Greek philosopher,
and an elder contemporary of Plato. He professed
the doctrines of Heracleitus, and made Plato ac-
quainted with them. (Aristot. Metaphys. i. 6 ;
Appul. de Doymat. Plat. p. 2, ed. Elm. ; Olympiod.
Vit. Plat. p. 79, ed. Fischer.) The time at which
Plato was instructed by Cratylus, is stated by
Diogenes Laertius (iii. 6) to have been after the
death of Socrates ; but there are several circum-
stances which prove that Plato must have been
acquainted with the doctrines of Heracleitus at an
earlier period, and K. F. Hermann has pointed out
that it must have been in his youth that Plato Jic-
quired his knowledge of that philosophy. One
among the dialogues of Plato is named after his
master, Cratylus, who is the principal speaker in it,
and maintains the doctrine, that things have received
their names according to certain laws of nature
{(pvcrei), and that consequently words correspond to
the things which they designate, Hermogenes, the
Eleatic, who had likewise been a teacher of Plato,
asserts, on the other hand, that nature has nothing
to do with giving things their suitable names, but
that words are applied to certain things by the mere
mutual consent (Sfo-ei) of men. Some critics are of
opinion, that the Cratylus introduced by Plato in liis
dialogue is a different person from the Cratylus who
taught Plato the doctrines of Heracleitus, but the
arguments adduced in support of this opinion do
not seem to be satisfactory. (Stallbaum, de Cratylo
Platonico, p. 1 8, &c. ; K. F. Hermann, System der
Plat. Philos. i. pp. 46, 106, 492, &c. ; Lersch,
SprachjJiilos. der Alien, i. p. 29, &c.) [L. S.]

CREMU'TIUS CORDUS. [CoRDrjs.]

CREON (Kpew;/). 1. A mythical king of Co-
rinth, a son of Lycaethus. (Hygin. Fab. 25, calls
him a son of Menoecus, and thus confounds him
with Creon of Thebes.) His daughter, Glauce,
married Jason, and Medeia, who found herself
forsaken, took vengeance by sending Glauce a
garment which destroyed her by fire when she put

CREOPHVLUS.

it on. (Apollod. i. 9. § 28 ; Schol. ad Eurip.
Med. 20.) According to Hyginus (/. c.) Medeia'a
present consisted of a crown, and Creon perished
with his daughter, who is there called Creusa.
(Comp. Diod. iv. .54.)

2. A son of Menoecns, and king of Thebes.
After the death of Laius, Creon gave the kingdom
to Oedipus, who h.id delivered the country from
the Sphinx ; but after Oedipus had laid down the
government, Creon resumed it. His tyrannical
conduct towards the Argives, and especially to-
wards Antigone, is well known from the Oedipus
and Antigone of Sophocles. Creon had a son,
Haemon, and two daughters, Henioche and Pyrrha.
(Apollod. iii. 5. $ 8, 7. $ 1 ; Paus. ix. 10. <$ 3.)
A third mythical Creon is mentioned by Apol-
lodonis. (ii. 7. $ 8.) [L. S.]

CREON (Kptwi/), a Greek rhetorician of un-
certain date, who is mentioned in three passages
of Suidas (s. w. iyKfKop^vhTifievos, viSdpiov^ and
<pairKi6\iov) as the author of a work on rhetoric
(^riTopiKd)^ of which the first book is quoted, but
nothing further is known about him. [L. S ]

CREO'PHYLUS (Kpec.5<|>u\os). 1. One of the
earliest epic poets of Greece, whom tradition placed
in direct connexion with Homer, as he is called his
friend or even his son-in-law. (Plat, de Rep. x. p.
600, b ; Callim. Epigram. 6 ; Strab. xiv. p. 638,
*cc. ; Sext. Empir. adv. MatL i. 2 ; Eustath. ad
Horn. II. ii. 730 ; Suidas, s. v.) Creophylus is
said to have received Homer into his house, and
to have been a native of Chios, though other ac-
counts describe him as a native of Samos or los.
The epic poem Otxa-^^a or 0«xaA:as aKwcns^ which
is ascribed to him, he is said, in some traditions,
to have received from Homer as a present or as a
dowry with his wife. (Proclus, ap. Hephaest. p.
466, ed. Gaisford; Schol. ad PUd. p. 421, ed.
Bekker ; Suidas, s. v.) Tradition thus seems to
point to Creophylus as one of the most ancient
Horaeridae, and as the first link connecting Homer
himself with the subsequent history of the Ho-
meric poems ; for he preserved and taught the
Homeric poems, and handed them down to his
descendants, from whom Lycurgus, the Spartan
lawgiver, is said to have received them. (Plut.
Zyc. 4 ; Heracleid. Pont. Polit. Fragm. 2 ; lam-
biich. Vit. Fythag. ii. .9 ; Strab. xiv. p. 639.) His
poem Olxo-\ia contained the contest which Hera-
cles, for the sake of lole, undertook with Eurytus,
and the final capture of Oechalia. This poem,
from which Panyasis is said to have copied (Clem.
Alex. Strom, iv. p. 266), is often referred to, both
with and without its author's name, but we pos-
sess only a few statements derived from it. (Phot.
J^jc. p. 177, ed. Porson ; Tzetz. Chil. xiii. 659;
Cramer, Anecd. ii. p. 327 ; Schol. ad Soph. Track.
266 ; Bekker, Anecd. p. 728.) Pausanias (iv. 2
§ 3) mentions a poem 'UpaxXda by Creophylus,
but this seems to be only a different name for the
OtxnA'o- (Comp. Schol. ad Eurip. Med. 276.)
The Heracleia which the Scholiast on Apollonius
Rhodius (L 1357) ascribes to Cinaethon, is like-
wise supposed by some to be a mistake, and to
allude to the Otx«Aia of Creophylus. (Welcker,
Der Episch. Ci/clus, p. 219, &c. ; Wiillner, De
Cycl. Epic. p. 52, &c. ; K. W. Muller, De Cycl.
(ilraec. Epic. p. 62, &c.)

2. The author of Annals of Ephesus {&poi
*E<^€(ri«j/), to which Athenaeus (viii. p. 361)
rrfers. [L. S.]

CRESILAS.

8;{9

CREPEREIUS, the name of a Roman eques-
trian family, which was distinguished for the strict
discipline of its members, but of which otherwise
only very little is known. Among the judges in
the case of Verres, one M. Crepereius is mentioned
by Cicero (in Verr. i. 10), and it is added, that as
he was iribunus militaris dcsignaius^ he would not
be able to take a part in the proceedings after the
1st of January of B. c. 69.

There are several coins on which we read the
name Q. Crepereius M. F. Roots, and from the
representations of Venus and Neptune which a|)-
pear on those coins, it has been inferred, that this
person had some connexion with Corinth, perhaps
after its restoration by J. Caesar, since those divi-
nities were the principal gods of Corinth. (Haver-
camp, in Morell. Tliesaur. Numism. p. 145, &c.)
In the reign of Nero we meet with one Crepereius
Gallus, a friend of Agrippina, who perished in
the ship by means of which Agrippina was to be
destroyed. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 5.) [L. S.]

CREPEREIUS CALPURNIA'NUS (KpeTre-
pijos Ka\irovpviav6s), a native of Pompeiopolis, is
mentioned by Lucian {Quom.. Hist, conscrib. 15)
as the author of a history of the wars between the
Romans and Parthians, but nothing further is
knoAvn about him. [L. S.J

CRES (Kprfs), a son of Zeus by a nymph of
mount Ida, from whom the island of Crete was
believed to have derived its name. (Steph. Byz.
s. V. KpifiTT} ; Paus. viii. 53. § 3.) According to
Diodorus (v. 64), Cres was an Eteocretan, that is,
a Cretan autochthon. [L. S.]

CRESCENS, a Cynic of Megalopolis, (probably
the city in Arcadia, though some believe that
Ro7ne is meant by that appellation,) who lived in
the middle of the second century after Christ,
contemporary with Justin Martyr. The Chris-
tian writers speak of his character as perfectly in-
famous. By Tatian (Or. adv. Graec p. 157, &c.)
he is accused of the most flagrant enormities, and
is described as a person who was not prevented by
his cynical profession from being ** wholly enslaved
to the love of money." He attacked the Chris-
tians with great acrimony, calling them Atheists ;
but his charges were refuted by Justin, who tells
us, that, in consequence of the refutation, he was
apprehensive lest Crescens should plot his death.
But whether he was really the cause of Justin's
martyrdom or not is uncertain ; for, although he is
accused of this crime by Eusebius, yet the charge
is only made to rest on a statement of Tatian,
which however merely is, that " he who advised
others to despise death, was himself so much in
dread of death, that he plotted death for Justin
as a very great evil," without a word as to the
success of his intrigues. (Justin, Apolog. ii. ;
Euseb. H. E. iv. 16; Neander, Kircliengesch. i.
p. 1131.) [G. E. L. C.l

CRESCO'NIUS. [CoRiPPus.]

CRE'SILAS (Kpeo-fAos), an Athenian sculptor,
a contemporary of Phidias and Polycletus. Pliny
{H. N. xxxiv. 19), in narrating a competition of
five most distinguished artists, and among them
Phidias .and Polycletus, as to who should make
the best Amazon for the temple at Ephesus, men-
tions Cresilas as the one who obtained the third
prize. But as this is an uncommon name, it has
been changed by modem editors into Ctesilas or
Ctesilaus; and in the same chapter (§ 15) an artist,
" Desilaus," whose wounded Amazon was a ce.tr-

890

CRETHEUS.

brated statue, has also had his name changed into
Ctesilaus, and consequently the beautiful statues of a
wounded Amazon in the Capitol and the Louvre are
considered as an imitation of the work at Ephesus.
Now this is quite as unfounded a supposition as
the one already rejected by Winckelmann, by which
the dying gladiator of the Capitol was considered
to represent another celebrated statue of Ctesilaus,
who wrought " vuhieratum deficientem, in quo
possit intelligi, quantum restet animae ;" and it is
the more improbable, because Pliny enumerates the
sculptors in an alphabetic order, and begins the
letter D by Desilaus. But there are no good rea-
sons for the insertion of the name of Ctesilaus.
At some of the late excavations at Athens, there
was discovered in the wall of a cistern, before the
western frontside of the Parthenon, the following
inscription, which is doubtless the identical base-
ment of the expiring warrior : —
HEPM0ATK05
AIEITP£*OT2
AnAPXEN.
KPE2IAA2
EnOE2EN.
By this we learn, that the rival of Phidias was
called Cresilas, as two manuscripts of Pliny exhi-
bit, and that the statue pmised by Pliny is the
same as that which Pausanias (i. 23. § 2) describes
at great length. It was an excellent work of
bronze, placed in the eastern portico within the
Propylaea, and dedicated by Hermolycus to the
memory of his father, Diitrephes, who fell pierced
with arrows, B. c. 413, at the head of a body of
Thracians, near Mycalessos in Boeotia. (Time,
vii. 29, 30.) Besides these two celebrated works,
Cresilas executed a statue of Pericles the Olym-
pian, from which, perhaps, the bust in the Va-
tican is a copy. (Ross, Kunsiblatt, 1840, No.
12 and 38.) [L. U.]

CRE'SIUS (Kp|(rtos), a surname of Dionysus
at Argos, where he had a temple in which Ariadne
was said to be buried. (Paus. ii. 23. § 7.) [L. S.]

CRESPHONTES {Kfyn(r<p6im}s), a Heracleid,
a son of Aristomachus, and one of the conquerors
of Peloponnesus, who obtained Messenia for his
share. But during an insurrection of the Messe-
nian nobles, he and two of his sons were slain.
A third son, Aepytus, was induced by his mother,
Merope, to avenge his father. (ApoUod. ii. 8. $ 4,
&c. ; Paus. ii. 18. $ 6, iv. 3. § 3, 31. $ 9, viii. 5.
j 4; comp. Aepytus.) [L. S.J

CRETE (Kp7}Ti7), a daughter of Asterion, and
wife of Minos. According to others, she was the
mother of Pasiphae by Helios. ( Apollod. iii. 1. § 2;
Diod. iv. 60.) There are two other mythical
personages of this name. (Apollod. iii. 3. § 1 ;
Diod. iii. 71.) [L. S.]

CRETEUS or CATREUS (KprjTciJs), a son of
Minos by Pasiphae or Crete, and king of Crete.
He is renowned in ancient story on account of his
tragic death by the hand of his own son, Althe-
menes. (Apollod. ii 1. § 2, iii. 1. § 2; Diod. iv.
39 ; Paus. viii. 53. § 2 ; Althemenes.) [L. S.]

CRETHEUS (Kp-ndivs), a son of Aeolus and
Enarete, was married to Tyro, the daughter of
Salmoneus, by whom he became the father of
Aeson, Pheres, Araythaon, and Uippolyte. He is
called the founder of the town of lolcus. (Horn.
Od. xi. 236, 258 ; Apollod. i. 9. § 11 ; comp. Paus.
viii. 25. § 5.) According to another tradition,
Cretheus was married to Deniodice or Biadice,

CRINAS.

who loved Phrixus, and as her love was rejected
by the latter, she calumniously accused him to
Cretheus of having been guilty of improper con-
duct. (Hj^gin. Poet. Ast. ii. 20; Phrixus.) [L.S.]

CRETHON {Kpidup), a son of Diodes and bro-
ther of Orsilochus of Phere, was slain by Aeneias
in the Trojan war. (Hom. //, v. 542 ; Paus. iv.
30. § 2.) [L. S.]

CRE'TICUS, an agnomen of Q. Caecilius Me-
tellus, consul, B. c. 69, and of sevei-al of the Me-
telli. [Metellus.]

CRE'TICUS SILA'NUS. [Silanus.]

CREU'SA (Kpe'ouo-o). 1. A daughter of Ocea-
nus and Ge. She was a Naid, and became by
Peneius the mother of Hypseus, king of the Lapi-
thae, and of Stilbe. (Pind. Pyth. ix. 30; Diod. iv.

2. A daughter of Erechtheus and Praxithea,
was married to Xuthus, by whom she became the
mother of Achaeus and Ion. (Apollod. i. 7. $ 3,
iii. 15. § 1 ; Paus. vii. 1. § 1.) She is also said
to have been beloved by Apollo (Paus. i. 28. § 4),
and Ion is called her sou by Apollo, as in the
"Ion" of Euripides.

3. A daughter of Priam and Hecabe, and the
wife of Aeneias, who became by her the father of
Ascanius and lulus. (Apollod. iii. 12. § 5.) Co-
non {Narrat. 41) calls her the mother of Anius
by Apollo. When Aeneias fled from Troy, she
followed him ; but she was unable to discover his
traces, and disappeared. Aeneias then returned to
seek her. She then appeared to him as a shade,
consoled him, revealed to him his future fate, and
informed him that she was kept back by the great
mother of the gods, and was obliged to let him de-
part alone. (Virg. Aen. ii. 725, 738, 752, 769,
775, &c.) In the Lesche of Delphi she was repre-
sented by Polygnotus among the captive Trojan
women. (Paus. x. 26. § 1.) A fourth personage
of this name is mentioned by Hyginus. {Pal). 25 ;
comp. Crkon, No. I.) [L. S.]

CRINA'GORAS {Kpiva'Y6pas\ a Greek epi-
grammatic poet, the author of about fifty epigrams
in the Greek Anthology, was a native of Mytilene,
among the eminent men of which city he is men-
tioned by Strabo, who speaks of him as a contem-
porary, (xiii. p. 617, suh fin.) There are several
allusions in his epigrams, which refer to the reign
of Augustus, and on the authority of which Jacobs
believes him to have flourished from B. c. 31 to
A. D. 9. We may also collect from his epigrams
that he lived at Rome {Ep. 24), and that he was
richer in poems than in worldly goods. {Ep. 33.)
He mentions a younger brother of his, Eucleides.
{Ep. 12.) From the contents of two of his epi-
grams Reiske inferred, that they must have been
written by a more ancient poet of the same name,
but this opinion is refuted by Jacobs. Crinagoras
often shews a true poetical spirit. He was in-
cluded in the Anthology of Philip of Thessalonica.
(Jacobs, Anth. Graec. pp. 876 — 878 j Fabric.
BM. Graec. iv. p. 470.) [P. S.]

CRINAS, a physician of Marseilles who prac-
tised at Rome in the reign of Nero, a. d. 54 — 68,
and introduced astrology into his medical practice.
He acquired a large fortune, and is said by Pliny
{H. N. xxix. 5) to have left at his death to his
native city the immense sum of ten million ses-
terces {centies H. S.) or about 78,125/., after hav-
ing spent nearly the same sum during his lite in
building the walls uf tUy city. [W. A. G.^

CRISPINILLA.

CRINIPPUS {KpiviiriTos) is the name which,
from a comparison of Diodorus (xv. 47), it has
been proposed to substitute for Anippus in Xen.
Hell. vi. 2. § 36. He was sent by Dionysius I.
of Syracuse to Corcyra to the aid of the Spartans
with a squadron of ten ships, B. c. 373 ; but
through his imprudence he fell, together with nine
of his ships, into the hands of Iphicrates. The
latter, in the hope of extorting from him a large
sum of money, threatened to sell him for a slave,
and Crinippus slew himself in despair. (Xen. Hell.
vi. 2. §§ 4, 33, &c.; comp. Schneid. adloc.; Wes-
seling, ail Diod. I. c; Diod. xvi. 37.) [E. E.]

CRINIS (Kpivis), a Stoic philosopher who is
referred to several tinies by Diogenes Laertius
(vii. 62, 68, 76), and seems to have founded an
independent school within the boundaries of the
Stoic system, since the authority of his followers
(oi ircpl Kpivtv) is sometimes quoted. He wrote
a work called StoAc/crj/oj rext'V, from which Dio-
genes Laertius (vii. 71) quotes an opinion. IJe
is mentioned also by Arrian. {Diss. Epid. iii. 2.)
Suidas speaks of a Crinis who was a priest of
Apollo, and may be the same as the one mentioned
in a scholion (ad Horn. II. i. 396). [L. S.J

CRINISUS. [AcESTES.]

CRINON {Kpivo}v\ an officer of PhiUp V. of
Macedon, joined Leontius and Megaleas in their
treason, and took part in the tumult at Limnaea in
Acarnania, in which they assailed Aratus and
threatened his life, irritated as they were by the
successful campaign of Philip in Aetolia, b. c. 218.
For this offence Crinon and Megaleas were thrown
into prison till they should find security for a tine
of twenty talents. The fine was confinned, on
their trial, by the king's council, and Crinon was
detained in prison, while Leontius became security
for Megaleas. (Polyb. v. 15, 16.) [E. E.]

CRI'SAMIS (KpiVo/iis). 1. The fifth in des-
cent from Aesculapius, the son of Dardanus, and
the father of Cleomyttades I., who probably lived
in the eleventh and tenth centuries B. c. (Jo.
Tzetzes, Chil. vii. Hist. 1 55, in Fabric. BiU. Grate.
vol. xii. p. 680, ed. vet.)

2. The ninth of the fiimily of the Asclepiadae,
the son of Sostratus II., and the father of Cleo-
myttades IL, who probably lived in the ninth
and eighth centuries b. c. (Id. ihid.^ He is called
"king Crisamis" (Paetus, Epist. ad Artax., in
Hippocr. Opera., vol. iii. p. 770), but the country
over which he reigned is not mentioned. By some
writers he is said to have been the father, not of
Cleomyttades II., but of Theodorus II. [W. A.G.]

CRISPI'NA, daughter of Bruttius Praesens
[Praksens], was married to Commodus (a. d,
177), and, having proved unfaithful to her husband,
was divorced a few years after his accession to the
throne, banished to Capreae, and there put to
death. (Dion Cass. Ixxi. 33, Ixxii. 4; Capitolin.
A[. Aurel. 27 } Laraprid. Coininod. 5.) [W. R.j

CRISPLNIJS.

891

COIN OF CRISPINA.

CRISPIMLLA, CA'LVIA, a Roman lady of
rank, of tlie time of the emperor Nero. She pui-

took hu-gely in the general corruption among fe-
males of that period. She lived with Nero and
his eunuch Porus, and was entrusted with the su-
perintendence of the latter's wardrobe. She is said
to have been given to stealing and to have secreted
all on which she could lay her hand. Her inter-
course with Nero was of such a kind, that Tacitus
calls her the instructor of Nero in voluptuousness.
In A. D. 68, shortly after the death of Nero, slie
went to Africa to urge Claudius Macer to take up
aims to avenge the death of the emperor. She
thus intended to cause a famine at Rome, by pre-
venting grain being imported from Africa. Clo-
dius Macer was put to death by the command of
Galba, and the general indignation of the people
demanded that Crispinilla also should pay for her
guilt with her life, but she escaped the danger by
various intrigues and a cunning use of circum-
stances. Afterwards she rose very high in public
favour tiirough her marriage with a man who had
been consul ; she was spared by Galba, Otho, and
Vitellius, and her wealth, together with the circum-
stance of her having no children, procured her
great influence at the time. (Tacit. Hist, i, 73;
Dion. Cass. Ixiii. 12.) [L. S.]

CRISPl'NUS. 1. A person ridiculed by Ho-
race {Sat. 1. 1. 120), was, according to the state-
ment of the scholiasts on that passage, a bad poet
and philosopher, who was surnamed Aretalogus,
and wrote verses upon the Stoics. This is all
that is known about him, and it is not improba-
ble that the name may be a fictitious one, under
which Horace intended to ridicule some philoso-
phical poetaster.

2. A late Greek rhetorician, concerning w^hom
nothing is known, but a sentiment of his, taken
from a work Karoi Aiovixrlov, is preserved in fcto-
baeus. {Flur. xlvii. 21.)

3. Of Larapsacus, wrote a life of St. Partheniu*
of Lampsacus, who is said to have been a bishop
in the time of Constantine the Great. A Latin
version of that Life is printed in the collections of
the lives of the Saints by Surius and Bollandus
under the 7th of February. A MS. containing the
Greek original exists in the imperial library at
Vienna. {Fahnc. Bibl. Gr. xi. 'p. 597 .) [L.S.J

T. CRISPl'NUS was quaestor about p. c. 69,
but is otherwise unknown. (Cic. pro Fonteio^ loci
Niebuhr. 1.) [L. S.J

CRISPl'NUS, L. BRU'TTIUS QUI'NTIUS.
was consul a. d. 224, and fourteen years after •
wards (a. d. 238) persuaded the inhabitants of
Aquileia to shut their gates and defend their
walls against the savage Maximin, whose rage
when he found his attacks upon the city baffled
led to those excesses which caused his assassina-
tion. [Maximinus.J (Capitolin. Max. duo^ c.
21 ; Herodian. viii. 4.) [W. R.J

CRISPl'NUS CAE'PIO. [Caepio, p. 535, b.J

CRISPl'NUS, QUI'NCTIUS. Crispinus oc-
curs as an agnomen in the family of the Penni
Capitolini of the Quinctia gens. [Capitolinijs,
p. 606, a.J The full name of the L. Quinctius
Crispinus, who was praetor in B. c. 186, and who
triumphed in B. c. 184, on account of his victojies
in Spain, was probably L. Quinctius Pennus Capi-
tolinus Crispinus. (Liv. xxxix. 6, 8, 30, 42.) [L.S.]

CRISPPNUS, RU'FIUS, a Roman eques and
contemporary of the emperors Claudius and Nero.
He was praefectus praetorio under Claudius, who
employed him in arresting and dragging to liaioa

892

CRISP US.

Valerius Asiaticus. For this service he was re-
warded by a large sum of money and the insignia
of the quaestorship. In a. d. 52 he was removed
from his office at the instigation of Agrippina, who
believed him to be attached to the children of Mes-
salina. Crispinus was married to the notorious
Poppaea Sabina, who had a son by him, bearing
the same name as his father. She afterwards be-
came the mistress of Nero, and the circumstance,
that she had once been the wife of Crispinus, was
a sufficient reason for the tyrant to send Crispinus
into exile to Sardinia, a. d. 66, under the pretext
of his being an accomplice in a conspiracy. Shortly
after when Crispinus received the sentence of
death, he put an end to his own life. (Tacit. Ann.
xi. 1, 4, xii. 42, xiii. 45, xv. 71, xvi. 17; Senec.
Odavia, 728 &c.; Plut. Galba, 19.) His son,
Rufius Crispinus, was likewise put to death by
Nero. (Suet. Nero, 35.) [L. S.]

CRISPUS, a person mentioned three times by
Cicero as coheir of Mustela. {Ad Att. xii. 5,
xiii. 3, 5.) [L. S.]

CRISPUS, brother of Claudius Gothicus and
father of Claudia, who by her husband Eutropius
was the mother of Constantius Chlorus. Thus
Crispus was the great-grandfather of Constantinus
Magnus. [W. R,]

CRISPUS, FLA'VIUS JU'LIUS, eldest of
the sons of Constantinus Magnus and Minervina,
derived his name without doubt from his great-
great-grandfather [Crispus], the brother of Clau-
dius Gothicus. Having been educated, as we are
told by St. Jerome, under Lactantiu^, he was
nominated Caesar on the Ist of March, a. d. 317,
along with his brother Constantinus and the
younger Licinius, and was invested with the con-
sulship the year following. Entering forthwith
upon his military career, he distinguished himself
in a campaign against the Franks, and soon after,
in the war with Licinius, gained a great naval vic-
tory in the Hellespont, a. d. 323. But unhappily
the glory of these exploits excited the bitter
jealousy of his step-mother Fausta, at whose in-
stigation he was put to death by his father in
the year A. D. 326. [Constantinus, p. 835.]
(Euseb. Chron. ad ann. 317 ; Sozomen. Hist. Eccl.
i. 5; Eckhel, vol. viii. p. 100.)

A gfeat number of coins, especially in small
brass, are extant bearing the name and effigy of
this youth, commonly with the titles Caesar and
Princeps Juveniuiis annexed ; on the reverse of one
we read the words Alamannia Devicta^ which may
refer to his success in the West, but the legends
for the most part commemorate the exploits of his
father rather than his own achievements. [W. R.]

COIN OF CRISPUS.

CRISPUS, JU'LIUS, a distinguished tribune
of the praetorians, put to death by Septiraius
Severus during the Parthian war (a. d. 199), be-
cause, being wearied of the hardships of the cam-
paign, he had quoted as a sort of pasquinade on
the ambitious projects of the emperor the lines in
Virgil from the speech of Drances {Aen. xi. 372),

CRITIAS.

" Scilicet, ut Tumo contingat regia conjux,

Nos, aniraae viles, inhumata infletaque turba,

Sternamur campis . . . . "
a fact of no great importance in itself, except in
so far as it corroborates the accounts of Spartianus,
regarding the vindictive cruelty of Severus in all
matters affecting his pexsonal dignity. (Dion Cass.
Ixxv. 10; comp. Spartian. Sever. 14.) [W. R.]

CRISPUS, MA'RCIUS, served as tribune in
Caesar's army during the African war. (Hirtius,
Bell. Afr. 77.) He is probably the same as the
Q. Marcius Crispus, who is frequently mentioned
by Cicero as a brave and experienced soldier. In
B. c. 43, he was in Bithynia as proconsul, and
when L. Murcus solicited his assistance against
Bassus, Crispus came with his three legions to
Syria. When C. Cassius came to the East, both
Crispus and L. Murcus surrendered their legions
to him. (Cic. in Pison. 23, Phil. xi. 12, ad Fam.
xii. 11, 12, ad BrtU. iL 5 ; Dion. Cass, xlvii. 27 ;
Appian. B. C. iii. 77, iv. 58 &c.) [L. S.]

CRISPUS PASSIE'NUS, the husband of
Agrippina, and consequently the step-father of
the Emperor Nero. He was a man of great
wealth and distinction, and in A. D. 42 he was
raised to the consulship. He is praised both
by Seneca the philosopher (Qiiaest. Nat. iv. Praef.,
de Bene/, i. 15), and by Seneca the rhetorician
{Controv. ii. 13) as one of the first orators of
the time, especially for his acuteness and sub-
tilty. Quintilian too (vi. I. § 50, 3. § 74, x. 1.
$ 24) speaks of him with high esteem and quotes \
passages from his orations. [L. S.]

CRISPUS, VI'BIUS, a Roman orator of great
wealth and influence. He was a native of Ver-
celli and a contemporary of Quintilian. His
speeches were most remarkable for their pleasant
and elegant style ; they were of the judicial kind,
and Quintilian places those which he had de-
livered in civil cases above those spoken on state
or public affairs. Vibius Crispus is also men-
tioned among the delatores of his time. Some
fragments of his orations are preserved in Quin-
rilian. (Tacit. Hist. ii. 10, iv. 23, 41, Annul.
xiv. 28, de Oral. 8 ; Quintil. v. 1 3. $ 48, viii. 5.
§§ 15, 17, X, 1. § 119, xii. 10. § II ; Dion Cass.
Ixv. 2.) [L. S.J

CRISUS or CRISSUS {Kpttros), a son of
Phocus and husband of Antiphateia, by whom he
became the father of Strophius. He is called the
founder of Crissa or Cirrha. (Paus. i. 29. § 4 ;
Schol. ad Eurip. Orest. 33.) [L. S.]

CRI'TIAS {Kpnias). 1. Son of Dropides, a
contemporary and relation of Solon's. He lived
to the age of more than 90 years. His descend-
ant Critias, the son of Callaeschrus, is introduced
in the " Timaeus" of Plato (pp. 20 — 25), as re-
peating from the old man's account the fable of the
once mighty Atlantis, professing to have been de-
rived by Solon from the priests of Egypt. (Comp.
Plat. Charm, pp. 155, 157, ad fin.)

2. Son of Callaeschrus, and grandson of the
above. He was one of the pupils of Socrates, by
whose instructions he profited but little in a moral
point of view, and, together with Alcibiades, gave
a colour by his life to the charge against the philo-
sopher of corrupting the youth. Xenophon says,
that he sought the company of Socrates, not from
any desire of real improvement, but because he
wished, for political purposes, to gain skill in con-
founding an adversary. We leani, however, Iroiu

CRITIAS.

the Bame authority, that he lived a temperate life
as long as his connexion with his great master
lasted. (Xen. Mem. i. 2. $s^ 12—18, 39.) From
a fragment of Critias himself (up. Pint. Ale. 33)
it appears that he was mainly instrumental in pro-
curing the recall of Alcibiades from banishment.
At the time of the murder of the generals who
had been victorious at Arginusae, b. c. 406, we
find him in Thessaly fomenting a sedition of the Pe-
nestae against their lords, and endeavouring to set
up democracy in conjunction with one Prometheus,
which has been supposed by some to be a surname
of Jason of Pherae. According to Xenophon, he
had been banished by a sentence of the people,
and this it was which afterwards made him so
rancorous in his tyranny. (Xen. Mem. i. 2. ^
24, Hell. ii. 3. ^$ 15, 36 ; Schn. ad loc.) On his
return to Athens he became leader of the oligar-
chical party, and was chosen to be one of the body
called Ephori, probably not a public and lega'
office, but one instituted among themselves by the
oligarchs for the better promotion of their ends.
(Lys. c. Erat. p. 124 ; Thirlwall's Greece^ vol. iv.
p. 160; Hermann, Pdit. Ant. § 168.) He was
one of the 30 tyrants established in B c. 404, was
conspicuous above all his colleagues for rapacity
and cruelty, sparing not even Socrates himself, and
took the lead in the prosecution of Theramenes
when lie set himself against the continuance of the
reign of terror. He was slain at the battle of
Munychia in the same year, fighting against
Thrasvbulus and the exiles. (Xen. Hell, ii. 3. §§
2, 15—56, 4. $vS 1—19, Mem. i. 2. $$ 12—38;
Diod. xiv. 4 ; JPlat. Apol. p. 32, c ; Cic. Tusc.
Qiiaest. i. 40.)

Cicero tells us {De Orat. ii. 22), that some
speeches of Critias were still extant in his time,
and speaks of them as marked by the vigour of
matter which distinguished those of Pericles and
by a greater copiousness of style A work of his
on politics is also frequently referred to by several
writers (Athen. xi. p. 463, f; Ael. V. H. x. 13,
17; Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. 2; corap. Plat. Tim.f.
20 ) ; some fragments of his elegies are still extant,
and he is supposed by some to have been the au-
thor of the Peirithoiis and the Sisyphus (a satyric
drama), which are commonly reckoned among the
lost plays of Euripidee ; a tragedy named '• Ata-
lanta" is likewise ascribed to him. (Athen. 1. p.
28, b, X. p. 432, e, xi. p. 496, b ; Fabric. liibl.
Graec. ii. pp. 252, 254, 294.) As we might sup-
pose a priori from his character, he was but a
dabbler and a dilettante in philosophy, a circum-
stance which Plato, with his delicate satire, by
no means loses sight of ( see Protay. p. 336), inso-
much that it was said of him {^^choi. ad Plat. Tim.
p. 20), that he was tStoJTTjs p-fv iv <pi\o(T6(pois^
<pi\6(To<pos 86 €1' iSioSrais, " a lord among wits, and
a wit among lords." The remains of his poems
have been edited separately by N. Bach, Leipzig,
1827. ^ * [E. E.]

CRI'TIAS, a very celebrated Athenian artist,
whose workmanehip belongs to the more ancient
school, the description of which by Lucian {Wietor.
Praeccpt. c. 9) bears an exact resemblance to the
statues of Aegina. For this reason, and because
the common reading of Pliny (//. N. xxxiv. 19,
in.), " Critias Nestocles," is manifestly corrupt,
and the correction of H. Junius, " Nesiotes," is
borne out by the Bamberg manuscript, Critias was
considered by Miiller {Aeyin. p. 102) to have

CRITODExMUS.

893

been a citizen of Aegina. But as Pausanias (vi. 8.
§ 2) calls him 'ATTmds, Thiersch {Epoch, p. 129)
assigns his origin to one of the little islands near the
coast of Attica, and MUller ( Wien. Jahrb. xxxviii.
p. 276) to the island of Lemnos, where the Athe-
nians established a cleruchia. All these theories
were overthrown by two inscriptions found near
the Acropolis, one of which belongs to a statue
of Epicharinus, who had won a prize running in
arras, mentioned by Pausanias (i. 23. §11), and
should probably be restored thus :
^'E.irixofnvos a.vi9r]Kiv. . .
Kphios Kal NrjcTJctTTjs iiroirjcrdTnu.
From this we learn, first, that the artist's name
was Critios, not Critias ; then that Nesiotes in
Pliny's text is a proper name. This Nesiotes was
probably so far the assistant of the greater master,
that he superintended the execution in bronze of
the models of Critios. The most celebrated of
their works were, the statues of Hamiodius and
Aristogeiton on the Acropolis. These were erected
B. c. 477. (Marm. Oxon. Epoch. Iv.) Critias was,
therefore, probably older than Phidias, but lived as
late as B. c. 444, to see the greatness of his rivaL
(PHn. I. c.)

(Lucian, Philosoph. 18; Paus. I 8. $ 3 ; Ross,
Kunsthlatt, 1 840, No. 1 1 . ) [ L. U.]

CRITOBU'LUS (KptTdgouXoj), son of Criton,
and a disciple of Socrates. He did not however
profit much by his master's instructions, if we may
trust the testimony of Aeschines the Socratic {ap,
Athen. v. p. 220, a; comp. Casaub. ad loc), by
whom he is represented as destitute of refinement
and sordid in his mode of living. (Comp. Plat.
Phaed. p. 57 ; Xen. Mevi. i. 3, ^ 8, ii. 6; Athen.
T. p. 188, d ; Diog. Laert. ii. 121.) [E. E.]

CRITOBU'LUS {KpiT6€ov\os), a citizen of
Lampsacus, who appeared at Athens as the repre-
sentative of Cersobleptes in B. c. 346, when the
treaty of peace between Philip and the Athenians
was abou-. to be ratified, and claimed to be ad-
mitted to take the oath on behalf of the Thracian
king as one of the allies of Athens. A decree to
this effect was passed by the assembly in spite of
a strong opposition, as Aeschines asserts, on the
part of Demosthenes. Yet when the treaty was
actually ratified before the board of generals, Cer-
sobleptes was excluded from it Demosthenes and
Aeschines accuse one another of thus having nulli-
fied the decree ; while, according to Philip's ac-
count, Critobulus was prevented by the generals
from taking the oath. (Aesch. de Fals. Leg. p. 39,
Ep. Phil, ad Ath. p. 160 ; Dem. de Fals. Leg. p.
395 ; Thiriwall's Greece, vol. v. p. 356.) [ E. E.]

CRITOBU'LUS {Kpn6§ov\os), a Greek sur-
geon, said by Pliny (//". iV. vii. 37) to have ex-
tracted an arrow from the eye of Philip the son
of Amyntas, king of Macedonia, (probably at the
siege of Methone, B. c. 353) so skilfully that,
though he could not save his sight, he prevented
his face from being disfigured. He is also men-
tioned by Quintus Curtius (ix. 5) as having
been the person who extracted the weapon from
the wound which Alexander received in storming
the principal fortress of the Mallians, b. c. 326.
[Critodemus.] [W. a. G.J

CRITODE'MUS {KpnS^wos), a Greek su>
geon of the family of the Asclepiadae, and a
native of the island of Cos, who is said by
Arrian (vi. 11) to have been the person who
extracted the weapon from the wound which

to4

CRITOLAUS.

Alexander the Great received in storming the
principal fortress of the Mallians, b. c. 326.
[Critobulus.] [W. a. G.]

CRITOLA'US (KptTo'Aoos), the Peripatetic
philosopher, was a native of Phaselis, a Greek
colony in Lycia, and studied philosophy at Athens
under Ariston of Ceos, whom he succeeded as the
head of the Peripatetic school. The great reputa-
tion which Critolaiis enjoyed at Athens, as a phi-
losopher, an orator, and a statesman, induced the
Athenians to send him to Rome in B. c 155, to-
gether with Cameades the Academic and Diogenes
the Stoic, to obtain a remission of the fine of 500
talents which the Romans had imposed upon
Athens for the destruction of Oropus. They were
successful in the object for which they came ; and
the embassy excited the greatest interest at Rome.
Not only the Roman youth, but the most illus-
trious men in the state, such as Scipio Africanus,
LaeliuB, Furius, and others, came to listen to their
discourses. The novelty of their doctrines seemed
to the Romans of the old school to be fraught
with such danger to the morals of the citizens,
that Cato induced the senate to send them away
from Rome as quickly as possible. (Plut, Cat.
Maj. 22 ; Cell. vii. 14 ; Macrob. Saturn, i. 5 ; Cic.
de Orat. ii. 37, 38.) We have no further informa-
tion respecting the life of Critolaiis. He lived
upwards of eighty-two years, but died before the
arrival of L. Crassus at Athens, that is, before B. c.
111. (Lucian, Jilacrof). 20 ; Cic de Orat. i. 11.)

Critolaiis seems to have paid particular attention
to Rhetoric, though he considered it, like Aristotle,
not as an art, but rather as a matter of practice
(tpi§tJ). Cicero speaks in high terms of his elo-
quence. (Quintil. ii. 15. § 23, 17. § 15 ; Sext.
Empir. adv. Mathem. ii. 12, p. 291; Cic. de Fin.
V. 5.) Next to Rhetoric, Critolaiis seems to have
given his chief attention to the study of moral
j)hilosophy, and to have made some additions to
Aristotle's system (comp. Cic. Tuse. v. 17 ; Clem.
Alex. Strom, ii. p. 416), but upon the whole he
deviated very little from the philosophy of the
founder of the Peripatetic school. (Stahr, Aristo-
telian ii. pp. 83, 135; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ii. p.
483.)

A Critolaiis is mentioned by Plutarch (Parall.
min. cc. 6, 9) as the author of a work on Epeirus,
and of another entitled ^aivd^i^va ; and Gellius
(xi. 9) also speaks of an historical writer of this
name. Whether the historian is the same as the
Peripatetic philosopher, cannot be determined.
A grammarian Critolaiis is mentioned in the Ety-
niologicura Magnum (s. r. ri S' os), (Comp. Voss.
de Hist. Graec. p. 422, ed. Westermann.) [A. S.]

CRITOLA'US {Kpn6\aos\ an Achaean, who
succeeded Diaeus, in b. c. 147, as strategus of
the Achaeans, and was as bitter an enemy of the
Romans as his predecessor. As soon as he entered
upon his office, he began insulting the Roman
ambassadors and breaking off all negotiations with
them. After their departure for Italy, he had
recourse to all the demagogic artifices that he could
devise, in order to render the rupture between the
Romans and Achaeans irremediable. During the
ensuing winter he travelled from one town to an-
other, inflaming the people by his furious speeches
against the Romans. He tried especially to v.'ork
upon the populace in the towns of Greece, and
resorted to the most iniquitous means to obtain
their fevour. Thus he extorted a promise from

CRITON.
the magistrates of several towns to take care that
no debtor should be compelled to pay his debts
before the war with Rome should be brought to a
close. By these and similar means he won the
enthusiastic admiration of the multitude, and when
this was accomplished, he summoned an assembly
of the Achaeans to meet at Corinth, which was
attended by the dregs of the nation, and which
conducted its proceedings in the most riotous and
timiultuous manner. Four noble Romans, who
attended the meeting and tried to speak, were
driven from the place of assembly and treated with
the grossest insults. It was in vain that the mo-
derate men among the Achaeans endeavoured to
bring Critolaiis and his partizans to their senses.
Critolaiis surrounded himself with a body-guard,
and threatened to use force against those who op-
posed his plans, and further depicted them to the
multitude as traitors of their country. The mode-
rate and well-meaning persons were thus intimi-
dated, and withdrew. War was thereupon de-
clared against Lacedaemon, which was under the
especial protection of Rome. In order to get rid
of .all restraints, he carried a second decree, which
conferred dictatorial power upon the strategi. The
Romans, or rather Q. Caecilius Metellus, the prae-
tor of Macedonia, had shewn all possible forbearance
towards the Achaeans, and a willingness to come
to a peaceable understanding with them. This
conduct was explained by Critolaiis as a conse-
quence of weakness on the part of the Romans,
who, he said, did not dare to venture upon a war
with the Achaeans. In addition to this, he con-
trived to inspire the Achaeans with the prospect of
forming alliances with powerful princes and states.
But this hope was almost completely disappointed,
and the Achaeans rushed into a war with the
gigantic powers of Rome, in which every sensible
person must have seen that destruction awaited
them. In the spring of b. c. 146, Critolaiis march-
ed with a considerable army of Achaeans towards
Thermopylae, partly to rouse all Greece to a ge-
neral insurrection against Rome, and partly to
chastise Heracleia, near mount Oeta, which had
abandoned the cause of the Achaeans. Aletellus
even now offered his hand for reconciliation ; but
when his proposals were rejected, and he himself
suddenly appeared in the neighbourhood of Hera-
cleia, Critolaiis at once raised the siege of the
town, quitted his position, and fled southward,
^letellus followed and overtook him near the town
of Scarphea in Locris, where he gained an easy
but brilliant victory over the Achaeans. A great
number of the latter fell, and 1 000 of them were
made prisoners by the Romans. Critolaiis himself
was never heard of after this battle. Livy ( Epit.
52) states, that he poisoned himself, but it seems
more probable that he perished in the sea or the
marshes on the coast. Critolaiis was the imme-
diate cause of the war which terminated in the
destruction of Corinth and put an end to the poli-
tical existence of Greece. His plan of opposing
Rome at that time by force of arms was the off-
spring of a mad brain, and the way in which he
proceeded in carrying it into effect shewed what a
contemptible and cowardly demagogue he was.
(Polyb. xxxviii. 2, &c,, xl.'l, &c.; Paus. vii. cc. 14
and 15 ; Florus, ii. 16 ; Cic. de Nat. Dear. iii. 38 ;
Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome., vol. iv. p. 304, &c.) [L. S.]
CRITON (KpiTOjj/), of Athens, the friend and
disciple of Socrates, is more celebrated in antiquity

CRITON.

for his love and affection for his master, whom he '
penerously supported with hia fortune (Diog.
Laert. ii. 20, 1*21), than as a philosopher himself.
Accordingly, whenever he is introduced in Plato's
dialogues, his attachment to Socrates is extolled,
and not his philosophical talents. It was Criton
who had made every arrangement for the escape
of Socrates from prison, and who tried, in vain, to
persuade him to fly, as we see from Plato's dia-
logue named after him ; and it was ('riton also
who closed the eyes of the dying philosopher.
( Plat. P/medon, p. 1 1 8, a.) Criton applied his great
riches, which are mentioned by Socrates in a jocose
way in the Euthydemus of Plato (p. 304, c), to
the noblest purposes. His sons, of whom he pos-
sessed four according to Diogenes Laertius (ii.
121), and two according to Plato (Euthydem. j).
360, with HeindorTs note), were likewise disciples
of Socrates. The eldest of them was Critobulus.
[Critobulus.]

Criton wrote seventeen dialogues on philoso-
phical subjects, the titles of which are given by
Diogones Laertius (/. c). Among these there
was one " On Poetics" {Uepl Uoirrriidjs), which
is the only work on this subject mentioned in the
history of Greek literature before the work of
Aristotle. (The passages in Plato's writings, in
which Criton is mentioned, are collected in Groen
van Prinsterer, Prosopographia Platonica, p. 200,
&c., Lugd. Bat. 1 823 ; comp. Hermann, Gesch. und
System der Platon. Philosophies i. p. 633.) [A.S.]

CRITON {Kpirwv). 1. Of Aegae, a Pytha-
gorean philosopher, a fragment of whose work,
TTfpt irpovoias KoHi ayaQi\s tvx'')^^ is preserved by
Stobaeus. {Serm. 3; Fabric. Bill. G'raec. i, pp.
840, 886.)

2. Of Athens a comic poet of the new comedy,
of very little note. Of his comedies there only
remain a few lines and three titles, AIto>\oI, *iXo-
irpdynov^ and Meaffiivia. (Pollux, ix. 4. 15, x.
7. 35 ; Ath. iv. p. 173, b.; Meineke, Fraff. Com.
Uraec. i. p. 484, iv. pp. 537, 538.)

3. Of Naxus. [Eudoxus.]

4. Of PiERiA, in Macedonia, wrote historical
and descriptive works, entitled TlaW-nviKd^ 'S.vpa-
KQvrrwv KTiais, TlepaiKo^ 2i«fAtKa, l^vpaKOvcruv
TTcpiT^Tjais, and irepl rrjs dpxvs rwv MaKeSovwv.
(Suid. s. V.) Immediately before, Suidas has the
entry, Kp'iTuv ^ypa\\/eu fv to7s reriKois. (Comp.
Suid. s. V. y€<Toi ; Steph. Byz. reria.) Whether
this was the same person is not known. (Voss.
Hist Grace, p. 423, Westermann ; Ebert, de Cri-
tme Pierioia in Diss. Sic. i. p. 138.) [P. S.]

CRITON (Kplruv). 1. A physician at Rome in
the first or second century after Christ, attached
to the court of one of the emperors (Gal. De
Compns. Medicam. sec. Locos, i. 3, vol. xii. p. 445),
probably Trajan, a. d. 98 — 117. He is perhaps
the person mentioned by Martial. {Epigr. xi. 60.
6.) He wrote a work on Cosmetics {KocrixijriKci)
in four books, which were verj' popular in Galen's
time (ibid. p. 446) and which contained almost all
that had been written on the same subject by
Heracleides of Tarentum, Cleopatra, and others.
The contents of each chapter of the four books
have been preserved by Galen (ilnd.\ by whom
the work is frequently quoted, and have been in-
serted by Fabricius in the twelfth volume of the
«tld edition of his Biblioih. Graeca. He wrote also
a work on Simple Medicines (Tlepl twv 'AttXwv
^aofjAKuv) of which the fourth book is quoted by

CRIUS.

895

Galen {De Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. ii. 11, vi. 1 ,
vol. xiii. pp. 516, 862); he is also quoted by
Aetius and Paulus Aegineta, and may perhaps be
the person to whom one of the letters of Apollo-
nius of Tyana is addressed. {Ep. xvii. ed. Colon.
Agripp. 1623, 8vo.) None of his works are ex-
tant, except a few fragments preserved by other
authors. He is perhaps the author of a work on
Cookery, mentioned by Athenaeus. (xii. p. 516.)

2. Another physician of the same name is men-
tioned by Galen as having belonged to the sect of
the Empirici in the fourth or third century be-
fore Christ. {De Suhfig. Empir. c. 1, vol. ii. p.
340, ed. Chart.) [W. A. G.J

L. CRITO'NIUS, a Roman, who was aedilia
cerealis in B. c. 44. This office had been instituted
by J. Caesar, and Critonius and M. Fannius were
the first who filled it Appian {B. C. iii. 23) re-
lates the following occurrence respecting Critonius.
When the Cerealia were celebrated, shortly after
the murder of Caesar, and Octavianus erected the
golden sella with a crown in honour of Caesar, — a
distinction which had been conferred upon the
dictator by a senatusconsultum, — Critonius declared
that he would not suffel' Caesar to be thus ho-
noured in the games for which he (Critonius) him-
self had to pay the expenses. This conduct of a
man who had belonged to the party of Caesar, and
had been promoted by him (comp. Cic. ad Att. xiii.
21 ), is indeed surprising ; but it may have been
the consequence of a strong republican enthusiasm.
Another more serious difficulty is contained in the
fact, that the Cerealia, at which Octavianus is here
represented to have been present, were celebrated
in the early part of April {Did. of Ant. s.v. Cereor
lia), that is, before the time at which Octavianus is
known to have returned to Rome. Unless, there-
fore, we suppose that there is some blunder in the
account of Appian, we must believe that the cele-
bration of the games in that year was postponed
on account of the great confusion that followed
after the murder of Caesar. (Drumann, Gesch.
Roms, i. p. 123.)

The annexed coin refers to this Critonius. It
bears on the obverse the head of Ceres, and on
the reverse two men sitting, with the legend,
M. Fan. L. Crit., and it was doubtless struck by
order of M. Fannius and L. Critonius in the year
that they were aediles cereales. [L. S.]

CRIUS or CREIUS (KpTos), a son of Uranus
and Ge, and one of the Titans, who was the fa-
ther of Astraeus, Pallas, and Perses, (Hesiod.
T/teog. 375 ; Apollod. i. 1. § 3, 2. § 2.) [L. S.]

CRIUS (Kptos), son of Polycritus, and one of
the chief men of Aegina. When the Aeginetans,
in B. c. 491, had submitted to the demand of
Dareius Hystaspis for earth and water, Cleomenes
I., king of Sparta, crossed over to the island to
apprehend those who had chiefly advised the mea-
sure, but was successfully resisted by Crius on the
ground that he had not come with authority from
the Spartan government, since his colleague Dema-

896 CROESUS.

ratus was not with him. Cleomenes, being ob-
liged to withdraw, consoled himself by a play on
the words Kptoy and Kpios (a ram), advising the
refractory Aeginetan to arm his horns with brass,
as he would soon need all the defence he could get.
(Herod, vi. 50; comp. v. 75.) It was supposed
that the resistance had been privately encouraged
by Demaratus (vi. 61, 64), and on the deposition
of the latter, and the appointment of Leotychides
to the throne (vi. 65, 66), Cleomenes again went
to Aegina with his new colleague, and, having
seized Crius and others, delivered them into the
custody of the Athenians, (vi. 73; comp. 85, &c.)
Polycritus, the son of Crius, distinguished himself
at the battle of Salamis, b. c. 480, and wiped off
the fproach of Medism. (viii. 92.) [E. E.J

CRIXUS (Kpi^os), a GjiuI, was one of the two
principal generals in the army of Spartacus, B. c.
73. Two Roman armies had already been de-
feated by the revolted gladiators and slaves, when
Crixus was defeated in a battle near mount Gar-
ganus by the consul L. Gellius, in B. c. 7'2.
Crixus himself was slain, and two-thirds of his
army, which consisted of 30,000 men, were de-
stroyed on the field of battle. Spartacus soon
after sacrificed 300 Roman captives to the manes
of Crixus. (Appian, B. C. i. 116, &c. ; Liv. Epit.
95, 96 ; Sail. Froffm. Hist. lib. iii.) [L. S.]

CRO'BYLUS'(KpǤuXos), an Athenian comic
poet, who is reckoned among the poets of the new
comedy, but it is uncertain whether he really be-
longed to the middle or the new. About his age we
only know for certain, that he lived about or after
B. c. 324, but not how long after. Some writers have
confounded him with Hegesippus. [Hkgrsippus.]
The following titles of his plays, and a few lines,
are extant : ' AirarYXotiffos, 'AiroXnrovaa, "VeuBv-
Tro§o\itxa7os{Mhen. iii. p. 10.9, d., 107,e., vi. p. 248,
b., 258, b. c, viii. p. 364, f., ix. p. 384, c, x. p.
429, d., 443, f. ; Meineke, Fi-auf. Comm. (iraec. i.
pp. 490, 491, iv. pp. 565—569.) [P. S.]

CROC E' ATA S (KpoKearos), a surname of Zeus,
derived from a place, Croceae, near Gythium in
Laconia. (Pans. iii. 21. § 4.) [L. S.]

CROCON {KpoKoiv), the husband of Saesara
and father of Meganeira. (Apollod. iii. 9. § 1 ;
Paus. i. S8. $ 2 ; comp. Arcas.) [Ti. S.J

CROCUS, the beloved friend of Smilax, was
changed by the gods into a saffron plant, because
he loved without being loved again. According to
another tradition, he was metamorphosed by his
friend Hermes, who had killed him in a game of
discus. (Ov. Met. iv. 283 ; Serv. ad Virq. Georg.
iv. 182.) [L. S.J

CROESUS {Kpoiaos), the last king of Lydia,
of the family of the Mermnadae, was the son of
Alyattes ; his mother was a Carian. At the age
of thirty-five, he succeeded his father in the king-
dom of Lydia. (b. c. 560.) Difficulties have been
raised about this date, and there are very strong
reasons for believing that Croesus was associated in
the kingdom during his father's life, and that the
earlier events of his reign, as recorded by Herodo-
tus, belong to this period of joint government.
(Clinton F. H. ii. pp. 297, 298.) We are ex-
pressly told that he was made satrap of Adramyt-
tium and the plain of Thebe about b. c. 574 or
572. (Nicol. Damasc. p. 243, ed. Cor., supposed
lo be taken from the Lydian history of Xanthus ;
Fischer, Griechisclie Zeiiiafeln, s. a. 572 B. c.) |
He made war first on the Ephesians, and after- j

CROESUS.

wards on the other Ionian and Aeolian cities of
Asia ]Minor, all of which he reduced to the pay-
ment of tribute. He was meditating an attempt
to subdue the insular Greeks also, when either
Bias or Pittacus turned him from his purpose
by a clever fable (Herod, i. 27); and instead of
attacking the islanders he made an alliance with
them. Croesus next turned his arms against the
peoples of Asia Minor west of the river Halys,
all of whom he subdued except the Lycians and
Cilicians. His dominions now extended from the
northern and western coasts of Asia Minor, to the
Halys on the east and the Taurus on the south,
and included the Lydians, Phrygians, Mysians,
Mariandynians, Chalybes, Paphlagonians, the Thy-
nian and Bithynian Thracians, the Carians, lo-
nians, Dorians, Aeolians, and Pamphylians. The
fame of his power and wealth drew to his court
at Sardis all the wise men {(ro(pi<rTal) of Greece,
and among them Solon. To him the king exhi-
bited all his treasures, and then asked him who
was the happiest man he had ever seen. The
reply of Solon, teaching that no man should be
deemed happy till he had finished his life in a
happy way, may be read in the beautiful narra-
tive of Herodotus. After the departure of Solon,
Croesus was visited with a divine retribution for
his pride. He had two sons, of whom one was
dumb, but the other excelled all his comrades in
manly accomplishments. His name was Atys.
Croesus had a dream that Atys should perish by
an iron-pointed weapon, and in spite of all his
precautions, an accident fulfilled the dream. His
other son lived to save his father's life by suddenly
regainiiig the power of speech when he saw Croe-
sus in danger at the taking of Sardis. Adrastus,
the unfortunate slayer of Atys, killed himself on
his tomb, and Croesus gave himself up to grief for
two years. At the end of that time the growing
power of Cyrus, who had recently subdued the Me-
dian kingdom, excited the apprehension of Croesus,
and he conceived the idea of putting down the
Persians before their empire became firm. Before,
however, venturing to attack Cyrus, he looked to
the Greeks for aid, and to their oracles for coun-
sel ; and in both points he was deceived. In
addition to the oracles among the Greeks, he con-
sulted that of Ammon in Lybia ; but first he put
their truth to the test by sending messengers to
inquire of them at a certain time what he was
then doing. The replies of the oracle of Amphia-
raiis and that of the Delphi at Pytho were cor-
rect ; that of the latter is preserved by Herodotus.
To these oracles, and especially to that at Pytho,
Croesus sent rich presents, and charged the bearers
of them to inquire whether he should march
against the Persians, and whether there was any
people whom he ought to make his allies. The
reply of both oracles was, that, if he marched
against the Persians, he would overthrow a great
empire, and both advised him to make allies of the
most powerful among the Greeks. He of course
understood the response to refer to the Persian
empire, and not, as the priests explained it after
the event, to his own ; and he sent presents to
each of the Delphians, who in return granted to
him and his people the privileges of priority in
consulting the oracle, exemption from charges, and
the chief seat at festivals {irpofxavTrii-qv K(d art'
Xi'n\v Kal irpoedpl'nv), and that any one of them
might at any time obtain certain rights of citizen-

CROKSUS.
ship (yev«<T0ai AfAc/xir). Croesus, haviiin; now
the most unbomulod confidence in the oniclo, con-
sulted it for the third time, asking whether his
monarchy would last long. The Pythia replied
that he should flee along the Hcrmus, when a
uuile became king over the Medes. By this mule
was signified Cynis, who was descended of two
dilFerent nations, his father being a Persian, but
his mother a Mede. Croesus, however, thought
that a mule would never be king over the Medes,
and proceeded confidently to follow the advice of
the omcle about nmking allies of the (Jreeks.
Upon inquir}% he found that the Lacedaemonians
and Athenians were the most powerful of the
(ireeks; but that the Athenians were distnicted
by the civil dissensions between Peisistratus and
the Alcmaeonidae, while the Lacedaemonians had
just come off victorious from a long and dangerous
war with the people of Tegea. Croesus therefore
sent presents to the Lacedaemonians, with a re-
quest for their alliance, and his request was grant-
ed by the Ijacedaemonians, on whom he had pre-
viously conferred a favour. All that they did for
him, however, was to send a present, which never
reached him. Croesus, having ik)w fully deter-
mined on the war, in spite of the good advice of a
fjydian named Sandanis (Herod, i. 71). and hav-
ing some time before made a league with Amasis,
king of Egypt, and Labynetus, king of the Baby-
lonians, marched across the Half's, which was the
boundary betweeen the MedoPersian empire and
his own. The pretext for his aggression was to
avenge the wrongs of his brother-in-law Astj'ages,
whom Cyrus had deposed from the throne of Media,
lie wasted the country of the Cappadocians (whom
the Greeks called also Syrians) and took their
strongest town, that of the Pterii, near Sinope, in
the neighbourhood of which he was met by Cyrus,
and they fought an indecisive Iwittle, which was
broken off by night, (b. c. .')46.) The following
day, as Cyrus did not offer battle, and as his own
.irmy was much inferior to the Persian in num-
bers, Croesus marched back to Sardis with the
intention of summoning his allies and recruiting
his own forces, and then renewing the war on the
return of spring. Accordingly, he sent heralds to
the Aegyptians, Babylonians, and Lacedaemonians,
requesting their aid at Sardis in five months, and
in the meantime he disbanded all his mercenary
troops. Cyrus, however, pursued him with a
rapidity which he had not expected, and appeared
before Sardis before his approach could be an-
nounced. Croesus led out his Lydian cavalry to
battle, and was totally defeated. In this battle
Cyrus is said to have employed the stnitagera of
opposing his camels to the enemy's horses, which
could not endure the noise or odour of the camels.
Croesus, being now shut up in Sardis, sent again
to hasten his allies. One of his emissaries, named
Kurybatus, betrayed his counsels to Cyrus [Kcr-
RYBATUs], and before any help could arrive,
Sardis was taken by the boldness of a Mardian,
who found an unprotected point in its defences,
after Croesus had reigned 14 years, and had been
besieged 14 days. (Near the end of .540, B. c.)
Croesus was taken alive, and devotctl to the frames
by Cyrus, together with 14 Lydian youths,
probably as a thanksgiving sacrifice to the god
whom the Persians worship in the symbol of fire.
But as Croesus stoml in fetters upon the pyre, the
warning of Sohm came to his mind, and havinar

CIIONIUS.

897

broken a long silence with a groan, he thrice
uttered the name of Solon. Cyrus inquired who
it was that he called on, and, upon hearing the
story, repented of his purpose, and ordered the
fire to be (luenched. When this could not be
done, Croesus prayed aloud with tears to Apollo,
by all the presents he had given him, to save him
now, and immediately the fire was quenched by a
storm of niin. Believing that Croesus wfis under
a special divine protection, and no doubt also
struck by the warning of Solon, Cyrus took
Croesus for his friend and counsellor, and gave him
for an abode the city of Barene, near Ecbatana.
In his expedition against the Massagetae, Cynis had
Croesus with 'him, and followed his advice about
the passage of the A raxes. Before passing the
river, however, he sent him back to Persia, with
his own son Cambyses, whom he charged to ho-
nour Croesus, and Croesus to advise his son.
When Cambyses came to the throne, and invaded
Egypt, Croesus accompanied him. In the affair
of Prexaspes and his son, Croesus at first acted
the part of a flattering courtier, though not, as it
seems, without a touch of irony (Herod, iii. 34) ;
but, after Cambyses had murdered the youth,
Croesus boldly admonished him, and was obliged
to fly for his life from the presence of the king.
The servants of Cambyses concealed him, thinking
thjit their master would repent of having wishec
to kill him. And so it happened ; but when
Cambyses heard that Croesus was alive, he said
that he was glad, but he ordered those who liad
saved him to be put to death for their disobedience.
Of the time and eircumstanees of Croesus's death
we know nothing. A few additional, but unim-
portant incidents in his life, are mentioned by
Herodotus. Ctesias's account of the taking of
Sardis is somewhat difl^erent from that of Hero-
dotus. (Herod, i. 6, 7, 26—94, 130, 155, 207,
208, iii. 14, 34—36, v. 36, vi. 37, 125, viii.
35 ; CteSias, Persuxi, 4, ed. Lion, ap. Phot. Cod.
72, p. 36, Bekker ; Ptol. Hephaest. ap. Phot Cod.
190, p. 146, b. 21, 148, b. 31; Plut. Sol. 27;
Diod. ix. 2, 25—27, 29, 31—34, xvi. 56;
Justin i. 7.) Xenophon, in his historical romance,
gives some further particulars about Croesus which
are unsupported by any other testimony and
opposed to that of Herodotus, with whom, how-
ever, he for the most part agrees. {Cyrop i. 5,
ii. 1, iv. 1, 2, vi. 2, vii. 1—4, viii. 2.) [P. S.]

CROMUS (Kpc5/ios), a son of Poseidon, from
whom Cromyon in the territory of Corinth was
believed to have derived its name. (Paus. ii. 1.
§ 3.) A son of Lycaon likewise bore this name.
(Paus. viii. 3. § 1.) [L. S.]

CRO'NIDES or CRONI'ON {Kpovi^r]s or
K.puvi(av\ a patronymic from Cronus, and very
commonly given to Zeus, the son of Cronus. (Hom.
//. i. .528, ii. lll,&c.) [L. S.]

CRO'NIUS {Kp6vios\ the name of two mythi-
cal personages, the one a son of Zeus by the
nymph Himalia (Diod. v. 55), and the other a
suitor of Hippodameia, who was killed by Oeno-
maus. (Paus. vi. 21. § 7.) [L. S.]

CRO'NIUS (Kpwtos), a Pythagorean philoso-
pher. (Porphyr. Vit. /'/<>/. 20 ; 'Euseb. Hist. Eccles.
vi. 19.) Nemesius (rfc yJwm. 2, p. 35) mentions
a work of his trepl ■noKiyyeveaiai^ and Origen is
s;\id to have diligently studied the works of Cro-
nius. (Suid. s.t'.'hpi7f»ajs.) Porphxrius also states,
that he endeavoured to explain the fables of the

3 M

89«

CTESIAS.

Homeric poems in a philosophical manner. This
is all we know about Cronius, although he appearu
to have been very distinguished among the later
Pythagoreans. [L. S.]

CRO'NIUS, an engraver of gems, who lived
between the times of Alexander and Augustus.
(Plin. H. N. xxxvii. 4 ; Visconti, Oeuv. div. ii.
p. 1-23.) ^ [L. U.]

CRONUS (KpoVos), a son of Uranus and Ge,
and the youngest among the Titans. He was
married to Rhea, by whom he became the father of
Hestia, Demeter, Hera, Hades, Poseidon, and
Zeus. Cheiron is also called a son of Cronus.
(Hesiod. r/ieo(f. 137, 452, &c. ; ApoUod. i. 1. §3,
ike.) At the instigation of his mother, Cronus un-
manned his father for having thrown the Cyclopes,
who were likewise his children by Ge, into Tar-
tarus. Out of the blood thus shed sprang up the
Krinnyes. When the Cyclopes were delivered
from Tartarus, the government of the world was
taken from Uranus and given to Cronus, who in
his turn lost it through Zeus, as was predicted to
him by Ge and Uranus. [Zeus.] The Romans
identified their Stitumus with the Cronus of the
Greeks. [Saiurnus.] [L. S.]

CROTUS (KpoTos), a son of Pan by Eupheme,
the nurse of the Muses, with whom he was brought
up, and at whose request he was placed among the
stars as Sagittariiis, as he had been a skilful shooter.
(Hygin. Fab. 224 ; Poet. Astr. ii. 77.) [L. S.]

CRUS, an agnomen of L. Cornelius Lentulus,
consul, B. c. 49. [Lentulus.]

CTEATUS. [MoLioNEs.]

CTE'SIAS (KTTjrrios). 1. Of Cnidus in Caria,
and a son of Ctesiochus or Ctesiarchus. (Snid.
a. V. KttJo-jos; Eudocia, p. 268 ; Tzetz. CftU. i. 82.)
Cnidus was celebrated from early times as a seat
of medical knowledge, and Ctesias, who himself
belonged to the family of the Asclepiadae, wiis a
physician by profession. He was a contemporary
of Xcnophon ; and if Herodotus lived till kc. 425,
or, according to some, even till B. c. 408, Ctesias
may be called a contemporary of Herodotus.
He lived for a number of years in Persia at the
court of king Artaxerxes Mnemon, as private phy-
sician to the king. (Strab. xiv. p. 656.) Diodorus
(ii. 32) states, that Ctesias was made prisoner by
the king, and that owing to his great skill in me-
dicine, he was afterwards drawn to the court, and
was highly honoured there. This statement,
which contains nothing to suggest the tinje when
Ctesias was made prisoner, has been referred by
some critics to the war between Artaxerxes
and his brother, Cyrus the Younger, B. c. 401.
But, in the first place, Ctesias is already men-
tioned, during that war, as accompanying the king.
(Xen. Anab. i. 8. § 27.) Moreover, if as Diodorus
and Tzetzes state, Ctesias remained seventeen
years at the court of Persia, and returned to his
native country in B. c. 398 (Diod. xiv. 46 ; comp.
Pint. Artwi. 21), it follows, that he must have
gone to Persia long before the battle of Cunaxa,
that is, about b. c. 415. The statement, that
Ctesias entered Persia as a prisoner of war, has
been doubted ; and if we consider the favour with
which other Greek physicians, such as Democedes
and Hippocrates were treated and how they were
sought for at the court of Persia, it is not impro-
bable that Ctesias may have been invited to the
court ; but the express statement of Diodonis, that
he was made a prisoner cannot be upset by such a

CTESIAS.

mere probability. There are two accounts res-
pecting his return to Cnidus. It took place at the
time when Conon was in Cyprus. Ctesias himself
had simply stated, that he asked Artaxerxes and
obtained from him the permission to return. Ac-
cording to the other account, Conon sent a letter
to the king, in which he gave him advice as to the
means of humbling the Lacedaemonians. Conon
requested the bc^arer to get the letter delivered to
the king by some of the Greeks who were staying
at his court. When the letter was given for this
purpose to Ctesias, the latter inserted a passage in
which he made Conon desire the king to send
Ctesias to the west, as he would be a very useful
person there. (Pint. Artaa:. 21.) The latter ac-
count is not recommended by any strong internal
probability, and the simple statement of Ctesias
himself seems to be more entitled to credit. How
long Ctesias survived his return to Cnidus is un-
known.

During his stay in Persia, Ctesias gathered all
the information that was att^iinable in that coun-
try-, and wrote — LA great work on the history
of Persia {UepaiKa) with the view of giving his
countrymen a more accurate knowledge of that
empire than they possessed, and to refute the
errors current in Greece, which had arisen partly
from ignorance and partly from the national vanity
of the Greeks. The materials for his history, so
far .18 he did not describe events of which he had
been an eye-witness, he derived, according to the
testimony of Diodorus, from the Persian archives
{Si(p64pai fiaa-iXiKul)., or the official history of the
Persian empire, which was written in accordance
with a law of the country. This important work
of Ctesias, which, like that of Herodotus, was
written in the Ionic dialect, consisted of twenty-
three books. The first six contained the history
of the great Assyrian monarchy down to the foun-
dation of the kingdom of Persia. It is for this
reason that Strabo (xiv. p. 656) speaks of Ctesias as
(nr)ypd\pas rd 'AacrvpiaKoL Kai rd TlepaiKa. The
next seven books contained the history of Persia
down to the end of the reign of Xerxes, and the
remaining ten carried the history down to the time
when Ctesias left Persia, i. e. to the year b. c. 398.
(Diod. xiv. 46.) The form and stj-le of this work
were of considerable merit, and its loss may be
regarded as one of the most serious for the history
of the East. (Dionys. Hal. De Comp. Verb. lO";
Demetr. Phal. X>^ Elwut. §§ 212, 215.) All that
is now extant of it is a meagre abridgment in
Photius {Cod. 72), and a immber of fragments
which are preserved in Diodorus, Athenaeus, Plu-
tarch, and others. Of the first portion, which
contained the history of Assyria, there is no
abridgment in Photius, and all we possess of that
part is contained in the second book of Diodorus,
which seems to be taken almost entirely from Cte-
sias. There we find that the accounts of Ctesias,
especially in their chronology, differ considerably
from those of Berosus, who likewise derived his
information from eastern sources. These discre-
pancies can only be explained by the fact, that the
annals used by the two historians were written in
different places and under different circumstances.
The chronicles used by Ctesias were written by
official persons, and those used by Berosus were
tlie work of priests ; both therefore were written
from a different point of view, and neither was per-
haps strictly true in all its details. The part of

CTESIAS.

Ctosias's work which contained the liistory of
IVrsia, that is, from the sixth book to the end, is
somewhat better known from the extracts which
Photius made from it, and which are still extant
Here again Ctesias is froqiienily at variance with
other Greek writers, especially with Herodotus.
To account for this, we must remember, that he is
expressly reported to have written his work with
the intention of correcting the erroneous notions
about Persia in Greece ; and if this was the case,
the reader must naturally be prepared to find the
accounts of Ctesias differing from those of others.
It is moreover not improbable, that the Persian
chronicles were as partial to the Persians, if not
more so, as the accounts written by Greeks were
to the Greeks. These considerations sufficiently
account, in our opinion, for the differences existing
between the statements of Ctesias and other writ-
ers ; and there appears to be no reason for charging
him, as some have done, with wilfully falsifying
liistory. It is at least certain, that there can be
no positive evidence for such a serious charge.
The court chronicles of Persia appear to have con-
tained chiefly the history of the royal family, the
occurrences at the court and the seraglio, the in-
trigues of the women and eunuchs, and the insur-
rections of satraps to make themselves independent
of the great monarch. Suidas (s. v. UdficpiXa)
mentions, that Pamphila made an abridgment of
the work of Ctesias, probably the Persica, in three
books.

Another work, for which Ctesias also collected
his materials during his stay in Persia, was — 2. A
treatise on India {'IvSikcl) in one book, of which
we likewise possess an abridgment in Photius,
and a great number of fragments preserved in other
writers. The description refers chiefly to the
north-western part of India, and is principally
confined to a description of the natural history, the
produce of the soil, and the animals and men of
India. In this description truth is to a great
extent mixed up with fables, and it seems to be
mainly owing to this work that Ctesias was looked
upon in later times as an author who deserved no
credit. But if his account of India is looked upon
from a proper point of view, it does not in any way
deserve to be treated with contempt. Ctesias him-
self never visited India, and his work was the first
in the Greek language that was written upon that
country : he could do nothing more than lay before
his countrymen that which was known or believed
about India among the Persians. His Indica must
therefore be regarded as a picture of India, such as
it was conceived by the Persians. Many things
in his description which were formerly looked upon
as fabulous, have been proved by the more recent
discoveries in India to be founded on facts.

Ctesias also wrote several other works, of which,
however, we know little more than their titles:
^hey were — 3. Tlfpl 'Opwv, which consisted of at
least two books. (Plut. de Fluv. 21 ; Stob. Froii!.
C. 18.) 4. UfpiirXovs 'Aalas (Steph. Byz. s. v.
'S.iyvvns), which is perhaps the sjime as the Uepi-q-
yncTts of which Stephanus Byzantius (s. v. Koo-vttj)
quotes the third book. 5. Ucpl UoraiUMV (Plut.
de Fluv. 19), and 6. ITepl tQu Ka-rcL T-qv 'Aaiav
ip6p(tiv. It has been inferred from a passage in
Galen (v. p. 652, ed. Basil.), that Ctesias also
wrote on raedi-jine, but no accounts of his medical
works have come down to us.

The abridgment which Photius made of the

CTESICLES.

8.9.^

Persica and Indica of Ctesias were printed sepa-
rately by H. Stephens, Paris, 1557 and 1594, 8vo.,
and were albo added to his edition of Herodotus.
After his time it became customary to print tli'?
remains of Ctesias as an appendix to Herodotus.
The first separate edition of those abridgments,
together with the fragments preserved in other
writers, is that of A. Lion, Gottingen, 1823, 8vo.,
with critical notes «and a Latin translation. A
more complete edition, with an introductory essay
on the life and writings of Ctesias, is that of Bahr,
Frankfort, 1824, 8vo. (Compare Fabric. Bibl.
Graec. ii. p. 740, &c. ; Rettig, Ctesiae Cnidii Vita
cum appendicc de lifjris Clesiae, Ilanov. 1827, 8vo.;
K. L. Blum, Herodot und Oesias, lleidelb. 183G,
8vo.)

2. Of Ephesas, an epic poet, who is mentioned
by Plutarch (de Fluv. 18) as the author of an epic
poem, nepcrrfts. His age is quite unknown. Welcker
(Dcr Episch. Cycl. p. 50) considers this Ctesias to
be the same as the Musaeus (which he regards as
a fictitious name) of Ephesus to whom Suidas and
Eudocia ascribe an epic poem, Perseis, in ten books.
But this is a mere conjecture, in support of which
little can be said. [L. S.]

CTESI'BIUS (KTTjffi'gjos). 1. A Greek histo-
rian, who probably lived at the time of the first
Ptolemies, or at least after the time of Demosthenes,
for we learn from Plutarch (Dem. 5), that Hennip-
pus of Smyrna referred to him as his authority for
some statement respecting Demosthenes. Accord-
ing to Apollodorus (ap. Phlegon. de Longaev. 2),
Ctesibius died during a walk at the age of 1 04,
and according to Lucian (Macrob. 22), at the age
of 124 years. Whether he was the author of a
work, UipX ^i\o(TO(pias, referred to by Plutarch
( Fit. X Orat. p. 844, c.) is uncertain.

2. A Cynic philosopher, a native of Chalcis and
a friend of Menedemus. According to Athenaeus,
who relates an anecdote about him, he lived in the
reign of Antigonus, king of Macedonia. (Athen. i.
p. 15, iv. p. 162.) [L. S.j

CTESI'BIUS (KTTjo-t'eios), celebrated for his
mechanical inventions, was bom at Alexandria,
and lived probably about B. c. 250, in the reigns
of Ptolemy Philadelphus and Euergetes, though
Athenaeus (iv. p. 174) savs, that he flourished in
the time of the second Euergetes. His father was
a barber, but his own taste led him to devote him-
self to mechanics. He is said to have invented a
clepsydra or water-clock, a hydraulic organ (SSpat-
Ats) and other machines, and to liave been the first
to discover the elastic force of air and apply it as a
moving power. Vitruvius (lib. vii. praef.) men-
tions him as an author, but none of his works re-
main. He was the teacher, and has been supposed
to have been the father, of Hero Alexandrinus, whose
treatise called ^eKoiroiiKo. has also sometimes been
attributed to him. (Vitruv. ix. 9, x. 12; Plin. //.
N. vii. 37 ; Athen. iv. p. 174, xi. p. 497 ; Philo
Bvzant. ap. Vet. Math. pp. 56, 67, 72 •, Fabric.
Bibl. Craec. vol. ii. p. 591.) [W. F. D.]

CTE'SICLES (KTTjcTiKAr^s), the author of a
chronological work {xpoviKd or xp<5''o')i ^^ which
two fragments are preserved in Athenaeus (vi. p.

X. p. 445.)

[L.S.]

CTE'SICLES, the author af a beautiful statue
at Samos, about which a similar story is told by
Athenaeus (xiii. p. 606, a.) as that respecting the
injury sustained bv the Cnidian Venus of Praxi»
teles. ' [L. U.]

SOf)

CUBA.

CTKSIDE'MUS, a painter celebrated for two
pictures, representing the conquest of C)eolialia and
the story of Laodamia. (Plin, //. N. xxxv. 40.
§ 33,) He was the master of Antiphilus (Plin.
xxxv. 37), a contemporary of Apelles. [L. U.]

CTESILAUS. [Cresii.aits.]

CTESI'LOCHUS, a painter, the piipil and per-
haps brother of Apelles, known by a ludicrous
picture representing the birth of Bacchus. (Plin.
xxxv. 40. § 33; Suid. s. v. 'ATreAA^y.) [L. U.]

CTE'SIPHON (KTVfTKpiu). 1. A son of
Leosthenes of Anaphlystus, was accused by Aes-
chines for having proposed the decree, that De-
mosthenes should be honoured with the crown.
{ Abschinks ; Demosthenes.]

2. An Athenian, who was sent in B. c. 348 .ns
ambassador to king Philip of Macedonia, with the
view of recovering the ransom which Phrynon of
Rhamnus had been obliged to pay during the
truce of the Oh-mpian games to pirates who were
in the pay of Philip. On his return from Mace-
donia, Ctesiphon confii-med the report which had
been brought to Athens by Euboean ambassadors,
that Philip was inclined to make peace with the
Athenians. After this, Ctesiphon was rnie of the
ten ambassadors who treated with Philip about
peace. (Dem. de Fals. Ijeg. pp. 344, 371 ; Argum.
ad Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 336 ; Aeschin. de Fals.
lyg. cc. 4, 12, 14; Harpocrat. s. v. KTr](ri<p<av.)

3. 'J'he author of a work on Boeotia, of which
Plutarch (Parall. Min. 12) quotes the third book.
Whether he is the same as the Ctesiphon who
wrote on plants and trees (Pint de Fluv, 14, 18)
is uncertain.

4. An Athenian poet, who wrote a peculiar
kind '>f niju-tial songs called K6\a€poi, and seems to
have lived at the court of the Attali at Pergamus.
(Athen. xv. p. 697.) [L. S.]

CTESIPHON, artist. [Chersiphron.J

CTESIPPUS (KTViTTTTos). 1. The name of
two sons of Heracles, the one by Deianeira, and the
other by Astydameia. (ApoUod. ii. 7. § 8 ; Paus.
ii. 19. § 1, iii. 16. § 5.)

2. A son of Polytherses of Same, one of the
suitors of Penelope, was killed by Philoetius, the
cow-herd. (Hom. Od. xx. 288, &c., xxii. 285,
Ac.) [L. S.]

CTESIPPUS (KTTfo-tinros). 1. [Chabrias,
p. 676, b.]

2. The author of a history of Scythia, of which
the second book is quoted by Plutarch. (De Flm\
o.) [L. S.]

CTE'SIUS (KTT{(nos), the protector of property,
occurs as a sumarae of Zeus at Phlvus, and of
Hermes. (Athen. xi. p. 473; Paus.'^i. 31. § 2.)
Ctesius occurs also as a proper name. (Hom. Od.
XV. 413.) [L.S.]

CTESYLLA (Ktyjo-wXAo), a beautiful maiden
of the island of Cos, of whom and Hermochares
Antoninus Liberalis {Met. 1 ) relates nearly the
«arae story which other writers relate of Cydippe
and Acontius. [Acontius.] Buttmann {Afyt/ioL
ii. p. 135, &c.) thinks that Ctesylla was originally
an attribute of some ancient national divinity at
Ceos — Aphrodite Ctesylla was worshipped there —
who was believed to have had some love affair
with a mortal. [L. S.]

CUBA, CUNI'NA, and RUMI'NA, three
Roman genii, who were worshipped as the protec-
tors of infants sleeping in their cradles, and to
whom Mbations of milk were offered. Ctivae signi-

CULLEOLUS.

fies a cradle, and riinia or rumis was in ancient
Latin the same as miunma., a mother's breast,
(August, de CivU. Dei^ iv. 10, (Sec. ; Lactant. i, 20,
36 ; Varro, ap. Non. p. 1(57, ap. Ikauit. ad Tereitt.
Phorm. i, 1. 14.) [L. S.]

CUBI'DIUS. [CoBiDAS.]
CU'LLEO or CU'LEO, the name of a plebeian
family of the Terentia gens.

L Q. Terentius Culleo, belonged to a family
of praetorian rank, and was a senator of considera-
ble distinction. (Val. Max. v. 2. \^ 5.) He was
taken prisoner in the course of the sexiond Punic
war, but at what time is uncertain, and obtained
his liberty at the conclusion of the war in B. c. 201.
To shew his gratitude to P. Scipio, he followed
his triumphal car, wearing the pileus or cap of
liberty, like an emancipated slave; and subse-
quently, on the death of Scipio. he attended his
funeral, walking before the bier with the cap of
liberty again on his head, and he likewise distri-
buted mulsum, or sweet wine, among the attend-
ants of the funeral.

In B. c. 195, Culleo was one of the three ambas-
sadors who were sent to C'arthage to complain that
Hannibal was forming the design of making war
upon the Romans in conjunction with Antiochus.
In B. c. 1 87 Culleo was praetor peregrinus, and he
was appointed by the senate in this year as the
•commissioner to conduct the inquiry respecting the
money of Antiochus, which was said to have been
misappropriated by L. Scipio Asiaticus and his le-
gates. This appointment was made under a plebis-
citum which had been carried chiefly through the
influence of Cato the censor, and which referred to
the senate to nominate a commissioner to inquire
into the matter. The respect which CulUvj had paid
to P. Scipio was well known, and the friends of
the Scipios probably supported his appointment for
that reason ; though it is stated, on the other hand,
that his nomination to the office was brought about
by the enemies of Scipio, because he was in reality
an enemy to the family, and had been guilty ot
hypocrisy in the honours he had paid to his deli-
verer from captivity. But however this may be,
L. Scipio and others were condemned by him ;
from which we may coi>clude, either that he was
in reality in league with the party opposed to the
Scipios, or that their guilt was so clear that he
dared not acquit even his friends.

In B.C. 184, Culleo was an unsuccessful candi-
date for the consulship, and in 1 8 1 was one of the
three ambassadors sent to Masinissa and Carthage
to ask for assistance in the war against Perseus.
(Liv. xxx. 43, 45, xxxiii. 47, xxxviii. 42, 55,
xxxix. 32, xlii. 35 ; Val. Max. v. 2. § 5 ; Pint.
Apnpkth. p. 196.)

2. Q. Terentius Culleo, was tribune of the
plebs, B. c. 58, the j'ear in which Cicero was ba-
nished. He was a friend of Cicero's, and did all
in his power to prevent his banishment and after-
wards to obtain his recall. He is mentioned by
Cicero two years afterwards as one of the minor
pontiffs. In the war which followed the death of
Caesar we find Culleo in b. a 43 passing over from
the army of Antony to join Lentulus. Culleo was
placed by Lepidus to guard the passage of the
Alps ; but he allowed Antony to cross them with-
out offering any resistance. (Cic. ad Att. iii. 15,
(/e ll'arusp. Jiesp. 6, ad Fain. x. 34, comp. ad Qu.
Fr. ii. 2, ad Att viii. 12; Appian, B.C. iii. 83.)
lu CULLE'OLUS, proconsul, perhaps of Illy-

CI 'HI ATI us.

riciiin, .iiioiit H. (.. (in, to whom two of Cicero'b
letters are addresNed («<//•'«/«. xiii. 41, 42), was
probably one of the Temitii.

CUMA'NUS, VENTl'DIUS. [Felix, An-
ton ii\s.]

ClINCTA'TOR, a snrnanie given to Q. Fabius
Maxiimis, who fought against Ilanuibal.

CLIprDO was, like Amor and Vohiptas, a
modification of the Greek Eros, whose worship was
carried to Rome from Greece. (Cic. up. lAictant.
i. 20. 14 ; Plant. Cure. i. I, 3 ; see Eros.) [L. S.j

C. CUPIF/NNIUS. 1. A person to whom
C'ic(>n) wrote a letter in B. c. 44, entreating him to
interest himself in the affairs of the inhabitants of
Biithrotum, and reminding him of the friendship
which had existed between the father of Cupien-
nius and Cicero himself. (Cic. ad All. xvi. l(i, D.)

2. The Cupiennius attacked by Horace {Sat. i.
2. 36) on account of his adulterous intercourse
with Roman matrons, is sfiid by the Scholiast oji
Horace to have been C. Cupiennius Libo of Cnraa,
a friend of Augustus.

There are some coins extant bearing the names
of L. Cupiennius and C. Cupiennius ; but who
these persons were, is not known. (Eckhel, v.
p. lf)9.)

CURA, the person rfication of Care, respecting
whose connexion with man an ingenious allegorical
btorv is related by Hyginus. {Fab. 220.) [L. S.J

CURE'TES. [Zeus.]

CURIA GENS, plebeian, is mentioned for the
first time in the beginning of the third century
B. c, when it was rendered illustrious by M\ Cu-
rius Dentatus. [Dentatus.] This is the only
cognomen which o6curs in the gens : for the other
members of it, se6 Curius. [L. S.j

CURIATlA GENS. The existence of a pa-
trician gens of this name is attested by Livy (i.
30, comp. Dionys. iii. 30), who expressly mentions
the Curiatii among the noble Alban gentes, which,
after the destruction of Alba, were transj)lanted to
Rome, and there received among the Futres. This
opinion is not contradicted by the fact that in B. c.
401 and 138 we meet with Curiatii who were tri-
bunes of the people and consequently plebeians,
for this phenomenon may be accounted for here, as
in other cases, by the supposition that the plebeian
Cairiatii were the descendants of freedmen of the
patrician Curiatii, or that some members of the
patrician gens had gone over to the plebeians. The
Alban origin of the Curiatii is also stated in the
story about the three Curiatii who in the reign of
TuUus Hostilius fought with the three Roman
brothers, the Horatii, and were conquered by the
cunning and bravery of one of the Iloratri, though
some writers described the Ctiriatii as Romans
and the Horatii as Albans. (Li v. i. 24, &c. ;
Dionys. iii. 11, &c.; Pint. FurdlL. Gr.et. Rom. 16;
Flor. i. 3 ; Aurel. ViCt. de Vit. Id. 4 ; Zonar. vii.
6 ; Niebuhr, //<*/. of Fome, i. p 348 ; comp.
HoRATius.) No members of the patrician Curiatia
gens, 80 far as our records go, rose to any eminence
at Rome^and there are but few whose names have
come down to us. The only cognomen of the gens
in the times of the republic is Fistus. For the
plebeians who are mentioned without a cognomen,
see CiKiATit's, [L. S.]

CURIA'TIUS. I. P. CuRiATius, tribune of
the people in B. c. 401. The college of tribunes
in that year laboured under great unpopularity, as
two of them had been appointed by the co-optation

CURIO. SOk

i>f the college under the indueiice of the paliicians.
P. Cnriatius and two of his colleagues, M. Metilius
an<l M. Miiiucius, endeavoured to counteract the
unpopularity and turn the hatred of the people
against the patricians by bringing a charge against
Sergius and Virginius, two military tribunes of the
year previous, whom they declared to be the au-
thors of all the mischief and the cause of the peo-
ple's sufferings. Both the accused were condemned
to pay a heavy fine, and the tribunes of the people
soon after brought forward an agrarian law, and.
prevented the tribute for the maintenance of th«»
armies being levied from the plebeians, (Liv. v.
H, 12.)

2. C. CtRiATius, tribune of the people in B. c
138, is characterised by Cicero (de Ley. iii. 9) as
a homo irifimus. He caused the consuls of the
year, P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica (whom he nick-
named Scrapio) and D. Jutjius Brutus to be thrown
into prison for the severity with which they pro-
ceeded in levying fresh troops, and for their disre-
gard to the privitege of the tribunes to exempt
certain persons from military service. (Liv. Epd.
55 ; Val. Max. iii. 7. § 3.)

There are extant several coins, on which we
read C. Cur. Trige. or C. Cur. F., and which
may belong to this tribune or a son of his ; but it
is just as probable that they belonged to some
patrician C. Curiatius, about whom history fur-
nishes no infoiination. (Eckhel, v. p. 199, &c.)
One C. Scaevius Curiatius, who lived in the early
period of the empire, is mentioned in an inscrip-
tion in Orelli (No. 4046) As duumvir in the muni-
cipium of Veii. [ L. S.]

CURIA'TIUS MATERNUS. [Matebnus.]

CU'RIO, the name of a family of the Seiibonia
gens.

1. C. ScRiBONius Ci RIO, was appointed curio
maximus in b. c. 174, in the place of C. Mamilius
Vilnius, who had been carried off by the plague.
(Liv. xli. 26.)

2. C. ScRiBoMus Curio, praetor in b. c. 121,
the year of C. Gracchus's death, was one of the
most distinguished orators of his time. Cicero
mentions one of his orations for Ser. Fulvius, who
was accused of incest, and states, that when a
young man he thought this oration by far the best
of all extant orations ; but he adds, that afterwards
the speeches of Curio fell almost into oblivion. He
was a contemporary of C. Julius Caesar Strabo,
Cotta, and Antonius, and against the last of these
he once spoke in the court of the centumviri for
the brothers Cossus. (Cic. Brui. 32, de Invent, i.
43, de Orat. ii. 23, 33 ; Schol. Bob. in Aryum.
Orat. in Clod, et Cuiion. ; Pseud.-Cic. ad Herenn^
ii. 20; Plin. //. N. vii. 41.)

3. C. ScRiBONius CuRio, a son of the former.
In B. c. 100, when the seditious tribune L. Appu-
leius Saturninus was murdered. Curio was with
the consuls. In B. c. 90, the year in which the
Marsic war broke out. Curio was tribune of the
people. He afterwards served in the army of
Sulla during his war in Greece against Archelausv
the general of Mithridates, and whes the city of
Athens was taken. Curio besieged the tyrant
Aristion in the acropolis. In B. c. 82 he was in-
vested with the piaetorship> and in 76 he was
made consul together with Cn. Octavius. After
the expiration of the consulship, he obtained Ma-
cedonia as his province, and carried on a war for
three years in th* liorih of his province agaiusl

902

CURIO.

the Dardanians and Moesians with groat success.
Jle was the first Roman general who advanced in
those regions as far as the river Danube, and on
his return to Rome in 71, he celebrated a triumph
over the Dardanians. Curio appears to have hence-
forth remained at Rome, where he took an active
part in all public affairs. He acted as an opponent
of Julius Caesar, and was connected in intimate
friendship with Cicero. When the punishment of
tlie Catilinarian conspirators was discussed in the
senate. Curio also spoke, and afterwards expressed
his satisfaction with Cicero's measures. In the
trial of P. Clodius, for having violated the sacra of
the Bona Dea, Curio spoke in favour of Clodius,
probably out of enmity towards Caesar ; and Cicero
on that occasion attiicked both Clodius and Curio
most vehemently in a speecli of which considerable
fiagments are still extant. This event, however,
does not appear to have at all interrupted their
personal friendship, for Cicero speaks well of him
as a man on all occasions; he says, that he was
one of the good men of the time, and that he was
.'ilways opposed to bad citiiens. In k. c. 57 Curio
was appointed pontifex maximus; he died four
years later, B. c. 53. Like his father and his son.
Curio acquired in his time some reputation as an
orator, and we learn from Cicero, that he spoke on
various occasions; but of all the requisites of an
orator he had only one, viz. elocution, and he ex-
celled most others in the purity and brilliancy of
his diction ; but his mind Avas altogether unculti-
vated ; he was ignorant without being aware of
this defect ; he was slow in thinking and invent-
ing, very awkward in liis gesticulation, and with-
out any power of memon,'. With such deficiencies
he could not escape the ridicule of able rivals or of
iiis audience; and on one occasion, probably during
Jiis tribuneship, while he was addressing the peo-
if)le, he was gradually deserted by all his hearers,
ilis orations were published, and he also wrote
a work against Caesar in the form of a dialogue,
in which his son, C. Scribonius Curio, was one of
the interlocvttors, and which had the same defi-
ciencies as his orations. (The numerous passages
in which he is spoken of by Cicero are given in
Orelli's Onom. TuU. ii. p. 525, &c. ; comp. Plut.
^uU. 1 4 ; Appian, Mithrid. CO ; Eutrop. vi. 2 ;
<.>i-os. iv. 23; Suet. Caes. <), -li), 52; Dion Cass.
Jixxviii. 16 ; Val. Max. ix. 14. § 5 ; Plin. //. N.
vii. 12; Solin. i. 6 ; Quintil. vi. 3. § 76.)

4. C. Scribonius Curio, the son of the former,
Aiid, like his father, a friend of Cicero, and an ora-
tor of great natural talents, which however he left
uncultivated from carelessness and want of indus-
try. Cicero knew him from his childhood, and
did all he could to direct his great talents into a
jiroper chajinel, to suppress his love of pleasure
iiiid of wealth, and to create in him a desire for
true fame and virtue, but without any success,
and Curio was and remained a person of most pro-
fligate chanKter. He was married to Fuhia, who
afterwards became the wife of Antony, and by
whom Curio had a daughter who was as dLssolute
as her mother. Owing to his family connexions
and several other outward circumstances, he be-
longed to the party of Pompey, although in his
heart he was favourabh' disposed towards Caesar,
After having been quaestor in Asia, where he had
discharged the duties of his office in a praiseworthy
jnaniwr, he sued for and obtained the tribuneship
iox tae eventful year b. c. 50. Curio, who was as ]

CURIO.

reckless in squandering money as he was insatiable
in acquiring it, had by this time contracted enor-
mous debts, and he saw no way of getting out of
his difficulties except by an utter confusion of the
affairs of the republic. It was believed that he
would direct his power and influence as tribune
against Caesar, and at first he did so ; but Caesar,
who was anxious to gain over some of the influen-
tial men of the city, paid all Curio's debts on con-
dition of his abandoning the Pompeian party.
This scheme was perfectly successful ; but Curio
was too clever and adroit a person at once to turn
his back upon his former friends. At first he
continued to act against Caesar; by and by he
assumed an appeai'ance of neutrality ; and in order
to bring about a rupture between himself and the
Pompeian party, he brought forward some laws
which he knew could not be carried, but which
would afford him a specious pretext for deserting
his friends. AVhen it was demanded that Caesar
should lay down his imperium before coming to
Rome, Curio proposed that Pompey should do the
same. This demand itself was as fair as the
source from which it originated was impure. Pom-
pey shewed indeed a disposition to do anything that
was fair, but it was evident that in reality he did
not intend to do any such thing. Curio therefore
now openly attacked Pompey, and described him as
a person wanting to set himself up as tyrant ; but,
in order not to lose every appearance of neutrality
even now, he declared, that if Caesar and Pompey
would not consent to lay down their imperium,
both must be declared public ememies, and war
must be forthwith made against them. This ex-
cited Pompey 's indignation so much, that he with-
drew to a suburban villa. Curio, however, conti-
nued to act his part in the senate ; and it was
decreed that Pompey and Caesar should each dis-
miss one of their legions, which were to be sent to
Syria. Pompey cunningly evaded obeying the
command by demanding back from Caesar a legion
which lie had lent him in B. c. 53 ; and Caesar
sent the two legions required, which, however,
instead of going to Syria, took up their winter-
quarters at Capua.

Soon after, the consul Claudius Marcellus pro-
posed to the senate the question, whether a suc-
cessor of Caesar should be sent out, and whether
Pompey was to be deprived of his imperium?
The senate consented to the former, but refused to
do the latter. Curio repeated his former proposal,
that both the proconsuls should lay down their
power, and when it was put to the vote, a large
majority of the senators voted for Curio. Claudius
Marcellus, who had jJways pretended to be a
champion of the senate, now refused obedience to
its decree ; and as there was a report that Caesar
was advancing with his army towards Rome, he
proposed that the two legions stationed at Capua
should be got ready at once to march against Cae-
sar. Curio, however, denied the truth of the re-
port, and prevented the consul's command being
obeA-ed. Claudius Marcellus and his colleague,
Ser. Sulpicius Rufus now rushed out of the city to
Pompey, and solemnly called upon him to under-
take the command of all the troops in Italy, and
save the republic. Curio now could not interfere,
as he could not quit the city in the character of
tribune ; he therefore addressed the people, and
called upon them to demand of the consuls not to
pei'jTiit Pompey to levy an anny. But he was not

CURITIS.

listoned to. Amid these disputes the year of
Curious tribimesiiip was coming to its close, and as
he had good reason to fear for his own safety, he
was induced l)y despair to quit the city and go to
Caesar, who was at Ravenna and consulted him as
to what was to be done. Curio urged the neces-
sity of immediately collecting his troops and mai'ch-
ing them against Rome. Caesar, however, was
still inclined to settle the question in a peaceful
manner, and despatched Curio with a message to
the senate. But when Domitius Ahenobarbus was
actually appointed Caesar's successor, and when
the new tribunes, Antony and Q. Cassius, who
followed in Curio's footsteps, were commanded by
the consuls to quit the senate, and when even
their lives were threatened by the partizans of
Pompey, the tribunes together with Curio fled in
the night following, and went to Caesar at Raven-
na. He and his army received them as men per-
secuted, and treated as enemies for their zeal in
upholding the freedom of the republic.

The breaking out of the civil war could now be
avoided no longer. Curio collected the troops sta-
tioned in Umbria and Etruria, and led them to
Caesar, who rewarded him with the province of
Sicily and the title of propraetor, B. c. 49. Curio
was successful in crushing the party of Pompey in
Sicily, and compelled Cato to quit the island. Af-
ter having eftected this, he crossed over to Africa
to attack king Juba and the Pompeian general,
P. Attius Varus. Curio was at hrst successful,
but desertion gradually became general in his
army, which consisted of only two legions, and
when he began to lay siege to Utica, he was at-
tacked by Juba, and fell in the ensuing battle.
His troops were dispersed, killed, and taken pri-
soners, and onlj- a few of them were able to return
to Sicily. Africa was thus again in the hands of
the Pompeian party.

C. Scribonius Curio had been one of the main
instalments in kindling the civil war between
Caesar and Pompey. He was a bold man and
profligate to the last degree ; he squandered his
own property as unscrupulously as that of others,
and no means were ample enough to satisfy his
demands. His want of modesty knew no bounds,
and he is a fair specimen of a depraved and profli-
gate Roman of that time. But he was never-
theless a man of eminent talent, especially as
an orator. This Cicero saw and appreciated, and
he never lost the hope of being able to turn the
talent of Curio into a proper direction. This cir-
cumstance and the esteem which Cicero had enter-
tained for Curio's father, are the only things that
can account for his tender attachment to Curio ;
and this is one of the many instances of Cicero's
amiable character. The first seven letters of the
second book of Cicero's " Kpistolae ad Familiares "
are addressed to him. (Orelli, Onom. lull. ii. p.
526, &c.; comp. Caes. B. C. ii. '23, &c.; Veil. Pat.
ii. 48, 55; Appiaii, Ii. C ii. "23, &c. ; Suet Caes.
•29, 36, de Clur. Rhet. 1 ; Tacit, de Our. Ovat. 37 ;
Liv. Epit. 109, 110; Plut. Cut's. 2.9, &c., Povi}\
58 ; Dion Cass. xl. 60, &c. ; Quintil. vi. 3. § 76 ;
Schol. Bob. in Argum. ad Cic. Oral, in Clod, et
Cur.) [L. S.]

CURI'TIS, a surname of Juno, which is usually
derived from the Sabine word curis, a ls\nce or
spear, which according to the ancient notions was
the symbol of the imperium and mancipium, and
would accordingly designate J una as the ruling

CURIUS.
goddess. (Ov. Fast. ii. 477, vi. 49;

903

Macrob. Sat.
i. 9.) Hartung {Die lielig.der Rom. ii. p. 72) finds

in the surname Curitis an allusion to a marriage
ceremony, in which some of the bride's hair was
either really or symbolically cut otF with the
curved point of a sword. (Plut. Quaest. Rom. 87 ;
Ov. /'a*-^ ii. 560.) [L.S.J

CU'RI US. 1. M'. CuRii'S, probably a grand-
son of M'. Curius Dentatus, was tribune of the
people in B. c. 199. He and one of his colleagues,
M. Fulvius, opposed T. Quinctius Flamininus, who
ofl^Iered himself as a candidate for the consulship,
without having held any of the intermediate of-
fices between that of quaestor and consul ; but the
tribunes yielded to the wishes of the senate. (Liv.
xxxii. 7.)

2. M'. Curius, is known only through a law-
suit which he had with M. Coponius about an
inheritance, shortly before B. c. 91. A Roman
citizen, who was anticipating his wife's confine-
ment, made a will to this efl'ect, that if the child
should be a son and die before the age of maturity,
M'. Curius should succeed to his property. Soon
after, the testator died, and his wife did not give
birth to a son. M. Coponius, who was the next of
kin to the deceased, now came forward, and, ap-
pealing to the letter of the will, claimed the pro-
perty which had been left. Q. Mucins Scaevola
undertook to plead the cause of Coponius, and L.
Licinius Crassus spoke for Curius. Crassus suc-
ceeded in gaining the inheritance for his client.
This trial {Curiana causa), which attracted great
attention at the time, on account of the two emi-
nent men who conducted it, is often mentioned by
Cicero. (De Oral. i. 39, 56, 57, ii. 6, 32, 54,
Brut. 39, 52, 53, 73, 88, pro Caecin. 18, Topic.
10.)

3. M'. Curius (is in some editions called M'.
Curtius), a friend of Cicero and a relation {conso-
briims) of C. Caelius Caldus. He was quaestor
urbanus in B. c. 61, and tribune of the people in
58, when Cicero hoped that Curius would protect
him against the machinations of P. Clodius. At
a somewhat later time, he is called in a letter of
Cicero's addressed to him {ad Fain. xiii. 49) a
governor of a Roman province with the title of
proconsul, but it is not known of what province he
had the administration. The letter above referred
to is the only one extant among the ad Familiares
which is addressed to him. In the declamation
Post Reditum in Senatu (8) Cieero states, that he
had been quaestor to Curius's father, whereas it is
a well-known fact, that Cicero had been quaestor
to Sex. Peducaeus. This contradiction is usually
solved by the supposition, that Curius was the
adoptive son of Peducaevis. (Cic. ad Fain. iL 19,
ad Quint. Frai. i. 4, pro Fluvc. 1 3.)

4. M'. Curius, one of the most intimate friends
of Cicero, who had known him from his childhood,
and describes him as one of the kindest of men,
always ready to serve his iriends, and as a very
pattern of politeness (nrbanitus). He lived for
several years as a negotiator at Patrae in Pelopon-
nesus. At the time when Tiro, Cicero's freedman,
was ill at Patrae, B. c. 50 and subsequently, Curiu&
took great care of him. In B. c. 46, Cicero recom-
mended Curius to Serv. Sulpicius, who was then
govemor of Achaia, and also to Auctus, his succes-
sor. The intimacy between Curius and Atticua
was still greater than that between Cicero and
Curius ; and the latter is said to have made a wili

904 CURSOR.

in whicli Atticus and Cicero were to be the heirs
cf his property, Cicero receiving one-fourth, and
Atticus the rest. Among Cicero's letters to his
friends there are tliree addressed to Curias (vii.
23-26), and one (vii. 2i)) is addressed by Curius
to Cicero. (Cic. ad.Fam. viii. 5, 6, xiii. 7, 17, 50,
xvi. 4, 5, 9, 11, adJtt. vii. 2, 3, xvi. 3.)

5. M'. CuRius, a man notorious as a gambler,
who, however, was notwithstanding this appointed
judex hy Antony in u. c. 44. (Cic. J'hi/. v. 5,
viii. 9.) '

6. C. CuRius, a brother-in-law of C. Rabirius
(the murderer of Saturninus), and father of the
C. Rabirius Postumus, who was adopted by C.
Rabirius. He was a man of equestrian rank, and
is called prinaffs ordiiiis equestris. He was the
largest fonner of the public revenue, and acquired
great wealth by his underUikings, which he s{>ent
in such a manner, that he seemed to acquire it
only with the \new of obtaining the means for
shewing his kindness and benevol«ice. Notwith-
standing this noble character, he was once accused
of having embezzled sums of public money, and
with hanng destroyed a doctmient by fire; but
he was most honounibly acquitted. (Cic }>ro
liahir. jycrJ. 3, pro Rahir. Pud. 2, 17.)

7. Q. CuRius, a Roman senator, who bad once
held the office of quaestor, came forward in u. c.
<)4 as a candidate for the consulship ; but he not
merely lost his election, but, being a man of a bad
character and a notorious gambler, he was even
ejected from the senate. He was a friend of Cati-
l«ie, and an accomplice in his conspiracy ; but he
betrayed the secret to his mistress Fulvia, through
whom it became known to Cicero. Whether he
perislied during the suppression of the conspiracy,
or survived it, is uncertain. In the latter case, he
may have been the sjime as the Curius mentioned
by Appian {B.C. v. 137), who was in Bithynia
with Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, and attempted to
betray him, for which he paid with his life.

(Cic. de Petit. Cons. 3, in Toij. Cand. p. 42(),
and Ascon. in Toy. Cand, p. 95, ed. Orelli ; Cic.
ad Att. i. 1; Sallust, CWt/. 17, 23, 20'; Appian,
B.C.\\.Z.) [L. S.]

CU'RIUS FORT UN ATI A'N US. [Foktu-

NATIANUS.]

CU'RIUS, VI'BIUS, a commander of the ca-
valry in Caesar's anny, when he commenced
tlie war against Pompey in Italy. Several of
Pompey's generals at tiie time deserted to Vibius
Curius." (Caes. li. C. i. 24 ; Cic. ad Att. ik 20, ix.
*i ; Quintil. vi. 3. § 73.) [L. S.j

CUROPALATES. LCodinus.]

CURSOR, the name of a family of the Papiria
gens, which was probably given to the first who
bore it from distinguishing himself in running.

1. L. Papirius Cursor, censor in b. c. 393,
and afterwards twice military tribune, in B. c. 387
and 385. (Liv. vi. 5, 11, ix.'34.)

2. Sp. Papirius Cursor, a son of the fonner,
was military tribune in B.C. 380. (Liy. vi. 27.)

3. L. Papirius Cur.sor, a son of No. 2, does
not occur in history till the time when he was
made magister equitum to the dictator L. Papirius
Crassus in b. c. 340. In b. c. 333 he was made
consul with C. Poetelius Libo, and according to
Kome juinals he obtained the same office a second
time in B. c. 32b', the year in which the second
Samnite war broke out. In the year following he
was ai)j)oiiit«J dictator to cunduct the war in place

CURSOR.

of the consul L. Camillus, who had been tiiken
seriously ill. Cursor and his magister equitum,
Q. Fabius, afterwards surnamed Maximus, were
the most distinguished generals of the time.
Shortly after Papirius had taken the field, a doubt
as to the validity of the auspices he had taken be-
fore marching against the enemy, obliged him to
return to Rome and take them again. Q. Fabius
v.-as left behind to supply his place, but with the
express command to avoid eveiy engagement with
the enemy duiing the dictator's absence. But
Fabius allowed himself to be drawn into a battle
with the Samnites near a place called Irnbrinium
or Imbrivium, and he gained a signal victory over
theenemy. Papirius was fearfully exasperated at tliis
want of military discipline, and h.astened back to
the anny to punish the offender. He was pre-
vented, however, from carrying his intention into
effect by the soldiers, who sympathized with Fa-
bius, and threatened the dictator with a mutiny.
Fabius thereupon fled to Rome, where both the
senate and the people interfered on his behalf.
Papirius was thus obliged to pardon, though with-
out forgiving him, .and returned to the army. He
was looked upon by the soldiers as a tyrant, and
in consequence of this disposition of his army, he
was defeated in the first battle he fought against
the enemy. But, after having condescended to
regain the good-will of the soldiers by promising
them the booty which they might make, he ob-
tained a most complete victory over the Samnites,
and then allowed his men to plunder the country
far and wide. The Samnites now sued for a truce,
which was granted by the dictator for one year,
on condition tiiat they should clothe his whole
army and give them pay for a year. Papirius
thereupon returned to Rome, and celebrated a
triumph.

In B. c. 320, Papirius Cursor was made consul
the second (oi- the third) time, and agjiin under-
took the connnand against the Samnites in Apulia.
It was however uncertain, even in the days of
Livy, whether the consuls of that yeai* conducted
the war with two annies, or whether it was car-
ried on by a dictator and L. Papirius afe his magis-
ter equitum. 1 1 is certain, however, that Papirius
blockaded Luceriji, and that his camp was reduced
to such extremities by the Samnites, who cut off
all supplies, that he would have been lost, had he
not been relieved by the army of his colleague, Q.
Publilius Philo. He continued his operations in
Apulia in the year B. c. 319 also, for which he
was likewise appointed consul. About this time
the Taren tines oft'ered to act as mediators between
the Romans and Samnites, but were haughtily
rejected by Papirius, who now made a successful
attack upon the camp of the Samnites : they were
compelled to retreat and to leave Luceria to its
fate. Seven thousand Samnites at Luceria are
said to have capitulated for a free departure, with-
out their anns and baggage ; and the Frentanians,
who attempted to revolt against the Romans, were
obliged to submit as subjects and give hostages.
After these things were accomplished, he returned
to Rome and celebrated his second triumph.

In B. c. 314 Papirius obtained the consulship
for the fourth (or fifth) time. Although the war
against the Samnites was still going on, neither
Papirius nor his colleague Publilius Philo is men-
tioned by Livy as having taken part in the cam-
paigns of that year, which were conducted by

CURSOR.

'lictntors, while the conHuls Jire sjiid to Ikivc re-
mained aUhonic. It is diflicult to account for this
bUite of things.

In B. c. 'M'i Papirius was invested with his fifth
(or sixth) consulship. The war against the Sani-
nites was still going on, but no battle was fought,
although the Romans made pcnuanent conquests,
;ind thus gave the war a decided turn in their
favour. It was, as Livy states, again doubtful as
to who had the command of the Roman armies in
that year. In B. c. 309 Papirius was made dicta-
tor to conduct the war against the Samnites, to
save the army of C. Marcius, who was in great
distress in Apulia, and to wipe off the disgrace of
C'audium, which Rome had suffered the year be-
fore. His appointment to flie dictatorship was a
matter of some difficulty. Q. Fabius, who had
once been his magister equitum, and had nearly
been siicriticed by him, was ordered to nominate
I'apirius. The recollection of what had happened
sixteen ye;irs before rendered it hard to the feel-
ings of Fabius to obey the command of the senate ;
but he sacrificed his own personal feelings to the
good of the republic, and he nominated Papirius in
the silence of night without saying a word. Papi-
rius now hastened with the reserve legions to the
assistiince of C. Marcius. The position of the
enemy, however, was so formidable, that for a time
he merely watched them, though it would have
been more in accordance with his vehement tem-
per to attack them at once. Soon after, however,
a battle was fought, in which the Samnites were
completely defeated. The dictator's triumph on
his return to Rome was very brilliant, on account
of the splendid arms which he had taken from the
enemy : the shields decorated with gold were dis-
tributed among the stalls of the bankers around
the forum, probably for no other purpose than to
be hung out during processions. This triumph is
the last event that is mentioned in the life of Pa-
pirius, whence we must infer that he died soon
after. He had the reputation of being the greatest
general of his age. He did not indeed extend the
Roman dominion by conquest, but it was he who
roused Rome after the defeat and peace of Cau-
dium, and led her to victory. But he was, not-
withstanding, not popular, in consequence of his
personal character, which was that of a rough sol-
dier. He was a nuvn of immense bodily strength,
and was accustomed to partake of an excessive
quantity of food and wine. He had something
hoiTible and savage about him, for he delighted in
rendering the service of the soldiers as hard as he
could : he punished cruelly and inexorably, and
enjoyed the anguish of death in those whom he
intended to punish. (Liv. viii. 12, 23, 29. 30-36,
47, ix. 7, 12, 13-16, 22, 28, 38, 40 ; Aurel. Vict.
(le Vir. III. 31; Eutrop. ii. 4; Oros. iii. 15; Dion
Cass. Excerpt. Vat. p. 32, &c., ed. Sturz ; Cic. ad
Fain. ix. 21 ; Niebuhr, Ilist. of Home, iii. pp. 192
—250.)

4. L. Papirius Cursor, a son of No. 3, was
censor in a. c. 272. (Frontin. de Aquued. i. 6.)

5. Ii. PapiriIts Cursor, likewise a son of No.
3, was no less distinguished as a general than his
father. He was made consul in u. c. 293 with
Sp. Carvilius Maximus, at the time of the third
Samnite war. The Siimnites, after having made
immense efforts, had invaded Campania ; but the
consuls, instead of attjicking them there, penetrated
into their unprotected country, and thus compelled

Cl'RTILIUS. yu5

them to retreat. I'apirius took the town of Duro-
nia, and he as well as his colleague ravaged Sam-
i>ium, especially the territory of Antium. He
then pitched his camp opposite the Samnite anny
near Aquilonia, at some distance from the can)p ot
Carvilius. Several days passed before Papirius
attJicked the enemy, and it was agreed that Carvi-
lius should make an attack upon Cominium on the
same day that Papirius offered battle to the Sam-
nites, in order to prevent the Samnites from ob-
taining any succour from Cominium. Papirius
gained a brilliant victory, which he owed mainly
to his cavalry, and the Samnites fled to their camp
without being able to maintain it. They however
still continued to fight against the two consuls,
and even beat Carvilius near Herculaneum ; but it
was of no avail, for the Romans soon after again
got the upper hand. Papirius continued his
operations in Samnium till the beginning of win-
ter, and then returned to Rome, where he and his
colleague celebrated a nuignificent triumph. The
booty which Papirius exhibited on that occasion
was very rich ; but his troops, who were not satis-
fied with the plunder they had been allowed, mur-
mured because he did not, like Carvilius, distribute
money among them, but delivered up everything
to the treasury. He dedicated the temple of Qui-
rinus, which his father had vowed, and adorned it
with a solarium horoloi/ium, or a sun-dial, the first
that was set up in public at Rome. He was raised
to the consulship again in u. c. 272, together
with his former colleague, Carvilius, for the ex-
ploits of their former consulship had made such an
impression upon the Romans, that they were look-
ed up to as the only men capable of bringing the
wearisome struggle with the Samnites to a close.
They entirely realized the hopes of their nation,
for the Samnites, Lucanians, and Bruttians were
compelled to submit to the majesty of Rome. But
we have no account of the manner in which those
nations were thus reduced. On his return to
Rome, Papirius celebrated his second triumph, and
after this event we hear no more of him. (Liv. x.
9, 38, 39 — 47; Zonar. viii. 7; Oros. iii. 2, iv. 3;
Frontin, de Aquaed. i. 6, Stralefji iii. 3 ; Plin. 11.
N. vii. 60, xxxiv. 7 ; Niebuhr, iii. pp. 390, &c.,
524, &c.) [L. S.]

CURSOR, CAE'LIUS, a Roman eques in the
time of Tiberius, who was put to death by the
emperor, in a. d. 21, for having falsely charged
the praetor Magius Caecilianus with high treason.
(Tacit. Ann. iii. 37.) [L. S.J

CU'RTIA GENS, an obscure patrician gens^,
of whom only one member, C. Curtius Philo, was
ever invested with the consulship, b. c. 445. This
consulship is one of the proofs that the Curtia gen.->
must have been patrician, since the consulship at
that time was not accessible to the plebeians;
other proofs are implied in the stories about the
earliest Curtii who occur in Roman history. The
fact that, in b. c. 57, C. Curtius Peducaeanus was
tribune of the people, does not prove the contrary,
for members of the gens may have gone over to
the plebeians. The cognonuMis which occur in this
gens under the republic are Pkuucaeanus, Philo,
and PosTUMUs or Postumius. For those who
are mentioned in history without a cognomen, see
Curtius. [L. S.]

CURTl'LIUS, a Roman who belonged to the
party of Caesar, and who, after the victory of his
party in b. c. 43, is dosciil»ed a> in the possesiou

906 CURT I US.

of an estate at Fundi, which had lielonged to C.
SextiHus Rufus. {Ck. ad Att. xiv. 6,10.) [L. S.]
CURTI'LIUS MA'NCIA. [Mancia.]
CU'RTIUS. ] . Mettus or Metius Curtius,
a Sabine of the time of Romulus. During the
war between the Romans and Sabines, which arose
from the rape of the Sabine women, the Sabines
had gained possession of the Roman arx. When
the Roman army was drawn up between the Pala-
tine and Capitoline hills, two chiefs of the armies,
Mettus Curtius on the part of the Sabines, and
Hostus Hostilius on that of the Romans, opened
the contest, in which the latter was slain. While
Curtius was glorying in his victory, Romulus and
a band of Romans made an attack upon him.
Curtius, who fought on horseback, could not main-
tain his ground ; he was chased by the Romans,
and in despair he leaped with his horse into a
swamp, which then covered the valley afterwards
occupied by the forum. However, he got out of it
with difficulty at the bidding of his Sabines.
Peace was soon after concluded between the Ro-
mans and their neighbours, and the swamp was
lienceforth called lacus Curtius, to commemorate
the event. (Liv. i. 12, &c.; Dionys. ii. 42 ; Varr.
L. L. v. 148 ; Plut. Romul. 18.) This is the
common story about the name of the lacus Curtius ;
but there are two other traditions, which though
they likewise trace it to a person of the name of
Curtius, yet refer us to a much later time. Ac-
cording to the first of these, it happened one day
that the earth in the forum gave way, sank, and
formed a great chasm. All attempts to fill it up
were useless, and when at length the aruspices
were consulted about it, they declared, that the
chasm could not be filled except by throwing into
it that on which Rome's greatness was to be based,
and that then the state should prosper. When all
were hesitating and doubting as to what was
meant, a noble youth of the name of M. Curtius
came forward, .and declaring that Rome possessed
no greater treasure than a brave and gallant citizen
in arms, he offered himself as the victim demanded,
and having mounted his steed in full armour, he
leaped into the abyss, and the earth soon closed
over him. This event is assigned to the year b. c.
3(i2. ( Liv. vii. 6 ; Varro, /. c; Val. Max.'v. 6. § 2 ;
Plin. H. N. XV. 18; Festus, s. v. Curtilacum ;
Plut. Parallel. Min. 5 ; Stat. Silv. i. 1, 65, &c. ;
Augustin, de Civ. Dei, v. 18.) According to the
second tradition, the place called lacus Curtius had
been struck by lightning, and, at the command of
the senate, it was enclosed in the usual manner by
the consul C. Curtius Philo, u. c. 445. (Varr. L.L.
V. 150.) But that this place was not regarded as
a bulejital, that is, a sacred spot struck by light-
ning, seems to be clear from what Pliny (//. ^V.
XV. 18) relates of it. All that we can infer with
safety from the ancient traditions respecting the
lacus Curtius, is, that a part of the district which
subsequently fonned the Roman forum, was ori-
ginally covered by a swamp or a lake, which may
have obtained the name of Curtius from some such
occurrence as tradition has handed down. This lake
was afterwards drained and filled up, but on one
occasion after this the ground seems to have sunk,
a circumstance which was regarded as an ostentum
fatale. In order to avert any evil, and at the
same time sj'mbolically to secure the duration of
the republic, an altar was erected on the spot, and
a regular sacrifice was offered there, which may

CURTIUS.

have given rise to the story about tlie self-sacrifice
of Curtius. (Suet. Aug. 57; Stat, SUv. i. 1.)

2. Curtius, an accuser, was killed in the time
of the proscription of Sulla, or perhaps even before,
by C. Marius, near the lake Servilius. (Cic. j)ro
Seict. Rose. 32 ; Senec. de Provid. 3.)

3. C. Curtius, probably a son of the preceding,
lost his property during the proscription of Sulla,
and went into exile. Subsequently, however, he
was allowed to return through the mediation of
Cicero, with whom he had been acquainted from
early youth. In B. c. 45 Caesar made him a mem-
ber of the senate. In the same year, Caesar dis-
tributed ^ands among his veterans in Italy; and
Curtius, who had spent the little property he had
saved in purchasing aif estate near Volaterrae, and
was now in danger of losing it again, applied to
Cicero to interfere on his behalf. Cicero accord-
ingly wrote a letter to Q. Valerius Orca, the legate
of Caesar, who superintended the distribution of
land among the veterans, and requested him to
spare the property of Curtius, since the loss of it
would render it impossible for him to maintain the
dignity of a senator. (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 5.)

4. P. Curtius, a brother of Q. Salassus, was be-
headed in Spain by the command of Cn. Pompeius
(the son of the Great), in the presence of the
whole army, b. c. 45, for he had formed a secret
understanding with some Spaniards that Cn. Pom-
peius, if he siiould come to a certain town for the
sake of getting provisions, should be apprehended
and delivered up into the hands of Caesar. (Cic.
ad Fam. \i. 18.)

5. Q. Curtius, a friend of Verres, is called
judex quaestionisf, concerning which nothing further
is known. (Cic. in Verr. i. 61.)

6. Q, Curtius, a good and well-educated young
man, brought in b. c. 54 the charge of ambitus
against C. Memmius, who was then a candidate for
the consulship. (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. iii. 2.) We possess
several coins on which the name of Q. Curtius ap-
pears, together with that of M. Silanus and Cn.
Domitius. The types of these coins dififer from
those which we usually meet with on Roman
coins; and Eckhel (Doctr. Num. v. p. 200) con-
jectures, that those three men were perhaps trium-
virs for the establishment of some colony, and that
their coins were struck at a distance from Rome.

7. Curtius, a Roman eques, who once, while
dining with Augustus, availed himself of a joke
and threw a fish, which was standing on the table,
out of the window. (Macrob. Sat. ii. 4.) Some
writers suppose, though without any apparent
reason, that he is the same as the Curtius Atticus
who lived in the reign of Tiberius. [Atticus,
Curtius.] [L. S.]

CU'RTIUS A'TTICUS. [Atticus, p. 4 13, a.]

CU'RTIUS LUPUS. [Lvpvs.]

CU'RTIUS MONTA'NUS. [Montanus.]

CU'RTIUS RUFUS. [Rufus.]

Q. CU'RTIUS RUFUS, the Roman historian

of Alexander the Great. Respecting his life and

the time at which he lived, nothing is known with

any certainty, and there is not a single passage in

any ancient writer that can be positively said to

reter to Q. Curtius, the historian. One Curtius

Rufus is mentioned by Tacitus {Ann. xi. 21) and

Pliny {Fp. vii. 27), and a Q. Curtius Rufus occurs

in the list of the rhetoricians of whom Suetonius

treated in his work " De Claris Rhetoribus." But

there is nothing to shew tliat any of them is the

CURTIUS.

•anie as our Q. Curtius, though it may bo, as F.
A. Wolf was inclined to think, that the rhetorician
spoken of by Suetonius is the same as the histo-
rian. This total want of external testimony com-
f)el8 us to seek information concerning Q. Curtius
in the work that has come down to us under bis
name ; but what we find here is as vague and un-
satisfactory as that which is gathered from external
testimonies. There are only two passages in his
■work which contiiin allusions to the time at
which he lived. In the one (iv. 4, in fin.), in
speaking of the city of Tyre, he says, maze tamen
longa pace cuncta refovcnte^ sub tutcla Romanae
viunsueiudinis acquiescit ; the otlier, which is the
more important one (x. 9), contains an eulogy on
the emperor for having restored peace after much
bloodshed and many disputes about the possession
of the empire. But the terms in which this pas-
sage is framed are so vague and indefinite, that it
may be applied with almost equal propriety to a
great number of epochs in the historj- of the Ro-
man empire, and critics have with equal ingenuity
referred the eulogy to a variety of emperors, from
Augustus down to Constantine or even to Theo-
dosius the Great, while one of the earlier critics
even asserted that Q. Curtius Rufus was a ficti-
tious name, and that the work was the production
of a modern writer. This last opinion, however,
is refuted by the fact, that there are some very
early MSS. of Q. Curtius, and that Joannes Saris-
beriensis, who died in a. d. 11o2, was acquainted
with the work. All modern critics are now pretty
well agreed, that Curtius lived in the first centuries
of the Christian aera. Niebuhr regards him and
Petronius as contemporaries of Septimius Sevenis,
while most other critics place him as early as the
time of Vespasian. The latter opinion, which also
accords with the supposition that tlie rhetorician
Q. Curtius Rufus mentioned by Suetonius was the
siime as our historian, presents no other difficulty,
except that Quintilian, in mentioning the histo-
rians who had died before his time, does not allude
to Curtius in any way. This difficulty, however,
may be removed by the supposition, that Curtius
was still alive when Quintilian wrote. Another
kind of internal evidence which might possibly
sujigcst the time in which Curtius wrote, is the
style and diction of his work ; but in this case
neither of them is the writer's own ; both are.
artificially acquired, and exhibit only a few traces
which are peculiar to the latter part of the first
century after Christ. Thus much, however, seems
clear, that Curtius was a rhetorician: his style is
not free from strained and high-flown expressions,
but on the whole it is a masterly imitation of
Livy's style, intermixed here and there with poeti-
cal phrases and artificial ornaments.

The work itself is a history of Alexander the
Great, and written with great partiality for the
hero. The author drew his materials from good
sources, such as Cleitarchus, Timagenes, and Pto-
Icmaeus, but was deficient himself in knowledge
of geography, tactics, and astronomy, and in his-
torical criticism, for which reasons his work cannot
ail ways be relied upon as an historical authority.
It consisted originally of ten books, but the first
two are lost, and the remaining* eight also are not
without more or less considerable gaps. In the
early editions the fifth and sixth books are sorae-
tiuies united in one, so that the whole would con-
sist of only nine books; and Glareanus in his

CYATHUS.

9o;

edition (15.56) divided the work into twelve books.
The deficiency of the first two books has been
made up in the form of supplements by Bruno,
Cellarius, and Freinsheim ; but tliat of the last of
these scholars, although the best, is still without
any particular merit. The criticism of the text of
Curtius is connected with great difficulties, for
although all the extant MSS. are derived from
one, yet some of tiieni, especially those of the 14th
and 13th centuries, contain considerable interpola-
tions. Hence the text appears very different in
the different editions. The first edition is that of
Vindelinus de Spira, Venice, without date, though
probably published in 1471. It was followed in
1480 by the first Milan edition of A. Zarotus.
The most important among the subsequent editions
are the Juntinae, those of Erasmus, Chr. Bruno,
A. Junius, F. Modius, Acidalius, Raderus, Popnui,
Loccenius, and especially those of Freinsheim,
Strassburg, 1640, and Ch. Cellarius, 1688. The
best edition that was published during the in-
terval between that and our own time is the
variorum edition by H. Senkenburg, Delft and
Leiden, 1724, 4to. Among the modem editions
the following are the best: 1. that of Schmieder
(Giittingen, 1803), Koken (Leipzig, 1818), Zumpt
(Berlin, 1826), Baumstark (Stuttgard, 1829), and
J. Miitzell. (Berlin, 1843.) Critical investigations
concerning the age of Q. Curtius are prefixed to
most of the editions here mentioned, but the fol-
lowing may be consulted in addition to them :
Niebuhr " Zwei klassiche Lat. Schriftsteller des
dritten Jahrhunderts," in his Kleine Schriften, i.
p. 305, &c. ; Buttraann, Ueber das Leben des Ge-
schichtschreibers Q. Curtius Rufus. In Beziehung
auf A. Hirfs Abkandl. uber denselb. Gtyenstand,
Berlin, 1820 ; G. Pinzger, Ueber das Zeitalter des
Q. Curtius Rufus in Seebode's Archiv fur Philolo-
^, 1824, i. l,p. 91, &c. [L. S.]

P. CU'SPIUS, a Roman knight, had been
twice in Africa as the chief director {magister) of
the company that farmed the public taxes in that
province, and had several friends there, whom
Cicero at his request recommended to Q. Valerius
Orca, the proconsul of Africa, in B. c. 45. (Cic.
ad Fam. xiii. 6, comp. xvi. 17.)

CU'SPIUS FADUS. [Fadus.]

CYAMI'TES (Kva/n/T7js), the hero of beans,
a mysterious being, who had a small sanctuary on
the road from Athens to Eleusis. No particulars
are known about him, but Pausanias (L 37. § 3)
says, that those who were initiated in the mysteries
or had read the so-called Orphica would understand
the nature of the hero. [L. S.]

CY'ANE (KuciJ/Tj), a Sicilian nymph and play-
mate of Proserpina, who was changed through
grief at the loss of Proserpina into a well. The
Syracusans celebrated an annual festival on that
spot, which Heracles was said to have instituted,
and at which a bull was sunk into the well as a
sacrifice. (Diod. v. 4 ; Ov. Met. v. 412, &c.) A
daughter of Liparus was likewise called Cvane.
(Diod. V. 7.) ^ [L. S.]

CYANIPPUS (KuaKtinros), a son of Aegialeus
and prince of Argos, who belonged to the house of
the Biantidae. (Pans. ii. 18. § 4, 30. §9.) Apol-
lodorus(i. 9. § 13) calls him a brother of Aegialeus
and a son of Adrastus. [L. S.]

CY'ATHUS (KuaSos), the youthful cup-bearer
of Oeneus, was killed by Heracles on account of a
fault committed in the discharge of his duty. He

008 CYAXAKES.

was honoured at Phlius with a sanctuary clobc by
the temple of Apollo. (Pans. ii. 13. § 8.) In
other traditions Cvathus is called Eurvnonms.
(Diod.iv. 36.) ' [L. S.J

CY AX ARES (Kua|ap7)9), was, according to
Herodotus, the third king of Media, the son of
l*hraortes, and the grandson of Deioces. He was
the most warlike of the Median kings, and intro-
duced great military reforms, by arranging his
subjects into proper divisions of spearmen and
archers and cavalry. He succeeded his father,
Phraortes, who was defeated and killed while be-
sieging the Assyrian capital, Ninus (Nineveh), in
B. c. 634. He collected all the forces of his empire
to avenge his father's death, defeated the Assyrians
in battle, and laid siege to Ninus. But while he
was before the city, a large body of Scythians in-
vaded the northern parts of Media, and Cyaxares
marched to meet them, was defeated, and became
subject to the Scythians, who held the dominion
of all Asia (or, as Herodotus elsewhere says, more
correctly, of Upper Asia) for twenty-eight years
(b. c. 634 — 607), during which time they plun-
dered the Medes without mercy. At length
Cyaxares and the Medes massacred the greater
number of the Scythians, having first made them
intoxicated, and the Median dominion was re-
stored. There is a considerable difficulty in recon-
ciling this account with that which Herodotus
elsewhere gives (i. 73, 74), of the war between
Cyaxares and Alyattes, king of Lydia. This war
was provoked by Alyiittcs having sheltered some
Scythians, who hjid fled to him after having killed
one of the sons of Cyaxares, and served him up to
his father as a Thyestean banquet. The war
lasted five years, and was put an end to in the
sixth year, in consequence of the terror inspired by
n solar eclipse, which happened just when the
Lydian and Median armies had joined battle, and
which Thales had predicted. This eclipse is
placed by some writers as high as B, c. 625, by
others as low as 585. But of all the eclipses be-
tween these two dates, several are absolutely
excluded by circumstances of time, place, and ex-
tent, and on the whole it seems most probable that
the eclipse intended was that of September 30,
B.C. 6 10. (Baily, in the PhUosophkul Transactions
for 1811 ; Oltniann in the Sdiri/}. der Berl. Acad.
1812 — 13; Hales, Analysis of Chronology, i. pp.
"4 — 78 ; Ideler, Ilandbuch der Chronologie, i.
p. 209, &c. ; Fischer, GriecUsclie Z<:Ulafeln, s. a.
610.) This date, however, iiivolves the difficulty
of making Cyaxares, as king of the Medes, carry
on a war of five years with Lydia, while the Scy-
thians were nuisters of his country But it is
))retty evident from the atco\int of Herodotus that
Cyaxares still reigned, though as a tributary to the
Scythians, and that the dominion of the Scythians
over Media rather consisted in constant predatory
incursions from positions which they had taken in
the northern part of the country, than in any
permanent occupation thereof. It was probably,
then, from b. c. 615 to B. c. 610 that the war be-
tween the Lydians and the Medians lasted, till,
both parties being terrified by the eclipse, the two
kings accepted the mediation of Syennesis, king of
Cilicia, and Labynetiis, king of Babylon (probably
Nebuchadnezzar or his fatlier),and the peace made
bt'tween them was cemented by the marriage of
Astyages, the son of Cyaxares, to Aryennis, the
daughter of Alyattes. The Scytiiians were ex-

CYCLIADAS.
pelled from Media in b. c. 607, and Cyaxares
again turned his arms against Assyria, and,* in tlic
following year, with the aid of the king of Babylon
(probably the father of Nebuchadnezz.ir), he took
and destroyed Ninus. [Sardanapai.us.] The
consequence of this war, according to HerodotiiN,
was, that the Medes made the Assyrians their
subjects, except the district of Babylon. He meaii^,
as we learn from other writers, that the king of
Babylon, who had before been in a state of doubt-
ful subjection to Assyria, obUiined complete inde-
pendence as the reward for his share in the
destruction of Nineveh. The league between
Cyaxares and the king of Babylon is said by Poly-
histor and Abydenus (ap. Euseb. Chron. Arm.,
and Syncell. p. 210, b.) to have been cemented
by the betrothal of Amyhis or Amytis, the daugli-
ter of Cyaxares, to Nabuchodrossar or Nabuchodo-
nosor (Nebuchadnezzar), son of the king of Baby-
lon. They have, however, by mistake put thi;
name of A8dahage8( Astyages) for that of Cyaxares.
(Clinton, i. pp. 271, 279.) Cyaxares died afier a
reign of forty years (b. c. 594), and was succeeded
by his son Astyages. (Herod, i. 73, 74, 103 — 10(),
iv. 11, 12, vii. 20.) The Cyaxares of Diodorus
(ii. 32) is Deioces. Respecting the suppo-scl
Cvaxares II. of Xenophon, see Cyru.s. [P. S.J

CY'BELE. LRhka.J

CYCHREUS or CENCHREUS (Kvxpetii), a
son of Poseidon and Salamis, became king of the
island of Salamis, which was called after him
Cychreia, and which he delivered from a dragon.
He was subsequently honoured as a hero, and had
a sanctuiiry in Salamis. (Apollod. iii. 12. § 7 ;
Diod. iv. 72.) According to other traditions,
Cychreus himself was called a dragon on account
of his savage nature, and was expelled from Salamis
by Eurylochus ; but he was received by Demeter
at Eleusis, and appointed a priest to her temple.
(Steph. Byz. s. r. Kvxpfios.) Others again said
that Cychreus had brought up a dragon, which was
expelled by Eurylochus. (Strab. ix. p. 393.)
There was a tradition that, while the battle of
Salamis was going on, a dragon Appeared in one of
the Athenian ships, and that an oracle declared
this dragon to be Cychreus. (Pans. i. 36. § 1 ;
comp. Tzetz. a</ Lycopk. 110, 175 ; Plut. Thes. U),
Solon.9.) [L.S.J

CYCLI'ADAS (KuKAtciSas) was strategus of
the Achaeans in b. c. 208, and, having joined
Philip V. of Macedon at Dyme with the Achaean
forces, aided him in that invasion of Elis which
was checked by P. Sulpicius Galb;i. Li b. c. 200,
Cycliadas being made strategus instead of Philo-
poemen, whose niiiitar}' tjilents he by no means
equalled, Nabis took advantage of the change t(.
make war on the Achaeans. Philip offered to
help them, and to carry the war into the enemy's
country, if they would give him a sufficient num-
ber of their soldiers to garrison Chalcis, Oreus, and
Corinth in the mean time ; but they saw through
his plan, which was to obtain hostages from them
and so to force them into a war with the Romans.
Cycliadas therefore answered, that their laws pre-
cluded them from discussing any proposal except
that for which the assembly was summoned, and
this conduct reliet-ed him from the imputation,
under which he had previously Liboured, of being
a mere creature of the king's. In B. c. 198 we
find him an exile at the court of Philip, whom lie
attended in that vcar at his conference with Fia-

CYCLOPES.

jnJniMiis at Nicaca in Lociis. After the battle of
Cynoscephalae, b. c. 1 97, Cycliadas was sent with
two others as ambjissador from Pliilip to Fhunininus
who granted the king a truce of 15 days with a
view to the arrangement of a permanent peace.
(Polyb. xvii. 1, xviii. 17; Liv. xxvii. .'H, xxxi.
•r., xxxii. 19, 3-2, xxxiii. 11, 12.) [E. E.]

CYCLO'PES (Ku/cAa>ir€j), that is, creatures
with round or circular eyes. The tradition about
these beings has undergone several changes and
modifications in its development in Greek mytho-
logy, though some traces of their identity remain
visible throughout. According to the ancient cos-
mogonies, the Cyclopes were the sons of Uranus
:ind Ge ; they belonged to the Titans, and were
three in number, whose names were Arges, Steropes,
and Brontes, and each of them had only one eye
on his forehead. Together with the other Titans,
the}'- were cast by their father info Tartarus, but,
instigated by their mother, they assisted Cronus in
usurping the government. But Cronus again threw
them into Tartarus, and as Zeus released them in
his war against Cronus and the Titans, the Cyclopes
provided Zeus with thunderbolts and lightning,
Phito with a helmet, and Poseidon with a trident.
(ApoUod. i. 1; Hes. Theog. 503.) Henceforth
they remained the ministers of Zeus, but were
afterwards killed by Apollo for having funiished
Zeus with the thunderbolts to kill Asclepius.
(ApoUod, iii. 10. § 4.) According to others, how-
ever, it was not the Cyclopes themselves that were
killed, but their sons. (Schol. ad Eurip. Alcest. 1.)

In the Homeric poems the Cyclopes are a gigan-
tic, insolent, and lawless race of shepherds, who
lived in the south-western part of Sicily, and de-
voured human beings. They neglected agriculture,
and the fruits of the field were reaped by them
without labour. They had no laws or political
Institutions, and each lived with his wives and
children in a cave of a mountain, and ruled over
them with arbitrarv power. (Hom. Od, vi. 5, ix.
106, &c., 190, &c^, 240, &c., x. 200.) Homer
does not distinctly state that all of the Cyclopes
were one-eyed, but Polyphemu'*, the principal
among them, is described as having only one eye
on his forehead. {Od. i. ^9^ ix. 383, ^c. ; comp.
Polyphemus.) The Homeric Cyclopes are no
longer the servants of Zeus, but they disregard
him. {Od. ix. 275; comp. Virg. Aen. vi. 636 ;
Callim. Hymn, in DUin. 53.)

A still later tradition regarded the Cyclopes as
the assistants of Hephaestus. Volcanoes were the
workshops of that god, and mount Aetna in Sicily
and the neighbouring isles were accordingly con-
sidered as their abodes. As the assistants of He-
phaestus they are no longer shepherds, but make
the metal armour and ornaments for gods and
heroes ; they work with such might that Sicily
and all the neighbouring islands resound with their
hammering. Their number is, like that in the
Homeric poems, no longer confined to three, but
their residence is removed from the south-western
to the eastern part of Sicily (V^irg. Georg. iv. 170,
Am. viii. 433 ; Callim. Hymn, in Dian. 56, &c. ;
Eurip. Cycl. 599 ; Val. Flacc. ii. 420.) Two of
their names are the same as in the cosmogonic
tnidition, but new names also were invented, for
we find one Cyclops bearing the name of Pyracmoii,
and another that of Acamas. (Cailim. Hpmi. in
Dian. G8 ; Virg. Aen. viii. 425 ; Val. Flacc. i. 583.)

The Cyclopes, who were regarded as skilful

CYCNUS.

.40!)

architects in later accounts, were a race of men
who appear to be diflFerent from the Cyclopes whoni
we have considered hitherto, for they are described
as a Thracian tribe, which derived its name from a
king Cyclops. They were expelled from their
homes in Thrace, and went to the Curetes (Crete)
and to Lycia. Thence they followed Proetus to
protect him, by the gigantic walls which they con-
structed, against Acrisius. The grand fortifications
of Argos, Tiryns, and Mycenae, were in later
times regarded as their works. (Apollod. ii. 1.
§ 2 ; Strab. viii. p. 373 ; Paus. ii. 16. § 4 ; Schol.
ad Eurip. Orest. 953.) Such walls, commonly
known by the name of Cyclopean walls, still exist
in various parts of ancient Greece and Italy, and
consist of unhewn polygones, which are sometimes
20 or 30 feet in breadth. The story of the Cyc-
lopes having built them seems to be a mere inven-
tion, and admits neither of an historical nor
geographical explanation. Homer, for instance,
knows nothing of Cyclopean walls, and he calls
Tiryns merely a irdKis TctxiSfffaa. {II. ii. 559.)
The C3'clopean walls were probably constructed by
an ancient race of men — perhaps the Pelasgians — •
who occupied the countries in which they occur
before the nations of which we have historical
records ; and later generations, being struck by
their grandeur as much as ourselves, ascribed their
building to a fabulous race of Cyclopes. Analogies
to such a process of tradition are not wanting in
modern countries ; thus several walls in Germany,
which were probably constructed by the Romans,
are to this day called by the people Riesenmauer
or Teufelsmauer.

In works of art the Cj'clopes are represented as
sturdy men with one eye on their forehead, and
the place which in other human beings is occupied
by the eyes, is marked in figures of the Cyclopes
by a line. According to the explanation of Plato
{up. Strab. xiii. p. 592), the Cyclopes were beings
typical of the original condition of uncivilized men ;
but this explanation is not satisfactory, and the
cosmogonic Cyclopes at least must be regarded as
personifications of certain powers manifested in
nature, which is sufficiently indicated by their
names. [L. S.]

CYCNUS {K6kvqs). 1. A son of Apollo by
Thyria or Hyria, the daughter of Amphinomus.
He was a handsome hunter, living in the district
between Pleuron and Calydon, and although be-
loved by many, repulsed all his lovers, and only
one, Cycnns, persevered in his love. Cycnus at
last miposed upon him three labours, viz. to kill a
lion without weapons, to catch alive some monstrous
vultures which devoured men, and with his own
hand to lead a bull to the altar of Zeus. Phyllius
accomplished these tasks, but as, in accordance
with a request of Heracles, he refused giving to
Phyllius a bull which he had received as a prize,
Cycnus was exasperated at the refusal, and leaped
into lake Canope, which was henceforth called after
him the Cycnean lake. His mother Thyria fol-
lowed him, and both were metamorphosed by Apollo
into swans. (Antonin. Lib. 12.) Ovid {Met. vii.
371, &c.), who relates the same story, makes the
Cycnean lake arise from Hyria melting away iit
tears at the death of her son.

2. A son of Poseidon by Calyce (Calycia), Har-
pale, or Scamandrodice. (Hygin. Fah. 157 ; Schol.
ad I'ind. Ol. ii. 147 ; T/.etz. ad Lycoph. 233.)
He was born in secret, and was exposed on the

910 CYDAS.

sea-coast, where he was found by shepherds, who
seeing a swan descending upon hira, called him
Cycnus. When he had grown up to manhood, he
!)ecame king of Colonae in Troas, and married
Procleia, the daughter of Laomedon or of Clytius
(Paus. X. 14. § 2), by whom he became the father
of Tenes and Hemithea. Dictys Cretensis (ii.
13) mentions different children. After the death
of Procleia, he married Philonome, a daughter of
Craugasus, who fell in love with Tenes, her step-
son, and not being listened to by him calumniated
him, so that Cycnus in his anger threw his son to-
gether with Hemithea in a chest into the sea.
According to others Cycnus himself leaped into
the sea. (Virg. Aen. ii. 21.) Afterwards, when
Cycnus learned the truth respecting his wife's con-
duct, he killed Philonome and went to his son,
who had landed in the island of Tenedos, and had
become king there. According to some traditions,
Tenes did not allow his father to land, but cut off
the anchor. (Conon, Narrat. 28 ; Paus. x. 1 4.
§ 2.) In the war of the Greeks against Troy,
both Cycnus and Tenes assisted the Trojans, but
both were slain by Achilles. As Cycnus could not
be wounded by iron, Achilles strangled him with
the thong of his helmet, or by striking him with a
stone. (Comp. Diod. v. 83; Strab. xiii. p. G04;
Schol. ad T/ieocrit. xvi. 49; Diet. Cret. ii. 12, &c.;
Ov. Met. xii. 144.) Ovid adds, that the body of
Cycnus disappeared and was changed into a swan,
when Achilles came to take away his annour.

3. A son of Ares and Pelopia, challenged Hera-
cles to single combat at Itone, and was killed in
the contest. (Apollod. ii. 7. § 7 ; Hesiod. Scui.
Here. 345, where Cycnus is a son-in-law of Ceyx,
to whom Heracles is going.)

4. A son of Ares and Pyrene, was likewise
killed bv Heracles in single combat. (Apollod. ii.
.'). § if; Schol. ad Piml. 01. xi. 19.) At his
death he was changed by his father Ares into a
swan. (Eustath. at/ //b/H. p. 254.) The last two
personages are often confounded with each other,
on account of the resemblance existing between
the stories about them. (Schol. ad Find. 01. ii.
147, ad Aristoph. Ran. 963 ; Hygin. Fab. 31;
Athen. ix. p. 393.)

5. A son of Sthenelus, kinsr of the Ligurians,
and a friend and relation of Phaeton. He was
the father of Cinyras and Cupauo. While he was
lamenting the fate of Phaeton on the banks of the
Eridanus, he was metamorphosed by Apollo into a
swan, and placed among the stars. (Ov. Met. ii.
366-, &c.; Paus. i. 30. § 3 ; ^exv. ad Aen. x. 189.)
A sixth personage of the name of Cycnus is men-
tioned by Hyginus. {Fab. 97.) [L. S.]

CYDAS (Ki^Sas), appears to have been a com-
mon name at Gortyna in Crete. It is written in
various ways in MSS., but Cydas seems to be the
most correct form. (See Drakenborch, ad Liv.
xxxiii. 3, xliv. 13.)

1. The commander of 500 of the Cretan Gorty-
nii, joined Quinctius Flamininus in Thessaly in
B. c. 197. (Liv. xxxiii. 3.) This Cydas may be
the same as the Cydas, the son of Antitalces, who
was cosmus or supreme magistrate at Gortyna,
when a Roman embassy visited the island about
B. c, 184, and composed the differences which
existed between the inhabitants of Gortyna and
Cnossus. (Polyb. xxxiii. 15.)

2. A Cretan, the friend of Eumenes, who at-
tempted to negotiate a peace between Eumenes

CYLLENIUS.

and Antiochus in a. c. 168 (Liv, xliv. 13, Ii),
may perhaps be the same as No. 1.

3. A native of Gortyna in Crete, a man of the
most abandoned character, was appointed b}' An-
tony in B. c. 44 as one of the judices at Rome.
(Cic. Phil. v. 5, viii. 9.)

CY'DIAS (KuSi'as). 1. An Athenian orator,
a contemporary of Demosthenes, of whom Aristotle
{Rliet. ii. 6. § 24) mentions an oration Tre^i ttjs
:S.aixov K\r]povx'ias, which Ruhnken refers to the
Athenian colony which was sent to Samoa in B. c.
352 (Dionys. Deinarch. p. 118), so that the ora-
tion of Cydias would have been delivered in that
year. (Ruhnken, Hist. Crit. Orat. Graec. p. Ixxiv.)

2. One of the early Greek poets whom Plutarch
{de Fac. in Orb. Lun. p. 931, e.) classes together
with Mimnermus and Archilochus. Whether h!^
is the same as the author of a song which was
very popular at' Athens in the time of Aristo-
phanes, who however is called by the Scholiast
\ad Nub. QQQ) Cydides of Hermione, is uncertain.
(Plat. Cliann. p. 155, d.; Schneidewin, Delectus
Poi-t. Iamb, et Melic. Graec. p. 375, &c. ; Bergk,
Poit. Lyr. Graeci, p. 837.) [L. S.]

CY'DIAS, a celebrated painter from the island
of Cythnus, B. c. 364, whose picture of the Argo-
nauts was exhibited in a porticus by Agrippa at
Rome. (Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieq. 526 ; Plin.
H.N. XXXV. 40. § 26 ; Dion Cass. liii. 27; Uriichs,
Deschr. der Stadl. Rom. iii. 3. p. 114.) [L. U.J

CYDIPPE. [AcoNTius.]

CYDIPPUS (KuSiTTTTos) of Mantineia, is men-
tioned by Clemens of Alexandria {Strom, i. p, 132)
among those who had written on inventions (Trtpl
ei}prifidTwv); but nothing further is known about
him. [L. S.]

CYDON (Ku'Swf), the founder of the town of
Cydonia in Crete. According to a tradition of
Tegea, he was a son of Tegeates or of Hermes by
Acacallis, the daughter of Minos, whereas others
described him as a son of Apollo by Acacallis.
(Pans. viii. 53. § 2 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. KvSwuia ;
Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1491.) [L. S.]

CYDO'NIA (Ku8a)j//a), a surname of Athena,
under which she had a temple at Phrixa in Elis,
which was said to have been built by Clymenus of
Cydonia. (Pans. vi. 21. ^ 5.) [L. S.]

CYDO'NIUS DEME'TRIUS. [Demetril's.]

CY'LLARUS (Ki5AAapos), a beautiful centaur,
who was married to Hylonome, and was killed at
the wedding feast of Peirithous. (Ov. Met. xii.
393, &c.) The horse of Castor was likewise called
Cyllarus. (Virg. Georg. iii. 90 ; Val. Flacc. i. 426;
Suidas, s.v.) [L. S.]

CYLLEN (KuAArfr), a son of Elatus, from
whom mount Cyllene in Arcadia was believed to
have received its name. (Paus. viii. 4. § 3.) [L. S.]

CYLLE'NE (KuAAtJi/tj), a nymph, who became
the mother of Lycaon by Pelasgus. (Apollod. iii.
8. § 1.) According to others, she was the wife of
Lycaon. (Dionys. Hal. A.R. i. 13.) [L. S.]

CYLLE'NlijS {KvWrtvios), a surname of Her-
mes, which he derived from mount Cyllene in
Arcadia, where he had a temple (Paus. viii. 17.
§ 1), or from the circumstance of Maia having
given birth to him on that mountain. (Virg. Aen.
viii. 139, &c.) [L. S.]

CYLLE'NIUS {KvXXrivios), the author of two
epigrams in the Greek Anthology (Brunck, Anal.
ii. p. 282 ; .Jacobs, ii. p. 257 ), of whom nothing
more is known. His name is spelt differently in

CYNAEGEIRUS.
the MSS. of the Anthology, KcuWiviou, KvWivlov,
KvAATji'fou, KvW-qyiov UfTidvov. (Jacobs, Arith.
(.'nuc vol. xiii. p. 878.) [P. S.]

CYLON (KuAwf), an Athenian of noble family
and commanding presence, won the prize for the
double course (Si'auXos) at the Olympic games, in
B. c. 640, and married the daughter of Theagenes,
tyrant of Megara. Excited apparently and en-
couraged by these advantages, and especially by
his powerful alliance, he conceived the design of
making himself tyrant of Athens, and having con-
sulted the Delphic oracle on the subject, was
tnjoined to seize the Acropolis at the principal
festival of Zeus. Imagining that this must refer,
not to the Athenian Aidaia (see Did. of Ant. p.
3'iS), but to the Olympic games, at which he had
so distintjuishcd himself, he made the attempt
during the celebration of the latter, and gained
possession of the citadel with his partizans, who
were very numerous. Here, however, they were
closely besieged, the operations against them
being conducted, according to Thucydides, by the
nine arch on s ; according to Herodotus, by the
I'rytanes of the Naucrari. (See Diet, of Ant. p.
f)33; Arnold's Thucydides., vol. i. Append, iii. p.
664.) At length, pressed by famine, they were
driven to take refuge at the altar of Athena, whence
they were induced to withdraw by the archon
Megacles, the Alcmaeonid, on a promise that their
lives should be spared. But their enemies put
them to death as soon as they had them in their
power, some of them being murdered even at the
altar of the Eumenides. Plutarch relates besides
that the suppliants, by way of keeping themselves
under the protection of Athena, fastened a line to
her statue and held it as they passed from her
shrine. When they had reached the temple of
the Eumenides the line broke, and !Megacles and
his colleagues seized on the accident as a proof
that the goddess had rejected their supplication,
and that they might therefore be massacred in full
accordance with religion. Thucydides and the
Scholiast on Aristophanes {Eq. 443) tell us, that
Cylon himself escaped with his brother before the
surrender of his adherents. According to Suidas,
he was dragged from the altar of the Eumenides,
where he had taken refuge, and was murdered.
Herodotus also implies that he was slain with the
rest. His party is said by Plutarch to have re-
covered their strength after his death, and to have
continued the struggle with the Alcmaeonidae up
to the time of Solon. The date of Cylon's attempt
is uncertain. Corsini gives, as a conjecture, B. c.
612; while Clinton, also conjecturally, assigns it
to 620. (Herod, v. 71 ; Thucyd. i. 126 ; Suid. s.v.
KvXwveLov fiyos ; Plut. Sol. 12 ; Paus. i. 28, 40,
vii. 25.) [E. E.l

CYNA. [Cynane.]

CYNAEGEl'RUS (Kuj/atV^pos), son of Eu-
phorion and brother of the poet Aeschylus, distin-
guished himself by his valour at the battle of
Marathon, b. c. 490. According to Herodotus,
when the Persians had fled and were endeavour-
ing to escape by eea, Cynaegeinis seized one of
their ships to keep it back, but fell with his right
hand cut off. The story lost nothing by transmis-
sion. The next version related that Cynaegeirus,
on the loss of his right hand, grasped the enemy's
Tessel with his left ; and at length we arrive at
the acme of the ludicrous in the account of Justin.
Here the hero, having successively lost both his

CYNOSURA.

fill

hands, hangs on by his teeth, and even in his mu-
tilated stiite fights desperately with the last men-
tioned weapons, " like a . rabid wild beast ! "
(Herod, vi, 114; Suid. s.v. Kwaiyeipos ; Just. ii.
9 ; Val. Max. iii. 2. § 22 ; comp. Sueton. Ju/.
68.) [E. E.]

CYNAETHUS. [Cinaethu».]

CYNA'NE, CYNA, or CYNNA (Kwdi^,
Kuva, Kuwa), was half-sister to Alexander the
Great, and daughter of Philip by Audata, an
Illyrian woman. Her father gave her in marriage
to her cousin Amyntas, by whose death she was
left a widow in B. c. 336. [Amyntas, No. 3. )
In the following year Alexander promised her
hand, as a reward for his services, to Langarns,
king of the Agrianians, but the intended bride-
groom was carried off by sickness. Cynane con-
tinued unmarried, and employed herself in the
education of her daughter, Adea or Eurydice,
whom she is said to have trained, after the manner
of her own education, to martial exercises. When
Arrhidaeus was chosen king, b. c. 323, Cynane
determined to marry Eurj'dice to him, and crossed
over to Asia accordingh'. Her influence was pro-
bably great, and her project alanned Perdiccas
and Antipater, the former of whom sent her brother
Alcetas to meet her on her way and put her to
death. Alcetas did so in defiance of the feelings
of his troops, and Cynane met her doom with an
undaunted spirit. In B.C. 317, Cassander, after
defeating Olympias, buried Cynane with Eurj-^dice'
and Arrhidaeus at Aegae, the royal burying- place.
(Arr. Anab. i. 5, ap. Pliot. p. 70, ed. Bekk. ; Satyr.
op. Athen. xiii- p. 557, c. ; Diod. xix. 52; Polyaen.
viii. 60 ; Perizon. ad Ael. V. H. xiii. 36.) [E.E.]

CYNISCA (Kwi'tWa), daughter of Archidamus
II, king of Sparta, so named after her grandfather
Zeuxidamus, who was also called Cyniscus. (Herod,
vi. 71.) She was the first woman who kept horses
for the games, and the first who gained an Olym-
pian victory. (Paus. iii. 8. <S 1.) Pausanias men-
tions an epigram by an unknown author in her
honour, which is perhaps the same as the inscrip-
tion he speaks of (vi. 1. § 2) in his account of her
monument at Olympia. This was a group of
sculpture representing Cynisca with a chariot,
charioteer, and horses, — the work of Apellas.
[Apellas.] There were also figures of her horses
in brass in the temple of Olympian Zeus (Paus.
v. 12. § 3), and at Sparta she had near the gym-
nasium, called the Platanistas, an heroum. (iii.
15. U.) [A. H. C]

CYNO. [Cyrus.]

CYNOBELLI'NUS, one of the kings of Britain
in the reign of Claudius, the capital of whose
kingdom was Camalodunum. (Colchester or Mal-
don.) He was the father of Caractacus, Togo-
dumnus, and Adminius. (Dion Cass. Ix. 20, 21 ;
Suet. Cal. 44 ; Oros. vii. 5.)

CYNORTES or CYNORTAS {yivv6^i]s\ a
son of Amyclas by Diomede, and brother of Hya-
cinthus. After the death of his brother Argalus,
he became king of Sparta and father of Oebalus or
of Perieres. His tomb was shewn at Sparta not
far from the Scias. (Paus. iii. 1. § 3, 13. § 1 ;
Apollod. iii. 10. § 3; Schol. ad Eurip. Orest,
447.) [L. S.]

CYNOSU'RA (Kwoo-oypo), an Idaean nymph
and one of the nurses of Zeus, who placed her
among the stars. (Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 2 ; Arat.
Flaien. 35 ; Scrv. ad' Virg. Geovg. i. 246 ) [L.S.j

912 CYPRIANUS.

rVNTIIIA and CY'NTHIUS (KwO'ia and
KuiPicj), surnames respectively of Artemis and
Apoilo, which they derived from mount Cynthus
ill the island of Delos, their birthplace. (Callim.
/fi/mn. in Del. 10; Hor. Carm. i. 21. 2, iii. 28.
12; Lucan, i. 218.) [L. S.]

CYNULCUS. [Carneius.]

CYNUS (Kvvos), a son of Opus, and father of
Ilodoedocus and Larymna, from whom Cynus in
Locris derived its name. (Paus. ix. 23. $ 4 ;
i:ustath. ad Horn. p. 277.) [L. S.]

CYNU'RUS (Kvvovpos\ a son of Perseus, who
is said to have led colonists from Argos into Cynu-
ria, a valley between Argolis and Laconia. (Paus.
iii. 2. §3.) [L. S.1

CYPARISSUS (Kwdpiacros), a youth of Cea,
a son of Telephus, was beloved by Apollo and
Zephyrus or Silvan us. When he had inadvertently
killed his favourite stag, he was seized with immo-
derate grief, and metamorphosed into a cypress.
(Ov. Met. X. 120, &c.; Serv. ad Aen. iii. 64, G80,
J'Ji'loff. X. 26, Georg. i. 20.) Another Cyparissus
is mentioned by Eustathius. {^Ad Horn. II. \\.
.'iig.) [L. S.]

CY'PRIA, CYPRIS, CYPRIGENEIA, or
CYPRO'GKNES (Kun-pio, KuTrpjs, Ku7rpt7c»'€JO,
KuH-po76i^$), surnames of Aphrodite, who was
l)orn in the island of Cyprus, which was also one
of the principal seats of her worship. (Hom. //. v.
4.58; Pind. 01. i. 120, xi. 125, Pyth. iv. 383;
Tibull. iii. 3. 34; Ilor. Carm. \. 3. 1.) [L. S.]

CYPRIA'NUS, TIIA'SCIUS. This cele-
brated prelate was a native of Afiica, born, al-
though the exact year cannot be ascertiined, about
the beginning of the third century. We are not
acquainted with the particulars of his life as long
as he remained a Gentile ; but it is evident from
his writings that he must have been educated with
no common care. St. Jerome and Lactantius as-
sure us, that he practised the art of oratory, and
taught rhetoric with distinguished success, and by
this or some other honourable occupation he realised
considerable wealth. About the year A. d. 246, he
was persuaded to embrace Christianity by the ex-
hortations of Caecilius, an aged presbyter of the
church at Carthage, and, assuming the name of the
spiritual patron by whom he had been set free from
the bondage of Paganism, was henceforward styled
Thascius Cabcilius Cyprianu.s. At the same
period he sold all that he had, and distributed the
price among the poor. The popularity acquired by
this liberality, combined probably with the reputa-
tion he had previousl}-^ enjoyed, and the pride na-
turally felt in 80 distinguished a proselyte, secured
his nipid elevation. In a. d. 247 he was raised
to the rank of a presbyter, and in the course of the
following year the bishopric of Carthage was forced
upon his reluctant acceptance by a large majority
of the African clergy, not without strenuous oppo-
sition, however, from a small party headed by
Novatus [NoVATUs] and Felicissimus, whose o\>
stinate resistance and contumacy subsequently
gavt' rise to much disorder and violence.

When the persecution of Decius burst forth
(a. d. 250), C^'prian, being one of the first marked
out as a victim, fled from the storm, in obedience,
as he tells us {Kpist. xiv.), to an intimation from
heaven that thus he might best discharge his duty,
and remained in retirement until after Easter of
the following year. (a. d. 251.) During the whole
of this period he kept up an active correspondence

CYPRIANUS.

with his clergj' concerning various matters of dis-
cipline, much of his attention being occupied, as
the violence of the persecution began to abate, bv
the fierce controversies which arose with regard to
the readmission of the Lapsi or apostates, who,
according to the form and degree of their guilt,
were designated Sacrifwaii^ or Thuriftcati, or JAbcl-
latici, and were seeking, now that the danger had
p.assed away, the restoration of their ecclesiastical
privileges. Cyprian, although not perfectly con-
sistent throughout in his instructions, always ma-
nifested a disposition to follow a moderate course ;
and while on the one hand he utterly rejected the
extreme doctrine of Novatianus, who maintained
that the church had no power again to admit the
renegades to her communion, so he was equally
opposed to the laxity of those who were willing to
receive them at once, before they had given evi-
dence of their contrition by lengthened penitence,
and finally decided that full forgiveness should not
be extended to any of the offenders until God
should have granted peace to his servants. No-
vatus and Felicissimus. taking advantage of these
disputes, endeavoured to gain over to their faction
many of the impatient and discontented Lapsi.
Novatus actually appointed Felicissimus his deacon
without the permission or knowledge of his dio-
cesan, who in his turn caused Felicissimus to be
excommunicated ; while the latter, far from sub-
mitting to the sentence, associated with himself
five seditious presbyters, who breaking off in
open schism, elected Fortunatus, one of their own
number, bishop, and ventured to despatch an epis-
tle to Cornelius, bishop of Rome, announcing their
choice. This cabal, however, soon fell to pieces ;
Cornelius refused to listen to their representations,
their supporters gradually dropped off, and their
great bond of union was rudely snapped asunder
by the defection of their great champion, Novatus,
who, upon his visit to Rome at the commencement
of A. D. 251, not only ceased to plead the cause of
the Lapsi, but espoused to the full extent the
views of Novatianus. Scarcely were these trou-
bles happily allayed, and Cyprian once more se-
curely seated in his chair, when fresh disturbances
arose in consequence of the acrimonious contest
between Cornelius and Novatianus [Cornelius ;
Novatianus] for the see of Rome, the former
finding a warm supporter in the bishop of Carthage,
by whose exertions his authority was acknowledged
throughout neariy the whole of Africa. In the month
of June, A. D. 252, began what is commonly termed
the persecution of Gallus, but which in reality
originated in an unauthorized popular movement
excited by the refusal of the Christians to join in
the prayers and sacrifices offered up on account of
the deadly pestilence which was devastating the
various provinces of the Roman empire. On this
occasion, as formerly, the mob of Carthage loudly
demanded that Cyprian should be thrown to the
lions ; but the danger does not appear to have been
imminent, and while in Italy Cornelius was ba-
nished to Civita Vecchia, where he died on the
14th of September, and his successor Lucius suf-
fered martyrdom a few months afterwards (5th
March, 253), Africa remained comparatively un-
disturbed, and the political confusion consequent
upon the assumption of the purple by Aemilianus
restored to the church external tranquillity, which
continued uninterrupted for nearly four years. But
in proportion as there was repose from without, so

CYFRIANUS.

discord waxed hot within. The never ending dis-
cussions with regard to the Lapsi were vexatiously
and bitterly revived under a thousand embarrass-
ing forms ; next arose a dispute with regard to
the age at which infants might receive baptism;
and lastly the important controversy concerning
the rebaptizing of those who had been admitted to
the rite by heretics and schismatics, which first
arose in Asia, now began to call forth a stonn of
angry feeling in all the provinces of the West.
In this case, Cyprian was no longer the Jidvocate
of moderate opinions. He ste.idfastly and sternly
maintained that the unity of the visible church
was essential to Christianity ; that no Christianity
could exist beyond the pale of that church ; that
no sacrament was efficacious if administered by
those who had violated this principle by disobedi-
ence to episcopal authority ; and that consequently
the baptism performed by heretics and schismatics
Wfis in itself null and void — doctrines confirmed
by the acts of a numerous council lield at Carthage
in the autumn of a. d. 25.5, and unhesitatingly
repudiated by Stephen, at that time bishop of
Rome. The tempest thus aroused was stilled for
awhile by the unlooked-for persecution of Valerian,
hitherto considered the friend and protector of the
Christian cause. Cyprian being at once pointed
out by his high character and conspicuous station,
was banished by Patemus the proconsul to the
maritime city of Curubis, whither he proceeded in
September, a. d. 257, attended by his friend and
constant companion, the deacon Pontius, to whom
he communicated that he had received a revelation
of approaching martyrdom. After having lived in
this agreeable residence for eleven months, treated
■with the greatest indulgence and surrounded by
every comfort, he was recalled by the new go-
Temor, Galerius Maximus, and returned to his
villa in the neighbourhood of the city, from whence
he was soon summoned to appear liefore the pro-
consul at Utica. Conscious of his ajiproacliing
fate, he withdrew for a time into concealment, in
consequence, say his enemies, of his courage having
failed him, or, according to his own declaration,
because he considered it nioie becoming to die in
the midst of his own people than in the diocese of
another prelate. It is certain that, upon the re-
turn of Maximus. Cyprian reappeared, resisted all
the entreaties of his friends to seek safety in flight,
made a bold and film profession of his faith in the
praetorium before the magistrate, and was be-
headed in a spacious plain without the walls in
the presence of a vast multitude of his sorrowing
followers, who were freely permitted to remove
the corpse and to pay the last honours to his me-
mory with mingled demonstrations of grief and
triumph.

While Cyprian possessed an amount of learning,
eloquence, and earnestness, which gained for him
the admiration and respectful love of those among
whom he laboured, his zeal was tempered with
moderation and charity to an extent of which we
find but few examples among the ecclesiastics of
that age and country, and was combined with an
amount of prudence and knowledge of human
nature which enabled him to restrain and guide
the fiery spirits by whom he was surrounded, and
to maintain unshaken to the close of his life that
influence, stretching far beyond the limits of his
own diocese, which he had' established almost at
the outset of his career. His correspondence pre-

CYPRL\NUS.

913

sents us with a very lively picture both of the
man and of the times ; and while we sometimes
remark and regret a certain want of candour and
decision, and a disinclination to enunciate boldly
any great principles save such as were likely to
Hatter the prejudices of his clergy, we at the sjnne
time feel grateful in being relieved from the head-
strong violence, the overbearing spiritual pride,
and the arrogant impiety which disgrace the works
of so many early controversialists. His chanicter,
indeed, and opinions were evidently, in no small
degree, formed by the events of his own life.
The clemency uniformly exhibited towards the
Lapsi was such as might have been expected from
a good man who must have been cmiscioiis tliat he
had himsf*lf, on one occasion at least, considered it
more expedient to avoid than to invite persecution,
while the extreme views which he advocated with
regard to the powers of the church were not sur-
prising in a prelate whose authority had been so
long and so fiercely assailed by a body of factious
schismatics. On one point only is hisco))duct open
to painful suspicion. He more than once alleged
that he had received communicjitions and direc-
tions direct from heaven, precisely too with re-
ference to those transactions of his life which sip-
peared most calculated to excite distrust or censure.
Those who are not disposed to believe that such
revelations were really vouchsafed, cannot fail to
observe that the tone and temper of Cyprian's
mind were so far removed from fanaticism, that it
is impossible to imagine that he could have been
deceived by the vain visions of a heated imagina-
tion.

In his style, which is avowedly formed upon
the model of TertuUian, he exhibits much of the
masculine vigour and power of his master, while he
skilfully avoids his harshness and extravajjance
both of thought and diction. The fruits of his
early training and practice as a rhetorician are
manifested in the lucid arrangement of his matter,
and in the copious, flowing, and sonorous periods
in which he gives expression to his ideas ; but we
may here and there justly complain, that loose
reasoning and hollow declamation are substituted
for the precise logic and pregnant terseness which
we demand from a great polemical divine.

The following is a list of Cyprian's works : —

1 . De Gratia Ihi liber^ addressed in the form
of a letter to his friend Donatus, who appears to
have followed in early life the same profession
with himself, and to have been converted at tho
same time. This work was probably composed in
A. D. 246, very soon after the admission of its
author into the church. It depicts in glowing
colours the liappy condition of those who, enlight-
ened by the grace of God, have turned aside from
Paganism to Christianity ; dwells upon the mercy
and beneficence by which this change is effected,
and upon the importance of the baptismal rite ;
and draws a striking parallel between the purity
and holiness of the true faith as contrasted with
the grossness and vice of the vulgar belief. Al-
though frequently placed among the Epistles of
Cyprian, it deserves to be considered in the light
of a formal treatise.

2. De Idolorum Vanitate liher^ WTitten in A. D.
247, the year in which he was ordained a pret-by-
ter, is imitated from the early Christian Apologies,
especially that of TertuUian. Three points are
chiefly insisted upon. i. The folly of raising

3 N

dH CYPRIAN US.

earthly kings, that is, mere mortal men, to the
rank of divinities, the impotence of such imaginary-
powers, and the emptiness of the science of augury.
2. The Unity of God. 3. The Advent of Christ,
and his Consubstantiality with the Father. This
tract is expressly ascribed to Cyprian by Jerome
in his Epist. ad Magnum Oral.

3. Testimoniorum advevsus Jtidaeos libri tres.
A collection of remarkable texts from Scripture,
divided into three books, and illustrated by re-
marks and applications. Those in the first are
quoted for the purpose of proving that the Jews,
by their disobedience, had, in accordance with
prophecy, forfeited the protection and promises of
God ; those in the second demonstrate that the
Christians had taken their place, and that Jesus
was the Messiah foretold in the Old Testament ;
those in the third exhibit within a short compass
the great moral and religious obligations of the
Christian life. The precise date at which this
compilation was arranged is unknown, but it pro-
bably belongs to the early part of Cyprian's career.
It is quoted by Jereme {Dial. I. adv. Pelag.) and
by Augustin. {Cefitra duos Epist. Pelag, iv. 8,
10.)

4. De Disciplina et Hahitu Virginum liber,
written in A. D. 248, the year in which he was
raised to the episcopate, in imitation of the disser-
tations of Tertullian, " De Virginibus velandis,"
" De Habitu Mulierum," &c., the object being to
enferce upon those holy maidens who had made a
vow of celibacy the necessity of simplicity in their
drees and manner of life. He commences with an
enc«mium on virginity, insists upon the propriety
of abstaining from all sumptuous apparel and vain
omiiraents, from paint, from fr>equenting baths,
marriages, or public spectacles, and concludes with
a general exhortation to avoid all luxurious indul-
genoies. This book is referred to by Jerome
(JS^t. ad Demeiriad, et Eustock.) and by Augus-
tin {de Doctrina Clu-isd, iv. 2 1 ),

5. De Unitate Erclesiae Catholicac lilter, written
and despatched to Rome in a. d. 2.52, at a period
when both Italy and Africa were distracted by
the pretensions of Novatianus, witli the view of
bringing back to the bosom of the church those
who had wandered from her pale or were wavering
in their allegiance, by pointing out the danger and
sin of schism, and by demonstrating the necessity of
a visible union among all true Christians. This
remarkable treatise is of the utmost importance to
the student of ecclesiastical historj-, since here we
first find the doctrine of Catholicism and of the
typical cliaracter of St. Peter developed in that
form which was afterwards assumed by the bishops
of Rome as the basis of Papal supremacy. It is
quoted by Augustin (c. Crescon. ii. 33 ; see also
Cyprian. Epist. 51).

6. De Lapsis liber, written and despatched to
Rome in the month of November, a. d. 252. It
may be considered as a sort of supplement to the
preceding work, explaining and defending the
justice and consistency of that temperate policy
wliich was adopted both by Cornelius and Cyprian
with regard to the readmission of fallen brethren
into the communion of the church. The tract is
quoted by Eusebius {Hist. Eccl. vi. 33), by Au-
gustin {de Adult. Co72J. i. 25), and by Pontius
{Vit. Ci/prian). See also Cyprian, Epist. 51.

7. De Oratione Doininica liber, written about
A. D. 252, in imitation of Tertullian, " De Ora-

CYPRIANUS.

tione," contains a lengthened commentary on each
of the petitions in the Lord's Prayer, accompanied
by remarks upon prayer in general, and upon tlie
frame of mind which best befits those who thus
approach the throne of God. Tliis work is highly
extolled by Hilarius in his commentary on St.
Matthew, by Augustin in many places (e. g. de
Do7i. persev. 2), by Cassiodorus {Divin. Instit. 19),
and by Pontius in his life of Cyprian, while among
moderns, Barth pronounces it one of the noblest
productions of ancient Christian Latinity. {Advers.
Iviii.)

8. De MortaUtate liber, written in a. d. 252,
during the prevalence of the terrible pestilence
which for the space of five years ravaged the most
populous provinces of the Roman empire, for the
purpose of pointing out how little death ought to
be an object of dread to the Christian, since to
him it was the gate of immortality, the beginning
of eternal bliss. It is mentioned by Augustin (^c/«
Julian, ii.), and elsewhere.

9. Ad Demetrianum liber, also written in A. D.
252. Demetrianus, proconsul of Africa, catching
up the popular cry, had ascribed the famine and
plague under which the world was at this time
labouring to the impiety of the Christians, who
refused to render homage to the deities. Cy-
prian here replies, that the Gentiles themselves
were much more the cause of these disasters, by
neglecting the worship of the only true God and
cruelly persecuting his followers. It is quoted by
Lactantius {Divin. Instit. v. 1, 4), by Jerome (^(/u.
Mag.), and by Pontius. ( Vit. Cyprian.)

1 0. De Exliortatione Martyrii, a letter addressed
to Fortunatus in A. D. 252, during the persecution
of Gallus, on the reasonableness, the duty, and the
reward of martyrdom, in imitation of a treatise on
the same subject by Tertullian. This piece has
been by some persons erroneously attributed to
Hilarius, but is now generally acknowledged as
the undoubted production of Cyprian.

1 1. De Opere et Eleemosynis liber, on the duty
of almsgiving, written according to some critics to-
wards the close of a. d. 254, while others suppose
that it belongs to the preceding year, and believe
it to be connected with an epistle (Ixii.) addressed
by Cyprian to some Numidian bishops who had
solicited pecuniary assistance to enable them to
redeem from captivity several of the brethren who
had been carried off and were kept in slavery by
the Moors. It is named under the above title by
Augustin {Contra duos ep. Pelag. iv. 4), and by
Jerome {Ad Pammach.), as a discourse " De Mise-
ricordia."

12. De Bono Patientiae liber, written about A. D.
256, in imitation of the work of Tertullian on the
same subject. It is quoted by Augustin {Contra
duos ep. Pelag. iv. 9) and by Pontius, ( Vit. Cy-
prian.)

13. De Zelo et Livore, written in A. d. 25 G, at
the period when the controversy between Cyprian
and Stephen, bishop of Rome, on the rebaptizing
of heretics, was at its height, exhorting Christians
carefully to avoid envy and malice, and to cherish
feelings of charity and love towards each other. It
is quoted by Augustin {de Baptism. Parv. 4), by
Jerome {hi ep. ad Gal. c. 5), and by Pontius. ( Vit.
Cyprian.)

14. Epistolae. In addition to the above we
possess a series of eighty-one official letters, ex-
tending over the whole public life of Cyprian, in-

CYPRIANUS.

clu>ling a few addressed to himself or to his clergy.
This collection is of inestimable value, not only on
account of the light which it throws on the life,
character, and opinions of the prelate himself, but
from the lively picture which it presents of the
state of ecclesiastical atfairs, and of a multitude of
circumstances of the greatest importance in histo-
rical and antiquarian researches. Our limits pre-
clude us from attempting to give any analysis of
these documents ; but we may remark, that the
topics principally considered bear upon the ques-
tions, general and local, which we have noticed
above as agitating the Christian community at this
epoch, namely, the treatment of the Lapsi, the
schism of Novatus and Felicissimus, the schism
of Novatianus, the baptism of infants, the re-
baptising of heretics, to which we may add a re-
markable discussion on a subject which has been
revived in our own day, the necessity of employing
wine in the sacrament of the Eucharist, in which
Cyprian strongly denounces the tenets of the
Aquarii or Encratites {Epht. 63), and employs
many expressions which have been constantly ap-
pealed to by those opposed to the practice of the
Romish church which denies the cup to the laity.

In most editions of Cyprian the tract De Gratia
Deiy together with the fragment of a letter from
Donatus prefixed to it, are set down as the first
two epistles, by which arrangement the number is
swelled to eighty-three. Three more were printed
by Baluze, which, however, are now admitted to
be spurious.

The following works are admitted as authentic
by many editors, although they do not rest on
such satisfactory evidence as the foregoing . —

1. De Spcdaculis liher.

2. De Laude Marti/rii ad Moysen et Maccinmm
et ceieros Confessores.

The following works, although frequently found
bearing the name of Cyprian, and many of them,
probably, belonging to the same age, are now re-
jected by all : —

1. Ad Novaiianum Haereticum, quod iMpsis Spes
Veniae non sit deneganda., ascribed by Erasmus to
Cornelius. 2. De IHsciplina et bono Pudiciiiae,
ascribed in like manner by Erasmus to Cornelius.
li. De Aleatonbus. 4. De Alonlibus Sina et Sion
contra Judaeos. 5. Oratio pro Martyrihus —
Oratio in Die Passionis suae et Confessio S. Cypri-
ani, assigned by many to Cyprian of Antioch.
6. De Rebapiismate. 7. De Cardinalibus ChHsti
Operibus^ now recognized as the work of Arnold,
abbot of Bona Vallis, 8. De Sim/ularitaie C/eri-
corum. 9. In Symbolum Jpostolicum Eorpositio.
The work of Rufinus. 10. Adversus Judaeos qui
Christum insecuti sunt. 1 1 . De Revelaiione Capitis
B. Jo. Daptistae : in this work mention is made of
the Frankish king Pepin. 1 2. De Duplici Mar-
ty rio, in which mention is made of the Turks !
13. De Duodecim Abitsionibus SaecuH. 14. Dis-
positioCoenae. 15. De Pasdia Computus, attributed
to Cyprian by Paulus Diaconus, and found in the
Cottonian MS. 16. Three poems, the author or
authors of which are unknown, have been ascribed
to Cj'prian — Genesis, Sodoma, Ad Senatorem. The
first seems to be the same with that assigned by
Gennadius to Salvianus, bishop of Marseilles.

The editions of Cyprian are very numerous.
The editio princeps was printed at Rome from a
Parisian MS., under the inspection of Andrew,
bishop of Aleria, by Sweynheym and Pannartz,

CYPSELUS.

915

1471, fol. The first edition in which any attempt
was made to exhibit a pure text, and to separate
the genuine from the spurious works, Avas that of
Erasmus, whose labours are above all praise. It
appeared at Basle, from the press of Frobon, in
1520, fol. The two best editions are — 1. That
printed at Oxford, 1682, fol., and edited by John
Fell, bishop of Oxford, to which are subjoined the
Annates Cypriatiid of John Pearson, bishop of
Chester; reprinted at Bremen, 1690, fol., with
the addition of the Dissertationes Cyprianicae of
Dodwell, which had previously appeared in a
separate form, Oxon. 1684, 4to. 2. That com-
menced by Baluze, and completed by a monk of
the fraternity of St. Maur, who is hence styled
Maranus, Paris, fol. 1726. These two editions
taken together contain everything that the student
can possibly desire.

As ancient authorities we have a biography of
Cyprian still extant drawn up by his confidential
friend the deacon Pontius [Pontius], together
with the proconsular acts relating to his martyrdom.
Among modem lives we may specify those by Le
Clerc, Bibliotheque Universelle, vol. xii. p. 208 —
378 ; by Tillemont, Memoires Ecclesiastiqtil>s, vol.
iv. pp. 76 — 459 ; and by Maranus, prefixed to the
edition of Baluze. No publication on this subject
contains such an amount of accurate investigation
with regard not only to the prelate himself, but also
to the whole complicated ecclesiastical history of the
times, as the Annates Cyprianici of Pearson, an
abstract of which has been compiled by Schoene-
mann, and will be found in his Bibl. Patrum. Lat.
vol. i. pp. 80 — 100 (c. iii. § 3), and a vast mass
of valuable matter is contained in the Dissertationes
Cyprianicae of Dodwell.

Compare also Fabric. Bibl. Med. et inf. T/it. L
p. 444 ; Funccius, de L. L. veg. senect. ex. § 19 ;
Schrdck, KirchengescM. i. p. 210, and iv. p. 246,
&c. ; Lumper, Histor. Theolog. Crit. pars xi. p. 58,
&c. ; Walch, Bibliotlieca Pati-istica, ed. Danz ;
Gibbon, Decline and Fall^ c. 1 6 ; Milman, History
of Christianity, ii. p. 246 ; Rettberg, Thasc. C'dcU,
Cyprian dargestellt nach seinem Leben und Wir]ien,
Getting. 1831 ; Poole, Life and Times of Cyprian,
Oxford, 1840. [W. R.]

CY'PSELUS (Kyi//e\os), a son of Aepytus,
father of Merope and father-in-law of Cres-
phontes, was king of Basilis on the Alpheius in
Arcadia. (Paus. iv. 3. § 3, viii. 5. §^ 4, 8, 29.
§ 4.) [L. S.]

C Y'PSELUS, of Corinth, was, according to Hero-
dotus (v. 92), a son of Aeetion, who traced his
descent to Caeneus, the companion of Peirithous.
Pausanias(ii. 4. § 4, v. 2. § 4, 17. ^ 2, and c. 18) de-
scribes Cypselus as a descendant of Melas, who was
a native of Gonusa near Sicyon, and accompanied
the Dorians against Corinth. The mother of
Cypselus belonged to the house of the Bacchiadae,
that is, to the Doric nobilitj-- of Corinth. Accord-
ing to the tradition followed by Herodotus, she
married Aeetion, because, being ugly, she met with
no one among the Bacchiadae who would have her
as his wife. Her marriage remained for some
time without issue, .ind when Aeetion consulted the
oracle of Delphi about it, a son was promised to
him, who should prove fonnidable to the ruling
party at Corinth. When the Bacchiadae were in-
fonned of this oracle, which at the same time threw
light upon a previous mysterious oracle, they re-
solved for their own security to murder the child-

3n2

91G CYRIADES.

of Aeetion. But the persons who were sent out
for this purpose were moved by the Biniles of the
infant ancPspared his life. Afterwards, however
thevmade a second attempt, but they now could
TJZl the child, for his mother had concealed
him in a chest (Kt^eAr,), from w;hich he derived
v-^rjp rvDselus. When he had grown up to
"Zm S'c:^e forward as the champion of the
Temos agkinst the nobles and with the help of the

jlled \
iished himself as tyrant

;:;i:Se^eS;VtheBkcchiadae,and^henest^^
Iished himself as tyrant. (Anstot. ^«^^- ^- «;
&c ) The cruelties which he is charged with at
fhe beginning of his reign were the result of the
veheSt opposition on the part of the Bacchiadae
for afterwards his government was peaceful and
nonular and Cypselus felt so safe among the
?:r;rthians thaJ'he could even dispense with a
body-guard. (Aristot. Polit. v. 9 ; Polyaen. v. 31.)
Like most other Greek tyrants, Cyp-l- was -•y
fond of splendour and magnificence, and he appear^
tohaveLcumulated great wcath. He dedicated
at Delphi the chapel of the Connthians ^ith a
We palm-tree (Pint. Conv Sept. Sap. 21, %»';'•
L^rf. viii. 4); and at Olympia ^e erected a
goTden-statue of Zeus, towards which the wealth
?;orinthians were obliged to pay an extraoi^ina^
tax for the space often years, (btrab. vni. pp. 3j>3.
378; comp. Pseud. Anstot Oeam. n. 2 bi
and Phot.'*, r. ^v^^^os.) Cypselus rded^
Corinth for a period of thirty years, the begi by
of which is placed by some in B. c 65K, -^n^y
others in 655. He was succeeded in the^rated
at Corinth by his son Penander. Ihe^ j^ory,
chest of Cypselus, consisting of cedar 7 in relief,
and gold, and richly adorned with tipreserved a
of which Pau8ani;is (v. 17, &c-) .uired by one
description, is said to have beePKept in it his
of the ancestors of Cypselus, Ms remained in
most costly treasures. It aftts, and it was in
the possession of his doscrwas saved from the
this chest that young Cypae. His grateful de-
persecutions of the Bache temple of Hera at
Bcendants dedicated i.'ecn by Pausanias about
Olympia, where it ntury after Christ. (Comp.
the end of the scccimuL § 57. 2, &c. ; Thiersch,
M idler. ArcJuieol [L. S.]

Epoch, p. 166, f)!?'"^), a daughter of Hypscus
CYRE'N'-^hlidanope, a granddaughter of
or Peneiu^eusa, was beloved by Apollo, who
Peneius r"^"^ mount Pelion to Libya, where
carried ^^^ ^^s name from her. She became
Cyren«>'i^ mother of Aristaeua. (Pind. Pt/ih.
\jy ^ ; ApoUon. Rhod, i. 500, &c. ; Diod. iv.
ix. f.adAm. iv. 42, 317 ; Hygin. /oA. 161.)
}{a mere mistake that Justin (xiii. 7) calls
lOcus, Nomius, and Argaeus sons of Cyrene.
jmp. Aristaeus.) There are two other niythi-
-il personages of the name of Cyrene. (Hvgin.
Fub. 14 ; Apollod. ii. 5. § 8.) [L. S.]

CYRl'ADES stands first in the list of the
thirty tyrants enumerated by Trebellius PoUio
[AuRKOLUs], from whose brief, indistinct, and
apparently inaccurate narrative we gather that,
after having robbed his father, whose old age he
had embittered by dissipation and vice, he fled to
the Persians, stimulated Sapor to invade the Ro-
man provinces, and, having assumed the purple
together with the title of Augustus, was slain by
his own followers after a short career of cruelty
and crime. Gibbon thinks fit to assume that these

CYRILLUS.
events took place after the defeat and captu^ of
Valerianus (a. d. 260) ; but our only ai^jiority
expressly asserts, that the death of the usurper
happened while the emperor was upon his march
to the East (a. d. 258 or 259); and by that state-
ment we must, in the absence of all other evidence,
be content to abide. The med;..s published by
Goltzius and Iklediobarbus are rjjected by numis-
matologists as unquestionably ;punous. (Trebell.
FoW. rriff. Tvr. i.) .[V'-^-J

CYRILLUS, a Graec Roman jurist, who
wrote shortly after the cmpilations of Justinian
were formed. From th scholiast on the Basilica
r vii p 89) it may be nferred, that he translated
into Greek the Digei f„l«"gjj ("^f '^^«^«J^ Rf ^
ad Theoph. p. 124<^J^}0- He also composed a
commentary on ■« ^'gest, which is cited by the
„„^^ Y'„s,tl_a ,>rd wJiich does not mean an alpha-
name ivot^ — a • J • ^1 , '^
betical rcnsf- °^ ^"^^^ ^" *^« modem sense.
(Bus. ii. p°p. '^^' ^^"^"^ ^^'"^ ^'''^^'^ thought that,
as tphB n-'"^ ^ summary abridgment of the con-
tents of '® tftl^s, so irAaros means an extended
j^,^iry or paraphrase ; while Hugo (/?. H. G.
,,< ) mentions a suggestion made to him, that
^' OS and it/Si^ are used synonomously, the latter
, d being interpreted in the Glossae Nomicae by
ixt]vf'i(i. Cyrilius is designated, along with Ste-
- - , , -hanus (who also wrote an Index), by the name
2;bui '\vZiKfvTt]s. (Z?a«. iii. p. 415.) On the authority
of Ant. Augustinus, Suarez (Noiii. Busil. § 19)
cites Matt. Blastares (in Praef. Spitag.) to shew
that Cyrilius interpreted the Digest Kar firiTon-nv;
but, in the edition of Blastares published by Bp.
Beveridge (Si/noJicon., ii.), the name of Cyrilius
does not occur in the context referred to. Cyrilius
also commented upon the Code. {Bus. iii. pp. 60,
61.) Sometimes he is quoted by the scholiasts on
the Bsisilica, and sometimes hi* opinions are embo-
died in the text. {Bus. v. pp. 44, 82, 431, Bus. iv.
p. 410.) He does not appear to have commented
upon the Novells ; and Reiz (ad Tlieoph. pp. 12.^5,
1245) has observed, that both Cyrilius and Ste-
phanus must have written before a. d. 535, when
the 1 1 5th Novell was promulgated. In Bus. v.
225 is a quotJition from Cyrilius stating the law
de Inofficioso Testamento as it existed before it was
altered by the 115th Kovell, which an eminent
jurist could scarcely have overlooked or been igno-
rant of.

C. E. Zachariae seems to think that there were
two jurists named Cyrilius : one, who was among
the preceptors of the jurists that flourished in the
time of Justinian ; another, who was among the
jurists that flourished in the period immediately
after the compilation of the Corpus Juris. [Hist.
J. G. R. § 14, 1, a., ib. § 14, 5, c.) Zachariae
indeed does not expressly say that there were two,
but, unless he thinks so, his mode of statement is
calculated to mislead. The early Cyrilius is re-
ferred to (if Zachariae properly expresses his
meaning) in Bas. i. pp. 583, 646 (ed. Heimbach),
in both of which passages he is designated by the
honourable title Heros. In the passage, p. 646,
Heros Patricias, who was a contemporary of Jus-
tinian, seems (as quoted by the Scholiast) to call
Cyrilius " the general schoolmaster of the world ;"
but the meaning is ambiguous, and the high-flown
compliments to Cyrilius may be the Scholiast's
own. It is the later Cyrilius (if Zachariae ex-
presses what he intends) who, in Bas. i. p. 7o9
(ed. Heimbach), cites Stephanus, his contemporary

CYRILLUS.

und brother-commentator. We do not aprer with
Zachariae in this hypothesis of two Cyrilli ; and it
is to be observed, that in Bas^i. p. 646 (ed. Heim-
bach) the supposed earlier Cyrillus of Zachariae is
treated as the author of a commentary on the title
de Pactis.)

In Has. iii. pp. 50, 51 (ed. Fabrot.), Cyrillus is
represented as quoting a constitution of Alexius
Comnenus (a. d. 1081 — 1118), and, in Bos. v. p.
431 and vii. p. 89, mention is made of the edition
of Cyrillus, which is supposed by Asseraani and
Pohl to mean his edition of the Basilica. Hence
Assemani {Bibl. Jur. Orient, ii. "20, p. 404) comes
to the conclusion, that Cyrillus was posterior to
Alexius ; and Pohl {ad Siuxres. Notit. BiisiL p. 69,
n. a) thinks, that there were two jurists of the
name, one of whom was posterior to Alexius. In
the passages of early jurists which are appended as
notes to the text of the Basilica, interpolations and
alterations were often made, in order to accommo-
date them to a later state of the law ; and the ap-
parent anachronisms thus produced occasion consi-
derable difficulty in the legal biography of the
lower empire. (Heimbach, de Basil. Orig. p. 31.)

The fragments of Graeco-Roman jurists append-
ed by way of commentary to the 8th book of the
Basilica were first published by Ruhnken from a
manuscript at Leyden in the 3rd and 5th volumes
of Meermann's Thesaurus. Among them are fre-
quent extracts from Cyrillus.

In the Glossae Nomicac, of which Labbe made
a collection that was published after his death
(Paris, 1679, London, 1817), are Glossaries which
have been commonly attributed to Philoxenus and
Cyrillus. Reiz (ad Theoph. p. 1246) thinks it not
improbable that these Glossaries were either edited
by Philoxenus and Cyrillus, or extracted by others
from their interpretations, but that they certainly
have been interpolated and altered by later handa.
Haubold (Inst. Jur. Rom. priv. p. 159, n. k.) sees
no sufficient reason for attributing to Cyrillug the
Glossary that passes under his name. [J.T.G.]

CYRILLUS {KvpiK\os\ ST., was a native of
Alexandria, and nephew of Theophilus, bishop of
the same place. The year of his birth is not known.
After having been a presbyter of the church at
Alexandria, he succeeded to the episcopal chair
on the death of Theophilus, a. d. 412. To this
office he was no sooner elevated than he gave full
scope to those dispositions and desires that guided
him through an unquiet life. Unbounded ambi-
tion and vindictiveness, jealousy of opponents, ill-
directed cunning, apparent zeal for the truth, and
an arrogant desire to lord it over the churches,
constituted the character of this vehement patriarch.
His restless and turbulent spirit, bent on self-
aggrandisement, presents an unfavourable portrait
to the impartial historian. Immediately after his
elevation, he entered with vigour on the duties
supposed to devolve on the prelate of so important
a city. He banished from it the Jews, who are
said to have been attempting violence towards the
Christians, threw down their synagogue and plun-
dered it, quarrelled with Orestes, and set himself
to oppose heretics and heathens on every side.
According to Socrates, he also shut up the churches
of the Novatians, took away all their sacred vessels
and ornaments, and deprived Theopemptus, their
bishop, of all he had. (Histor. Eccles. vii. 7.)
But his efforts were chiefly directed against Nes-
torius, bishop of Constantinople ; and the greater

CYRILLUS. 917

part of his life was passed amid agitating scenes,
resulting from this persevering opposition. In
consequence of an epistle written by Cyril to the
Egyptian monks which had been carried to Con-
stantinople, Nestorius and his friends were naturally
offended. When Cyril understood how much
Nestorius had been hurt by this letter, he wrote
to him in justification of his conduct, and in ex-
planation of his faith, to which Nestorius replied
in a calm and dignified tone. CyriPs answer
repeats the admonitions of his first letter, expounds
anew his doctrine of the union of natures in Christ,
and defends it against the consequences deduced
in his opponent's letter. Nestorius was after-
wards induced by Lampon, a presbyter of the
Alexandrian church, to write a short letter to Cyril
breathing the true Christian spirit.

In the mean time the Alexandrine prelate wa*
endeavouring to lessen the influence of his op-
ponent by statements addressed to the emperor,
and also to the princesses Pulcheria, Arcadia, and
Marinia ; but Theodosius was not disposed to look
upon him with a friendly eye because of such
epistles; for he feared that the prelate aimed at
exciting disagreement and discord in the imperial
household. Cyril also wrote to Celestine, bishop
of Rome, informing him of the heresy of Nestorius,
and asking his co-operation against it. The Ro-
man bishop had previously received some account
of the controversy from Nestorius; though, from
ignorance of Greek, he had not been able to read
the letters and discourses of the Constantinopolitan
prelate. In consequence of Cyril's statement,
Celestine held a council at Rome, and passed a
decree, that Nestorius should be deposed in ton
days unless he recanted. The execution of this
decree was entrusted to Cyril. The Roman pre-
late also sent several letters through Cyril, one of
which, a circular letter to the Eastern patriarchs
and bishops, Cyril forwarded with additional
letters from himself. This circular was afterwards
sent by John of Antioch to Nestorius. Soon
after (a. d. 430), he assembled a synod at Alex-
andria, and set forth the truth in opposition to
Nestorius's tenets in twelve heads or anathemas,
A letter was also drawn up addressed to Nestorius,
another to the officers and members of the church
at Constantinople, inciting them to oppose their
patriarch, and a third to the monks. With these
anathemas he sent four bishops as legates to Nes-
torius, requiring of him to subscribe them if he
wished to remain in the communion of the Catholic
church and retain his see. Celestine's letter, which
he had kept back till now, was also despatched.
But Nestorius refused to retract, and answered
the anathemas by twelve anti-anathemas. la
consequence of these mutual excommunications and
recriminatory letters, the emperor Theodosius tlie
Second was induced to summon a general council
at Ephesus, commonly reckoned the third oecume-
nical council, which was held A. D. 431. To this
council Cyril and many bishops subservient to his
views repaired. The pious Isidore in vain re-
monstrated with the fiery Alexandrine prelate.
Nestorius was accompanied by two imperial
ministers of state, one of whom had the command
of soldiers to protect the council. Cyril presided,
and urged on the business with impatient haste.
Nestorius and the imperial commissioners re-
quested that the proceedings might be delayed till
the arrival of John of Antioch and the other

918

CYRILLUS.

eastern bishops, and likewise of the Italian and
Sicilian members ; but no delay was allowed.
Nestorius was condemned as a heretic. On the
27th of June, five days after the commencement of
the council, John of Antioch, Theodoret, and the
other eastern bishops, arrived. Uniting themselves
with a considerable part of the council who were
opposed to Cyril's proceedings, they held a separate
synod, over which John presided, and deposed
both Cyril and Memnon his associate. Both,
however, were soon after restored by the emperor,
while Nestorius was compelled to return to his
cloister at Antioch. The emperor, though at first
opposed to Cyril, was afterwards wrought upon by
various representations, and by the intrigues of the
monks, many of whom were bribed by the Alex-
andrian prelate. Such policy procured many friends
at court, while Nestorius having also fallen under
the displeasure of Pulcheria, the emperor's sister,
was abandoned, and obliged to retire from the city
into exile. Having triumphed over his enemy at
Ephesus, Cyril returned to Egypt. But the depo-
sition of Nestorius had separated the eastern from
the western churches, particularly those in Egypt.
In A. D. 432, Cyril and the eastern bishops were
exhorted by the emperor to enter into terms of
peace. In pursuance of such a proposal, Paul of
Emesa, in the name of the Orientals, brought an
exposition of the faith to Alexandria, sufficiently
catholic to be subscribed by Cyril. He returned
with another from Cyril, to be subscribed by the
Easterns. This procured peace for a little while.
But the spirit of the Alexandrian bishop could not
easily rest ; .ind soon after the disputes were re-
newed, particularly between him Jind Theodoret.
In such broils he continued to be involved till his
death, a. d. 444.

According to Cave, Cyril possessed piety and
indomitable zeal for the Catholic faith. But if we
may judge of his piety by his conduct, he is
scarcely entitled to this character. His learning
was considerable according to the standard of the
times in which he lived. He had a certain kind
of acuteness and ingenuity which frequently bor-
dered on the mystical ; but in philosophical com-
prehension and in metaphysical acumen he was very
defective. Theodoret brings various accusations
against him, which represent him in an unamiable
and even an unorthodox light. He charges him
with holding that there was but one nature in
Christ ; but this seems to be only a consequence
derived from his doctrine, just as Cyril deduced
from Nestorius's writings a denial of the divine
nature in Christ. Theodoret, however, brings
another accusation against him which cannot easily
be set aside, viz. his having caused Hypatia, a noble
Alexandrian lady addicted to the study of philo-
sophy, to be torn to pieces by the populace. Cave,
who is partial to Cyril, does not deny the fact,
though he thinks it incredible and inconsistent
with Cyril's character to assert that he sanctioned
such a proceeding. (Suidas, s. v. "rirarla.)

As an interpreter of Scripture, Cyril belongs to
the allegorising school, and therefore his exegetical
works are of no value. In a literary view also.
Lis writings are almost worthless. They develop
the chai-acteristic tendency of the Egyptian mind,
its proneness to mysticism rather than to clear and
accurate conceptions in regard to points requiring
to be distinguished. His style is thus characterised
by PhotiuB (Cod. 49) : 6 5e \6yos avr^ ireironj-

CYRILLUS.

^levnK Kol €JS Idid^ovcrau l54av eKSeSiaafxfvos Ka\
oTou K^Kv/XfUT] /col TO jj-erpov virepopwffa ■jroirjcris.
In his work against Julian, it is more florid than
usual, though never rising to beauty or elegance.
It is generally marked by considerable obscurity
and niggedness. Cyril's extant works are the
following: —

Glaphyra (t. e. polished or highly-wrought com-
mentaries) on the Pentateuch. This work ap-
peared at Paris in Latin, 1605 ; and was afterwards
published in Greek and Latin by A. Schott,
Antwerp, 1618.

Concerning adoration and worship in spirit and
in truth, in 17 books.

Commentaries on Isaiah, in 5 books.

A Commentary on the twelve minor Prophets.
This was sepai-ately published in Greek and Latin
at Ingolstadt, 1605.

A Commentary on John, in 10 books.

A treatise (thesaurus) concerning the holy and
consubstantial Trinity.

Seven dialogues concerning the holy and con-
substantial Trinity. To these a compendium of
the seventh dialogue is subjoined, or a summary of
the arguments adduced in it.

Two dialogues, one concerning the incarnation
of the only-begotten, the other proving that Christ
is one and the Lord. These dialogues, when
taken with the preceding, make the eighth and
ninth.

Scholia on the incarnation of the only-begotten.
Far the greater part of the Greek text is wanting.
They exist entire only in the Latin version of
Mercator.

Another brief tract on the same subject.

A treatise concerning the right faith, addressed
to the emperor Theodosius. It begins with the
third chapter.

Thirty paschal homilies. These were published
separately at Antwerp in 1618.

Fourteen homilies on vaiious topics. The last
exists only in Latin.

Sixty-one epistles. The fourth is only in Latin.
Some in this collection were written by others, by
Nestorius, Acacius, John of Antioch, Celestine,
bishop of Rome, &c., &c.

Five books against Nestorius, published in Greek
and Latin at Rome, in 1608.

An explanation of the twelve chapters or ana-
themas.

An apology for the twelve chapters, in opposi-
tion to the eastern bishops.

An apology for the same against Theodoret.

An apology addressed to the emperor Theodosius,
written about the close of a. d. 431.

Ten books against Julian, written A. D. 433.

A treatise against the Anthropomorphites.

A treatise upon the Trinity.

Of his lost works mention is made by Liberatus
of " Three books against excerpts of Diodorus and
Theodorus." Fragments of this work are found
in the Acts of Synods. (5 Collat. 5.) Gennadius
says, that he wrote a treatise concerning the ter-
mination of the Sjmagogue, and concerning the
faith against heretics. Ephrem of Antioch speaks
of a treatise on impassibility and another upon
suffering. Eustratius of Constantinople cites a
fragment from CyrU's oration against those who
say that we should not offer up petitions for such
as have slept in the fiiith. Nineteen homilies on
Jeremiah were edited in Greek and Latin by Cop-

CYRILLUS.

derius, at Antwerp, 1G48, 8vo., under the name of
Cyril; but it has been ascertained that they belong
to Origan, with the exception of the last, which
was written by Clement of Alexandria. A liturgy
inscribed to Cyril, translated from Arabic into
Latin by Victor Scialac, was published at Augs-
burg, 1G04, 4to. Cyril's works were published in
Latin by George of Trebizond at Basel in 1546,
4 volumes ; by Gentianus Hervetus at Paris, 1573,
1605, 2 vols. They were published in Greek and
Latin by Aubert, six volumes, Paris, 1638, fol.
This is the best edition. (Socrates, Histor.
Eccles. vii. 17, 13, 15 ; Fabric. Bibliolh. Graec.
vol. viii. ; Pagi in Baronius's Annal. an. 412;
Basnage, Annal. 412, n. 12; Du Pin, Biblio-
theque dcs Auteurs Eccles. vol. iv. ; Tillemont,
Mimoires, vol. xiv. ; Cave, Histor. Literar. vol. i.,
Oxford, 1740; Lardner, Works^ vol. iii., quarto
edition, London, 1815; Walch, Hisiorie der Ket-
zereien, vol. v., and Historic der Kircliensammlung^
p. 275, &c. ; Schrock, Kirchengeschicldey vol.
xviii. ; Neander, Allyem. KircliengeschicMe^ vol. ii.
part 3 ; Murdock's Afosfieim, vol. i. ; Gieseler,
Text Book of Eccles. Hist., translated by Cunning-
ham, vol. i. ; Guerike, Handhuch der Kirclienges-
chichte, funfte Aujlage, vol. i. Specimens of Cyril's
method of interpretation are given in Davidson's
Sacred Hermeneutics, p. 145, &c.) [S. D.]

CYRILLUS (KvpiWos), ST., bishop of Jeru-
salem, was probably born at Jerusalem, A. D. 315.
He was ordained deacon by Macarius in the church
of his native place, about 334 or 335 ; and, by
Maximus, who succeeded Macarius, he was elected
presbyter, 345. When Maximus died, he was
chosen to fill the episcopal chair, 351, in the reign
of Constantius. It was about the commencement
of his episcopate, on the 7th of May, 351, about
9 o'clock, a. m., that a great luminous cross, ex-
ceeding in brightness the splendour of the sun,
appeared for several hours over mount Golgotha,
and extended as far as the mount of Olives. His
letter to Constantius, which is preserved, gives a
full account of this phenomenon. Soon after, he
became involved in disputes with Acacius, the
Arian bishop of Caesareia, which embittered the
greater part of his subsequent life. The contro-
versy between them arose about the rights of their
respective sees; but mutual recriminations concern-
ing the faith soon followed. Acacius accused Cyril
of affinning, that the Son was like the Father in
regard to essence, or that he was consuhstantial
with Him. During two successive years Cyril
was summoned by his opponent to appear before a
proper tribunal, but did not obey the call. Exas-
perated no doubt by this steadfast disregard of his
authority, the Caesarean bishop hastily got toge-
ther a council, which deposed Cyril in 358. The
charge against him was, that he had exposed to
sale the treasures of the church, and in a time of
famine applied the proceeds to the use of the poor.
Among these treasures was specified a sacred gar-
ment woven with golden threads and presented by
Constantine the Great, which afterwards came in-
to the possession of an actress. The excommuni-
cated prelate, however, appealed to a larger coun-
cil ; and Constantius himself assented to the justice
of the appeal. After his deposition, he went to
Antioch, in which city he found the church with-
out a pastor, and thence to Tarsus. There he
lived on terms of intimacy with Sylvanus the bi-
shop, and frequently preached in his church to the

CYRILLUS.

919

people, who were delighted with his discourses.
The larger council to which he appealed was held
at Seleuccia, consisting of more than 160 bishops.
Before it Acacius was summoned by Cyril to ap-
pear, but he refused. The latter was restored by
the council. But his persevering adversary in
flamed the mind of the emperor against him, and
in conformity with the wish of Acacius a synod
was summoned at Constantinople ; Cyril was again
deposed and sent into banishment in 360. At this
council former charges were raked up against him,
and new ones added by Acacius. On the death
of Constantius, Cyril was recalled from exile, and
restored a second time to his episcopate in 362.
In the year 363, when attempts were made by
Julian to rebuild the temple at Jerusalem, he is
said to have predicted, from a comparison of the
prophecies in Daniel and the New Testament, that
the enterprise would be defeated. Under Jovian
and in the beginning of Valens's reign, he lived in
the quiet possession of his office. On the death of
Acacius, he appointed Philumenus over the church
at Caesareia ; but the Eutychians deposed the
newly chosen bishop, and substituted one Cyril in
his place. The bishop of Jerusalem, however, de-
posed him who had been elevated by the Euty-
chian party, and set over the Caesarean church
Gelasius, his sister's son. Soon after, by order of
Valens, Cyril was banished a third time from Je-
rusalem, in 367. On the emperor's death, he
returned to his native place, and reassumed the
functions of his office the third time, 378. Under
Theodosius he continued in the undisturbed pos-
session of the episcopal chair till his death. He
seems, however, to have incurred the displeasure
of his own church, rent and disfigured as it was
with schisms, heresies, and moral corruption.
Perplexed and uneasy, he asked assistance from
the council of Antioch. (379.) Accordingly, Gre-
gory of Nyssa was deputed by the council to go to
Jerusalem and to pacify the church in that place.
But the peace-maker departed without accomplish-
ing the object of his mission. Cyril was present
at the second general council held at Constantino-
ple in 381, in which he was honoured with a high
eulogium. It is supposed that he attended the
council of Constantinople in 383. His death took
place in 386.

His works consist of .eighteen lectures to cate-
chumens (Karrfxw^^^ ^wrifo^eVwi'), and five to
the newly-baptized ( )iii/crT07«7iKai KaTTjxnffeis
TTpos roiis veocpwriarTovs). These were delivered
about the year 347, in his youth, as Jerome says,
and when he was still presbyter. The first eigh-
teen are chiefly doctrinal, consisting of an exposi-
tion of the articles in the creed of the church ;
while the last five respect the rights of baptism,
chrism, and the Lord's supper. These treatises
have very great value in the eyes of the theologian,
inasmuch as they present a more complete system
of theology and a more minute description of the
rites of the chiurch at that early period than are to
be found in any other writer of the sjime age. In
their style and language there is nothing florid or
oratorical ; the composition is plain, didactic, and
inelegant. The authenticity of these catecheses
has been questioned by some, especially by Oudi-
nus {de Script. Eccl. Ant. vol. i. p. 459, et seq.),
yet no good ground has been adduced for enter-
taining such doubts. It has been thought, with
reason, that Cyril was once a Semi- Arian, and

920 CYRNUS.

that after the Nicene creed had been generally '
adopted, he approsed of and embraced its dogmas.
Epiphanius speaks in express terms of his Semi-
Arianism, and even Touttee acknowledges the fact.
His coldness towards the Nicenians and his inti-
macy with the Eiisebians, give colour to thisopinion.
But he was by no means disposed to carry out
doctrines beyond the written word, or to wander
into the regions of speculation. His published
•writings attest his orthodoxy and firm belief in
the Nicene creed.

Among his works are also preserved a homily
on the case of the paralytic man (John v. 1 — 16),
and a letter to the emperor Constantius, giving an
account of the luminous cross which appeared at
Jerusalem, 351.

His writings were published in Latin at Paris,
1589. and his Catecheses in Greek at the same
place, 1564, 8vo. ; in Greek and Latin at Cologne,
1564. Prevotius edited them all in Greek and
Latin at Paris in 1608, 4to.; and afterwards Dion
Petavius at Paris, 16*22, fol. They were reprinted
from Prevotius's edition, at Paris in 1631, fol.,
along with the works of Synesius of Cyrene. A
much better edition than ajiy of the preceding was
that of Thomas Milles, in Greek and Latin, Ox-
ford, 1703, fol. The best is that of the Benedic-
tine monk, A. A. Touttee, Paris, 1720, foi. The
preface contains a very elaborate dissertation on
the life and writings of Cyril. (See Touttee '»
preface; Cave's Historia I.iteraria^ vol. i. pp. 211,
212, Oxford, 1740; Schrock, Kirchengeschichle^
vol. xii. p. 343, &c. ; Theodoret, Histor. Eccle-
siast. libb. ii. and v. ; Tillemont, Eccles. Mem. vol.
viii. ; Guerike, Handbmh der Kinhenyesehiclde^
vol. i. pp. 344, 345, note 3, f'unfte Atiflage; Mur-
dock's Moshwiin., vol. i. p. 241, note 16.) [S. D.]

CYRILLUS (KujUiXAoy), of Scythopolis, a
Palestine monk, belonging to the sixth century. In
the sixteenth year of his age he made a profession
of the monastic life in his native place. Prompted
by a desire to see sacred places, he visited Jerusa-
lem, and, by the advice of his mother, put himself
under the care of John the Silentiarj', by whom
he was sent to the famous monastery of Laura.
Leontius, prefect of the monastery, received him
into the order of the monks. The time of his
birth and death is alike unknown. About A. D.
557, he wrote the life of St. John the Silentiary.
This is still extant, having been published in
Greek and Latin by Henschenius and Papebro-
chius in the Acta iiinciorum^ 13th of May. He
also wrote the life of Euthymius the abbot, who
died 472, which is extant, but in an interpolated
form by Simeon Metaphrastes. It was publisiied
by Cotelerius in Greek and Latin in his Atonu-
menla Ecclesiae d'ruecae, vol. ii., Paris, 1681, 4to.
It is also in the AcUi Sanctonim, January 20. In
addition to these, he wrote the life of St. Sabas,
the ancient Latin version of which, before it was
coriupted by Simeon, was published by Bollandus
in the Ada Sanctorum belonging to the 20th of
January. It is given in Greek and Latin in Co-
telerius's AIo?iumeiita^ vol. iii. p. 220. (Cave, His-
tor. IJterar. vol. i. p. 529.) [S. D.]

CYRNUS {Kvpvos), two mythical personages,
from the one of whom the island of Cyrnus or
Cyrne (Corsica) derived its name (Serv. ad Virg.
Ecluy. ix. 30 ; Herod, i. 167), and the other was
regarded as the founder of Cymus, a town in
Caria. (Diod. v. 60.) [L. S.]

CYRUS.

CYRRHESTES. [Andronicus Cvrrhestes.]

CYRSILUS (KvptrlKos). 1. An Athenian,
who, on the approach of Xerxes, when the Athe-
nians had resolved to quit their citj', advised his
countrymen to remain and submit to the foreign
invader. For this cowardly advice, Cyrsilus, toge-
ther with his wife and children, was stoned to
death by the Athenians. (Deni. de Curon. p. 296;
Cic. de Of. iii. 1 1.)

2. Of Pharsalus, is mentioned by Strabo (xi.
p. 530) as one of the companions of Alexander the
Great in his Asiatic expeditions, who afterwards
wrote an account of the exploits of Alexander.
Nothing further is known about him. [L. S.]

CYRUS THE Elder {Kvpos 6 rtaXaios or
0 TTpoTcpos), the founder of the Persian empire.
The life of this prince is one of the most important
portions of ancient history, both on account of the
magnitude of the empire which he founded, and
because it forms the epoch at which sacred and
profane history become connected : but it is also
one of the most difficult, not only from the almost
total want of contemporary historians, but also
from the fables and romances with which it was
overlaid in ancient times, and from the perverse-
ness of modern writers, of the stamp of Rollin and
Hales, who have followed the guidance, not of the
laws of historical evidence, but of their own
notions of the right inteqiretation of Scripture.
Herodotus, within a century after the time of
Cyrus, found his history embellished by those of
the Persians who wished to make it more imposing
(o< ^ovKoi-ifvoi (Tffxvovu TO iTfpi. Kvpov^y and had to
make his choice between four ditt'erent stories, out
of which he professes to have selected the account
given by those who wished to tell the truth {jov
iovra \eyeiv \6yov, i. 95). Nevertheless his nar-
rative is evidently founded to some extent on
fabulous tales. The authorities of Ctesias, even
the royal archives, were doubtless corrupted in a
similar manner, besides the accumulation of errors
during another half century. Xenophon does not
pretend, what some modem writers have pretended
for him, that his Cyropaedeia is anything more than
an historical romance. In such a work it is always
impossible to separate the framework of true his-
tory from the fiction : and even if w^e could do
this, we should have gained but little. Much
reliance is placed on the sources of information
which Xenophon possessed in the camp of the
younger Cyrus. No idea can be more iallacious ;
for what sort of stories would be current there,
except the fables which Herodotus censures, but
which would readily and alone pass for true in the
camp of a prince who doubtless delighted to hear
nothing but what was good of the great ancestor
whose name he bore, and whose fame he aspired
to emulate ? And even if Xenophon was aware of
the falsity of these tales, he was justified, as a
writer of fiction, in using them for his purpose.
Xenophon is set up against Herodotus. The
comparative value of their authority, in point of
time, character, and means of information, is a
question which, by itself, could never have been
decided by a sober-minded man, except in favour
of Herodotus. But it is thought that the account
of Xenophon is more consistent with Scripture
than that of Herodotus. This is a hasty assump-
tion, and in truth the scriptural allusions to the
time of Cyrus are so brief, that they can only be
interpreted by the help of other authorities. In

CYRUS.

the accounts of tlio modi-rn Pt'rsi:in writprs it is
impossible to separate the truth from the false-
hood.

The account of Herodotus is as follows : In
the year b. c. .594, Astyaires succeeded his father,
Cyaxares, as king of Media. He had a daughter
whom he named Mandane. In consequence of a
dream, which seemed to portend that her offspring
should be master of Asia, he married her to a
Persian named Cambyses, of a good house, but of
a quiet temper. A second dream led him to send
for his daughter, when she was pregnant ; and upon
her giving birth to a son, Astyages committed it to
Harpagus, his most confidential attendant, with
orders to kill it. Harpagus, moved with pity, and
fearing the revenge of Mandane, instead of killing
the child himself, gave it to a herdsman of Astyages
named Mitradates, who was to expose it, and to
satisfy Harpagus of its death. But while the
lierdsnian was in attendance on Astyages, his
wife had brought f<trth a still-born child, which
they substituted for the child of Mandane, who
was reared as the son of the herdsman, but was
not yet willed Cyrus. The name he bore seems
from a passjige of Strabo (xv. p. 729) to have been
Agradates, ' Ay paSdnjs. When he was ten years
old, his true parentage was discovered by the fol-
lowing incident. In the sports of his village, the
boys chose him for their king, and he ordered them
all exactly as was done by the Median king. One
of the bnys, the son of a noble Median named
Artembaros, disobeyed his commands, and Cyrus
caused him to be severely scourged. Artembares
complained to Astyages, who sent for Cyrus, in
whose person and courage he discovered his
daughter's son. The herdsman and Harpagus,
being summoned before the king, told him the
truth. Astyages forgave the herdsman, but re-
venged himself on Harpagus by serving up to him
at a banquet the flesh of his own son, with other
circumstances of the most refined cruelty. As to
his grandson, by the advice of the Magians, who
assured him that his dreams were fulfilled by the
boy's having been a king in sport, and that he
had nothing more to fear from him, he sent him
back to his parents in Persia.

When Cyrus grew up towards manhood, and
shewed himself the most courageous and amiable
of his fellows, Harpagus, who had concealed a
truly oriental desire of revenge under the mask of
most profound submission to his master's will, sent
presents to Cyrus, and ingratiated himself with
him. Among the Medians it was easy for Har-
p:igus to form a party in favour of Cyrus, for the
tyranny of Astyages had made him odious. Hav-
ing organized his conspiracy, Harpagus sent a
letter secretly to Cyrus, inciting hun to take re-
venge upon Astyages, and promising that the
Medes should desert to him. Cyrus called to-
gether the Persians, and having, by an ingenious
practical lesson, excited them to revolt from the
Median supremacy, he was chosen as their leader.
Upon hearing of this, Astyages summoned Cyrus,
who replied that he would come to him sooner
than Astyages himself would wish. Astyages
armed the Medes, but was so infatuated (SeogAa-
^T^s iutv) as to give the command to Harpagus,
*' forjgetting," says Herodotus, " how he had treat-
ed him." In the battle which ensued, some of the
Medes deserted to Cyrus, and the main body of
tl.e army fled of their own accord. Astyages, having

CYRUS.

nt?i

imjKiled the Magians who had deceived him,
armed the youths and old men who were left in
the city, led them out to fight the Persians, and
was defeated and taken prisoner, after a reign of
35 yeart, in b. c. 5'>9. The Medes accepted Cyrus
for their king, and thus the supremacy which they
had held passed to the Persians. Cyrus treated
Astyages well, and kept him with him till his
death. The date of the accession of Cyrus is fixed
by the unanimous consent of the ancient chrono-
logers. (African, ap. Euseb. Praep. Evan. x. 10 ;
Clinton, Fast. Hell. ii. s. a. 559.) It was proba-
bly at this time that Cyrus received that name,
wl)ich is a Persian word (Kohr), signifying the
Sun.

In the interval during which we hear nothing
certain of Cyrus, he was doubtless employed in
consolidating his newly-acquired empire. Indeed
there are some notices (though not in Herodotus)
from which we may infer that a few of the cities
of Media refused tf submit to him, and that he
only reduced them to obedience after a long and
obstinate resistance (Xen. Anab. iii. 4. $ 7.)

The gradual consolidation and extension of the
Persian empire during this period is also stated
incidentally by Herodotus in introducing his ac-
count of the conquest of Lydia, which is the next
event recorded in the life of Cyrus. It took place
in 546 B. c. [Croesus]

The Ionian and yVeolian colonies of Asia Minor
now sent ambassadors to Cyrus, offering to submit
to him on the same terms as they had obtained
from Croesus. But Cja-us, who had in vain in-
vited the loniang to revolt from Croesus at the
beginning of the war, gave them to understand,
by a significant fable, that they must prepare for
the worst. With the JNIilesians alone he made an
alliance on the terms they offered. The other
Ionian states fortified their cities, assembled at
the Panionium, and, with the Aeolians, sent to
Sparta for assistance. The Lacedaemonians re-
fused to assist them, but sent Cyrus a message
threatening him with their displeasure if he should
meddle with the Greek cities. Having sent back
a contemptuous answer to this message, Cyrus re-
turned to the Median capital, Ecbatana, taking
Croesus with him, and committing the government
of Sardis to a Persian, named Tabalus. He him-
self was eager to attempt the conquest of Babylon,
the Bactrian nation, the Sacae, and the Egyptians.
He had no sooner left Asia Minor than a revolt of
the states which had lately formed the Lydian
empire was raised by Pactyes, a Persian ; but,
after a long and obstinate resistance, the whole of
Asia Minor was reduced by Harpagus. [Harpa-
gus; Pactyks.] In the mean time, Cyrus was
engaged in subduing the nations of Upper Asia,
and particularly Assyria, which since the destruc-
tion of Ninus had Babylon for its capital. Its
king was Labynetus, the Belshazzar of Daniel.
[Labynetus.] Cyrus marched against Riby-
lon at the head of a large army, and in great
state. He carried with him a most abundant
supply of provisions for his table ; and for his
drink the water of tho Choaspes, which flows by
Susa, was carried in silver vessels. He passed
the river Gyndes, a tributary of the Tigris, by-
diverting its water into a great number of rills,
and arrived before Babylon in the second spring
from the commencement of his expedition. Hav-
ing defeated in battle the whole forces of the B»-

922

CYRUS.

b^'lonians, he laid siege to the city, and after a
long time he took it by diverting the course of the
Euphrates, which flowed through the midst of it,
so that his soldiers entered Babylon by the bed of
the river. So entirely unprepared were the Baby-
lonians for this mode of attack, that they were
engaged in revelry (eu evtradeiriai)^ and had left
the gates which opened upon the river unguarded.
This was in b. c. 538.

After Cyrus had subdued the Assyrians, he un-
dertook the subjugation of the Massagetae, a peo-
ple dwelling beyond the Araxes. Cyrus offered
to marry' Tomyris, the widowed queen of this peo-
ple ; but she refused the offer, saying that he
wooed not her, but the kingdom of the Massagetae.
The details of the war which followed may be read
in Herodotus. It ended in the death of Cyrus in
battle. Tomyris caused his corpse to be found
among the slain, and having cut off the head,
threw it into a bag filled with human blood, that
he might satiate himself (she said) with blood.
According to Herodotus, Cyrus had reigned 29
years. Other writers say 30. He was killed in
B. c. 529. (Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. sub anno.)

The account of Ctesias differs considerably in
some points from that of Herodotus. According
to him, there was no relationship between Cyrus
and Astyages. At the conquest of Media by Cy-
rus, Astyages fled to Ecbatana, and was there
concealed by his daughter Amytis, and her hus-
band, Spitamas, whom, with their children, Cyrus
would have put to the torture, had not Astyages
discovered himself. When he did so, he was put
in fetters by Ocbaras, but soon afterwards Cyrus
himself set him free, honoured him as a father,
and married his daughter Amytis, having put her
husband to death for telling a falsehood. [Astv-
AGKS.] Ctesias also says, that Cyrus made war
apon the Bactrians, who voluntarily submitted to
iiim, when they heard of his reconciliation with
Astyages and Amytis. He mentions a war with
the Sacae, in which Cyrus was taken prisoner and
ransomed. He gives a somewhat different account
of the Lydian war. (Ctesias, Pers. c. 5 ; Croesus.)
Cyrus met with his death, according to Ctesias, by
a wound received in battle with a nation called the
Derbices, who were assisted by the Indians.
Strabo also mentions the expedition against the
Sacae, and says, that Cyrus was at first defeated
but afterwards victorious. He also says, that Cy-
rus made an expedition into India, from which
country he escaped with difficulty.

The chief points of difference between Xeno-
phon and Herodotus are the following : Xenophon
represents Cyrus as brought up at his grandfather's
court, as serving in the Median army under his
uncle Cyaxares, the son and successor of Astyages,
of whom Herodotus and Ctesias know nothing ;
as making war upon Babylon simply as the general
of Cyaxares, who remained at home duxing the
latter part of the Assyrian war, and permitted
Cyrus to assume without opposition the power and
state of an independent sovereign at Babylon ; as
marrying the daughter of Cyaxares ; and at length
dying quietly in his bed, after a sage and Socratic
discourse to his children and friends. The Lydian
war of Cyrus is represented by Xenophon as a
sort of episode in the Assyrian war, occasioned by
the help which Croesus had given to the Assyrians
in the first campaign of Cyrus against them.
Diodoru3 agrees for the most part with Hero-

CYRUS.

dotus ; but he says, that Cyrus was taken prisoner
by the Scythian queen (evidently meaning To-
myris), and that she crucified or impaled him.

Other variations, not worth specifying, are given
by the chronographers and compilers.

To form a complete and consistent life of Cyrus
out of these statements is obviously impossible;
but the leading events of his public life are made
out with tolerable certainty, namely, the dethrone-
ment of Astyages, the conquest of the Lydian and
Assyrian empires, his schemes to become master
of all Asia and of Egypt, and his death in a battle
with one of the Asiatic tribes which he wished to
subdue. His acquisition of the Median empire
was rather a revolution than a conquest. Hero-
dotus expressly states, that Cyrus had a large
party among the Medes before his rebellion, and
that, after the defeat of Astyages, the nation vo-
luntarily received him as their king. This was
very natural, for besides the harshness of the
government of Astyages, Cyrus was the next
heir to the throne, the Medes were effeminate,
and the Persians were hardy. The kingdom
remained, as before, the united kingdom of
" the Medes and Persians," with the difference,
that the supremacy was transferred from the for-
mer to the latter ; and then in process of time it
came to be genenilly called the Persian empire,
though the kings and their people were still, even
down to the time of Alexander, often spoken of as
Medes. If Cyrus had quietly succeeded to the
throne, in virtue of his being the grandson of the
Median king Astyages, it seems difficult to ac-
count for this change. The mere fact of Cyrus's
father being a Persian is hardly enough to explain
it.

With regard to the order of Cyrus's conquests
in Asia, there seems much confusion. It is clear
that there was a struggle for supremacy between
Cyrus and the king of Babylon, the latter having
become master of Mesopotamia and Syria by the
conquests of Nebuchadnezzar. It was in fact a
struggle between the Zend tribes, which formed
the Medo-Persian empire, and the Semitic tribes
under the king of Babylon, for the supremacy of
Asia. We can scarcely determine whether Cyrus
conquered Lydia before making any attack on
Babylon, and perhaps in this matter Xenophon
may have preserved something like the true suc-
cession of events. That Croesus was in alliance
Avith Babylon is stated also by Herodotus, who
however, makes Croesus entirely the aggressor in
the Lydian war. No clear account can be given of
his campaigns in Central Asia, but the object of
them was evidently to subdue the whole of Asia
as far as the Indus.

With respect to the main points of difference
between Herodotus and the Cyropaedeia^ besides
what has been said above of the historical value of
Xenophon's book, if it could be viewed as a his-
tory at all, its real design is the great thing to be
kept in view ; and that design is stated by Xeno-
phon himself with sufficient clearness. He wished
to shew that the government of men is not so dif-
ficult as is commonly supposed, provided that the
ruler be wise ; and to illustrate this he holds forth
the example of C}Tus, whom he endows with all
virtue, courage, and wisdom, and whose conduct is
meant for a practical illustration and his discourses
for an exposition of the maxims of the Socratic
philosophy, so far as Xenophon was capable of

CYRUS.

understanding it. Of coursti it would not hare
done to have represented this beau ideal of a phi-
losophic king as the dethroner of his own grand-
father, as the true Asiatic despot and conqueror,
and as the victim of his own jirabitious schemes.
It seems incredible that any one should rise from
the perusal of the Cyropaedeia without the firm
conviction that it is a romance, and, moreover,
that its author never meant it to be taken for any-
thing else-; and still more incredible is it that any
one should have recognized in the picture of Xeno-
phon the verisimilitude of an Asiatic conqueror in
the sixth century before Christ. That Cyrus was
a great man, is proved by the empire he establish-
ed; that he was a good man, according to the
virtues of his age and country, we need not doubt ;
but if we would seek further for his likeness, we
must assuredly look rather at Genghis Khan or
Timour than at the Cyrus of Xenophon.

It has, however, been supposed, that the state-
ment of Xenophon about Cyaxares II. is confirmed
by Scripture ; for that Dareius the Mede, who, ac-
cording to Daniel, reigns after the taking of Baby-
lon (for two years, according to the chronologers)
and before the first year of Cyrus, cxxn be no other
(this is the utmost that can be asserted) than
Cyaxares II. This matter seems susceptible of a
better explanation than it has yet received.

1. Xenophon's Cyaxares is the son of Astyages;
Dareius the Mede is the son of Ahasuerus. Now,
it is almost beyond a doubt that Ahasuerus is the
Hebrew form of the Persian name or title which
the Greeks called Xerxes, and Cyaxares seems to
be simply the form of the same Avord used in the
Aledian dialect. Cyaxares, the son of Phraortes,
is called Ahasuerus in Tobit xiv. 15. It is granted
that this argument is not decisive, but, so far as it
goes, it is against the identification.

2. After the taking of Babylon, Dareius the
Mede receives the kingdom, and exercises all the
functions of royalty, with great power and splen-
dour, evidently at Babylon. But in Xenophon
it is Cyrus who does this, and Cyaxares never
comes near Babylon at all after its capture, but
remains in Media, totally eclipsed and almost su-
perseded by Cyrus. There are other arguments
which seem to shew clearly that, whoever Dareius
the Mede may have been (a point difiicult enough
to decide), he was not the Cyaxares of Xenophon.
The matter cannot be further discussed here ; but
the result of a most careful examination of it is,
that in some important points the statements of
Xenophon cannot be reconciled with those of
Daniel ; and that a much more probable explana-
tion is, that Dareius was a noble Median, who held-
the sovereignty as the viceroy of Cyrus, until the
latter found it convenient to fix his court at Baby-
lon ; and there are some indications on which a
conjecture might be founded that this viceroy
was Astyages. It is quite natural that the year
in which Cyrus began to reign in person at Baby-
lon should be reckoned (as it is by the Hebrew
writers) the first year of his reign over the whole
empire. This view is confinned by the fact, that
in the prophecies of the destruction of Babylon it
is Cyrus, and not any Median king, that is spoken
of. Regarding this difficulty, then, as capable of
being explained, it remains that Xenophon's state-
ment about Cyaxares II. is entirely unsupported.
Xenophon seems to have introduced Cyaxares
simply a« a foil to set off the virtues of Cyrus.

CYRUS.

923

In the passage of Aeschylus, which is sometimes
quoted as confirming Xenophon [Astyages], the
two kings before Cyrus are cleariy Phraortes and
Cyaxares, or Cyaxares and Astyages. At all
events, no room is left for Cyaxares II. The most
natural explanation seems to be, that Phraortes, in
whose reign the Persians were subjected to the
Medes, and who was therefore the first king of
the united Medes and Persians, is meant in the
line

M^5os ydip ^v 6 nporros iftyfjiuu arparov.

The next line admirably describes Cyaxares, who
took Ninus, and consolidated the empire.
"AAAoy S* (Kflyov ircus r65* tpyov ijuwre.

If so, Astyages is omitted, probably because he
did not complete his reign, but was dethroned by
Cyrus, who is thus reckoned the third Medo-
Persian king, TpiVos S' ott' avrov Kvpos. For the
diT avTov surely refers to the pereon who is called
vpwTos. On the other hand, the account which
Herodotus gives of the transference of the Median
empire to the Persians is in substance confirmed by
Plato, Aristotle, Isocrates, Anaximenes, Dinon,
Ctesias, Amyntas, Strabo, Cephalion, Justin, Plu-
tarch, Polyaenus, and even by Xenophon himself
in the Anabasis^ as above quoted. (See Clinton,
i. pp. 262, 263.) Much light would be thrown
on the subject if the date of Cyrus's birth could be
fixt ; but this is impossible. Dinon says, that he
was seventy at his death ; but this is improbable
for various reasons, and Herodotus evidently con-
sidered him much younger.

None but the sacred writers mention the edict
of Cyrus for the return of the Jews. A motive
for that step may be perhaps found in what Hero-
dotus says about his designs on Egypt. The very
remarkable prophecy relating to the destruction of
Babylon and the restoration of the Jews by Cyrus
is in Isaiah xliv. xlv., besides other important
passages in Isaiah and Jeremiah, which predict
the fall of Babylon without mentioning the name
of Cyrus, and the corresponding history is in the
books of Daniel, Ezra, and 2 Chron. xxxvi. 22,
23. The language of the proclamation of Cyrus,
as recorded both in Ezra i. 2 and Chron. xxxvi.
22, seems to countenance the idea that he was
acquainted, as he might easily be through Daniel,
with the prophecy of Isaiah. " The Lord God of
heaven . . . hath charged me to build him an house
at Jerusalem, which is in Judah" (compare Isaiah
xliv. 28, xlv. 1 3); but beyond this one point there is
nothing to sustain the notion of Hales and others,
that Cyrus was more than an unconscious instru-
ment in accomplishing the designs of Providence.
The contrary is intimated in Isaiah xlv. 5.

In the East Cyrus was long regarded as the
greatest hero of antiquity, and hence the fables by
which his history is obscured. The Persians remem-
bered him as a father (Herod, iii. 89, 160), and
his fame passed, through the Greeks, to the Euro-
peans, and the classical writers abound with allu-
sions to him. His sepulchre at Pasargadae was
visited by Alexander the Great. ( Arrian, vi. 29 ;
Plut. Alex. 69.) Pasargadae is said to have been
built on the spot where Cyrus placed his camp
when he defeated Astj-ages, and in its immediate
neighbourhood the city of Persepolis grew up.
The tomb of Cyrus has perished, but his name is
found on monuments at Murghab, north of Perse-
polis, which pL-ice, indeed, some antiquarians take

>24

CYRUS.

for Pasargadae. (Herodotus, lib. i.; Ctesias, ed.
Lion ; Xenophon, Cyropaedeia ; Uiodorus ; Justin ;
Strabo ; and other ancient authors ; Clinton, Fast.
Hell. i. ii. supplements : Heeren, Ideen (JsialicRe-
searclies) ; Schlosser, Univ. Geschich. d. alt. Welt ;
Hbckh, Vet. Med. et Fers. Monum.) [P. S.]

CYRUS, THE Younger, the second of the four
sons of Dareius Nothus, king of Persia, and of Pa-
rysatis, was appointed by his father commander (ko-
pavos or aTpaTTiy6%) of the maritime parts of Asia
Minor,and satrap of Lydia, Phrygia, and Cappadocia.
(b. c. 407.) He carried with him a large sum of
money to aid the Lacedaemonians in the Pelopon-
nesian war, and by the address of Lysander he was
induced to help them even more than his father
had commissioned him to do. The bluntness of
Callicratidas caused him to withdraw his aid, but
on the return of Lysander to the command it was
renewed with the greatest liberality. [Callicra-
tidas; Lysander; TissAPHERNES.] There is
no doubt that Cyrus was already meditating the
attempt to succeed his father on the throne of
Persia, and that he sought through Lysander to
provide for aid from Sparta. Cynis, indeed, be-
trayed his ambitious spirit, by putting to death
two Persians of the blood royal, for not observing in
his presence a usage which was only due to the
kiijg. It was probably for this reason, and not
only on account of his own ill health, that Dareius
summoned Cyrus to his presence, (a c. 40o.) Be-
fore leaving Sardis, Cyrus sent for Lysander and
assigned to him his revenues for the prosecution of
the war. He then went to bis father, attended
by a body of 500 Greek mercenaries, and taking
with him Tissaphemes, nominally as a mark of
honour, but really for fear of what he might do in
his absence. He arrived in Media just in time to
witness his father's death and the accession of his
elder brother, Artaxerxes Mnemon (b. c. 404),
though his mother, Parysatis, whose favourite son
Cyrus was, had endeavoured to persuade Dareius to
appoint him as his successor, on the ground that he
had been bom after, but his brother Artaxerxes
before, the accession of Dareius. This attempt, of
course, excited the jealousy of Artaxerxes, which
was further enflamed by information from Tissa-
phemes, that Cyrus was plotting against his life.
Artaxerxes, therefore, arrested his brother and
condemned him to death ; but, on the intercession
of Parysatis, he spared his life and sent him back
to his satrapy. Cyrus now gave himself up to the
design of dethroning his brother. By his affability
and by presents, he endeavoured to corrupt those
of the Persians who past between the court of
Artaxerxes and his own ; but he relied chiefly on
a force of Greek mercenaries, which he raised on
the pretext that he was in danger from the hostility
of Tissaphemes. When his preparations were
complete, he commenced his expedition against
Babylon, giving out, however, even to his own
soldiers, that he was only marching against the
robbers of Pisidia. When the Greeks leamt his
real purpose, they found that they were too far
committed to him to draw back. He set out from
Sardis in the spring of B. c. 401, and, having
marched through Phrygia and Cilicia, entered
Syria through the celebrated passes near Issus,
crossed the Euphrates at Thapsacus, and marched
down the river to the plain of Cunaxa, 500 stadia
from Babylon. Artaxerxes had been informed by
Tiflsaphernes of his designs, and was prepared to

CYRUS.

meet him. The numbers of the two amiies are
variously stated. Artaxerxes had from 400,000
to a million of men; Cyrus had about 100,000
Asiatics and 13,000 Greeks. The battle was at
first altogether in favour of Cyras. His Greek
troops on the right routed the Asiatics who were
opposed to them ; and he himself pressed forward
in the centre against his brother, and had even
wounded him, when he was killed by one of the
king's body-guard. Artaxerxes caused his head
and right hand to be stmck off, and sought to
have it believed that Cyrus had fallen by his
hand. Parysatis took a crael revenge on the
suspected slayers and mutilators of her son. The
details of the expedition of Cyrus and of the
events which followed his death may be read in
Xenophon's Anabasis. This attempt of an ambi-
tious young prince to usurp his brother's throne
led ultimately to the greatest results, for by it
the path into the centre of the Persian empire
was laid open to the Greeks, and the way was
prepared for the conquests of Alexander. The
character of Cyrus is drawn by Xenophon in tlie
brightest colours. It is enough to say that his
ambition was gilded by all those brilliant qualities
which win men's hearts.

(Xenophon, Hellen. i. 4, 5, ii. 1, iii. 1, Anab.
i., Cyrop. viii. 8. § 3, Oecon. iv. 16, 18, 21;
Ctesias, Fersica, i. 44, 49, Fr. Ii., Iii., liii., liv.,
Ivii., ed. Lion; ap. Phot. p. 42, b. 10, 43, b. 10,
44, a. 1 4, ed. Bekker ; Isocr. Panath. 39 ; Plut.
Lys. 4, 9 ; Arta.r. 3, 6, 13—17; Diod. xiii. 70,
104, xiv. 6, 11, 12, 19, 20, 22.) [P. S.]

CYRUS, a rhetorician, of uncertain age, is the
author of a work Ilepl Aiacpopas ^.Taaewv in the
Aldine collection of the Greek orators, reprinted,
more correctly, in Walz's Greek Orators, viii. p.
386, &c. Fabricius suspects that the anonymous
work entitled Upo§\-/JiJ.aTa 'PrfTopiKo, els ^.rdcrei?
was written by the same person. (Fabric. Bibl.
Graec. vi. pp. 102, 128; Walz, /. c. ; Wester-
mann, Geschichte der Griech. Feredtsainkeit, §
104.) [P. S.]

CYRUS(Ki;pos), the name of several physicians.

1. Cyms (called also in some editions Syrus), a
native of Alexandria, who lived in the fifth cen-
tury after Christ. He was first a physician and
philosopher, and afterwards became a monk. He
is said to have been an eloquent man, and to have
written against Nestorius. (S. Gennadius, de
lllustr. Vir. c. 81.)

2. A physician at Edessa, one of whose medi-
cines is quoted by Aetius (ii. 2. 91, p. 292), and
who attained the dignity of Archiater. He must
have lived between the second and fifth centuries
after Christ, as the office of Archiater was first
conferred on Andromaclius, the physician of Nero.
{Did. of AnI. s. v. Archiater.)

3. A physician, probably of Lampsacus, son of
ApoUonius, who obtained the dignity of Archiater.
He is mentioned in a Greek inscription found at
Lampsacus, as having, besides many other acts of
liberality, presented to the senate one thousand
Attic drachmae, i. e. (reckoning the drachma to
be worth nine pence three farthings) forty pounds,
twelve shillings, and six pence. (Spon, J/isce//cm.
Erudit. A7itiquit. p. 142, quoted by Y&hnc Bibl,
Graec. vol. xiii. p. 1 34, ed. vet. )

4. A physician at Rome in the first century
B. c, mentioned in a Latin inscription as having
been the physician of Livia, the wife of Drusu^

CYRUS.

Cni'sar, who afterwards married die emperor
Augustus. (Spoil, quoted by Fabric. /. c.)

5. Cyrus, St., was a native of Alexandria, where
he practised medicine gratuitously and with great
reputation. He was a Christian, and took every
opportunity of endeavouring to convert his patients
from paganism. During the persecution of Dio-
cletian he fled to Arabia, where he was said to
heal diseases not so much by his medicines as by
miraculous powers. He was put to death with
many tortures by the command of tlie prefect
Syrianus, in company with several other nuirtyrs,
A. D. 300 ; and his remains were carried to Rome,
and there buried. His memory is celebnited on
the thirty-first of January both by tlie Romish
and Greek churches. (Acta Sandor. ; Mennlog.
Oraecor. ; Bzovius, Nomencl. Sandor. Profassione
Medicor. ; C. B. Carpzovius, De Medicis ab Eccles.
piv Sandis liabitis.) [W. A. G.]

CYRUS, an architect, who lived at Rome at
the time of Cicero, and died on the same day with
Clodius, B.C. 5*2. (Cic. ad Fain. vii. 14, ad Att.
ii. 3, ad Qu. Fr. ii. 21, pro Milan. 17.) [L. U.]

CYRUS, Christians. 1. An Egyptian, be-
longing to the fifth century, afterwards bishop
of Smyrna, according to the testimony of Theo-
phanes. His poetical talents procured him the
favour of the empress Eudocia. Under Theo-
dosius the Younger he filled the ofiice of go-
vernor of the praetorium, and exarch of the city
of Constantinople. "When Eudocia withdrew to
Jerusalem, a. d. 445, he fell under the emperor's
displeasure. This led to his retirement from civil
offices and his joining the clerical order. It is the
express testimony of Theophanes that, by order of
Thcodosius, he was made bishop of Smyrna. After
he was elevated to the episcopal dignity, he is
said to have delivered a discourse to the people on
Christmas day, in which he betrayed gross igno-
rance of divine things. He lived till the time of
the emperor lieo. Suidas says, that on his retire-
ment from civil authority he became iiriaKonos
rdv itpcui/ ef KoTvoe/qu- ttjs ^pvyias ; but whether
this means bishop of Cotyaeia in Phrygia is uncer-
tain. It is not known whether he wrote any-
thing. (Cave, Histor. Literar. vol. i.; Suidas, s. v.)

2. An Egyptian bishop belonging to the seventh
century. He was first bishop of Phasis a. d. 620,
and afterwards patriarch of Alexandria, A. d. 630-
640. It was owing to the favour of Heraclius,
the emperor, that he was appointed over the latter
place. In 633 he attempted to make peace be-
tween the Theodosians or Severians and the Ca-
tholics, and for that purpose held a synod at Alex-
andria, in which he proposed a Libellus Satisfac-
tionis in nine chapters. This treatise was to be
subscribed by the Theodosians, and then they
were to be admitted into the bosom of the church.
Rut the seventh chapter favoured the Monotholite
heresy, and led to much disputation. In 638,
Heraclius published an Ecthesis or formula of faith

CYZICUS.

925

drawn up by Sergiu!}, in which he clearly stated
that there was but one will in Christ. Tliis was
subscribed by Cyrus, a circumstance that served to
confirm its truth in the eyes of many. Cyrus died
A. D. 640. Besides the Libellus Satisfactionis, he
wrote three letters to Sergius, patriarch of Con-
stantinople, which are still extant. Both are print-
ed in the Concilia, vol. vi. (Cave, Histor. Literar.
vol. i. ; Murdock's MosJieiin, vol. i. ; Guerike'a
llandbuchy vol. i. ; Gieseler's Text-look^ by Cun-
ningham, voL i.) [S. D.]

CYRUS, THEODORUS PRODROMUS.
[Theodorus.]

CYTHE'RA, CYTHEREIA, CYTHE'RIAS
(KvQripa, KvBepfta, KvQTjptds), different forms of a
surname of Aphrodite, derived from the town of
Cythera in Crete, or from the island of Cythera,
where the goddess was said to have first landed,
and where she had a celebrated temple. (Horn.
Od. viii. 288 ; Herod, i. 105 ; Pans. iii. 23. $ 1 ;
Anacr. v. 9 ; Herat. Carm. i. 4. 5.) [L. S.]

CYTHE'RIS, a celebrated courtezan of the
time of Cicero, Antony, and Gallus. She was
originally the freedwoman and mistress of Volura-
nius Eutrapelus, and subsequently she became
connected in the same capacity with Antony, and
with Gallus the poet, to whom, however, she did
not remain faithful. Gallus mentioned her in his
poems under the name of Lycoris, by which name
she is spoken of also by the Scholiast Cruquius on
Horace. {Sat. i. 2. 55, 10. 77 ; comp. Serv. ud
Virg. Edog. X. 1; Cic. Phil, ii. 24, ad Att. x. 10,
16, ad Fam. ix. 26 ; Plut. Ant. 9 ; Plin. H. N.
viii. 16.-) [L. S.]

CYTHE'RIUS PHILO'XENUS. [Philox-

ENUS.]

CYTHE'RIUS PTOLEMAEUS. [Ptole-

MAKLS.]

CYTISSO'RUS {Kv7iaau>pos\ a son of Phrixus
and Chalciope or lophossa. (Apollod. i. 9. § 1 ;
Schol. ad ApoUon. Rliod. ii. 1123, 1149.) [L. S.]

CY'ZICUS (KuftKos), a son of Aeneus and
Aenete, the daughter of Eusorus. (Apollon. Rhod.
i. 948 ; Val. Flacc. iii. 3.) According to others,
he was himself a son of Eusorus. and others again
make him a son of Apollo by Stilbe. (Hygin. FaJj.
16 ; Conon, Narrat. 41 ; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod.
I. c.) He was king of the Doliones at Cyzicus on
the Propontis. In compliance with an oracle he
received the Argonauts kindly, when they landed
in his dominion. When, after their departure,
they were cast back upon the shore by a storm
and landed again at night-time, they were mistaken
by the Doliones for a hostile people, and a struggle
ensued, in which Cyzicus was slain by Heracles or
Jason. On the next morning the mistake was
discovered, and the Argonauts mourned for three
days with the Doliones over the death of their
king, and celebrated funeral games in his honour.
(Apollod. i. 9. § 18 ; Conon, Narrat. 41, who givea
a different account.) [L. S.J

DACTYLI.

DABAR, the son of Massugrada, of the femily
of Masinissa, but whose father was the son of a
concubine, was an intimate friend of Bocchus, the
king of Mauretania, by whom he was sent to
Sulla to negotiate the peace which ended in the
surrender of Jugurtha. Dabar was afterwards
present at the interview between Bocchus and
Sulla. (Sail. Jug. 108, 109.)

DA'CT YLI (AoKTuXot), the Dactyls of mount
Ida in Phrygia, fabulous beings to whom the dis-
covery of iron and the art of working it by means
of fire was ascribed. Their name Dactyls, that is.
Fingers, is accounted for in various ways; by
their number being five or ten, or by the fact of
their serving Rhea just as the fingers serve the
hand, or by the story of their having lived at the
foot (Iv hoKTvKois) of mount Ida. (Pollux, ii. 4 ;
Strab. X. p. 473 ; Diod. v, 64.) Most of our au-
thorities describe Phrygia as the original seat of
the Dactyls. (Diod. xvii. 7 ; Schol. ad ApoUon.
Rhod. i. 1126 ; Strab. I. c.) There they were con-
nected with the worship of Rheiu They are some-
times confounded or identified with the Curetes,
Corybantes, Cabeiri, and Telchines ; or they are
described as the fathers of the Cabeiri and Cory-
bantes. (Strab. X. p. 466; Schol. u/l Aral. 33;
Serv. ad Viry. Georg. iv. 153.) This confusion
with the Cabeiri also accounts for Samothrace being
in some accounts described as their residence (Diod.
V. 64 ; comp. Amob. adv. Gent. iii. 41) ; and Dio-
dorus states, on the authority of Cretan historians,
that the Dactyls had been occupied in incantations
and other magic pursuits ; that thereby they ex-
cited great wonder in Samothrace, and that Or-
pheus was their disciple in these things. Their
connexion or identification with the Curetes even
led to their being regarded as the same as the
Roman Penates. (Amob. iii. 40.) According to
a tradition in Clemens Alexandrinus {Strom, i. p.
362) the Dactyls did not discover the iron in the
Phrygian Ida, but in the island of Cyprus; and
others again transfer them to mount Ida in Crete,
although the ancient traditions of the latter island
scarcely contain any traces of early working in
metal there. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 1129; VWn. H. N.
vii. 57.) Their number appears to have originally
been three : Celmis (the smelter), Damnaraeneus
(the hammer), and Acmon (the anvil). (SchoL ad
Apollon. I. c). To these others were subsequently
added, such as Scythes, the Phrygian, who in-
vented the smelting of iron (Clem. Alex. Strom, i.
p. 362), Heracles (Strab. I. c), and Delas. (Euseb.
Praep. Evaiig. x. p. 475.) ApoUonius Rhodius
mentions the hero Titias and Cyllenus as the prin-
cipal Dactyls, and a local tradition of Elis men-
tioned, besides Heracles, Paconius, Epimedes,
Jasius, and Idas or Acesidas as Dactyls; but these
seem to have been beings altogether different from
the Idaean Dactyls, for to judge from their names,
they must have been healing divinities. (Paus. v.
7. § 4, 14. § 5, 8. § 1, vi. 21. § 5 ; Strab. viii. p.
355.) Their number is also stated to have been
five, ten (five male and five female ones), fifty-two,
or even one hundred. The tradition which assigns
to them the Cretan Ida as their habitation, de-
scribes them as the earliest inhabitants of Crete,
and as having gone thither with Mygdon (or

DAEDALUS.
Minos) from Phrygia, and as having discovered
the iron in mount Berecynthus. (Diod. v. 64 ;
Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 16.) With regard to the
real nature of the Dactyls, they seem to be no
more than the mythical representatives of the dis-
coverers of iron and of the art of smelting metals
with the aid of fire, for the importance of this art
is sufRcienth' great for the ancients to ascribe its
invention to supernatural beings. The original
notion of the Dactyls was afterwards extended,
and they are said to have discovered various
other things which are useful or pleasing to man ;
thus they are reported to have introduced music
from Phrygia into Greece, to have invented rhythm,
especially the dactylic rhythm. (Plut. de Mas. 5 ;
Diomedes, p. 474, ed. Putsch ; Clem. Alex. Strom.
i. p. 360.) They were in general looked upon as
mysterious sorcerers, and are therefore also de-
scribed as the inventors of the Ephesian incantation
formulae ; and persons when suddenly frightened
used to pronounce the names of the Dactyls as
words of magic power. (Plut. de Fac. in Orb. Lun.
30; com^Ttxe ho\)Qc\i^ de Idaeis Dactylis ; Welcker,
Die Aeschyl. Trib. p. 168, &c.) [L. S.]

DADIS, a writer on agriculture, mentioned by
Varro. {It. 7?. i. 1. § 9.)

DAE'DALUS (Aa/5aAos). 1. A mythical
personage, under whose name the Greek writers
personified the earliest development of the arts of
sculpture and architecture, especially among the
Athenians and Cretans.

Though he is represented as living in the early
heroic period, the age of Minos and of Theseus, he
is not mentioned by Homer, except in one doubt-
ful passage. (See below.)

The ancient writers generally represent Dae-
dalus as an Athenian, of the royal race of the
Erechtheidae (Paus. vii. 4. § 5 ; Plut. Tim. \\\.)
Others called him a Cretan, on account of the long
time he lived in Crete. (Auson. Idyll. 12 ; Eustath.
ad Horn. II. xviii. 592 ; Paus. \\\\. 53. § 3.)
According to Diodorus, who gives the fullest ac-
count of him (iv. 76 — 79), he was the son of
Metion, the son of Eupalamus, the son of Erecli-
theus. (Comp. Plato, Ion. p. 553 ; Paus. vii. 4.
$ 5.) Others make him the son of Eupalamus, or
of Palamaon. (Paus. ix. 3. $ 2; Hygin. Fab. 39,
corrected by 274 ; Suid. s. v. UepSiKos Upov ;
Serv. ad Virg. Aen. vi. 14.) His mother is
called Alcippe (Apollod. iii. 15. § 9), or Iphinoe,
(Pherecyd. ap. ScM. Soph. Oed. Col. 463), or
Phrasimede. (Schol. adPlat. Hep. p. 529.) He de-
voted himself to sculpture, and made great im-
provements in the art. He instructed his sister's
son, Calos, Talus, or Perdix, who soon came to
surpass him in skill and ingenuity, and Daedalus
killed him through envy. [Perdix.] Being
condemned to death by the Areiopagus for this
murder, he went to Crete, where the fame of his
skill obtained for him the friendship of Minos.
He made the well-known wooden cow for Pasi-
phae ; and when Pasiphae gave birth to the
Minotaur, Daedalus constnicted the labyrinth, at
Cnossus, in which the monster was kept. (Apollod.
/. c. ; Ovid. Met. viii. : the labyrinth is a fiction,
based upon the Egyptian labyrinth, from which
Diodorus says that that of Daedalus was copied
(i. 97) : there is no proof that such a building ever
existed in Crete. (Hockh, Creta, i. p. 56.) For
his part in this affair, Daedalus was imprisoned by
Minos ; but Pasiphae released him, and, as Minos

DAEDALUS.

had seized all the ships on the coast of Crete, Dae-
dalus procured wings for himself and his son
Icarus (or made them of wood), and fastened them
on with wax. Daedalus himself flew safe over
the Aegean, but, as Icarus flew too near the sun,
the wax by which his wings were fastened on was
melted, and he dropped down and was drowned
in that part of the Aegean which was called after
him the Icarian sea. According to a more prosaic
version of the story, Pasiphae furnished Daedalus
with a ship, in which he fled to an island of the
Aegean, where Icarus was drowned in a hasty
attempt to land. According to both accounts,
Daedalus fled to Sicily, where he was protected by
Coccalus, the king of the Sicani, and where he
executed many great works of art. When Minos
heard where Daedalus had taken refuge, he sailed
with a great fleet to Sicily, where he was treach-
erously murdered by Cocalus or his daughters.
(Hygin. Fab. 40, 44.)

Daedalus afterwards left Sicily, to join lolaiis,
Ron of Iphicles, in his newly founded colony in
Sardinia, and there also he executed many great
works, which were still called AaiMheia in the
time of Diodorus ( iv. 30), who no doubt refers to
the Nuraylis^ which were also attributed to lolalis.
( Pseud.- Aristot. de Mirah. Ausculi. 100.) Another
account was, that he fled from Sicily, in conse-
quence of the pursuit of Minos, and went with
Aristaeus to Sardinia. (Pans. x. 17. § 3.) Of
the stories which connect him with Egypt, the
most important are the statements of Diodorus
(i. 91), that he executed works there, that he
copied his labyrinth from that in Egj'pt, that the
style {f>v6i^6s) of his statues was the same as that
of the ancient Egyptian statues, and that Daedalus
himself was worshipped in Egypt as a god.

The later Greek writers explained these myths
after their usual absurd plan. Thus, accord-
ing to Lucian, Daedalus was a great master of
astrology, and taught the science to his son, who,
soaring above plain truths into transcendental mys-
teries, lost his reason, and was drowned in the
abyss of difliculties. The fable of Pasiphae is also
explained by making her a pupil of Daedalus in
astrology, and the bull is the constellation Taurus.
Palaephatus explains the wings of Daedalus as
meaning the invention of sails. (Comp. Pans. ix.
11. § 3.) If these fables are to be explained at
all, the only rational interpretation is, that they
were poetical inventions, setting forth the great
improvement which took place, in the mechanical
as well as ,in the fine arts, at the age of which
Daedalus is a personification, and also the sup-
posed geographical course by which the fine arts
were first introduced into Greece.

When, therefore, we are told of works of art
which were referred to Daedalus, the meaning is,
that such works were executed at the period when
art began to be developed. The exact character of
the Daedalian epoch of art will be best understood
from the statements of the ancient writers respect-
ing his works. The following is a list of the works
of sculpture and architecture which were ascribed
to him : In Crete, the cow of Pasiphae and the
labyrinth. In Sicily, near Megaris, the Colym-
bethra, or reservoir, from which a great river,
named Alabon, flowed into the sea ; near Agrigen-
tum, an impregnable city upon a rock, in which
was the royal palace and treasury- of Cocalus ; in
the territory of Selinus a cave, in which the vapour

DAEDALUS.

927

arising from a subterranean fire was received in
such a manner, as to form a pleasant vapour bath.
He also enlarged the summit of mount Eryx by a
wall, so as to make a firm foundation for the tem-
ple of Aphrodite. For this same temple he made
a honeycomb of gold which could scarcely be dis-
tinguished from a real honeycomb. Diodorus adds,
that he was said to have executed many more
works of art in Sicily, which had perished through
the lapse of time. (Diod. I, c.)

Several other works of art were attributed to
Daedalus, in Greece, Italy, Libya, and the islands
of the Mediterranean. Temples of Apollo at Capua
and Cumae were ascribed to him. (Sil. Ital. xiL
102; Y'lTg. Ae7i. v\. 14.) In the islands called
Electridae, in the Adriatic, there were said to be
two statues, the one of tin and the other of brass,
which Daedalus made to commemorate his arrival
at those islands during his flight from Minos.
They were the images of himself and of his son
Icarus. (Pseud.- Aristot. de Mirah. Auscult. 81 ;
Steph. Byz, s.v. 'HAe/crptSoi vriam.) At Monogissiv
in Caria there was a statue of Artemis ascribed
to him. (Steph. Byz. s.v.) In Egypt he was said
to be the architect of a most beautiful propylaeum
to the temple of Hephaestus at Memphis, for which
he was rewarded by the erection of a statue of
himself and made by himself, in that temple.
(Diod. i. 97.) Scylax mentions an altar on the
coast of Libya, which was sculptured with lions
and dolphins by Daedalus. (Periplus, p. 53, ed.
Hudson.) The temple of Artemis Britomartis, in
Crete, was ascribed to Daedalus. (Solinus, 11.)
There is a passage in which Pausanias mentions
all the wooden statues which he believed to be the
genuine works of Daedalus (ix. 40. § 2), namely,
tAvo in Boeotia, a Hercules at Thebes, respecting
which there was a curious legend (Pans. ix. 11.
§§ 2, 3 ; ApoUod. ii. 6. § 3), and a Trophonius at
Lebadeia : in Crete, an Artemis Britomartis at
Olus, and an Athena at Cnossus (the x^P^'s of
Ariadne is spoken of below) : at Delos, a small
terminal wooden statue of Aphrodite, which was
said to have been made by Daedalus for Ariadne,
who carried it to Delos when she fled with The-
seus. Pausanias adds, that these were all the
works of Daedalus which remained at his time,
for that the statue set up by the Argives in the
Heraeum and that which Antiphemus had removed
from the Sicanian city, Oraphace, to Gelos, had
perished through time. (Comp. viii. 46. § 2.)
Elsewhere Pausanias mentions, as works ascribed
to Daedalus, a folding seat (Sitppos OKAadias) in
the temple of Athena Polias at Athens (i. 27. $ 1),
a wooden statue of Hercules at Corinth (ii. 4. ^ 5),
and another on the confines of Messenia and Arca-
dia (viii. 35. § 2).

The inventions and improvements attributed to
Daedalus are both artistic and mechanical. He
was the reputed inventor of carpentry and its chief
tools, the saw, the axe, the plumb-line, the auger
or gimlet, and glue. (Hesych. s. v. 'iKoipios; Plin.
//. N. vii. 56; Varro, ap. Cluxris. p. 106, ed.
Putsch.) He was said to have been taught the
art of carpentry by Minerva. (Hygin. Fab. 39.)
Others attribute the invention of the saw to Perdix
or Talus, the nephew of Daedalus. [Perdix.] In
naval architecture, the invention of the mast and
yards is ascribed to Daedalus, that of the sails to
Icams. (Plin. /. c.) In statuary, the improvements
attributed to Daedalus were the opening of the

928

DAEDALUS.

eyes and of the feet, which had been fonuerly
closed (aiifxiroSa^ (TkcA-tj avfiSeSrjKSTa, the figures
of Daedalus were called Sia§e§rjK6Ta\ and the ex-
tending of the hands, which had been formerly
placed down close to the sides (Kadei/xivai koI tcus
■jrKfvpais KiKo\\r)p.hai, Diod. /. c; Suid. s. r.
AaiSd\ov iron^fiaTa). In consequence of these
improvements, the ancient writers speak of the
statues of Daedalus as being distinguished by an
expression of life and even of divine inspiratiou.
(Paus. ii. 4. § 5 ; Plato, passim, and particularly
Men. p. 97, ed. Steph. ; Aristot. Polit. i. 4 : the
last two passages seem to refer to automata, whicli
we know to have been called Daedalian imuijcs :
Aristotle mentions a wooden figure of Aphrodite,
which was moved by quicksilver within it, as a
work ascribed to Daedalus, de Anim. i. 3. § 9 :
see further, Junius, Catul. Art, p. 64.) The diffi-
cult passage in Plato {Hiirp. MaJ. iii. 281, d.) is
rightly explained by Thiersch, as being only com-
parative, and as meant not in disparagement of
Daedalus, but in praise of the artists of Plato's
time. The material in which the statues of Dae-
dalus were made, was wood. The only exception
worth noticing is in the passage of Pausanias (ix.
40. § 2), irapd rovTois Se [Kvwaalots] Koi J T17S
'ApjdScTjJ X'^P^^t o5 Kol "OjuL-npJS €V 'lAiciSi ixvr]fjii]v
iiron^ffaTO, 4rr(ipya<Tfj.4vos earlv ewl \tvKoO \idov.
(Comp. vii. 4. § 5.) The passage of Homer is in
the description of the shield of Achilles {II. xviii.
690—593):
'Ev 5f x^P"'' 'yroiKiWe irepiKXvTos *Aju<^fyvr^«it,
Tqi) XKf\ov oTou iroT* 4vi KvucriZ fvpflrj
AaliaXos ijaKrjffep KaWiirXoKOL/jLO) 'Apiddvri.

Now the mention of a. group of dantxrs as a work
of Daedalus, — the material, white stone, — the cir-
cumstance of the poet's representing Hephaestus
as copying the work of a mortal artist, — and the
absence of any other mention of Daedalus in Ho-
mer,— all this is, at the least, very suspicious. It
cannot be explained by taking xopov to mean a
sort of dance which Daedalus invented (Tjo-fCTjaef),
for we never hear of Daedalus in connexion with
dancing (Bottiger, Andeutun()en,iQ)^?in^ a sufficient
number of examples can be produced from Homer
of ixTKtiv meaning to make or mamtfaciure. Un-
less the passage be an interpolation, the best ex-
planation is, that xop^" means simply a place for
dancing; and, further, it is not improbable that
AaiSahos may be nothing more than an epithet of
Hephaestus, who is the great artist in Homer, and
that the whole mythological fable in which Daeda-
lus was personified had its origin in the misunder-
standing of this very passage. At all events, the
group seen by Pausanias at Cnossus, if it really
was a group of sculpture, must have been the work
of an artist later than the Daedalian period, or at
the very end of it.

From these statements of the ancient writers it
is not difficult to form some idea of the period in
the history of art whicli the name of Daedalus re-
presents. The name itself, like the others which
are associated with it, such as Eupalamus, implies
skill.

The earliest works of art, which were attributed
to the gods, were called 5o/5aAo. Passing from
mythology to history, we find sculpture taking its
rise in idolatry ; but the earliest idols were nothing
more than blocks of wood or stone, which were
worshipped under the name of some gods. (Paus.

DAEDALUS.

vii. 22. § 3.) The next eflPort was to express th«
attributes of each particular divinity, which was
at first done only by forming an image of the head,
probably in order to denote purely intellectual at-
tributes : hence the origin of terminal busts, and
the reason for their remaining in use long after the
art of sculpturing the whole figure had attained to
the highest perfection. But there were some dei-
ties for the expression of whose attributes the bust
was not sufficient, but the whole human figure
was required. In the earliest attempts to execute
such figures, wood would naturally be selected as
the material, on account of the ease of working it.
They were ornamented with real drapery and
bright colours. It was to such works especially,
that the name SotSaAo was applied, as we are in-
fonned by Pausanias (ix. 3. § 2), who adds, that
they were so called before Daedalus was born at
Athens. The accuracy and the expression of such
images was restricted not only by the limited skill
of the artist, but also, as we see so strikingly in
Egyptian sculpture, by the religious laws which
bound him to certain forms. The period repre-
sented by the name of Daedalus was that in which
such forms were first broken through, and the at-
tempt was made to give a natural and lifelike ex-
pression to statues, accompanied, as such a deve-
lopment of any branch of art always is, by a great
improvement in the mechanics of art. The period
when this development of art took place, and the
degree of foreign influence implied in the fables
about Daedalus, are very difficult questions, and
cannot be discussed within the limits of this arti-
cle. The ancient traditions certainly point to
Egypt as the source of Grecian art. (See especially
Diod. i. 97.) But, without hazarding an opinion
on this point, we may refer to the lOgyptiau and
Etruscan and earliest Greek antiquities, as giving
some vague idea of what is meant by the Daeda-
lian style of sculpture. The remains called Cyclo-
pean give a similar notion of tiie Daedalian archi-
j tecture. The Daedalian style of art continued to
prevail and improve down to the beginning of the
fifth century b. c, and the artists of that long pe-
riod were called Daedalids, and claimed an actual
descent from Daedalus, according to the well-known
custom by which art was hereditary in certain fa-
' milies. This genealogy was carried down as late
! as the time of Socrates, who claimed to be a Dae-
dalid. The most important of the Daedalids, be-
sides his son Icanxs, and his nephew Talus or
Perdix, were Scyllis and Dipoenus, whom some
made the sons of Daedalus (Paus. ii. 15. § 1),
Endoeus of Athens (Paus. i. 26". § 5), Learchus of
Rhegium ( Paus. iii. 17. § 6), and Onatas of Aegina.
(Paus. v. 25. § 7.) All these, however, lived long
after the period in which Daedalus is placed.
Besides Icarus, Daedalus was said to have had a
son, Japyx, who founded lapygae. (Strab. vi. p.
279; Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 379.)

A hriuios of the Athenian <pv\r\ KeKpSms bore
the name of AaiSaXiSai. (Meurs. de Att. Pop. s. v.)
Feasts called AaioaAeio were kept in different
parts of Greece.

2. Of Sicyon, a statuarj' in bronze, the son and
disciple of Patrocles, who is mentioned by Pliny
among the artists of the 95th Olympiad. Daeda-
lus erected a trophy for the Eleians in the Altis
after a victory over the Lacedaemonians in the war
which lasted B. c. 401 — 399. Besides this trophy,
Daedalus made several statues of athletes, and

liAIPIIANTTTS.

Boiue other works. (Pans. vi. 2. § 4 ; 3. §§ 2, 3 ;
6. § 1, X. 9. § 3; Plin. xxxiv. «. s. 19. § 15.)

3. A statuary, born in Bithynia, whose statue
of Zeus Stratius at Nicomedia was greatly admired.
(Arrian, ap. Kustath. ad IHonys. Perieg. 796.)
Hence he probably lived from the time of Alexan-
der the Great downwards. (Thiersch, Epoch, p.
49.) [P. S.]

DAEIRA (Aetfjpo or AoI/jo), that is, ''the
knowing," a divinity connected with the Eleusi-
nian mysteries. According to Pausanias (i. 38.
§ 7) slie was a daughter of Oceanus, and became
by Hermes the mother of Eleusis ; but others
called her a sister of Styx ; while a third account
represents her as identical with Aphrodite, Deme-
ter, Hera, or Persephone. (ApoSon. Rhod. iii.
847; Eustath, ad Horn. p. W6.) [L. S.]

DAES (AoTjs), of Colonae, apparently an histo-
rian, who wrote on the history of his native place.
(Strab. xiii. p.612.) [L. S.]

DAETONDAS (Ao(T(^./Saj), a statuary of Si-
cyon, made a statue of the Eleian athlete Theoti-
mus at Olympia. (Pans. vi. 17. § 3.) Since
Moschion, the father of Theotimus, accompanied
Alexander the Great into Asia, Daetondas proba-
bly flourished from B. c. 320 downwards. [P. S.]

DAI'iMACHUS or DEI'MACHUS (Aoi;uoxos
or ATjt/xaxos), of Plataeae, a Greek historian,
whose age is determined by the fact, that he was
sent as ambassador to Allitrochades, the son of
Androcottus or Sandrocottus, king of India (Strab.
ii. p. 70), and Androcottus reigned at the time
when Seleucus was laying the foundation of the
subsequent greatness of his empire, about B.C. 312.
(Justin. XV. 4.) This fact at once shews the im-
possibility of what Casaubon {ad iJiog. Ixi'trt. i. 1 )
endeavoured to prove, that the historian Ephorus
had stolen whole passages from Daimachus's work,
since Ephorus lived and wrote before Daimachus.
The latter wrote a work on India, which consisted
of at least two books. He had probably acquired
or at least increased his knowledge of those eastern
countries during his embassy ; but Strabo never-
theless places him at the head of those who had
circulated false and fabulous accounts about India.
(Comp. Athcn. ix. p. 394; Harpocrat. s. v. eyyv-
QriKf]; Schol. ad Apollon.Bhofl. i. 5o8.) We have
also mention of a very extensive work on sieges
{'iro\iopKr)TiKci virofxv^iMLTa) by one Daimachus,
who is probably the same as the author of the
Indica. If the reading in Stephanus of Byzantium
(s. V. AaKeSaifiwy) is correct, the work on sieges
consisted of at least 35 (Ae) books. (Comp. Eustath.
ad Horn. 11. ii. 581.) The work on India is lost,
but the one on sieges may possibly be still con-
cealed somewhere, for Magius (in Gruter's Fax
Artiuni, p. 1330) states, that he saw a MS. of it.
It may be that our Daimachus is the same as the
one quoted by Plutarch {Comparat. Solon, cum
Publ. 4) as an authority on the military exploits
of Solon. In another passage of Plutarch {Lysand.
12) one Laimaclms (according to the common read-
ing) is mentioned as the author of a work ircpi
€u(r€§€iay, and modem critics have changed the
name Lai'machus into Daimachus, and consider
him to be the same as the historian. In like
manner it has been proposed in Diogenes Laertius
(i. 30) to read Aofjuoxos 6 TlKarauvs instead of
Aot'Saxos 6 riAaTwj/jKos, but these are only con-
jectural emendations. [L. S.]

DAIPHANTUS (Aatc^orros), a Theban, who

DAMAGETUS.

929

was slain at the battle of Mantineia, a. c. 362.
It is said that Epaminondas, after he had received
his mortal wound, asked successively for Daiphan-
tus and lolai'das, and, when he heard of their death,
advised his countrymen to make peace. (Plut.
Apophth. Epavu 24 ; Ael. T. //. xii. 3.) [E. E.]

DAIPPUS or DAHIPPUS (AiXniros), a
statuary who made statues of athletes (Pans. vi.
12. § 3, 16. § 4), and a statue which Pliny
(xxxiv. 8. 8. 19. § 28) calls Perixyomenon, for
which Brotier would read irapa\v6fjLfvou. He is
mentioned in two other passages of Pliny (/. c.
19, 19. § 7), where all the MSS. give Laippus,
through a confusion between A and A. From
these two passages it appears that he was a son of
Lysippus, and that he flourished in the 120th
Olympiad, (b. c. 300, and onwards.) [P. S.]

DA'LION, a writer on geography and botany,
who is quoted by Pliny. (//. N. vi. 35, xx. 73.)
He is mentioned among the foreign authors made
use of by Pliny, and must have lived in or before
the first century after Christ. [W. A. G.]

DALMATIUS. [Delmatius.]

DAMAGE'TUS (Aa/«£77jToy). 1. King of
lalysus in Rhodes (contemporary with Ardys,
king of Lydia, and Phraortes, king of Media)^
married, in obedience to the Delphic oracle, the
daughter of Aristomenes of Messene, and from
this marriage sprung the family of the Diagoridae,
who were celebrated for their victories at Olympia.
[ Aristombnes.] The following is their genealogy.

Aristomenes.

I
daughter =t= Damagetus.

(Diagoras.)

Dorieus.

I
Damagetus.

Diagoras.
I

I I I
Damagetus.
AcusilaUs.
Dorieus.

Callipateira.
Eucles.

Pherenice.
Peisodorus.

In this pedigree the name of the first Diagoras
is inserted by Clavier and Clinton, to supply one
generation, which seems to be wanting in Pausa-
nias.

2. Of the second Damagetns nothing, is known
but his name.

3. The third Damagetus was victor in the
pancratium on the same day on which his brother
Acusilaiis was victor in boxing. [Diagoras.}
(Pind. 01. 7, rfnd Sehol ; Pa«s. iv. 24. § 1, vi. 7.
§§ 1, 2; Aeliiin, V. II. x. 1; Cic. Tuse. i. 46;
Clinton, Fast. Hell, i. pp. 254, 255.) [P. S.]

DAMAGEI'US ( Aa//a7?7Tos ), the author of
thirteen epigrams in the Greek Anthology, from
the contents of some of which his rime is fixed at
the end of the- third century ». c. He was in-
cluded in the Garland of Meleager. It is not
known whether he is the same person as the
Demagettts who is cited by Stephanus Byzan-
tinus (.V. V. *A»CT7)). The njune is also given by
the Scholiast to ApoUonius Rhodius (i. 224) in the
form Demagetus. (Brunck, Ancd. ii. 38, iii. 331 ;

3o

980

DAMASCENUS.

Jacobs, A?iikoL Graec. ii. 39, xiii. 879, 880;
Fabric. Bibl. Grace, iv. p. 470.) [P. S.]

DAMA'GORAS (Aa,ua7opas), a Rhodian ad-
miral in the war against Mithridates. After an
engagement with the king's fleet, the Rhodians
missed one trireme, and not knowing wliether it
had been taken by the enemy, they sent out Da-
magoras with six quick-sailing vessels to seai'ch
for it. Mithridates attacked him with twenty-five
ships, and Damagoras retreated, till about sunset
the king's fleet withdrew. Damagoras then sailed
forth again, sunk two of the king's ships, and
drove two others upon the coast of Lycia, and in
the night returned to Rhodes. (Appian, Milhrid.
25.) [L. S.]

DA'MALIS (Aa,uoAis), the wife of the Athe-
nian general, Chares. She accompanied her hus-
band, and while he was stationed with his fleet
near Byzantium, she died. She is said to have
been buried in a neighbouring place, of the name
of Damalis, and to have been honoured with a
monument of the shape of a cow. According to a
mythical tradition, lo on her wandering landed at
Damalis, and the Chalcedouians erected a bronze
cow on the spot (Symeon Mag. de Constant. Por-
phyr. p. 729, ed, Bonn ; comp. Polyb. v. 43.) [L.S.]

DAMARATUS. [Demaratus.]

DAMA'RETE. [Demarete.]

DAMASCE'NUS, JOANNES ('ludvvvs Ao-
fia<rKr)v6s), a voluminous ecclesiastical writer, who
flourished during the first half of the eighth cen-
tury after Christ, in the reigns of Leo Isauricus
and Constiintine V^ll. He was a native of Da-
mascus, whence he derived his surname, and be-
longed to a family of high rank. His oratorical
powers procured him the surname of Chrj'sorrhofis,
but he was also stigmatized by his enemies with
various derogatory nicknames, such as Sarabaita,
Mansur, and Arclas, He devoted liimself to the
service of the cliurch, and after liaving obtained
the dignity of presbyter, he entered the monastery
of St. Saba at Jerusalem, where he spent the re-
mainder of his life, devoting himself to literary
pursuits, especially the study ^of theology. He
seems to have died, at the earliest, about a. d. 756,
and his tomb was shewn near St. Saba down to a
very late period. He is regarded as a saint both
by the Greek and Latin churches ; the former ce-
lebrates his memory on the 29th of November and
the 4th of December, and the latter on the 6th of
May. His life, which is still extant, was written
by Joannes, patriarch of Jerusalem ; but little
confidence can be placed in it, as the facts are
there mixed up with the most incredible stories.
It is printed in Surius's Lives of the Saints, under
the 6th of May.

All the writers wlio mention Joannes Damas-
cenus agree in asserting, that he suqiassed all his
contemporaries as a philosopher and by the exten-
sive range of his knowledge. This reputation is
sufficiently supported by the great number of his
works which have come down lo tis, though he
was extremely deficient in critical judgment, which
is most apparent in the stories which he relates in
confirmation of the doctrines he propounds. He
Avas a strong opponent of those who insisted upon
removing aU images from the Christian churches,
and upon abolishing prayers for the dead. We
pass over the several collections of his works,
as well as the separate editions of single treatises,
and only refer our readers to the best edition of

DAMASCENUS.
his works, which was prepared and edited by
Michael le Quien, Paris, 1712, in 2 vols, fol.,
though it is far from containing all the works
that are still extant under his name, and are buried
in MS. in the various libraries of Europe. It con-
tains the following works : 1. Ke(pd\aia (piKoao-
<(>iKd, or the main points of philosophy and dialec-
tics. 2. Ufpl aipeaeuf, on heresies and their
origin. 3. "EKSoais ciKpi€rjs rijs opdoSo^ov TriVreois,
an accurate exposition of the orthodox faith.
4, npos rovs Sia€dWovTas tols dyias cIkovos,
a treatise against those who opposed the use of
images in churches. 5. AlSthKos irepl opOov irpo-
voijfiaTos^ that is, a confession of faith. 6. Td/ios,
i. e. a work against the Jacobites and Monophysites
or Eutychians. 7. Kard Mavtxaiccv Sidhoyos, a
discourse against the Manicheans. 8. AiaAoyos
l,apaKTivov ical Xpia-TiavoS^ a dialogue between a
Saracen and a Christian. 9. Tlfpl SpaKovTwv, a
fragment on dragons. 1 0. Uep\ dyias rpiddos, on
the holy trinity. 11. Hepl tov rpiaayiov vjxvov^
on the hymn entitled Trisjigium. 12. Ilepl rwv
dyiwv »^o"T6ic5j/, on fasts. 13. Flepl raiu oktw Trjs
TToirnplas irvivjxdrwv^ on the eight spirits of wick-
edness. 14. £10-070)77) Zoyimruv (rToix««^Srjs,
elementary instniction in the Christian dogmas.
15. Ilept avvQtTov (pvafws^ a treatise directed
against the Acephalians. 16. Uepl tQv 4v t<m
Xpi(rT(f^ Svo Be\7]iJMTUv Koi evepyeiwv K(d \onr(ou
(pvaiKuv idiufidTuv^ on the twofold will and action
of Christ, and on the other physical properties.
17. "Ettos aKpiikararov uard Seoo-TiryoCy alpeaews
Tuv 'NfaTopiauaiy, against the heresies of the Nes-
torians. 18. A number of fragments on various
subjects. 19. UatrxdMov, or a paschal canon.

20. A fragment of a letter on the nature of man.

21. A treatise on those who had died in the faith
of Christ, and on the manner in which their souls
may be benefited by masses and alms. 22. A
letter on cimfession. 23. Ao'7oy dnoSeiKTiKos
ircpi Twj/ dyiuv Koi aeinwu eiKovuv^ an oration on
the veneration due to siicred images. 24. An epis-
tle on the same subject, addressed to Theophilus.
25. U(pl Tuv d^vixoiv^ on the feast of unleavened
bread. 26. An epistle addressed to Zacharias,
bishop of the Doari. 27. An exposition of the
Christian faith : it is only in Latin, and a transla-
tion from an Arabic MS. 28. Some poems in
iambics on sacred subjects. 29. An abridgment
of the intei-pretation of the letters of St. Paul by
Joannes Clirysostomus. 30. 'Upd Trapd\Kr)\a,
sacred parallels, consisting of passages of Scripture
compared with the doctrines of the early fathers.
31. A number of homilies. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec.
ix. pp. 682-744 ; Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 482, &c.,
ed. London, 1688.) [L. S.]

DAMASCE'NUS, NICOLAT^S (Nj/coAaos Aa-
lxacrKi}v6s), a famous Greek polyhistor, who lived
in the time of Herod the Great and the emperor
Augustus, with both of whom he was connected
by intimate friendship. He was, as his name in-
dicates, a native of Damascus, and the son of An-
tipater and Stratonice. His parents were distin-
guished no less for their personal character than
for their wealth, and his father, who was a highly
esteemed orator, was not only invested with the
highest magistracies in his native place, but was
employed on various embassies, Nicolaus and his
brother Ptolemaeus were instructed from their
childhood in everj^thing that was good and useful.
Nicohiiis in particular shewed great talents, and

DAMASCENUS.
even before lie attained the age of pubert)', he ob-
tained the reputation of being the most accom-
plished nmong the youths of his age ; and at that
early age he composed tragedies and comedies,
which met with geneml applause. But lie soon
abandoned these poetical pursuits, and devoted
himself to rhetoric, music, mathematics, and the
philosophy of Aristotle. Herod carried on his
philosophical studies in common with Nicolaus,
and the amicaljle relation between the two men
was strengthened bj' these common pursuits. In
B. c. 14, he previiiled upon Herod to interfere with
Agrippa on behalf of the citizens of Ilium, who
were to be severely punished for having been ap-
piirently wanting in attention to Agrippa's wife,
Julia, the daughter of Augustus. It was about
the same time that he used his influence with He-
rod to prevail upon Agrippa to put an e)id to the
annoyances to which the Jews in Ionia were con-
stantly exposed. In a conversation with Herod
Nicolaus once directed his attention to the advan-
tages which a prince might derive from history;
and the king, who was struck by the trutli of the
observation, entreated Nicolaus to write a history.
Nicolaus complied with the request, and compiled
a most voluminous work on universal history, the
accomplishment of which, in his opinion, surpassed
even the hardest among the labours of Heracles.
Ill B. c. 13, when Herod went to Rome to pay
Augustus a visit, he took Nicolaus with him, and
both travelled in the same vessel. On that occa-
sion, Nicolaus made Augustus a present of the
finest fruit of the palm-tree, which Augustus
henceforth called Nicolai, a name by which that
fruit was known down to the middle ages. Some
writers speak of cakes {irAaKovin-es) which Nico-
laus presented to Augustus, but this is evidently a
mistake. (Suid. s. r. Nt/cdAaos ; Athen. xiv. p.G52;
Plut. Sympos. viii. 4 ; Isidor. Orig. xvii. 7 ; Plin.
//. N. xiii. 4.) When Herod, by his success
against some Arab chiefs, had drawn upon himself
the enmity of Augustus, and the latter declined to
receive any ambassadors, Herod, who knew the
influence which Nicolaus possessed with the em-
peror, sent him to negotiate. Nicolaus, by very
skilful management, succeeded in tumiiig the
anger of Augustus against the Arabs, and in re-
storing the friendship between Augustus and He-
rod. When Alexander and Aristobulus, the sons
of Herod, were suspected of plotting against tlieir
father, Nicolaus endeavoured to induce the king
not to proceed to extremities against his sons, but
in vain : the two sons were put to death, and
Nicolaus afterwards degraded himself by defend-
ing and justifying this cruel act of his royal friend.
On the death of Herod, Archelaus succeeded to
the throne, chiefly through the exertions of Nico-
laus. We have no account of what became of
Nicolaus after this event, and how long he sur-
vived it.

Plutarch {I.e.) describes Nicolaus as possessing a
tall and slender tigure, with a red face. In private
life, as well as in intercourse with others, he was a
man of the most amiable disposition : he was mo-
dest, just, and liberal in a high degree ; and al-
though he disgraced himself by his flattery and
partiality towards Herod, he neglected the great
and powerful at Rome so much, that he is censured
for having preferred the society of plebeians to
that of the nobles. The information which we
have hei-e given is derived paiiiy from a life of

DAMASCENUS.

931

Nicolaus, written by himself, of which a consider-
able portion is still extant, from Suidas, and from
Josephus. {Aniiq. Jud. xvi. 15, 16, 17, xvii. 7, 1 1 .)
The writings of Nicolaus were partly poetical,
partly historical, and partly philosophical. With
regard to his tragedies, we know only the title of
one, called 'S.uxravis or SwcreJj'j'Tjs (Eustath. ad
Diotiys. Perkg. 976), but no fragments are extant.
A considerable fragment of one of his comediea,
which consists of 44 lines, and gives us a favour-
able opinion of his poetical talent, is preserved in
Stobaeus. The most important, however, among his
works were those of an historical nature. 1. The
first is his autobiography, which we have already
mentioned. 2. A universal history, which con-
sisted of 144 books. (Athen. vi. p. 249.) Suidaa
states, that it contained only 80 books, but the
124th is quoted by Josephus. {Aniiq. Jud. xii. 3.)
The title laropla KadoAiKTJ^ under which this work
is mentioned by Suidas, does not occur elsewhere.
As far as we can judge from the fragments still ex-
tant, it treated chiefly of the history of the Asiatic
nations ; but whether the 'AaravpiaKai laropiai of
which Photius {Bibl. Cod. 189) speaks is the same
as the universal history, or only a portion of it, or
whether it was a sepirate work, cannot be deter-
mined with any certainty. The universal history
was composed at the request of Herod, and seems
to have been a hurried compilation, in which Ni-
colaus, without exercising any criticism, incorpo-
rated whatever he found related by earlier histo-
rians. 3. A life of Augustus. This work is lost,
like the rest, with the exception of excerpta which
were made from it by the command of Constantinus
Porphyrogenitus. These excerpta shew that the
author was not much concerned about accuracy,
and that the biography was more of a eulogy than
of a history. Some writers have been of opinion,
that this biography formed a part of the universal
history ; but there seems to be no ground for this
hypothesis. 4. A life of Herod. There is no
express testimony for a separate work of this name,
but the way in which Josephus speaks of the man-
ner in which Nicolaus treated Herod, and defended
his cruelties, or passed them over in silence, if he
could not defend them, scarcely admits of a doubt
as to the existence of a separate work on the life
of Herod. 5. 'HdcSy TrapaSo^an/ auuayurp], that is,
a collection of singular customs among the various
nations of the earth. It was dedicated to Herod
(Phot. Bil>l. Cod. 189), and Stobaeus has preserved
many passages from it. Valesius and others think
that these passages did not originally belong to a
separate work, but were extracted from the uni-
versal history. Of his philosophical works, -which
consisted parth- of independent treatises and partly
of paraphrases of Aristotle's Works, no fragments
are extant, except a few statements in Siraplicius'
connnentaries on Aristotle. The extant fragments
of Nicolaus were first edited in a Latin version by
N, Cragius, Geneva, 1593, 4to. The Greek ori-
ginals with a Latin translation were first edited
by H. Valesius in his "Excerpta Polybii, Diodori,"
&c., Paris, 1634, 4to. The best and most com-
plete edition, with Latin translations by Valesius
and H. Grotiiis, is that of J. C. Orelli, Leipzig,
1804, 8vo. It also contains a good dissert;itiou
on the life and writings of Nicolaus by the Abbe
Sevin, which originally appeared in the Meinoms
de I' Acad, des Inscript. vi. p. 486, Sac. In 1811,
Orelli published a supplement to his edition, which

3o2

932 DAMASCIUS.

contains notes and emendations by A. Coray,
Creuzer, Schweighauser, and others. [L. S.]

DAMA'SCIUS {AafMCTKios), the Syrian (o
2v/)os), of Damascus, whence he derived his name,
the last of the renowned teachers of the Neo-Pla-
tonic philosophy at Athens, was bom towards the
end of the fifth century of the Christian era.
His national Syrian name is unknown. He
repaired at an early period to Alexandria, where
he first studied rhetoric under the rhetorician
Theon, and mathematics and philosophy under
Ammonius, the son of Hermeas [see p. 146, a.],
and Isidorus. From Alexandria Damascius went
to Athens, where Neo-Platonism existed in its
setting glory under Marinus and Zenodotus, the
successors of the celebrated Proclus. He became
a disciple of both, and afterwards their successor
( whence his surname of 6 SidSoxos), and he was
the Ijist who taught in the cathedra of Platonic
philosophy at Athens; for in the year 529 the
emperor Justinian closed the heathen schools of
philosophy at Athens, and most of the philosophers,
and among them Damascius, emigrated to king
Chosroes of Persia, At a later time (533), how-
ever, Damascius appears to have returned to the
West, since Chosroes had stipulated in a treaty of
peace that the religion and philosophy of the hea-
then votaries of the Platonic philosophy should be
tolerated by the Byzantine emperor. (Bnicker,
Hid. PhUosoph. ii. p. 345 ; Agathias, Scholast. ii.
p. 49, &C., p. 67, &c.) We have no fiirther parti-
culars of the lite of Damascius ; we only know
that he did not, after his return, found any school
either at Athens or at any other place, and that
thus the heathen philosophy ended with its ex-
ternal existence. But the Neo-Platonic ideas from
the school of Proclus were preserved in the Chris-
tian church down to the Later times of the middle
ages.

Only one of Damascius's numerous writings has
yet been printed, namely, "Doubts and Solutions
of the first Principles, ('Airoptot koX Auo-f js v^pt
t£v wpwTwu dpxwu), which was published (but not
complete) by J. Kopp, Francof. 1828. 8vo. In
this treatise Damascius inquires, as the title inti-
mates, respecting the first principle of all things,
which he finds to be an unfathomable and unspeak-
able divine depth, being all in one, but undivided.
The struggles which he makes in this treatise. to
force into words that which is not susceptible of
expression, have been blamed by many of the
modem philosophers as barren subtilty and tedious
tautology', but received the just admiration of
others. This work is, moreover, of no small im-
portance for the history of philosophy, in conse-
quence of the great number of notices which it
contains concerning the elder philosophers.

The rest of Damascius's writings are for the
most part commentaries on works of Aristotle and
Plato ; of these the most important are : 1. 'Atto-
piai Koi \6aeis ets tov Il\a,TU)vos Fla/j^ei'tSTjv in a
manuscript at Venice. 2. A continuation and
completion of Proclus's commentary on Plato's
Parmenides, printed in Cousin's edition of the
works of Proclus, Paris, 1827, 8vo., vol. vi. p. 255,
&c. We have references to some commentaries of
Damascius on Plato's Timaeus, Alcibiades, and
other dialogues, which seem to be lost. 3. Of the
commentaries of Damascius on Aristotle's works
we only know of the commentary on Aristotle's
treatise " de Coelo," of which perhaps a fragment

DAMASIPPUS.
is extant in the treatise irepl tov yevvriTOv^ pub-
lished by Iriarte {Catal. MSS. Bibl. Madrid^ i.
p. 130) under the name of Damascius. Such a
commentary of Damascius as extant in manuscript
(Trap€K§o\al, in Aristot. lib. i. de Coelo) is also
mentioned by Labbeus (Bibl. Nov. MSS. pp. 112,
169). The writings of Damascius irepl /cti/TjVewy,
irepl tSttov, and Trepl xpof^ov, cited by Simplicius
in his commentary on Aristotle's Physica (fol. 189,
b., 153, a., 183, b.), are perhaps only parts of his
commentaries on the Aristotelian writings. Fabri-
cius {Bibl. Graec. vol. ii. p. 294) attributes to him
the composition of an epitome of the first four and
the eighth book of Aristotle's Physica. 4. But of
much greater importance is Damascius's biography
of his preceptor Isidorus ('I(n5wpou )8ios, perhaps
a part of the <pi\6(To^os laropla attributed to Da-
mascius by Suidas, i. p. 506), of which Photius
(Cod. 242, comp. 181) has preserved a considera-
ble fragment, and gives at the same time some im-
portant information respecting the life and studies
of Damascius. This biography appears to have
been reckoned by the ancients the most important
of the works of Damascius. 5. Aoyoi TlapdSo^oi,
in 4 books, of which Photius (Cod. 130) also gives
an account and specifies the respective titles of
the books. (Comp. Westermann, Rcrum MiraldL
Scriptores, Proleg. p. xxix.) Photius praises the
succinct, clear, and pleasing style of this work ;
though, as a Christian, he in other respects vehe-
mently attacks the heathen philosopher and the
tendency of his writings. 6. Besides all these
writings, there is lastly a fragment of a commcn-
tar}' on Hippocrates's "Aphorisms" in a manuscript
at Munich, which is ascribed to this philosopher.
(See below.) There is also an epigram in the Greek
Anthology (iii. 179, ed. Jacobs, comp. Jacobs, Cojii-
ment. in Ajithol. xiii. p. 880) likewise ascribed to
him. For further particulars, see Kopp's Preface
to his edition of Damascius, Trepi trpcLTwv apxuVj
and Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. iii. pp. 79, 83, 230.

Among the disciples of Damascius the most im'
portant are Simplicius, the celebrated commentator
on Aristotle, and Eulamius. [A. S.]

DAMA'SCIUS (Acjuao-zctos), the author of a
short Greek commentary on the Aphorisms of Hip-
pocrates, first published by F. R. Dietz in his
Scholia in Hippocr. ct Gal.., Regim, Pruss, 1834,
8vo. This Damascius is perhaps the same as the
celebrated Neo-Platonic philosopher mentioned
above ; but the matter is quite uncertain.

[W. A. G.]

DAMASIPPUS (Ao^o-JTTTTos), a Macedonian,
who after having assassinated the members of the
synedrium of Phacus, a Macedonian town, fled
with his wife and children from his country. When
Ptolemy Physcon came to Greece and raised an
array of mercenaries, Damasippus also engaged in
his service, and accompanied him to Crete and
Libya. (Polvb. xxxi. 25.) [L.S.I

DAMASIPPUS, L. JU'NIUS BRUTUS.
[Brutus, No. 19.]

DAMASIPPUS, LICT'NIUS. 1. Licinius
Damasippus, a Roman senator of the party of
Pompey, who was with king Juba in B. c. A^.
During Caesar's African war, in B. c. 47, we again
meet him among the enemies of Caesar. Dama-
sippus and some others of his partj' endeavoured
with a few ships to reach the coast of Spain, but
the\' were t]iro%\ni back by a storm to Hippo,
where the fleet of P. Sitius was stationed. The

DAMASTES.-
ships of the Pompeians were taken and eiink, and
Damasippus perished with the rest. (Cues, de li. C.
ii. 44 ; Hirt. de Bell. Aft. 9G.)

2. LiciNius Damasippus, a contemporary of
Cicero, who speaks (ud Fain. vii. 23) of him as a
lover of statues. In other passages, Cicero, in B. c.
45, speaks of his intention of buying a garden
from Damasippus. {Ad Alt. xii. 29, 33.) He ap-
pears to have been a connoisseur and dealer in
ancient statues, and to have purchased and hiid
out gardens for the purpose of selling them agtiin.
He is in all probability the same person as the
Damasippus who is ridiculed by Horace. {Sat. ii.
3. 16, 6'4.) It appears from Horace that he had
become a bankrupt in his trade as a dealer in
statues, in consequence of which he intended to
put an end to himself ; but he was prevented by
the Stoic Stertinius, and then turned Stoic himself,
or at least affected to be one by his long beard.
The Damasippus mentioned by Juvenal {Sat. viii.
147, 151, 167) is undoubtedly a fictitious name,
under which the satirist ridicided some noble lover
of horses. [L. S.]

_ DAMASTES {Aafidarris), of Sigeum, a Greek
historian, and a contemporary of Herodotus
and Hellanicus of Lesbos, with the latter of
whom he is often mentioned. Suidas even calls
him a disciple of Hellanicus, while Porphyry
{ap. Euseb. Praep. Evang. ix. p. 468) states, that
Hellanicus borrowed from Damastes and Herodotus
several statements concerning the manners and
customs of foreign nations. This latter statement
has led some critics to assume, that Porphyry
alludes to a later Hellanicus of Miletus ; but there
is no reason for such a supposition, and the simpler
solution is, that the work of Damastes was pub-
lished before that of Hellanicus, or what is more
likely, that Porphyry made a blunder. Accord-
ing to Suidas (comp. Eudoc. p. 127), Damastes
wrote, — 1. A History of Greece (Trepi twv kv
'EWaSt yevofxevav). 2. On the ancestors of those
who had taken part in the war against Troy, and
3. A catalogiie of nations and towns {idvwv Kara-
\oyos KaX TToXfwi/), which is probably the same
work as the one quoted by Stephanus of Byzan-
tium (s. V. vir€p§6peoi) under the simple title of
TTffjl idvwu. Besides these, a irepiirXovs also is
mentioned as the work of Damastes by Agathe-
merus (i. p. 2, ed. Hudson), who states, that Da-
mastes copied from Hecataeus. All these works
are lost, with the exception of a few insignificant
fragments, Eratosthenes made great use of them,
for which he is censured by Strabo (i. p. 47, xiii.
p. 583, xiv. p. 684), who set little value upon the
opinions of Damastes, and charges him with igno-
rance and credulity. From Dionysius of Ilalicar-
nassus {A. Ii. i. 72) we learn that Damastes spoke
of the foundation of Rome. (Comp. Val. !Max.
viii. 13, ^j:^ 6; Phit. Camill. 19; Dionys. Hal.
Jud. de Thucyd. p. 818 ; Plin. H.N. Elench. libb.
iv. V. vi. vii. and vii. 48 ; Avienus Ruf. de Ora
Marit. ; Sturz. Fragin. Ilellanici, p. 14, &c. ;
Ukert, Untersuchung. uber die Geographic de^ He-
cataeus und Damastes, Weimar, 1814, p. 26.)

Another person of this name is Damastes, the
brother of Democritus the philosopher. (Suid. s. v.
ArifMKpiTos; Diog. Laert. ix. 39.) [L.S.]

DA'MASUS (Aa/xaaos), of Tralles in Cilicia, is
mentioned by Strabo (xiv. p. 649) among the cele-
brated orators of Tralles. He is surnamed Scom-
brus {'2,KOfji.€pos), and ia in all probability the same

DAMASUS.

933

as the Damos Scombros mentioned by Seneca
{Coutrov. ii. 14), and may possibly be the same as
the rhetorician who is also spoken of by Se-
neca {Suas. I ; comp. Schott, ad Controv. ii. 1 4)
under the name of Damaseticus. But nothing
further is known about him. [L. S.]

DA'MASUS, whose father's name was Anto-
nius, by extraction a Spaniard, must have been
bom near the beginning of the fourth century
(Hieron. de Viris Illustr. c. 103), and upon the
death of Liberius, in a. d. 366, was chosen bishop
of Rome. His election, however, was strenuously
opposed by a party who supported the claims of a
certain Ursicinus or Ursinus : a fierce strife arose
between the followers of the rival factions ; the
praefect Juventius, unable to appease or withstand
their violence, was compelled to fly, and upwards
of a hundred and thirty dead bodies were found
in the basilica of Sicininus, which had been the
chief scene of the stniggle. Damasus prevailed ;
his pretensions were favoured by the emperor, and
his antagonists were banished ; but having been
permitted to return within a year, fresh disturb-
ances broke forth which, although promptly sup-
pressed, were renewed from time to time, to the
great scandal of the church, until peace was at
length restored by the exertions of the praefect
Praetextatus, not without fresh bloodshed. While
these angry passions were still raging, Damasus
was impeached of impurity before a public council,
and was honourably acquitted, while his calum-
niators, the deacons Concordius and Calistus, were
deprived of their sacred office. During the re-
mainder of his career, until his death in a. d. 384,
he was occupied in waging war against the rem-
nants of the Arians in the West and in the East,
in denouncing tlie heresy of Apollinaris in the
Roman councils of a. d. 377 and 382, in advocating
the cause of Paulinus against Meletius, and in
erecting two basilicae. He is celebrated in the
history of sacred music firom having ordained that
the psalms should be regularly chaimted in all
places of public worship by day and by night,
concluding in each case with the doxology ; but
his chief claim to the gratitude of posterity rests
upon the circumstance, that, at his instigation,
St. Jerome, with whom he maintained a most
steady and cordial friendship, was first induced to
undertake the great task of producing a new trans-
lation of the Bible.

To Damasus was addressed the famous and most
important edict of Valentinian (Cod. Theodos. 16.
tit. 2. 8. 20), by which, in combination with some
subsequent enactments, ecclesiastics were strictly
prohibited from receiving the testamentary bequests
of their spiritual children, — a regulation rendered
imperative by the shameless avarice displayed by
too many of the clergy of that period and the dis-
reputable arts by which they had notoriously
abused their influence over female penitents. Da-
masus himself, who was obliged to give publicity
to the decree, had not escaped the imputation of
these heredipetal propensities ; for his insinuating
and persuasive eloquence gained for him among
his enemies the nickname of Awiscalpiiis (ear-
tickler) matronarum. At the same time, while
the outward pomp and luxury of the church were
for a while checked, her real power was vastly in'
creased by the law of Valentinian (367) after-
wards enforced and extended by Gratian (378),
in virtue of which the clergy were relieved from

934 DAMASUS.

the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate, and ren-
dered amenable to their own courts alone.
The extant works of Damasus are :

I. Seven epistles written between the years
372 — 384, addressed to the bishops of Illyria, to
Paulinus, to Acholius and other bishops of Mace-
donia, and to St. Jerome, together with an Epistola
Svnodica against ApoUinaris and Timotheus.
These refer, for the most part, to the controversies
then agitating the religious world, and are not
without value as materials for ecclesiastical history.
The second, to Paulinus, consists of two parts,
which in some editions are arranged separately, so
as to make the whole number amount to eight. In
addition to the above, which are entire, we have
several fragments of letters, and it is known that
many have perished. See the " Epistolae Pontifi-
cum Romanorum,'" by Constant, Paris, 1721.

II. Upwards of forty short poems in various
measures and styles, religious, descriptive, lyrical,
and panegyrical, including several epitaphs. None
of these, notwithstanding the testimony of St. Je-
rome (/. c), dictated probably by partial friendship,
are remarkable for any felicity either in thought
or in expression. The rules of classical prosody
are freely disregarded ; we observe a propensity to
indulge in jingling cadences, thus leading the way
to the rhyming versification of the monks, and
here and there some specimens of acrostic dexte-
rity. These pieces were published separately in
several of the early editions of the Christian poets ;
by A. M. Merenda, Rom. fol. 1754 ; and a selec-
tion comprising his "Sanctorum Elogia" is included
in the " Opera Veterum Poetarura Latinorum " by
Maittaire, 2 vols. fol. Lond. 1713.

Among the lost works of this author are to be
reckoned several epistles ; a tract de Virginitaie^ in
which prose and poetry were combined ; summaries
in hexameter verse of certain books of the Old and
New Testament (Hieron. Epist. ad Eiistoch. de
Ciistod. Virgin.\ and Ada Marti/rum Romanorum
Petri Exorcistae et Marcellini (Eginhart. ap. Sun-
uiiu, de probatis sanctt. Histor. vol. iii. p. ofil).

Several Deereta; a book entitled Liber de Viiis
Pontificum Romanorum ; and all the epistles not
named above are deemed spurious.

The earliest edition of the collected works is
that prepared by Sarrazanius and published by
IJbaldinus under the patronage of cardinal Fran-
cesco Barberini, Rom. 4to. 1638. They are con-
tained also in the DibliotJiec. Max. Patrum. vol. iv.
p. 543, and vol, xxvii. p. 81, and appear in their
most correct form in the Bib/iolfwca Patrum of
Galland, vol. vi. p. 321 .

(For the life and character of Damasus, see the
testimonies and biographies collected in the edition
of Sarrazanius ; Hieron. de Viris. III. c. 103, Chro-
nic, p. 186, ad Nepot.; Ambros. adv. Symmach. ii.;
Augustin. Serm.A9-, Suidas,s. v. Aa/iao-os; Amm.
Marc, xxvii. 3, a very remarkable passage. The
petition of two presbyters opposed to Damasus is
preserved in the first volume of the works of P.
Sirmond. — Nic. Antonius, Bibliothec. Vet. Hisjmu.
ii. 6 ; Bayerus, Damasus et Laurentius Nispanis
asserti et vindicati^ Rom. 1 756 ; Gerbert de Cantu
et Music, sacra, i. pp. 44, 60, 91, 242; Fabric. Bibl.
Med. et Infim. Lat. ii. p. 4 ; Funccius, de Veget.
L. L. Senect. cap. iii. § Ix., &c. ; Tillemont, Me-
moires Ecclesiast. vol. viii. p. 386, &c. ; Schriick,
Kircliengeschichte^ viii. p. 122, &c.; Surius, de pro-
batis sanctt. Hist. viii. p. 428.) [W. R.]

DAMIO.

DA'MEAS (Aajuc'as) or DE'MEAS. 1. A sta-
tuary of Croton, who made a bronze statue of iiis
fellow-citizen, Milo, which Milo carried on his
shoulders into the Altis. This fixes the artist's
date at about B.C. 530. (Pans. vi. 14. $ 2.)

2. Also called Damias, a statuary, bom at Clei-
tor, a city in Arcadia, was the disciple of Poly-
cleitus, and was associated with other artists in
the execution of the great votive offering which
the Lacedaemonians made at Delphi after the vic-
tory of Aegospotami. (b. c. 405.) Dameas cast
the statues of Athena, Poseidon, and Lysander.
(Pans. X. 9. § 4 ; Plin. xxxiv. 8. s. 19 ; Thiersch.
Epochen.Tp.'276.) [P. S.]

DAMIA. [Al'xesia.]

DAMIA'NUS (Aauiavoy), of Ephesus, a cele-
brated rhetorician and contemporary of Philostra-
tus, who visited him at Ephesus, and who has
preserved a few particulars respecting his life. In
his youth Damianus was a pupil of Adrianus and
Aelius Aristeides, whom he afterwards followed as
his models. He appears to have taught rhetoric in
his native place, and his reputation as a rhetorician
and sophist was so great, that even when he had
arrived at an advanced age and had given up rhe-
toric, many persons flocked to Ephesus to have an
opportunity of conversing with him. He belonged
to a very illustrious family, and was possessed of
great wealth, of which he made generous use, for he
not only instructed gratis such young men as were
unable to remunerate him, but he erected or restored
at his own expense several useful and public institu-
tions and buildings. He died at the age of seventy,
and was buried in one of the suburbs of Ephesus.
It is not known whether he ever published any
scientific treatise on rhetoric or any orations or
declamations. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 23 ; Suid.
s. V. Aafiiavos; Eudocia, p. 130.) [L. S.]

DAMIA'NUS (AoMiavo's), a celebrated saint
and martyr, who was a physician by profession
and lived in the third and fourth centuries after
Christ. He is said to have been the brother of
St. Cosmas, with whose name and life his own is
commonly associated, and whose joint history ap-
pears to have been as follows. They were born
in Arabia : their father's name is not known,
their mother's was Theodora, and both are said to
have been Christians. After receiving an excel-
lent education, they chose the medical profession,
as being that in which they thought they could
most benefit their fellow men ; and accordingly
they constantly practised it gratuitously, thus
earning for themselves the title of 'Avdpyvpoi^ by
which they are constantly distinguished. They
were at last put to death with the most cruel tor-
tures, in company with several other Christians,
during the persecution by Diocletian, A. D. 303 —
I 311. Justinian, in the sixth century, built a
I church in their honour at Constantinople, and an-
other in Pamphylia, in consequence of his having
been (as he supposed) cured of a dangerous illness
through their intercession. [Cosmas.1 [W.A.G.]
= DAMIA'NUS HELIODO'RUS". [Hblio-

DORUS.]

DA'MIO, afreedraan and servant of P. Clodius,
who in B. c. 58 prevented Pompey from leaving
his house and from assisting Cicero. ('Ascon. in
Milon. p. 47, ed. Orelli.) It is uncertain whether
he is the same as Vettius Damio, into whose house
Cicero fled from the persecutions of the Clodian
party. (Cic. ad Att. iv. 3.) [L. S.]

DAMO.

DA'MTON or DAMON, a physician mentioned
nmonjjf the foreign authors used by Pliny in his
Natural History, who must therefore have lived in
cr before the first century after Christ. (Plin.
H. N. XX. 40, xxiv. 120, Index to book vii.) Pie
is also quoted by Plinius Valerianus. (De Re Med.
iii. -20.) [W.A. G.]

DAMIPPUS (AoutTnroj). ]. A Lacedaemo-
nian, who lived at the court of Hieronynius of
Syracuse. When the young and undecided king,
on his accession, was beset on all sides by men who
advised him to give up his connexion with the
Romans and form an alliance with Carthage against
them, Damippus was one of the few in the king's
council who .id vised him to uphold the alliince
with Rome. A short time afterwards he was sent
by the Syracusans to king Philip of Macedonia,
but was made prisoner by the Roman fleet under
Marcellus. Epicyd^s was anxious to ransom him,
and .IS ^Marcellus himself wanted to form connex-
ions with the Aetolians, the allies of the Lacedae-
monians, he I'estored Damippus to freedom. (Polyb.
vii. 5 ; Liv. xxv. 23.)

2. A Pythfigore.in philosopher, to whom some
MSS. attribute the fragment Trepi -rrpovoias koX
dyaQjis rvxv^, which is preserved in Stobaeus, and
is more commonly ascribed to Criton of Aegae.
(Gale, Opitsc. Mrjthol. p. 698.) ' [L. S.]

DAM IS (Aojuts, Ac{/uiy). 1. A Messenian,
who was one of the competitors for the throne of
Messenia on the death of Euphaes, when Aristo-
demus was elected, about B. c. 729. On the
death of Aristodemus (about B. c. 723), Damis
was chosen general with supreme power, but with-
out the title of king. He failed, however, to re-
store the fallen fortunes of his country, and on his
death, whicli took place soon after, Messenia sub-
mitted to the Lacedaemonians. (Pans. iv. 10, 13.)

2. An Athenian, son of Icesias, was sent by his
countrymen to intercede with the Romans on be-
h.ilf of the Aetolians, b. c. 189, and is said to
have been very instrumentnl, through his eloquence,
in obtaining peace for the latter. (Polyb. xxii.
14.) He is c.illed Leon by Livy (xxxviii, 10;
comp. XXXV. 50.)

3. An Epicurean, introduced several times by
Lucian as an irreligious and profligate man. Fie
appears to be the same who is spoken of {Dial.
Mort. 27) as a wealthy Corinthijin, and who is said
to have been poisoned by his own son. Harles
however supposes, that the D.amis in question m.iy
have been a fictitious chsiracter. {Ad Fabric. BihI.
Graec. vol. iii. p. 602, and the passages of Lucian
there referred to.)

4. An Assyrian, who lived at Nineveh, where
he became acquainted with Apollonius Tyanaeus
[see p. 242, b.], whom he accompanied in his
travels. Of these he wrote an account, in which
he included also the discourses and prophecies of
his master. This work seems to have been the
basis of the life of Apollonius by Philostratus.
The style of it shewed traces of the author's coun-
try and of his education among barbarians. (Snid.
s. V. Adfxis ; Voss. de Hist. Graec. p. 250, ed.
Westermann, and the authorities there referred
to.) [E. E.l

DA^IO (Aojuw), a daughter of Pythagoras and
Theano, who is mentioned by lamblichus {Vit.
Pythag. c. 28), but chiefly known to us from an
epistle of Lysis, a Pythagorean, to one Hippasus
or Hipparchus, quoted by Diogenes Laertius (viiL

DAMOCRITUS.

935

42). In this we read that Pythagoras entnisted
his writings to the care of Damo, and strictly for-
bad her to give them to any one. This command
she strictly observed, although she was in extreme
poverty, and received many requests to sell them ;
" for," he adds, " she thought her father's precepts
more precious than gold : and this she did although
a woman." But the genuineness of this last un-
gallant appendage is denied by Menage. {Historia
MtUicrtim Pkilosophainim., c. 94.) The above com-
mand of Pyth.ngoras was delivered to her in writ-
ing, and this document she gave when dying to
her daughter Bistalia. [G. E. L. C]

DAMO'CHARIS (Aajttoxap«s), a grammarian
of Cos, the disciple of Agathias, lived at the end of
the fifth and the beginning of the sixth centuries
after Christ. He is the author of four epigrams in
the Greek Anthology. In an epigram by Paulus
Silentiarius (81), he is called ypaixfrnTinvs Upi)
Pdais. There is another epigram {a8ea->r. 359) on
a certain Djimocharis who repaired the damage
which Smyrna had suffered from an earthquake.
It is not known whether this is the grammarian,
about whose time, however, many earthquakes are
known to have happened. (Brunck, Anal. iii.
69; Jacobs, Antk. Gra^c. iv. 39; xiii. 881;
F.ibric. Bibl. Graec. iv. 470.) . [P. S.]

DAMOCLES (Aa/ioK\7j5), a Syracusan, one of
the comp.anions and flatterers of the elder Diony-
sius, of whom a well-known anecdote is related by
Cicero. Damocles ha^^ng extolled the great felicity
of Dionysius on account of his wealth and power,
the tyrant invited him to try what his happiness
really was, and placed him at a magnificent ban-
quet, surrounded by every kind of luxury and en-
joyment, in the midst of which Damocles saw a
naked sword suspended over his head by a single
horse-hair — a sight which quickly dispelled all his
visions of happiness. {Cic.Tiisc.v.2l.) The same
story is also alluded to by Horace. {Carm. iii.
1. 17.) [E. H. B.]

DAMO'CRATES or DEMO'CRATES (Aa^uo-
KpdTr}s or A-nfMOKpar-qs)^ SERVI'LIUS, a Greek
physician at Rome about the beginning or middle
of the first century after Christ, who m.ay perhaps
have received the praenomen " ServHius " from his
having become a client of the Servilia gens. Galen
calls him dpurros laTp6s {De Ther. ad Pis. c. 12.
vol. xiv. p. 260), and Pliny says {H. N. xxv. 49),
he was "e primis medentium," and relates {H. N.
xxiv. 28) his cure of Considia, the daughter of
AL Servilius. He wrote several pharm.iceutical
works in Greek iambin verse, of which there only
remain the titles and some extracts preserved by
Galen. {De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, v. 5,
vii. 2, viii. 10, x. 2, vol. xii. p. 890, vol. xiii. pp.
40, 220, 350 ; De Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. i.
19, V. 10, vi. 12, 17, vii. 8, 10, 16, vol. xiii. pp.
455, 821, 915, 940, 988, 9m, 1047; De Antid.
i. 15, ii. 2, &c. 15, vol. xiv. pp. 90, 115, &c. 191.)
These have been collected together and published
by C. F. Harles, Bonn, 1833, 4to. Gr. and Lat,
Avith notes and prolegomen.i. It is believed that
only the first part (consisting of thirty-five pages)
has yet appeared, of which there is a review by
Hermann in the Leipz. Lit. ZeU. 1834, N. 33.
{Q. G. Kiihn, Additam. ad Blench. Medicor. Vet.
a J. A. Fabricio in '■'■ Bibl. Gr.''"' exhibit, fascic. v. ;
Choulant, Handb. der Buchcrkunde fur die Aeltere
Medicin.) [W. A. G.]

DAMO'CRITUS {AanSKpiros). 1. Of Calydon

936

DAMON.

in Aetolia, was strategus of the Aetolians in b. c.
200, and in the discussions as to whether an
alliance should be formed with the Romans, Damo-
critus, who was believed to have been bribed by the
Macedonian king, opposed the party inclined to
negotiate with Rome. The year after this he was
among the ambassadors of the various Greek states
that went to Rome. In B. c. 193 he was sent by
the Aetolians to Nabis, the tyrant of Sparta, whom
he urged on to make war against the Romans.
The year after, when T. Quinctius Flamininus went
himself to Aetolia, to make a last attempt to win
them over, Damocritus not only opposed him along
with the majority of his countrymen, but insulted
him by saying that he would soon settle all dis-
putes on the banks of the Tiber. But things turned
out differently from what he expected : in b. c.
191 the Aetolians were defeated at Heracleia, near
mount Oeta, and Damocritus fell into the hands of
the Romans. He and the other leaders of the
Aetolians were escorted to Rome by two cohorts,
and he was imprisoned in the Lautumiae. A few
days before the celebration of the triumph, which
he was intended to adorn, he escaped from his
prison by night, but finding that he could not
escape the guards who pursued him, he threw him-
self upon his own sword and thus put an end
to his life. (Li v. xxxi. 32, xxxv. 12, 33, xxxvi.
24, xxxvii, 3, 46; Polyb. xvii. 10, xxii. 14;
Appian, de Rcb. Sj/r. 21 ; Brandstater, Die Gesdi.
dcs Aetul. Landej, (^'c, p, 408, &c.)

2. An Achaean and a friend of DLaeus, whom
he assisted as much as he could in hurrying his
countrymen into the fatal war with Rome, which
ended in the destruction of Corinth. (Polyb. xl.
4.) Respecting a third Damocritus, see Dkmo-
CRiTUs in fin. [L. S.]

DAMO'CRITUS (^an6KpiTos), a Greek histo-
nan of uncertain date, who, according to Suidas(«.r.)
wrote two works, one on the drawing up of annies,
and the other on the Jews, of whom he related
that they worshipped the head of an ass, and that
every seventh year they sacrificed to their god
some foreigner who had fallen into their hands.
Eudocia (p. 128) further attributes to him Aidio-
TTLKYiv hropiav Kcd dWa, but nothing further ig
known about him. [L. S.j

DAMO'CRITUS or DEMO'CRITUS {Aan6-
KpiTos^ Ar^noKpiTos). 1. A statuary, born at Si-
cyon, was a pupil of Pison, the pupil of Amphion,
the pupil of Ptolichus, the pupil of Critias of
Athens. He probably flourished, therefore, about
the 100th Olympiad, (a. c. 380.) There was at
Olyrapia a statue by him of Hippus (or Hippon),
an Eleian, who was victor in boxing among the
boys. (Pans. vi. 3. § 2.) Pliny mentions a Demo-
critus, who made statues of philosophers, (xxxiv.
8. s. 19. § 28.)

2. A chaser of the silver goblets which were
called Rhodian. (Ath. xi. p. 500, b.) [P. S.]

DAMO'GERON {Aa/jLoy^pcov)^ a Greek writer
on agriculture, concerning whom nothing at all is
known, although fifteen extracts from his work
are still extant in the Geojwnica. [L. S.]

DAMON (Ad/jMu). 1. An Athenian, who
joined his countryman Philogenes in supplying
ships to the Phocians and leading them into Asia
at the time of the Ionian migration. These were
the settlers by whom Phocaea was founded. (Pans,
vii. 2, 3 ; comp. Herod, i. 146; Strab. xiv. p. 633.)

2. A Pythagorean, and friend of Pythias or

DAMOPHYLE.

Phlntias, who was a member of the same sect.
When the latter was condemned to die for a plot
against Dionysius I. of Syracuse, he asked leave
of the tyrant to depart for the purpose of arranging
his domestic affairs, promising to find a friend
who would be pledge for his appearance at the
time appointed for his punishment. To the sur-
prise of Dionysius, Damon unhesitatingly offered
himself to be put to death instead of his friend,
should he fail to return. Phintias arrived just in
time to redeem Damon, and Dionysius was so
struck with this instance of firm friendship on both
sides, that he pardoned the criminal, and entreated
to be admitted as a third into their bond of bro-
therhood. ( Diod. X. Fragm. 3 ; lamblich. Vit.
Pyth. 33 ; Cic. de Off. iii. 10, Tusc. quaest. v. 22 ;
Val. Max. iv. 7, Ext. 1.)

3. A youth of Chaeronela and a descendant of
the seer Peripoltas, by whose name he was also
called. Having been insulted with a degrading
proposal by a Roman officer who was wintering at
Chaeroneia, he engaged in his cause a body of his
companions, assassinated the Roman, and fled
with his adherents from the city. The Chaero-
neans, alarmed for the consequences, condemned
him to death ; but Damon continuing to defy them
successfully, and to ravage their lands, the cousicil
decoyed hiiii back by fair promises, and had hira
murdered. It was said, that in the vapour-bath
where he was killed strange sights were long seen
and strange sounds heard. (Pint. Cim. 1.) [E. E.]

DAMON (Aa/iwj'). ]. Of Athena, a cele-
brated musician and sophist. He was a pupil
of Lamprus and Agathocles, and the teacher of
Pericles, with whom he lived on the most intimate
terms. Socrates also, who esteemed him very
highly, is said to have profited by his instruc-
tions. (Cic. de Oral. ii. 33 ; Plut. Pericl. 4 ;
Diog. Laert. iL 19.) Damon was no ordinary
man. His penetration and acumen are particularly
extolled by Plato in his work on the Republic,
and he had cultivated his intellectual powers by
constant intercourse with the most distinguished
men of his time, such as Prodicus and others.
His influence in political affairs was very great.
In his old .age he was banished from Athens, pro-
bably on account of the part he had taken in poli-
tics. Damon maintained, that simplicity was the
highest law of music, and that it had a very inti-
mate connexion with morality and the develop-
ment of man's nature. (Plat. Zac^s, p. 197, d.,
Alcibiad. p, 118, de Rep. iv. p. 424, c, iii. p. 400 ;
Plut. Aristul. 1 ; compare Groen van Prinsteres,
Prosopographia Platonica, pp. 186 — 188.)

2, A writer of proverbs, generally called Demon.
[Demon.] [A. S.]

DAMON (Adfxwv). 1. Of Cyrene, a Greek
author of uncertain date, who wrote a work on the
philosophers (irf^i twv ^iXoaocpwv^ Diog. Laert.
i. 40).

2. Of Byzantium, wrote a work on his native
place, from which an extract is quoted by Aelian.
( V. H. iii. 14 ; comp. Athen. x. p. 442.) Pliny (//.
N. vii. 2) speaks of a Damon who seems to have
written on Aethiopia. [L. S.]

DAMO'PHYLE (Ao^o^uXtj), a lyric poetess
of Pamphylia, was the pupil and companion of
Sappho (about 611 b. c). Like Sappho, she in-
structed other damsels. She composed erotic
poems and hymns. The hymns which were sung
to Artemis at Perga were said to have been com-

DAMOSTRATUS.

posed by her after the manner of the Aeolians and
Pamphylians. (Philost. Vit. ApoUon. i. 30.) [P. S.]

DAMO'PHILUSorDEMO'PHILUS,apainter
»nd modeller (plastes) who, with Gorgasus, embel-
lished the temple of Ceres by the Circus Maximus
at Rome with works of art in both departments,
to which was affixed an inscription in Greek
verses, intimating that the works on the right
were by Damophilus, those on the left by Gorgasus.
(Plin. XXXV. 12. s. 45.) This temple was that
of Ceres, Liber, and Libera, which was vowed by
the dictator A. Postumius, in his battle with tlie
Latins, b. c. 496, and was dedicated by Sp. Cassius
Viscellinus in B. c. 493. (Dionys. vi. 17, 94 ; Tac.
Ann. ii. 49.) See Demophilus. [P. S.]

DAMO'PHILUS (AafiScpiKos), a philosopher
and sophist, was brought up by Julian, who was
consul under the emperor Marcus. His writings
were very munerous ; the following were found in
the libmries by Suidas : 1. ^i\6€i§\os, the first
book of which was upon books worth having (irepi
d^ioKTi]T(i}u fii€\iwv), and was addressed to Lollius
Maximus ; 2. On the Lives of the Ancients (irepl
&iwv apxaioiy) ; and very many others. (Suid.
*. V. ; Voss. Jlisl. Grace, pp. 269, 270, ed. Wes-
termann.) [P. S.]

. DA'MOPHON (Aafio^av), a sculptor of Mes-
sene, was the only Messenian artist of any note.
(Paus. iv. 31. § 8.) His time is doubtful. Heyne
and Winckelmann place him a little later than
Phidias ; Quatremere de Quincy from b. c. 340 to
B. c. 300. Sillig {Catal. Art, s. v. Demophon) ar-
gues, from the fact that he adorned Messene and
Megalopolis with his chief works, that he lived
about the time when Messene was restored and
Megalopolis was built, (b. c. 372 — 370.) Pausa-
nias mentions the following works of Damophon :
At Aegius in Achaia, a statue of Lucina, of wood,
except the face, hands, and toes, which were of
Pentelic marble, and were, no doubt, the only
parts uncovered : also, statues of Hygeia and As-
clepius in the shrine of Eileithyia and Asclepius,
bearing the artist's name in an iambic line on the
base : at Messene, a statue of the Mother of the
Gods, in Parian marble, one of Artemis Laphria,
and several marble statues in the temple of Ascle-
pius : at Megalopolis, wooden statues of Hermes
•and Aphrodite, with faces, hands, and toes of mar-
ble, and a great monolith group of Despoena {i. e.
Cora) and Demeter, seated on a throne, which is
fully described by Pausanias. He also repaired
Phidias's colossal statue of Zeus at Olympia, the
ivory plates of which had become loose. (Paus. iv.
31. §§ 5, 6, 8, viii. 31. §§ 3, 5, 37. § 2.) [P.S.]

DAMOSTRA'TIA (Aa^uoo-rpaTja), a courtezan
of the emperor Commodus, who subsequently be-
came the wife of Cleander, the favourite of the em-
peror. (Dion Cass. Ixxii. 12; Cleander.) [L. S.]
DAMO'STRATUS (Aa/x^o-rpoTos), a person
whose name appears in the title of an epigram in
the Greek Anthology (Briinck, Anal. ii. 259 ;
Jacobs, Anth. Graec. ii. 235), Ao/LtoorpoTou avd-
6t\(xa TOLis v6fi(pais, but whether he was the author
of the epigram, or the person who dedicated the
statue to the nymphs, on which the epigram was
inscribed, does not appear. Reiske supposed that
he might be the same person as Deraostratus, a
. Roman senator, who wrote a poem on fishing
(dKifVTiKci), which is often quated by the ancient
writers, and who lived in the first century after
Christ. (Jacobs, Anth. Graec. xiii. 881 ; Fabric.

DANAIDES. 937

Bibl. Graec. iv. p. 471, ed. Harles, xiii. p. 138,
old. edit.; Dkmostratus.) [P. S.]

DAMO'TELES (AanoT^Krjs). I. A Spartan,
through whose treacherj', according to one account,
Cleomenes was defeated by Antigonus at the bat-
tle of Sellasia, B. c. 222. (Phylarch. ap. Plut.
Cleom. 28 ; comp. Polyb. ii. 65, &c.) Damoteles
is said in Plutarch to have had the office of com-
mander of the Crypteia (see Diet, of Ant. s. r.),
which would qualify him for the service of recon-
noitring assigned to him by Cleomenes before the
engagement.

2. An Aetolian, was one of the ambassadors
whom his countrymen, by the advice of the Athe-
nians, sent to Rome in B. c. 1 90 to negotiate with
the senate for peace. He returned in the ensuing
year without having accomplished his object. M.
Fulvius, the consul, having crossed over from Italy
against them, the Aetolians once more despatched
Damoteles to Rome ; but, having ascertained on
his amval at Leucas that Fulvius was on his way
through Epeirus to besiege Ambracia, he thought
the embassy hopeless, and returned to Aetolia.
We hear of him again among those who came to
Fulvius at Ambracia to sue for peace, which was
granted by the consul and afterwards ratified by
the senate. [Damis, No. 2.] (Polvb. xxi. 3, xxii.
8, 9, 12, 13; Liv. xxxviii. 8.) ' [E. E.]

DAMO'XENUS {Aa,u6^€vos) was an Athenian
comic poet of the new comedy, and perhaps partly
of the middle. Two of his plays, entitled Suvrpo-
(f)oi and 'EauTou mvOwy^ are mentioned by Athe-
naeus, who quotes a long passage from the former,
and a few lines from the latter. Elsewhere he
calls him, less correctly, Demoxenus. The longer
fragment was first published, with a Latin version,
by Hugo Grotius, in his Excerpta ex Tragoediis et
Comoediis Graecis, Par. 1626, 4 to. (Ath. i.
p. 15, b., iii. p. 101, f., xi. p. 469, a.; Suid. s. v. ;
Eudoc. p. 131 ; Meineke, Hid. Cril. Com. Graec.
i. p. 484, &c., iv. p. 529, &c., p. 843, &c.) [P. S.]

DANAE {AavaT}). See AcRisius. We may
add here the story Avhich we meet with at a later
time in Italy, and according to which Danae went
to Italy, built the town of Ardea, and married
Pilumnus, by whom she became the mother of
Daunus, the ancestor of Turnus. (Virg. Aen. vii.
372, 409, with Servius's note.) [L. S.]

DANA'IDES (AamiSes), the fifty daughters of
Danaiis, whose names are given by Apollodorus
(ii. 1. § 5) and Hyginus {Fab. 170), though they
are not the same in both lists. They were be-
trothed to the fifty sons of Aegyptus, but were
compelled by their father to promise him to kill
their husbands, in the first night, with the swords
which he gave them. They fulfilled their promise,
and cut oflf the heads of their husbands with the ex-
ception of Hypermnestra alone, who was married to
Lynceus, and who spared his life. ( Pind. Nem. x. 7. )
According to some accounts, Amymone and Berbyce
also did not kill their husbands. (Schol. ad Pind.
Pyth. ix. 200; Eustath. ad Dionys. Pcrieg. 805.)
Hypermnestra was punished by her father with im-
prisonment, but was afterwards restored to her
husband Lynceus. The Danaides buried the corpses
of their victims, and were purified from their crime
by Hermes and Athena at the command of Zeus.
Danaiis afterwards found it difficult to obtain hus-
bands for his daughters, and he invited men to
public contests, in which his daughters were given
as prizes to the victors (Pind. Ryth. ix. 117.)

938

DANAUS.

Pindar mentions only forty-eiglit Danaides as hav-
ing obtained husbands in this manner, for H yperm-
restra and Amymone are not included, since the
former was already married to Lynceus and the
latter to Poseidon. Pausanias (vii. 1. § 3. Comp.
iii. 12. § 2; Herod, ii. 98) mentions, that Auto-
mate and Scaea were married to Architeles and
Archander, the sons of Achaeus. According to
the Scholiast on Euripides {Hecuh. 886), the Da-
naides were killed by Lynceus together with their
father. Notwithstanding their purification men-
tioned in the earlier writers, later poets relate that
the Danaides were punished for their crime in
Hades by being compelled everlastingly to pour
water into a vessel full of holes. (Ov. Met. iv. 46'2,
Herovl. xiv. ; Horat. Curm. iii. 11. 25 ; Tibull. i.
3. 79 ; Hj'gin. Fab. 1 68 ; Serv. ad Aen. x. 497.)
Strabo (viii.p. 371) and others relate, that Danaiis
or the Danaides provided Argos with water, and
for this reason four of the latter were worshipped
at Argos as divinities ; and this may possibly be
the foundation of the story about the punishment
of the Danaides. Ovid calls them by the name of
the Belides, from their grandfather, Belus ; and
Herodotus (ii. 171), following the tales of the
Egyptians, says, that they brought the mysterips
of Demeter Thesmophoros from Egypt to Pelopon-
nesus, and that the Pelasgian women there learned
the mysteries from them. [L. S.]

DANAUS (Aaj/a($s), a son of Belus and An-
chinoe, and a grandson of Poseidon and Libya.
He was brother of Aegyptus, and father of fifty
daughters, and the mythical ancestor of the Danai.
(Apollod. ii. 1, § 4, &c.) According to the com-
mon story he was a native of Chemnis, in the
Thebais in Upper Egypt, and migrated from
thence into Greece. (Herod, ii. 91.) Behis had
given Danaiis Libya, while Aegj'ptus had obtained
Arabia. Danaiis had reason to think that the
sons of his brother were plotting against him, and
fear or the advice of an oracle (Eust;ith. ad Horn.
p. 37), induced him to build a large ship and to
embark with his daughters. On his flight he first
landed at Rhodes, where he set up an image of
Athena Lindia. According to the story in Hero-
dotus, a temple of Athena was built at Lindus by
the daughters of Danaus, and according to Strabo
(xiv. p. 654) Tlepolemus built the towns of Lin-
dus, lalysus and Cameirus, and called them thus
after the names of three Danaides. From Rhodes
Danaiis and his daughters sailed to Peloponnesus,
and landed at a place near Lerna, which was after-
wards called from this event Apobathmi. (Paus.
ii. 38. § 4.) At Argos a dispute arose between
Danaiis and Gelanor about the government, and
after many discussions the people deferred the de-
cision of the question to the next day. At its
dawn a wolf rushed among the cattle and killed
one of the oxen. This occurrence was to the
Argives an event which seemed to announce to
them in what manner the dispute should terminate,
and Danaiis was accordingly mjide king of Argos.
Out of gratitude he now built a sanctuary of
Apollo Lycius, who, as he believed, had sent the
wolf. (Paus. ii. 19. § 3. Comp. Serv. ad Aen. iv.
377, who relates a different story.) Danaiis also
erected two wooden statues of Zeus and Artemis,
and dedicated his shield in the sanctuary of Hera.
(Paus. ii. 19. § 6; Hygin. Fab. 170.) He is
further said to have built the acropolis of Argos
and to have provided the place Avitli water by dig-

DAPHNAEUS.

ging wells. (Strab. i. p. 23, viii. p. 371 ; Eus-
tath. ad Horn. p. 461.) The sons of Aegyptus in
the mean time had followed their uncle to Argos ;
they assured him of their peaceful sentiments and
sued for the hands of his daughters. Danaiis still
mistrusted them and remembered the cause of his
flight from his country ; however he gave them
his daughters and distributed them among his ne-
phews by lot. But all the brides, with the excep-
tion of Hypermnestra murdered their husbands by
the command of their father. [Danaides.] Iu
aftertimes the Argives were called Danai. Whe^
ther Danaiis died a natural death, or whether he
was killed by Lynceus, his son-in-law, is a point
on which the various traditions are not agreed,
but he is sixid to have been buried at Argos, and
his tomb in the agora of Argos was shewn there as
late as the time of Pausanias. (ii. 20. § 4 ; Strab.
viii. p. 371.) Statues of Danaus, Hypermnestra
and Lynceus were seen at Delphi by Pausanias.
(x. 10. § 2.) [L. S.]

DA'PHITAS or DA'PHIDAS (Aat/ji'ras or
Aa4)(Sos), a grammarian and epigrammatist of Tel-
messus, of whom Suidas sjxys, that he wrote against
Homer, accusing him of falsehood in saying that
the Athenians went to the Trojan war. He was
a reviler of all men, and did not spare even tiie
gods. He put a trick upon the Delphian oracle,
as he thought, by inquiring whether he should
find his horse. The answer was, that he should
find it soon. Upon this, he declared that he had
never had a horse, much less lost one. But the
oracle proved to be true, for on his return home
he was seized by Attains, the king of Pergamus,
and thrown headlong from a rock, the name of
which was tTTTroy, horse. (Said. s. v. Aa(piTas ;
comp. Cic. de Fat. 3 ; Val. Max. i. 8, ext. § S.)
Strabo, in speaking of Magnesia, mentions a moun-
tain over against it, named Thorax, on which it
was sjiid that Daphitas was crucified for reviling
the kings in two verses, which he preserves. He
also mentions the oracle, but, of course, as playing
upon the word 6cSpa^ instead of '/7r7ros(xiv. p. 647).
The distich preserved by Strabo is also included
in the Greek Anthology. (Brunck, Anal. iiL p.
330; Jacobs, ii. p. 39.) [P. S.]

DAPHNAEA and DAPHNAEUS (Ao^.'o.'a
and Aa<pucuos), surnames of Artemis and Apollo*
respectively, derived from 5d<pyn, a laurel, which
was sacred to Apollo. In the case of Artemis it
is uncertain why she bore that surname, and it
was perhaps merely an allusion to her statue being
made of laurel-wood (Paus. iii. 24. § 6 ; Strab.
xvi. p. 750 ; Philostr. Vit. ApoUon. i. 16 ; Eu-
trop. vi. 1 1 ; Justin, xv. 4.) [L. S.]

DAPHNAEUS (Aa(pua7os), a Syracusan, one
of the leaders of the popular party in that city ,
after the death of Diodes. He was appointed to
command the troops sent by the Syracusans, toge-
ther with their Sicilian and Italian allies, to the
relief of Agrigentum, when it was besieged by the
Carthaginians, B. c. 406. He at first defeated the
force despatched by Himilco to oppose his advance,
but was unable to avert the fall of Agrigentum,
and consequently shared in the unpopularity caused
by that event, and was deposed, together with the
other generals, on the motion of Dionysius. As
soon as the latter had established himself in the
supreme command, he summoned an assembly of
the people, and procured the execution of Daph-
naeus together with his late colleague, Deraarchua.

DAPHNIS.

According to Aristotle, the great wealth of Daph-
naoiis had made him an object of jealousy with
the lower populace. (Diod. xiii. 86, 87, 92,96;
Arist. Pol. V. 5.) [E. H. B.]

DAPHNE (At{^i/T7), a fair maiden who is
mixed up with various traditions about Apollo.
According to Pausanias (x. 5. § 3) she was an
Oreas and an ancient priestess of the Delphic ora-
cle to which she had been appointed by Ge.
Diodorus (iv. 66) describes her as the daughter
of Teiresias, who is better known by the name
of Manto. She was made prisoner in the war of
the Epigoni and given as a present to Apollo. A
third Daphne is called a daughter of the river-
god Ladon in Arcadia by Ge (Pans. viii. 20.
§ 1 ; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 6 ; Philostr. Vit. Apollon.
i. 16), or of the river-god Peneius in Thessjily
(Ov. Met. i. 452 ; Hygin. Fab. 203), or lastly of
Amyclas. (Parthen. Erot. 15.) She was extremely
beautiful and was loved and pursued by Apollo.
When on the point of being overtaken by him,
she prayed to her mother, Ge, who opened the earth
and received her, and in order to console Apollo
she created the ever-green laurel-tree (^a^vT])., of
the boughs of which Apollo made himself a wreath.
Another story relates that Leucippus, the son of
Oenomaiis, king of Pisa, was in love with Daphne
and approached her in the disguise of a maiden
and thus hunted with her. But Apollo's jealousy
caused his discovery during the bath, and he was
killed by the nymphs. (Pans. viii. 20. § 2 ; Par-
then. /. c.) According to Ovid {Met. i. 452, &c.)
Daphne in her flight from Apollo was metamor-
phosed herself into a laurel-tree. [L. S.]

DAPHNIS (Aa<|>i'(s), a Sicilian hero, to whom
the invention of bucolic poetry is ascribed. He is
called a son of Hermes by a nymph (Diod. iv. 84),
or merely the beloved of Hermes. (Aelian, V. H.
X. 18.) Ovid {Met. iv. 275) calls him an Idaean
shepherd ; but it does not follow from this, that
Ovid connected him with either the Phrygian or
the Cretan Ida, since Ida signifies any woody
mountain. (Etym. Magn. s. v.) His story runs as
follows : The nymph, his mother, exposed him
when an infant in a charming valley in a laurel
grove, from which he received his name of Daph-
nis, and for which he is also called the favourite of
Apollo. (Serv. ad Virg. Eclog. x. 26.) He was
brought up by nymphs or shepherds, and he him-
Belf became a shepherd, avoiding the bustling
crowds of men, and tending his flocks on mount
Aetna winter and summer. A Naiad (her name
is different in different writers, Echenais, Xenea,
Nomia, or Lyce, — Parthen. Erot. 29 ; Schol. ad
Theocrit. i. 65, vii. 73 ; Serv. ad Virg. Eclog. viii.
68 ; Phylarg. ad Virg. Eclog. \. 20) fell in love
with him, and made him promise never to form a
connexion with any other maiden, adding the
threat that he should become blind if he violated
his vow. For a time the handsome Daphnis re-
sisted all the numerous temptations to which he
was exposed, but at last he forgot himself, having
been made intoxicated by a princess. The Naiad
accordingly punished him with blindness, or, as
others relate, changed him into a stone. Previous
to this time he had composed bucolic poetry, and
with it delighted Artemis during the chase. Ac-
cording to others, Stesichorus made the fate of
Daphnis the theme of his bucolic poetrj^ which
was the earliest of its kind. After having become
blind, he invoked bis father to help him. The

DAKDANUS.

bfi9

god accordingly raised him up to heaven, and
caused a well to gush forth on the spot where this
happened. The well bore the name of Daphnis,
and at it the Sicilians offered an annual sacrifice.
(Serv. ad Virg. Eel. r. 20.) Phylargyrius, on the
same passage, sfcites, that Daphnis tried to console
himself in his blindness by songs and playing on
the flute, but that he did not live long after ; and
the Scholiast on Theocritus (viii. 93) relates, that
Daphnis, while wandering about in his blindness,
fell from a steep rock. Somewhat different ac-
counts are contained in Servius (ad Virg. Eclog.
viii. 68) and in various parts of the Idyls of
Theocritus. [L.S.]

DAPHNIS, a Greek orator, of whom a frag-
ment in a Latin version is preserved in Rutilius
Lupus (de Fig. Sent. 15), and whose name Pithoeiis
wrongly altered into Daphnidius. No particulars
are known about him. (Ruhnken, ad Ridil. Ltip.
p. 52, and Hist. Crit. Oral. Graec. p. 93.) [L.S.]

DAPHNIS, an architect of Miletus, who, in con-
junction with Paeonius, built a temple to Apollo
at Miletus, of the Ionic order. (Vitruv. vii. Praef.
16.) He lived later than Chersiphron, since
Paeonius was said to have finished the temple of
Artemis at Ephesus, which was begun bv Chersi-
phron. (Vitruv. I. c.) [P. S.]

DAPHNO'PATES, THEODO'RUS (eeo'Sw^os
Aa^voTTaTTjs), an ecclesiastical writer, who lived
about the middle of the tenth century after Christ.
He is called a patrician and sometimes magister,
and was invested with the office of primus a secre-
tis at the court of Constantinople. He seems to
have written a history of Byzantium (Joan. Scy-
litzes, Praef.; Cedren. Hist. p. 2), but no distinct
traces of it are left. Of his many theological writ-
ings two only are printed, viz. 1. An oration upon
the transfer of the hand of John the Baptist from
Antioch to Constantinople, which took place in
A. D. 956. The year after, when the anniversary
of this event was celebrated, Theodoras delivered
his oration upon it. A Latin translation of it is
printed in the Acta Sanctorum under the 29th of
August. The Greek original, of which MSS. are
extant in several libraries, has not yet been pub-
lished. 2. Apanthismata^ that is, extracts from
various works of St. Chr}'sostom, in thirty-three
chapters. They are printed in the editions of the
works of St. Chrysostom, vol. vii. p. 669, ed. Savil-
lius, and vol. vi. p. 663, ed. Ducaeus. (Fabric.
Bibl. Graec. x. p. 385, &c.; Cave, Hist. Lit. ii. p.
316, ed. London, 1698.) [L. S.]

DAPHNUS (Adcppos), a physician of Ephesus,
who is introduced by Athenaeus in his Deipnoso-
phistae (i. p. 1) as a contemporary of Galen in the
second century after Christ. [W. A. G.]

DAPyX (ActTTuI), the chief of a tribe of the
Getae. When Crassus was in Thrace, b. c. 29,
Roles, another chief of the Getae, was at war with
Dapyx, and called in the assistance of Crassus.
Dapyx was defeated, and obliged to take refuge in
a stronghold, where he was besieged. A Greek,
who was in the place, betraj'ed it to Crassus, and
as soon as the Getae perceived the treacherj-, they
killed one another, that they might not fall into
the hands of the Romans. Dapyx too ended his
life on that day. (Dion Cass. li. 26.) [L. S.]

DA'RDANUS (AdpSavos), a son of Zeus and
Electra, the daughter of Atlas. He was the bro-
ther of Jasus, Jasius, Jason, or Jasion, Action and
Harmonia, and his native place in the various trjtr

940

DARDANUS

ditions is Arcadia, Crete, Troas, or Italy. (Serv.
ad Virg. Aen. iii. 167.) Dardanus is the mythi-
cal ancestor of the Trojans, and through them of
the Romans. It is necessary to distinguish be-
tween the earlier Greek legends and the later ones
which we meet with in the poetry of Italy. Ac-
cording to the former, he was married to Chryse,the
daughter of Palas, in Arcadia, who bore him two
sons, Idaeus and Deimas. These sons ruled for a
time over the kingdom of Atlas in Arcadia, but then
they separated on account of a great flood, and the
calamities resulting from it. Deimas remained in
Arcadia, while Idaeus emigrated with his father,
Dardanus. They first arrived in Samothrace,
which was henceforth called Dardania, and after
having established a colony there, they went to
Phrygia. Here Dardanus received a tract of land
from king Teucrus, on which he built the town of
Dardanus. At his marriage with Chryse, she had
brought him as a dowry the palladia and sacra of
the great gods, whose worship slie had learned, and
which worship Dardanus introduced into Samothrace,
though without making the people acquainted with
the names of the gods. Serviiis {ad Aen. viii. 285)
states, that he also instituted the Salii in Samo-
thrace. When he went to Phrj-gia he took the
images of the gods with him ; and when, after
forming the plan of founding a town, he consulted
the oracle, he was told, among other things, that
the town should remain invincible as long as the
sacred dowry of his wife should be preserved in
the country under the protection of Athena. After
the death of Dardanus those palladia (others men-
tion only one palladium) were carried to Troy by
his descendants. When Chryse died, Dardanus
married Bateia, the daughter of Teucrus, or Arisbe
of Crete, by whom he became the father of Erich-
thonius and Idaea. (Hom. lU xx. 215, &c.; Apol-
lod. iii. 12. § 1, &c., 15. § 3; Dionys. i. 61,
&c. ; Lycophr. 1302; Eustath. ad II. p. 1204;
Conon. Narr. 21; Strab. vii. p. 331; Pans. vii. 4.
§ 3, 19. § 3 ; Diod. iv. 49 ; Serv. ad Aai. i. 32.)

According to the Italian traditions, Dardanus
was the son of Cory thus, an Etniscan prince of
Corj'thus (Cortona), or of Zeus by tlie wife of
Corythus. (Serv. a^ylew. ix. 10, vii. 207.) In a
battle with the Aborigines, Dardanus lost his hel-
met (fcopus) ; and although he was already beaten,
he led his troops to a fresh attack, in order to re-
cover his helmet. He gained the victory, and
called the place where this happened Corythus.
He afterwards emigrated with his brother Jasius
from Etruria. Dardanus went to Phrygia, where
he founded the Dardanian kingdom, and Jasius
went to Samothrace, after they had previously
divided the Penates between themselves. (Serv.
ad Aen. iii. 15, 167, 170, vii. 207, 210.) There
are four other mythical personages of the name of
Dardanus. (Hoiu. //. xx. 459 ; Eustath. ad II.
pp. 380, 1697; Paus. viii. 24. § 2.) [L. S.]

DA'RDANUS (AapSwos). 1. A Stoic philo-
sopher and contemporar}^ of Antiochus of Ascalon
(about B.C. 110), who was at the head of the
Stoic school at Athens together with Mnesarchus.
(Cic. Acad. ii. 22 ; Zumpt, Ueber den Bestand der
FMos. Schden in Athen^ p. 80.)

2. A Greek sophist, a native of Assyria, is
mentioned by Philostratus ( Vit. Soph. ii. 4) as the
teacher of Antiochus of Aegae, according to which
he must have lived in the second century after
Christ. [L. S.]

DAREIUS.

DA'RDANUS (AapSaj/os), the fourth in de-
scent from Aesculapius, the son of Sostratus I.,
and the father of Crisamis I., who lived probably
in the eleventh century B. c. (Jo. Tzetzes, C/iil.
vii. Hist. 155, in Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. xii. p.
680, ed. vet.) [W. A. G.]

DAREIUS or DARl'US (AapcTos, Aap«aros,

Ctes., Heb. ti*V"l"7> «'• «• Daryavesh), the name of

several kings of Persia. Like such names in
general, it is no doubt a significant title. Hero-
dotus (vi. 98) says that it means e'plciTjs ; but the
meaning of this Greek word is doubtful. Some
take it to be a form fabricated by Herodotus him-
self, for pf^ias or irprjKTi^p, from the root epy ((/o),
meaning the person who achieves great things ; but
it is more probably derived from eipyw {restrai7i)^
in the sense of the. ruler. In modem Persian
Dara or Darab means lord^ which approaches very
near to the fonn seen in the Persepolitan inscrip-
tion, Dareiish or Danjiish (where the sh is no
doubt an adjective termination), as well as to the
Hebrew form. Precisely the same result is ob-
tained from a passage of Strabo (xvi. p. 785), who
mentions, among the changes which names suffer
in passing from one language to another, that
Aapiios is a corruption of AapejT^KTj?, or, as Salma-
sius has corrected it, of ^apiav-ns, that is Daryav.
This view also explains the form AapemTos used
by Ctesias. The introduction of the y sound after
the r in these forms is explained by Grotefend.
Some writers have fancied that Herodotus, in say-
ing that Aaptlos means ipld-qs, and that Eep|7?s
me.ans dpi^ios, was influenced in the choice of his
words by their resemblance to the names ; and
they add, as if it were a matter of course, tho
simple fact, which contradicts their notion, that
the order of correspondence must be inverted.
(Bahr, Annot. ad loc.) The matter is fully dis-
cussed in Grotefend's Beilage zu Heeren's Ideen
{Asiatic Researches^ vol. ii. Append, ii.)

1. Dareius I., the eldest son of Hystaspes
(Gustasp), was one of the seven Persian chiefs who
destroyed the usurper Smerdis, after whose death
Dareius obtained the throne. He was a member
of the royal iiimily of the Achaemenidae (Herod,
i. 209), in a branch collateral to that of Cyrus.
Tile meaning of the genealogy given by Xerxes
(Herod, vii. 11) seems to be this:
Achaemenes.

I
Teispes.

I

I
Cambyses.

Cyrus.

I
Ariaramnes.

I
Arsames.

I
Hystaspes.

I I

Cambyses. Smerdis. Atossa-]- Dareius.

Xerxes.

W^hen Cyrus undertook his expedition against the
Massagetae, Dareius, who was then about twenty
years old, was left in Persis, of which country his
father Hystaspes was satrap. The night after the
passage of the Araxes, Cyrus dreamt that he saw
Dareius with wings on his shoulders, the one of
which overshadowed Asia and the other Europe.

DAREIUS.

Inferring th;it Dareius had formed a conspiracy
against him, Cyrus sent back Hystaspcsinto Persia
to watch his son. (Herod, i. '209, 2i0.) Dareius
attended Cambyses to Egypt as one of his body-
guard. (Herod, iii. 139 ;'Syloson.) After the
detection of the imposture of the Magian, Dareius
went to Susa just at the time when the conspiracy
against the usurper was formed, and he was asso-
ciated with the six other conspirators, who, by his
.idvice, resolved to act without delay. [Smerdis.]
The discussions among the Persian chiefs, which
ensued upon the death of the Magian, ended in
favour of the monarchical form of government,
which was advocated by Dareius, and Dareius
himself was chosen to the kingdom by a sign,
which had been agreed on by the conspirators, and
which Dareius, Avith the aid of his groom Oebares,
contrived to obtain for himself, B. c. 521. This ac-
count, instead of being a fiction, is quite in ac-
cordance with the spirit of the Persian religion.
(Heeron's Asiatic JResearcJws, ii. p. 350; conip.
Tac- Germ. 10.)

The usurpation of Smerdis seems to have been
an attempt on the part of the Medes to regain
their supremacy. The conspirators against him
Avere noble Persmns, and in all probability the
chiefs of Persian tribes. Their discussion about
the fonn of government to be adopted is evidently
related by Herodotus according to Greek rather
tlian Oriental notions. The proposition to share
the supreme power among themselves seems to be
what Herodotus means by an aristocracy, and this
scheme may be traced in the privileges for which
the conspirators afterwards stipulated with Dareius,
but it is very difficult to conceive in what sense a
democracy could have been proposed. At all
events, the accession of Dareius confirmed both the
supremacy of the Persians, and the monarchical
form of government. The other conspirators stipu-
lated for free admission to the king at all times,
with one exception, and for the selection of his
wives from their families. A dispute soon arose
respecting the exercise of the former privilege be-
tween the royal ser\ants and Intaphernes, one of
the seven ; and Dareius, thinking, from the con-
duct of Intaphenies, that a conspiracy had been
formed against himself, put him to death with all
his male relations except two. (Herod, iii. 118,
1 1 9.) He henceforth enjoyed undisputed posses-
sion of his throne; but we find the seven em-
ployed in distant governments and expeditions.

It was in the reign of Dareius that the consoli-
dation of the Persian empire was effected, so far at
least as it ever was ; for in truth it never possessed
:i sure principle of cohesion. Cyrus and Cambyses
had been engaged in continual wars, and their
conquests had added to the Persian empire the
whole of Asia (up to India and Scythia), except
Arabia. (Herod, iii. 88.) After strengthening
himself by alliances with the royal house, from
which he took three wives, namely, the two daugh-
ters of CjTUs, Atossa and Artystone, and Parmys,
the daughter of Cynxs's son Smerdis, and with the
chief of the seven, Otanes, whose daughter Phae-
dime he married, and after erecting a monument
to celebrate his acquisition of the kingdom, he be-
gan to set in order the affairs of his vast empire,
which he divided into twenty satrapies, assigning
to each its amount of tribute. Persis proper was
exempted from all taxes, except those which it had
formerly been used to pay. From the attention

DAREIUS.

911

which he paid to his revenues, and from hi.s love of
money, Dareius was called by the Persians KOTTTjAoy.
(iii. 89, 117.) A detailed account of his satrapies
and revenues is given by Herodotus, (iii. 90, &c,)
His ordinary residence was at Susa, which he
greatly improved. (Aelian, A''. A. i. 59 ; Plin. H. N.
vi. 27. s. 31.)

The seven months of the reign of Smerdis had
produced much confusion throughout the whole
empire. His remission of all taxes for three years,
if it be true, must have caused Dareius some
trouble in reimposing them. It cannot be doubted
that the governors of the provinces would seize the
opportunity to assume a sort of independence. We
have an example in the conduct of Oroetas, the
governor of Sardis, who, in addition to his cruel
and treacherous murder of Polycrates and other
acts of tyranny, put to death' a noble Persian,
Mitrobatcs, the governor of Dascylium in Bithynia,
with his son, and killed a royal messenger whom
Dareius sent to rebuke him. Dareius was pre-
vented from marching against Oroetas in person,
on account of his recent accession to the throne
and the power of the offender; but one of his
courtiers, named Bagaeus, effected the death of
Oroetas by gaining over his bodj'-guard of 1000
Persians. In consequence of this event the Greek
physician Democedes fell into the hands of Dareius,
and cured him of a sprained ankle, and was estab-
lished at his court — a most important event in the
history of the world, for Democedes used his in-
fluence with Atossa to persuade Dareius to attack
Greece. [Democedes.] Dareius sent him, with
fifteen noble Persians, to examine the coasts of
Greece, of which they made a sort of map. De-
mocedes escaped from his companions, who, after
a great variety of adventures, got back safe to
Dareius. (Herod, iii. 135 — 138.)

The great stniggle between the despotism of
Asia and the freedom of Europe was now be-
ginning. The successive rulers of Western Asia
had long desired to extend their dominion across
the Aegean into Greece; but both Croesus and
Cyrus had been prevented from making the at-
tempt, the former by the growth of the Persian
power, the latter by his wars in Central Asia.
Dareius, who already, as seen in the dream of
Cyrus, overshadowed Asia with one wing, now
began to spread the other over Europe. He
attacked Samos under the pretext of restoring
Sylosox, but his further designs in that quarter
were interrupted by the revolt of the Babylonians,
who had profited by the period of confusion which
followed the death of Cmnbyses to make every
preparation for rebellion. After a siege of twenty
months, Balnlon was taken by a stratagem of
ZoPYRCS, and was severely punished for its revolt,
probably about B. c. 51 6.

The reduction of Babylon was soon followed by
Dareius's invasion of Scythia (about b. c. 513, or
508 according to Wesseling and Clinton). The
cause of this expedition is very obscure. Herodo-
tus (iv. 1, 83) attributes it to the desire of Dareius
to take vengeance on the Scythians for their inva-
sion of Media in the time of Cyaxares, — far too
remote a cause, though very probably used as a
pretext. Ctesias says, that on the occasion of a
predatory incursion into Scythia by the satrap of
Cappadocia, the Scythian king had sent a letter of
defiance to Dareius, and that this provoked him to
the war. The onlv rational motives which can

>42

DAREIUS.

now be assigned are the desire of curbing tribes
which had been, and might be again, dangerous to
the empire, especially during the projected invasion
of Greece ; and perhaps too of laying open the way
to Greece by the conquest of Thrace. The details
of the expedition also are difficult to trace. Da-
reius crossed the Thracian Bosporus by a bridge
of boats, the work of Mandrocles, a Samian en-
gineer, and commemorated his passage by setting
up two pillars, on which the names of the tribes
composing his army were recorded in Greek and
Assyrian letters. Thence he marched through
Thrace to the delta of the Danube, where he found
a bridge of boats already formed by his fleet, which
had been sent round in the mean time to the mouth
of the river. This bridge he would have broken
up after the passage of his army ; but by the ad-
vice of Goes, the commander of the forces of Myti-
lene, he left it guarded by the Greeks, many of
whom served in his fleet, under their tyrants, with
orders to break it up if he did not return within
sixty days. The sixty days elapsed, and Milti-
ADES, the tyrant of the Tlmician Chersonese, en-
deavoured to prevail on his fellow officers to take
Dareius at his word, and thus to cut off his retreat;
but HiSTiAKUS, the tyrant of Miletus, pointed out
the probability that, if so serious a blow were inflicted
on the Persian power, they, the tyrants, >vho were
protected by Persia, must fall. The bridge wiis
therefore preserved, but <i feint was made of de-
stroying it, in order to deceive the Scythians, who
were thus rendered less active in the pursuit of
Dareius. The king was now iu full retreat, his
expedition having entirely failed, through the im-
possibilit}' of bringing the Scythians to an engage-
ment. If we .are to believe Herodotuh, he had
penetrated far into the interior of Russia, and yet
he had not been much distressed for provisions ;
and he recrossed the Danube with so large an
army, that he detached a force of eighty thoussmd
men for the conquest of Thrace, under Megabazus,
who subdued that country and Paeonia, and re-
ceived the symbols of submission, earth and water,
from Amyntas, the king of Macedonia. Dareius
re-entered Asia b}' the Hellespont, which he cross-
ed at Sestos, and stiiid for some time at Sardis,
whence he sent (^Umes to reduce those maiitime
cities on the north coast of the Aegean, Hellespont,
and Bosporus, which still remained independent.
The most important conquest of Otanes, were By-
zantium, Chalcedon, and the islands of Inibrus and
Lemnos. [Otanes.] Dareius himself then re-
turned to Susa, leaving Artaphernes governor of
Sardis.

These operations were succeeded by a period of
profound peace (about B. c. 505 — 501). The
events which interrupted it, though insignificant
in themselves, brought on the struggle in which
the Athenians first, and then the other Greeks,
repulsed the whole power of Persia. These
events ^belong to the history of Greece, and to the
biographies of other men. [AristagoravS ; His-
TiAEUs; HiPPiAS,; Makdoxils; Miltiades;
Artaphernes, &c. ; Thirlwall's Hid. of Greece,
ii. c. 14.) It is a debated question whether Da-
reius was accidentally involved in his war with
Greece by the course of events, or whether he sim-
ply took advantage of the opportunity to carry out
a long cherished design. Herodotus took the lat-
ter view, which seems to be borne out fully by the
iDvasicm of Scythia, the reduction of Thi-ace, and

DAREIUS.
some minor circumstances. The period of peace
which preceded the war was, no doubt, simply a
matter of necessity, after the wars of the early
part of the reign, and especially after the Scythian
disaster. Even Thirlwall, who takes the other
view (p. 191), attributes elsewhere an aggressive
policy to Dareius (p. 19.9). So great, however,
was Dareius's ignorance of the strength of the free
states of Greece, that the force sent to subdue them
was quite inconsiderable when compared with the
army which marched to the invasion of Scythia.
The battle of Marathon convinced him of his error,
but still left him the idea that Greece must be
easily crushed by a greater armament. He there-
fore called out the whole force of his empire ; but,
after three years of preparation, his attention was
called off by the rebellion of Egypt, and the dis-
pute between his sons for the succession [Aria-
BiGNKS; Xerxes] ; and the decision of this dis-
pute was ver}' soon followed by his death, b. c.
485, after a reign of 36 years, according to Hero-
dotus (comp. Clinton, F. H. vol ii. p. 313), or 31,
according to Ctesias.

There are two other events in the reign of Da-
reius which deserve notice : namely, the expedition
against Libya, at the time of the Scythian expedi-
tion (Herod, iv. 145 — 205), and the voyage of
Scylax of Caryanda down the Indus, which led to
the discoveiy and subjugation of certain Indian
tril)es, whose position is uncertain (iv. 44). Dio-
dorus (i. 33, 58, ^o) mentions some particulars of
his relations to Egjpt, from which it appears that
he devoted much attention to public works and
legislative reforms in that as well as in the other
parts of his empire.

The children of Dareius were, by the daughter
of Gobryas, whom he liad married before he came
to the throne, Artabazanes and two others; by
Atossa, Xerxes, Hystaspes, Achaemenes, and Ma-
sistes ; by Artystone, Arsames and Gobryas ; b}'
Parmys, Ariomardas ; and by Phrataguna, the
daughter of his brother Artanes, Abrocome and
Hyperanthe. Diodorus mentions a daughter,
Mandane. The inscriptions at Persepolis in which
his name appears are fully described by Grote-
fend {Bcilcuie) and Hockh. {Vet. Med. et Pers.
Monuin.) Hbckh shews that the sepulchre which
Dareius caused to be constructed for himself is
one of those in the hill called Rachmed. (Herod,
iii. 70—160, iv.— An., vii. 1—4; Ctes. Pers. 14—
19, ed. Lion; Diod. ii. 5, x. 17, xi. 2, 57, 74;
Justin, i. 10, ii. 3, 5, 9, 10, vii. 3. For his rela-
tions to the Jews, s^e Ezra. iv. 5, v. I ; Hagg. i. 1 ;
ii. 1; Zech. i. 1; Joseph. Ant. xi. 3. $ 1.)

2. Dareius II., was named Ochus ( ^xos) be-
fore his accession, and was then sumamed Nothus
(Nj0os), from his being one of the seventeen bas-
tard sons of Artaxerxes I. Longimanus, who made
him satrap of Hyrcania, and gave him in marriage
his sister Parysatis, the daughter of Xerxes 1.
When SoGDiANUS, another bastard son of Arta-
xerxes, had murdered the king, Xerxes II., he
called Ochus to his court. Ochus promised to go.
but delayed till he had collected a large army, and
then he declared war against Sogdianus. Arba-
rius, the commander of the royal cavalry, Arxames,
the satrap of Egypt, and Artoxares, the satrap of
Armenia, deserted to him, and placed the diadem
upon his head, according to Ctesias, against his
will, B. c. 424 — 423. Sogdianus gave himself up
to Ochus, and was put to death. Ochus now

DAREIUS.

RMttmed the namo of Dareiiis. He was complotely
under the power of three eunuchs, Artoxaies,
Artibarxaucs, and Athoiis, and of his wife, Pary-
eatis, by -whom, before his accession, he had two
children, a daughter Araistris, and a son Artmces,
wlio succeeded him by the name of Artaxerxes (II.
jNInemon). After his accession, Parysatis bore
hiui a son, Cyrus [Cykl's the Yol-ngkk], and a
daughter, Artosta. He had other children, all of
whom died ejirly, except his fourth son, Oxendras.
(Ctes. 49, cd. Lion.) Plutiirch, quoting Ctcsias
for his authority, calls the four sons of Dareius
and Parysatis, Arsicas (afterwards Artaxerxes),
Cyrus, Ostiuies, and Oxathres. (Ai-tcur. 1.)

The weakness of Dareius's government was
soon shewn by repeated insurrections. First his
brother Arsites revolted, with Artyphius, the son
of INIegabyzus. Their Greek mercenaries, in whom
their strengh consisted, were bought off by the
royal general Artasyras, and they themselves were
taken prisoners by treachery, and, at the instiga-
tion of Parysatis, they were put to death by fire.
The rebellion of Pisuthncs had precisely a similar

result. (B.C. 414.) [TlSSAPHERNES.] A plot of

Ai-toxares, the chief eunuch, was crushed in the
bud ; but a more formidable and lasting danger
soon shewed itself in the rebellion of Egypt under
Amyrtaeus, who in B. c. 414 expelled the Persians
from Egypt, and reigned there six years, and at
whose death (b. c. 408) Dareius was obliged to
recognise his son Pausiris as his successor ; for at
the same time the Medes revolted : they were,
lunvever, soon subdued. Dareius died in the year
405 — 404 B. c, and was succeeded by his eldest
son Artaxerxes II. The length of his reign is
differently stated: it was really 19 years. Res-
pecting his relations to Greece, see Cyrus, Ly-
sANDER, TissAPHERNES. (Ctes. Pers. 44 — 56 ;
Diod. xii. 71, xiii. 36, 70, 108 ; Xen. Hell. i. 2.
§ 19, ii. 1. § 8, Jnab. i. 1. § 1 ; Nehem. xii. 22.)

3. Dareius III., named Codomannus before
his accession, was the son of Arsames, the son of
Ostanes, a brother of Artaxerxes II. His mother
Sisygambis was the daughter of Artaxerxes. In
a war against the Cadusii he killed a powerful
warrior in single combat, and was rewarded by the
king, Artaxerxes Ochus, with the satrapy of Ar-
menia. He was mised to the throne by Bagoas,
after the murder of Arses (b. c. 336), in which
some accused him of a share ; but this accusation
is inconsistent with the universal testimony borne
to the mildness and excellence of his character, by
which he was as much distinguished as by his
personal beauty. He rid himself of Bagoas, whom
he punished for all his crimes by compelling him
to drink poison. Codomannus had not, however,
the qualities nor the power to oppose the impetu-
ous career of the Macedonian king. [Alexander
III.] The Persian empire ended with his death,
in b. c. 330. (Diod. xvii. 5, &c.; Justin, x. 3, and
the w^riters of the history of Alexander.) [P. S-]

DAREIUS (Aopeios), the eldest son of Xerxes
I., was put to death by his brother Artaxerxes, to
whom Artabanus and Spamitres accused him of
the murder of Xerxes, which they had themselves
committed, (b. c. 465.) The story is told, with
some unimportant variations, by the following
writers. (Ctes. Pers. 29, ed. Lion ; Diod. xi. 69 ;
Justin, iii. 1.) [P. S.]

DAREIUS (Aopetos), the eldest son of Arta-
xerxes 1 1. Muemon, was designated as succes-

DARES. 943

sor to the crown, and permitted to wear the up-
right tiara, by his father, towards the close of his
life, in order to settle a dispute respecting the suc-
cession which had arisen between Dareius and his
younger brother Ochus. Dareius was then fifty
years old. It was customary on such occasions
for the king to make his successor-elect a present
of anything he chose to ask. Dareius asked for
Aspasia, a favourite concubine of his father's.
Art<ixerxes left the matter to the lady's choice,
and she preferred Dareius, at which the king was
so enraged, that he broke the solemn promise, and
devoted Aspasia to the service of Artemis. The
resentment of Dareius against his father, and his
jealousy of his brother were inflamed by Tiribazus,
who had received a somewhat similar injury from
ArtJixerxes ; and the prince formed a conspiracy,
with several of his bastard brothers, against his
father's life, which was detected, and Dareius was
put to death. {Plni. Ariau. 26 — 29; Justin, x.
1, 2.) [P. S.]

DARES (Aiprjs), was, according to the Iliad (v.
9),a priest of Hephaestus at Troy. There existed in
antiquity an Iliad or an account of the destruction
of Troy, which was believed to be more ancient
than the Homeric poems, and in fact to be the
work of Dares, the priest of Hephaestus. (Ptolein.
Hephaest. 1; Eustath. ad Bom. Od. xi. 521.)
Both these writers sUite, on the authority of Anti-
pater of Acanthus, that Dares advised Hector not
to kill Patroclus, and Eustathius adds, that Dares,
after deserting to the Greeks, was killed by Odys-
seus, which event must have taken place after the
fall of Troy, since Dares could not otherwise have
written an account of the destruction of the city.
In the time of Aelian ( V. H. xi. 2 ; comp. Isidor.
Oiig^ i, 4 1 ) the Iliad of Dares, which he calls
4>piryta 'lAias, was still known to exist ; he too
mentions the belief that it was more ancient than
Homer, and Isidorus states that it was written on
palm-leaves. But no part or fragment of this an-
cient Iliad has come down to us, and it is there-
fore not easy to form a definite opinion upon the
question. It is, however, of some interest to us,
on account of a Latin work on the destruction oi
Troy, which has been handed down to us, and
pretends to be a Latin translation of the ancient
work of Dares. It bears the title " Daretis Phry-
gii de Excidio Trojae Historia." It is written in
prose, consists of 44 chapters, and is preceded by
a letter purporting to be addressed by Com, Nepos
to Sallustius Crispus. The writer states, that
during his residence at Athens he there met with
a MS. of the ancient Iliad of Dares, written by
the author himself, and that on perusing it, lie
was so much delighted, that he forthwith tnins-
lated it into Latin. This letter, however, is a
manifest forgeiy. No ancient writer mentions
such a work of Corn. Nepos, and the language of
the treatise is full of barbarisms, such as no person
of education at the time of Nepos could have been
guilty of. The name of Corn. Nepos does not
occur in connexion with this alleged translation
previous to the 14th century. These circumstances
have led some critics to believe, that the Latin
work bearing the name of Dares is an abridgment
of the Latin epic of Josephus Iscanus (Joseph of
Exeter, who lived in the 12th century), and there
are indeed several expressions in the two works
which would seem to favour the opinion, that the
author of the one borrowed from the other j but

944

DAT AMES.

the differences and discrepancies in the statements
of the two works are so great, that they alone
are sufficient to overthrow the hypothesis. Dede-
rich, the last editor, is inclined to think that the
author of our work was a real Roman of the 5th,
6th, or 7th century. The work itself is evidently
the production of a person of little education and
of bad taste : it seems to consist of a number of
extracts made from several writers, and put toge-
ther without any judgment ; there is scarcely any-
thing in the work that is striking or novel. But,
notwithstanding all this, the work was very popu-
lar in the loth and 16th centuries, like everything
else referring to the war of Troy. Hence several
editions and translations were made of it. It was
then and is still usually printed together with the
work of Dictys Cretensis. The first edition ap-
peared, at Cologne, in 1470 ; the first in which
care was bestowed upon the text, is that of J.
Mercerus. (Paris, 1618, and Amsterdam, 1631,
12mo.) The subsequent editions give the text of
Mercerus, such as those of Anne Dacier (Paris,
1680, and Amsterdam, 1702, 4to.), U. Obrecht
(Strassb. 1691, 8vo.), and others. The best and
most recent edition is that of A. Dcderich (Bonn,
J 837, 8vo.), who has appended it to his edition of
Dictys, and premised an interesting dissertation
upon Dares and the work bearing his name. [L.S.]

DA'SIUS. 1. Of Bnindusium, was commander
of the garrison at Clastidium in B. c. 218, and
being bribed by Hannibal, he surrendered the place
to him, whereby the Carthaginians, who were en-
camped on the Trebia, obtained plentiful stores of
provisions. (Liv. xxi. 48.)

2. Of Salapia. He and Blattius were the
leading men at Salapiii, and he favoured Han-
nibal, while Blattius advocated the interests of
Rome, at least as much as he could do in secret.
But as Blattius could effect nothing without Da-
si us, he at length endeavoured to persuade him to
espouse the part of the Romans. But Dasius, un-
willing to support his rival, informed Hannibal of
the schemes of Blattius. Both were then sum-
moned by Hannibal. Blattius, when he appeared
before the Carthaginian general, accused Dasius of
treachery ; and Hannibal, who had not much con-
fidence in either of them, dismissed them both.
However, Blattius carried out his design, and Sa-
lapia with its Punic garrison was surrendered to
the Romans. Dasius was killed in the massacre
which ensued. This happened in B. c. 210. (Liv.
xxvi. 38 ; Appian, Amiih. 45, &c.) [L. S.]

DA^SIUS, ALTI'NIUS, of Arpi. When P.
Sempronius and Q. Fabius, in b. c. 213, had taken
up their positions in Lucania and Apulia against
Hannibal, Dasius went at night time into the camp
of Fabius, and offered to deliver up Arpi into his
hands, if the consul would give him an appropriate
reward. Fabius consulted with his other officers,
and, as Dasius had on a former occasion betrayed
the Romans, as he now proposed to betray Hanni-
bal, it was resolved that for the present he should
be kept in custody till the end of the war. In the
mean time, his absence had created considerable
uneasiness at Arpi, and a report of his treachery
reached Hannibal, who is said to have availed
himself of the opportunity to confiscate the pro-
perty of the traitor, and also to order his mother
and her children to be buried alive. (Liv. xxiv.
45.^ [L. S.]

DA'TAMES (AoTa|wr;s), a Carian by birth, the

DATIS.

son of Camissares by a Scythian mother. His
father being satrap of Cilicia under Artaxerxe*
II. (Mnemon), and high in the favour of that
monarch, Datames became one of the king's body-
guard ; and having in this capacity distinguislied
himself in the war against the Cadusii, was ap-
pointed to succeed his father (who had fallen ia
that war) in the government of his province.
Here he distinpfuished himself both by his military
abilities and his zeal in the service of the king ;
and reduced to subjection two satraps who had
revolted from Artaxerxes, Thyus, governor of
Paphlagonia, and Aspis of Cataonia, He was in
consequence entrusted by the Persian king with
the chief command of a force designed for the re-
covery of Egypt ; but the machinations of his
enemies at the Persian court, and the risks to
which he was in consequence exposed, induced
him to change his plan, and throw off his allegiance
to the king. He withdrew with the troops under
his command into Cappadocia, and made common
cause with the other satnips who had revolted
from Persia. Artabazus, one of the generals that
remained faithful to the king, advanced against
him from Pisidi;i, but was entirely defeated. The
great reputation that Datames had acquired in-
duced Artaxerxes to direct his utmost exertions to
effect his subjection, but Autophradates, who was
sent against him with a large array, was obliged to
retreat with heavy loss. Datames, however,
though constantly victorious against open foes,
ultimately fell a victim to treachery, and, after
evading numerous plots that had been fonned
against his life, was assassinated at a conference
by Mithridates, the son of Ariobarzanes, who had
gained his confidence by assuming the appearance
of hostility to the king. (Corn. Nep. Datames ;
Diod. XV. 91; Polyaen. vii. 21, 29. § 1.)

Datames appears to have obtained the highest
reputation in his day for courage and ability in
war, which caused his fame to extend even among
the Greeks, though he did not come into personal
collision with them. Cornelius Nepos (to whose
biographical sketch we owe the only connected
narrative of his life) calls him the bravest and
most able of all barbarian generals, except Hamil-
car and Hannibal ; but there is much confusion iu
the accounts transmitted to us, and it is difficult
to assign the anecdotes of him recorded by Polyae-
nus to their proper place in his history. The
chronology of the events related by Nepos is also
very obscure ; but according to that author and
Diodorus it would appear that Datames must have
died before Artaxerxes, probably B. c. 362. Clin-
ton is, however, of opinion that a much longer
interval elapsed between his revolt and his death
(Clinton, F. H. vol. iii. p. 422, not.) [E. H. B.]

DATAPHERNES {Aaracpepwns), a Persian m
the confidence of Bessus, and one of those who
betrayed him to Alexander, B. c. 329. He joined
Spitamenes, satrap of Sogdiana, in his revolt, and,
when their cause became desperate, took refuge
among the Dahae, who, on hearing of the death of
Spitamenes, delivered him up in chains to Alexan-
der. (Arr. Anah. iii. 29, 30, iv. 1, &c. ; Diod.
xvii. 83 ; Curt. vii. 5, 6, &c., viii. 3 ; Freinsh. ad
loc.) [E. E.j

DATIS (Aarts), a Mede, who, together with
Artaphernes, had the command of the forces which
were sent by Dareius Hystaspis against Eretria
and Athens, and which were finally defeated at

DAURTSES.

Mamthon in b. c. 490. (Herod, vi. 94, &c.)
f Aktathhrnks, No. 2.] When the arinanient
was on its way to Greece through the Aegean sea,
the Delians fled in alarm from their island to
Tenos ; but Datis re-assured them, professing that
his own feelings, as well as the commands of the
king, would lead him to spare and respect the
birthplace of " the two gods." The obvious expla-
nation of this conduct, as arising from a notion of
the correspondence of Apollo and Artemis with
the sun and moon, is rejected by Muller in favour
of a far less probable hypothesis. (Herod, vi. 97 ;
Muller, Dor. ii. 5. § 6, 6. § 10; ThirlwalPs Greece,
vol. ii. p. 231 ; Spanheim, ad Callhn. Hymn, in Del.
2.55.) The religious reverence of Datis is further
illustrated by the anecdote of his restoring the
statue of Apollo which some Phoenicians in his
army had stolen from Delium in Boeotia. (Herod,
vi. 118 ; Pans. x. 28 ; Suid. s. v. Afirts.) His
two sons, Armamithres and Tithaeus, commanded
the cavalry of Xerxes in his expedition against
Greece. (Herod, vii. 88.) He admired the Greek
language, and tried hard to speak it ; failing in
which, he thereby at any rate unwittingly enriched
it with a new word — AaTJcrju<is. (Suid. /. c. /
Arist. Pfl.r, 289 ; Schol. ad loc.) [E. E.]

DATIS (AdT(s) is mentioned by tlie Ravenna
Scholiast on Aristophanes {Ran. 86) as one of the
four sons of Carcinus the elder [see p. 612],
though other authorities speak only of three. That
there were four is also distinctly stated by the
comic poet Pherecrates. {Ap. Schol. ad Arist. Vesp.
1 509.) By the Scholiast on the Peace (289), Datis
is again mentioned as a tragic poet, and the Scholiast
on the Wasps (1502) tells us that only one, viz.
Xenocles, was a poet, while the other three were
choral dancers. From these considerations, Meineke
has conjectured with much probability that Datis
was only a nickname for Xenocles, expressive of
imputed barbarism of style, SaTiff/jLos. (Meineke,
Hiit. Crit. Com. Graec. p. 513, &c., where in p.
5 1 5, Philocles occurs twice erroneously for Xeno-
cles.) [E. E.]

DAUNUS {^avvos or Aavvios). 1. A son of
Lycaon in Arcadia, and brother of lapyx and
Peucetius. These three brothers, in conjunction
with Illyrians and Messapians, landed on the
eastern coast of Italy, expelled the Ausonians,
took possession of the country, and divided it into
three parts, Daunia, Peucetia, and Messapia. The
three tribes together bore the common name lapy-
gians. (Anton. Lib. 31.)

2. A son of Pilumnus and Danae, was married
to Venilia. He was the father of at least the most
ancient among the ancestors of Turnus. (Virg.
Aen. ix. 4, and Serv. on ix. 148.)

3. A king of Apulia. He had been obliged to
flee from Illyria, his native land, into Apulia, and
gave his name to a portion of his new country.
(Daunia.) He is said to have hospitably received
Diomedes, and to have given him his daughter
Euippe in marriage. (Fest. s. v.; Plin. i/. A'', iii.
11 ; comp. Diomedes.) [L. S.]

DAU'RISES (AoupffTTjs), the son-in-law of
Dareius Hystaspis, was one of the Persian com-
manders who were employed in suppressing the
Ionian revolt, (b. c. 499.) After the defeat of the
Ionian army at Ephesus, Daurises marched against
the cities on the Hellespont, and took Dardanus,
Abydus, Percote, Lampsacus, and Pacsus, each in
one day. He then mtirched against the Carians,

DECEBALUS.

US

who had just joined in the Ionian revolt, and de-
feated them in two battles ; but shortly afterward*
Daurises fell into an ambush, and was killed, with
a great number of the Persians. (Herod, v. 116
—121.) [P. S.]

DAVID, of Nerken, a learned Armenian philo-
sopher and a commentator on Plato and Aristotle,
was a relation of the Armenian historian, Moses of
Chorene, and lived at the end of the fifth and the
beginning of the sixth century after Christ. He
studied at Athens under Syrianus, the preceptor of
Proclus, and was one of those later philosophers
who made it their chief aim to harmonize the
Platonic and Aristotelian philosophy. Of the life
and writings of David much important information
is given by C. Fr.* Neumann, Memoire sur la Vie
et les Ouvraffes de David, Paris, 1829 ; comp. Berlin.
Jahrb. fur tvissensch. Kritik: 1829, p. 797, &c.
David wrote several philosophical works in the
Armenian and Greek languages, and translated
some of the writings of Aristotle into the Arme-
nian. Plis commentaries on the Categories of Aris-
totle and likewise on the Isagoge of Porphyry,
which are still extant, are not without some merit,
and are principally of importance for the informa-
tion which they contain respecting the history of
literature. (Stahr, Arisiotelia, vol. i. pp. 206,
207, ii. pp. 63, 68, 69, 197.) Whether he was
alive when the philosophers were exiled from
Athens by the emperor Justinian, and returned
into Asia in consequence of tlieir expulsion, is un-
certain. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. iii. pp. 209, 485, v.
p. 738.) His commentaries were translated into
Arabic and Hebrew, and manuscripts of such
translations are still extant. (Buhle's Aristot. vol.
i. p. 298 ; Neumann in the Nouveati. Journal
Asiatique, vol. i.) There is another commentator
on Aristotle, of the same name, but a diflferent
person, namely, David the Jew. (Jourdain,
Kecherches sur VAye et rOriyine des Traductions
Latinesd'Arid. Paris, 1819, pp. 196, 197.) [A. S.]

DAZA MAXIMINUS. [Maximinu.s.]

DECATE'PHORUS (AeKaT7]>opos), that is,
the god to whom the tenth part of the booty is
dedicated, was a surname of Apollo at ^legara.
Pausanias (i. 42. § 5) remarks, that the statues of
Apollo Pythius and Decatepliorus at Megara re-
sembled Egyptian sculptures. [L. S.]

DECE'BALUS (Ae«ej8aAos), was probably a
title of honour among the Dacians equivalent to
chief ov king, since we find that it was borne by
more than one of their rulers (Trebell. Poll. Trig,
Tyrann. c. 10), and that the individual best
known to history as the Decebalus of Dion
Cassius is named Diurpaneus by Orosius, and
Do/phaneus by Jomandes.

This personage was for a long series of years,
under Domitian and Trajan, one of the most en-
terprising and formidable among the enemies of
Rome. Having displayed great courage in the
field and extraordinary ability in every depart-
ment of the military art, he was raised to the
throne by the reigning sovereign, Douras, who
abdicated in his favour. The new monarch quickly
crossed the Danube, attacked and drove in the
Roman outposts, defeated and slew Appius Sa-
binus, governor of Moesia, and, spreading devas-
tation far and wide throughout the province,
gained possession of many important towns and
fortresses. Upon receiving intelligence of the»w
calamities, Domitian hastened (a.d. 86) with all

3p

946

DECEBALUS.

the troops he could collect to Illyria, and, reject-
ing the pacific though insulting overtures of De-
cebalus, committed the chief command to Cor-
nelius Fuscus at that time praefect of the praeto-
rium, an officer whose knowledge of war was de-
rived from studies prosecuted within the halls of a
marble palace amid the luxuries of a licentious
court. The imperial general having passed the
frontier on a bridge of boats at the head of a
numerous army, perished after a most disastrous
campaign, and the legions were compelled to re-
treat with the loss of many prisoners, an eagle,
and the whole of their baggage and artillery.
This failure again called forth Domitian from the
city, but although he repaired to Moesia for the
ostensible purpose of assuming the direction of
afiairs, he carefully abstained from exposing his
person to the dangers of a military life, and moving
from town to to%vn, abandoned himself to his foul
appetites, while his officers sustained fresh dis-
honour and defeat. Occasional glimpses of success,
liowever, appear from time to time to have checked
the victorious career of the barbarians, and espe-
cial mention is made of the exploits of a certain
Julianus, who, in an engagement near Tapae, de-
stroyed great numbers of the foe, and threatened
even the royal residence, while Vezinas, who held
the second place in the Dacian kingdom, escaped
with difficulty by casting himself among the slain,
and feigning death until the danger was past. At
length Domitian, harassed by an unprofitable and
protracted struggle, and alarmed by the losses sus-
tained in his contest with the Quadi and Mar-
comanni, was constrained to solicit a peace which
he had more than once refused to grant. Dece-
balus despatched his brother, Diegis or Degis by
name, to conclude a treaty, by whom some pri-
soners and captured arms were restored, and a
regal diadem received in return. But the most
important and disgraceful portion of the compact
was for a time carefully concealed. Notwith-
standing his pompous pretensions to victory and
the mockery of a triumph, the emperor had
been compelled to purchase the forbearance of his
antagonist by a heavy ransom, had engaged to
furnish him with a large body of artificers skilled
in fabricating all instruments for the arts of peace
or war, and, worst of all, had submitted to an
unheard of degradation by consenting to pay an
annual tribute. These occurrences are believed
to have happened between the years a.d. 86 — 90,
but both the order and the details of the different
events are presented in a most confused and per-
plexing form by ancient authorities.

Trajan soon after his accession determined to
wipe out the stain contracted by his predecessor,
and at once refused to fulfil the conditions of the
league. Quitting the city in his fourth consulship
(a.d. 101), he led an army in person against the
Dacians, whom he defeated near Tapae, the scene
of their former misfortune, after an obstinate
struggle, in which both parties suffered severely.
Pressing onwards, a second victory was gained by
Lusius Quietus, commander of the Moorish cavalry,
many strongholds were stormed, the spoils and
trophies taken from Fuscus were recovered, and
the capital, Sarmazegetusa (Zepni^eyeOoiaa), was
invested. Decebalus having in vain attempted to
temporize, was at length compelled to repair to the
presence of the prince, and to submit to the terms
imposed by the conqueror, who demanded not only

DECTA GENS.

the restitution of all plunder, but the cession of a
large extent of territory. Trajan then returned
to Rome, celebrated a triumph, and assumed tlie
title of Dacicus. The war having been, however,
soon renewed (a. d. 104), he resolved upon the
permanent occupation of the regions beyond the
Danube, threw a bridge of stone across the river
about six miles below the rapid, now known as the
Iron Gates, and being thus enabled to maintain
his communications with ease and certainty, suc-
ceeded, after encountering a desperate resistance, in
subjugating the whole district, and reducing it to
the form of a province, (a.d. 105.) Decebalus,
having seen his palace captured and his country
enslaved, perished by his own hands, that he
might not fall alive into those of the inva-
ders. His head was sent to Rome, and his trea-
sures, which had been ingeniously concealed
beneath the bed of the river Sargetia, (now the
Istrig^ a tributary of the Marosch,) which flowed
beneath the walls of his mansion, were discovered
and added to the spoil.

(Dion Cass. Ixvii. 6, and note of Reimanis, 7,
10, Ixviii. 6 — 15; Tacit. Agric. 41; Juven. iv.
and Schol. ; Martial, v. 3, vi. 76 ; Plin. Epist.
viii. 4, 9, X. 16 ; Sueton. Domit. 6 ; Eutrop. vii.
15 ; Euseb. Chron. ; Zonar. xi. 21 ; Oros. vii. 10 ;
Jomand. R. G. 13, Petr. Patric. Eorcei-p. leg. p.
23, ed. 1648 ; Engel, Comment, de Trajan, ejcped.
ad Danub. Vindobon. 1794, p. 136; Mannert,
Res. Traj. Imp. ad Danub. (/est., 1793; Frankc,
Geschichte Trajans,\S'i7. [W. R.]

MAGN. DECE'NTIUS, the brother or cousin
of Magnentius, by whom, after the death of Con-
stans, he was created Caesar, a. d. 351, and raised
to the consulship the following year. During the
war in Gaul against the Alemanni, Decentius was
defeated by Chnodomarius, the leader of the bar-
barians, and upon this, or some previous occasion,
the Treviri, rising in rebellion, closed their gates
and refused to admit him into their city. Upon
receiving intelligence of the death of Magnentius,
to whose aid he was hastening, and finding that
foes surrounded him on every side so as to leave
no hope of escape, he strangled himself at Sens on
the 18th of August, a. d. 353. The medals which
assign to this prince the title of Augustus are
deemed spurious by the best authorities. His
name appears upon genuine coins under the form
Mag. or Magn. Decentius, leaving it doubtful
whether we ought to interpret the contraction by
Magmts or Magnentius.

Decentius is called tlie brother of Magnentius by
Victor, de Cues. 42, by Eutropius, x. 7, and by
Zonaras, xiii. 8, 9 ; the kinsman {consanguineum^ —
76i'€t (TwaitTOfievov) by Victor, Epit. 42, and by
Zosimus, ii. 45, 54. See also Amm. Marc. xv. 6.
§ 4, xvi. 12. § 5 ; Fast. Idat. [ W. R.]

DE'CIA GENS, plebeian, but of high anti-
quity, became illustrious in Roman history by two
members of it sacrificing themselves for the pre-
servation of their country. The only cognomens

DECIMIUS.

that occur in this gens are Mirs and Sitbulo :
for those who are mentioned without a surname
see Dkcius.

DKCIA'NUS, APPULEIUS. 1. C. Appu-
i.Kius Decianus was tribune of the people in B. c.
90. In that year he brought a charge against L.
Valerius Flaccus, the nature of which is unknown.
He also brought an accusation against L. Furius,
one of the tribunes of the year previous, who op-
posed the recall of Metellus Nuniidicus. It seems
to have been on this occasion that he lamented be-
fore the public assembly the fiite of L. Appuleius
Saturninus and Servilius Glaucia, and endeavoured
to create disturbcinces to avenge their death. In
consequence of these proceedings he himself was
condemned, and went into exile to Pontus, where
he engaged in the service of Mithridates. (Cic.
pro Rabir. perd. 9, pro Flacc. 32 ; Schol. Bobiens.
p. 230, ed. Orelli ; Val. Max. viii. 1. § 2 ; Ap-
pian, B. C. i. 33.)

2. C. Appuleius Dkcianus, a. son of No. 1,
lived as negotiator in Asia Minor, at Pergamus,
and at Apollonis. He was repeatedly charged
with having committed acts of injustice and vio-
lence towards the inhabitants of Apollonis, for he
appears to have been a person of a very avaricious
and insolent character, and in the end he was con-
demned by the praetor Flaccus, the son of the L.
Valerius Flaccus, who had been accused by De-
cianus, the father. In b. c. 59, Decianus took
vengeance upon Flaccus by supporting the charge
which D. Laelius brought against him. (Cic. pro
Flacc. 29—33 ; Schol. Bobiens. pp. 228, 230, 242,
ed. Orelli.) [L. S.]

DECIA'NUS, C. PLAU'TIUS, was consul in
B. c. 329 with L. Aemilius Mamercinus. It was
his province during his consulship to continue the
war against Privemum, while his colleague was en-
gaged in raising another army to meet the Gauls, who
were reported to be marching southward. But this
report proved to be unfounded, and all the Roman
forces were now directed against Privemum. The
town was taken, its walls were pulled down, and
a strong garrison was left on the spot. On his
return Decianus celebrated a triumph. During
the discussions in the senate as to what punish-
ment was to be inflicted upon the Privematans,
Decianus humanely endeavoured to alleviate their
fate. According to the Fasti, C. Plautius Decianus
was consul also in the year following ; but Livy
mentions in his stead P. Plautius Proculus. In
B. c. 312, C. Plautius Decianus was censor with
Appius Claudius, and after holding the office eigh-
teen months, he laid it down, in accordance with
the lex Aemilia, while Appius Claudius, refusing
obedience to the law, remained censor alone. (Liv.
viii. 20, 22, ix. 29, 33 ; Val. Max. vi. 2. $ 1 ;
Frontin. de Aqua^d. i. 5 ; Diodor. xx. 36.) [L. S.]

DECIA'NUS CATUS. [Catus.]
DECI'DIUS SAXA. [Saxa.]

DECI'MIUS. The Decimii appear to have
been originally a Samnite family of Bovianum, at
least the first of the name belonged to that place,
and the others who occur in history were probably
his descendants, who after obtaining the Roman
franchise settled at Rome. The only cognomen
among the Decimii is Flavus. The following
list contains those who are mentioned without a
cognomen.

1. NuMERius Decimius, of Boviauum in Sam-
nium, is called the most illustrious person in all

DECIUS.

947

Samnium, both by his noble descent and his
wealth. In B. c. 217 he joined the Roman army
against Hannibal with 8000 foot and 500 horse, at
the command of the dictator Q. Fabius Maximus.
With these forces Decimius appeared in the rear
of Hannibal, and thus decided a battle which was
taking a very unfavourable turn for Minucius, the
magister equitum. Two castella were taken on
that day, and GOOO Carthaginians were slain, but
the Romans too lost 5000 men. (Liv. xxii. 24.)

2. C. Decimius, was sent in B. c. 171 as am-
bassador to Crete to request the Cretans to send
auxiliaries for the war against Perseus of Mace-
donia. In 1 69 he was praetor peregrinus, and in
the year following he was sent with two others as
ambassador to Antiochus and Ptolemy, to bring
about a reconciliation between the two kings, and
to declare that, whichever of them should continue
hostilities, should cease to be treated as the friend
and ally of Rome. On that occasion Decimius and
his colleagues visited the island of Rhodes at the
request of the Rhodians themselves, and on his
return to Rome his report was in favour of the
Rhodians, in as much as he endeavoured to throw
the guilt of their hostility towards Rome upon
some individuals only, while he tried to exculpate
the body of the people. (Liv. xlii. 35, adiii. II,
15, xliv. 19, xlv. 10.)

3. M. Decimius, was sent with Tib. Claudius
Nero as ambassador to Crete and Rhodes in a. c.
172, just before the outbreak of the war with
Perseus, for the purpose of discovering whether
they had been tempted by Perseus, and of trying
to renew their friendship with Rome. (Liv. xlii.
19.)

4. L. Decimius, was sent in b. c. 171 as ambas-
sador to the Illyrian king Genthius, to try to win
him over to the side of the Romans during the war
against Perseus. But he returned to Rome with-
out having effected anything, and was suspected of
having accepted bribes from the king. ( Liv. xlii.
37, 45.)

5. C. Decimius, a person wno had held the
office of quaestor {quaestorius\ and belonged to the
party of Pompey. In b. c. 47 he was in the
island of Cercina to take care of the provisions for
the Porapeians, but on the arrival of Sallust, the
historian, who was then a general of Caesar,
Decimius immediately quitted the island, and
fled in a small vessel. (Caes. Bell. Afr. 34.) He
seems to be the same as the C. Decimius who was
a friend of Atticus. (Cic. ad Alt. iv. 16.) [L. S.]

DE'CIUS. 1. M. Decius, one of the depu-
ties sent to the senate by the plebeians during
their secession to the sacred mount in b. c. 495-
(Dionys. vi. 88.)

2. M. Decius, tribune of the people in b. c.
311, when he carried a plebiscitum, that the
people should appoint duumviri navales to restore
and equip the Roman fleet. (Liv. ix. 30.)

3. P. Decius, one of the legates who in b, c.
168 brought to Rome the news of the defeat of the
Illy rians, and of the capture of their king Genthius.
(Liv. xlv. 3.)

4. P. Decius, according to Cicero {dc Oral. ii.
31) and Aurelius Victor (de Vir. III. 72), whereas
Livy (Epit. 61) calls him Q. Decius, was tribune
of the people in B. c. 120. L. Opimius, who had
been consul the year before, was brought to trial
by the tribune Decius for having caused the murder
of C. Gracchus, and for having thrown citizens

3p2

948

DECIUS.

into priBon without a judicial verdict. The enemies
of Decius asserted that he had been induced by
bribes to bring forward this accusation. Four
years later, b. c. 115, Decius was praetor urbanus,
and in that year he gave great offence to M.
Aemilius Scaurus, who was then consul, by keep-
ing his seat when the consul passed by him. The
haughty Scaurus turned round and ordered him to
rise, but when Decius refused, Scaurus tore his
gown and broke the chair of Decius to pieces ; at
the same time he commanded that no one should
receive justice at the hands of the refractory
praetor. It is not improbable that the hostile
feeling between the two men may have arisen from
the fact that Scaurus had induced Opimius to take
up arms against C. Gracchus, to whose party
Decius evidentl}' belonged. Cicero speaks of Decius
as an orator who emulated M. Fulvius Flaccus, the
friend of C. Gracchus, and remarks that he was
as turbulent in his speeches as he was in life. It
is probably this Decius who is alluded to in a
fragment of the poet Lucilius, which is preserved
by Cicero. (De Oral. ii. 62, corap. ii. 30, 31, Brut.
28, Part. orat. 30.)

5. P. Decius, a colleague of M. Antony in the
septemviratus. Cicero says of him, with a fine
irony, that he endeavoured to follow the example
of his great ancestors (the Decii), by sacrificing
himself to his debts, that is, by joining Antony,
through whose influence he hoped to get rid of his
debts. He accompanied Antony in the war of
Mutina, but was taken prisoner there. Afterwards,
however, when Octavian wished for a reconcilia-
tion with Antony, he allowed Decius to return to
his friend. (Cic. Phil. xi. 6, xiii. 13; Appian,
B. a iii. 80.)

6. Decius, is mentioned by Appian (2?. C. iv.
27) among those who were proscribed after the
formation of the triumvirate of Antony, Octavian,
and Lepidus. Decius and Cilo, on hearing that
their names were on the list, took to flight, but as
they were hurrying out of one of the gates of
Rome, they were recognized by the centurions and
put to death. [L. S.]

DFCIUS JUBE'LLIUS, a Campanian, and
commander of the Campanian legion which the
Romans stationed at Rhegium in b. c. 281 for the
protection of the place. Decius and his troops,
envious of the happiness which the inhabitants of
Rhegium enjoyed, and remembering the impunity
with which the Mamertines had carried out their
disgraceful scheme, formed a most diabolical plan.
During the celebration of a festival, while all the
citizens were feasting in public, Decius and his
soldiers attacked them ; the men were massacred
and driven into exile, while the soldiers took the
women to themselves. Decius put himself at the
head of the city, acted as tyrarnus perfectly inde-
pendent of Rome, and formed connexions with the
Mamertines in Sicily. He at first had endeavoured
to palliate his crime by asserting that the Rhegines
intended to betray the Roman garrison to Pyrrhus.
During the war with Pyrrhus the Romans had no
time to look after and punish the miscreants at
Rhegium, and Decius for some years enjoyed the
fruits of his crime unmolested. During that period
he was seized by a disease of the eyes, and not
venturing to trust a Rhegine ph3'sician, he sent for
one to ^lessana. This physician was himself a
nati re of Rhegium, a fact which few persons knew,
and he now took the opportunity to avenge on

DECIUS.

Decius the wrongs he had inflicted upon Rhegium,
He gave him something which he was to apply to
his eyes, and which, however painful it might be,
he was to continue till the physician should
return from Messana. The order was obeyed,
but the pain became at last quite unbearable,
and Decius in the end found that he was quite
blind. After the death of Pyrrhus, in b. c. 271,
Fabricius was sent out against Rhegium ; he be-
sieged the place, and took it. All the survivors of
the Campanian legion that fell into his hands, up-
wards of three hundred men, were sent to Rome,
where they were scourged and beheaded in the
forum. The citizens of Rhegium who were yet
alive were restored to their native place. Decius
put an end to himself in his prison at Rome. (Ap-
pian, SanmiU Excerpt, ix. I — 3 ; Diodor. Fragm.
lib. xxii.; Liv. EpU. 12, 15; Polyb. i. 7; Val.
Max. vii. 7. § 15.) [L. S.]

DE'CIUS, Roman emperor, a.d. 249 — 251,
whose full name was C. Messius Quintus
Trajanus Decil'S, was bom about the close
of the second century at Bubalia, a village in
Lower Pannonia, being the first of a long series
of monarchs who traced their origin to an llly-
rian stock. We are altogether unacquainted with
his early career, but lie appears to have been
entrusted with an important military command
upon the Danube in a.d. 245, and four years
afterwards was earnestly solicited by Philippus
to undertake the task of restoring subordination
in the army of Moesia, which had been dis-
organized by the revolt of Marinus. [Philippus;
Makinus.] Decius accepted this appointment
with great reluctance, and many misgivings as to
the result. On his appearance, the troops deem-
ing their guilt beyond forgiveness, oftered the
envoy the choice of death or of the throne. With
the sword pointed to his heart he accepted the
latter alternative, was proclaimed Augustus, and
forced by the rebels to march upon Italy, having
previously, according to Zonaras, written to as-
sure his sovereign that his faith was still un-
broken, and that he would resign the purple, as
soon as he could escape from the thraldom of the
legions. Philippus, not trasting these professions,
hastened to meet his rival in the field, encountered
him in the vicinity of Verona, was defeated, and
slain. This event took place towards the end of
A.D. 249.

The short reign of the new prince, extending
to about thirty months, was chiefly occupied in
warring against the Goths, who now, for the first
time, fippeared as a formidable foe on the north-
eastern frontier, and having crossed the Danube,
under Cniva their chief, were ravaging the
Thracian provinces. The details of their inva-
sion are to found in Jomandes, Zosimus, and
the fragments of Dexippus, but these accounts ap-
pear so contradictor}', that it is impossible, in the
absence of an impartial historian, to explain or re-
concile their statements. It would seem that the
barbarians, in the first instance, repulsed Decius
near Philippopolis, and were thus enabled to take
that important city, but having lost their best
troops during these operations, and finding them-
selves surrounded by the Romans who were now
advancing from different points, they offered to
purchase an unmolested retreat by the surrender
of their prisoners and plunder. These overtures
being rejected, the Goths turned to bay, and gave

DECIUS.
bn'.tle near Abricium late in the year a.d. 251.
After a deadly struggle, their desperate valour,
aided by the incautious confidence of the Romans,
prevailed. The son of the emperor was slain by
an arrow, while Decius himself, with his best
troops, became entangled in a marsh, and were
cut to pieces or engulfed.

Some proceedings in the civil administration of
this epoch, which at first sight would be con-
sidered as wholly without connexion with each
other, but which were in reality intended to
promote the accomplishment of the same object,
deserve special attention. The increasing weak-
ness of the state was every day becoming more
painfully apparent, and the universal corruption of
public morality was justly regarded as a deep-
seated canker which must be eradicated, before any
powerful etFort could be made for restoring health-
ful vigour to the body politic. Two remedies sug-
gested themselves, and were immediately called
into action. It was determined to revive the
censorship and to persecute the Christians. It
was hoped that, by the first, order and decency
might be revived in the habits of social life ; it
was imagined that, by the second, the national re-
ligion might be restored to its ancient purity, and
that Rome might regain the favour of her gods.
The death of Decius prevented the new censor.
Valerian, the same who afterwards became em-
peror, from exerting an authority which could
scarcely have produced any beneficial change ; but
the eager hate of Pagan zealots was more prompt
in taking advantage of the imperial edict, and
made much havoc in the church. Rome, Antioch,
and Jenisalem, lamented the martyrdom of their
bishops Fabianus, Babylas, and Alexander ; Origen
was subjected to cruel tortures, while Alexandria
was the scene of a bloody massacre. In Africa,
vast numbers, falling away from the truth, dis-
owned their belief, and after the danger was past,
the readmission of these renegades, comprehended
under the general appellation of Lapsi, gave rise
to various bitter controversies, which distracted for
a long period the ecclesiastical coimcils of the
west. [Cyprianus.]

Of the general character of Decius it is im-
possible to speak with certainty, for our authori-
ties are scanty, and the shortness of his public
career aiforded little opportunity for its develop-
ment. Victor pronounces a warm panegyric, de-
claring that his disposition was most amiable, that
he was highly accomplished, mild and affable in
his civil relations, and a gallant warrior in the
field. Zosimus and the Christian historians, writ-
ing under the influence of strong feeling, have
severally represented him as a model of justice,
valour, liberality, and all kingly virtues, or as a
monster of iniquity and savage cruelty, while even,
in modem times, the tone adopted by Tillemont on
the one hand, and by Gibbon on the other, can

DEICOON.

949

scarcely be pronounced fair or dispassionate, the
language of the latter especially being such as to
mislead the unlearned reader both as to the nature
and extent of our information, and to induce him to
conclude that we posses materials for pronouncing
a judgment which do not in reality exist.

(Victor, de Goes. 29 ; EpU. 29 ; Entrop. ix. 4 ;
Trebell. Pollio Valerian, c. 1 ; Euseb. HisU
Eccles. vL 39, &c ; Zosim. i. 21 — 23 ; Zonar. xii.
19, 20; Jomandes, R. G. c. 16, &c. For the
family of Decius, see Herennia Etruscilla,
Herennius Etruscus, Hostilianus.) [W. R.]

DE'CIUS, a Roman statuary, by whom there
was an admired colossal head in the Capitol. He
perhaps lived in the first century B. c, but his date
is very doubtful. [Chares.] [P. S.]

DECRIA'NUS, a sophist of Patrae, who is
mentioned with great praise by Lucian. {Asin. 2.)
Nothing more is known of him. [P. S.]

DECRIA'NUS, an architect and mechanician
in the time of Hadrian, who employed him to
move the colossus of Nero, which stood in front of
the golden house. The work was effected by the
aid of twenty- four elephants. (Spartian, Had. 19,
where different critics read Decrianus, Detrianus,
Dentrianus, Dextrianus, and Demetrianus.) [P. S.]

DE'CRIUS, commanded a stronghold in Africa
during the insurrection of Tacfarinas in A. D. 20.
He was a brave and skilful soldier, and led his
men out to an open battle, as he did not like the
inactivity of a besieged. He had only a few soldiers,
and they were not of the best kind ; but although
he was seriously wounded, he continued to fight
like a lion, until he fell. (Tac. Atm. iii. 20.) [L.S.]

DE'CTADES (AeKTcCS???), is mentioned by Par-
thenius {Erot. 13) as an author from whom he
relates the story about Harpalyce. We may thus
infer that he wrote on mythical subjects. [L. S.]

DE'CTION (Ae»cTiW), a Greek grammarian,
who wrote a commentary on Lycophron's Cassan-
dra, which is referred to in the Etymologicum
Magnum (s. v. Tj-rnos ; comp. Valckenaer, Eurip.
Hippolyt. p. 291.) [L. S.]

DE'CULA, M. TU'LLIUS, was consul in e. c.
81, with Cornelius Dolabella, during the dictator-
ship of Sulla ; but the consuls of that year were
only nominal, as Sulla had all the power in his
hands. (Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 14 ; Gellius, xv. 28 ;
Appian, B. C. i. 100.) [L. S.]

DEIANEIRA (Arjiaj/eipo). 1. A daughter of
Althaea by Oeneus, Dionysus, or Dexamenus
(Apollod. i. 8. § 1 ; Hygin. Fab. 31, 33), and a
sister of Meleager. When Meleager died, his
sisters lamented his death at his grave ; Artemis
in her anger touched them with her staff, and
changed them into birds, with the exception of
Deianeira and Gorge, who were allowed, by the
solicitation of Dionysus, to retain their human
forms. (Antonin. Lib. 2.) Subsequently Achelous
and Heracles, who both loved Deianeira, fought for
the possession of her. She became the wife of Hera-
cles, and afterwards unwittingly caused his death,
whereupon she hung herselt (Apollod. ii. 7. § 5,
6. § 7 ; Died. iv. 34, &c. ; comp. Achelous ;
Heracles ; Dexamenus.)

2. One of the daughters of Nereus and Dorisi
(Apollod. i. 2. § 7.) [L. S.]

DEICOON (AtjTkowv). 1. a son of HeracleJ
by Megara, was killed by his own father during
his ravings. (Apollod. ii. 7. '^ ° " '^ -^"^ "^ ""
Od. ix. 268.)

Schol. ad Horn,

950

DEIMAS.

2. A Trojan hero, son of Pegasus, was a friend
of Aeneas, and slain by Agamemnon. (Horn. //.
X. 534.) [L. S.]

DEIDAMEIA (A7jT5d/i6to). 1. A daughter of
iJellerophontes and wife of Evander, by whom
*he became the mother of Sarpedon. (Diod. v. 79.)
Homer (//. vi. 197) calls her Laodameia.

2. A daughter of Lycomedes in the island of
Seyms. When Achilles was concealed there in
maiden's attire, Deidameia became by him the
mother of Pyrrhus or Neoptolemus, and, according
to others, of Oneirus also. (ApoUod. iii. 13. § 7 ;
Ptolem. Heph. 3.)

3. The wife of Peirithous, who is commonly
called Hippodameia. (Plut Thes. 30 ; comp. Hip-
PODAMEIA.) [L. S.]

DEIDAMEIA (ArjtSa.ueta), 1. Daughter of
Aeacides, king of Epeirus, and sister of Pyrrhus.
While yet a girl she was betrothed by her father
to Alexander, the son of Roxana, and having ac-
companied that prince and Olympias into Macedo-
nia, was besieged in Pydna together with them.
(Plut. Pyrrh. 4 ; Diod. xix. 35 ; Justin, xiv. 6.)
After the death of Alexander and Roxana, she
was married to Demetrius Poliorcetes, at the time
when the latter was endeavouring to establish his
power in Greece, and thus became a bond of union
between him and Pyrrhus. (Plut. Demetr. 25,
Pyrrh. 4.) When Demetrius proceeded to Asia
to support his father against the confederate kings,
he left Deidameia at Athens ; but after his defeat
at Ipsus, the Athenians sent her away to Megara,
though still treating her with regal honours. She
Boon after repaired to Cilicia to join Demetrius,
who had just given his daughter Stratonice in
marriage to Seleucus, but had not been there long
when she fell ill and died, b. c. 300. (Plut.
Demetr, 30, 32.) She left one son by Demetrius,
named Alexander, who is said by Plutarch to have
spent his life in Egypt, probably in an honourable
captivity. (Plut Demetr. 53.)

2. Daughter of Pyrrhus II., king of Epeirus,
after the death of her father and the murder of
her uncle Ptolemy, was the last surviving repre-
sentative of the royal race of the Aeacidae. She
threw herself into Ambracia, but was induced by
the offer of an honourable capitulation to surrender.
The Epeirots, however, determining to secure their
liberty by extirpating the whole royal family, re-
solved to put her to death ; she fled for refuge to
the temple of Artemis, but was murdered in the
sanctuary itself. (Polyaen. viii. 52 ; Justin, xxviii.
3, by whom she is erroneously called Laudamia ;
Pans. iv. 35. § 3.) The date of this event cannot
be accurately fixed, but it occurred during the
reign of Demetrius II. in Macedonia (b. c. 239 —
229), and probably in the early part of it. Schom
{Gesch. Grieclienl. p. 86) supposes Deidameia to be
a daughter of the elder Pyrrhus, not the younger,
but this is certainly a mistake. [E. H. B.]

DEI MA (Ae?(Ua), the personification of fear.
She was represented in the form of a fearful wo-
man, on the tomb of Medeia's children at Corinth.
(Paus. ii. 3. § 6.) [L. S.]

DEIMACHUS (ATjtiuaxos), four mythical per-
sonages. (Apollod. i. 9. § 9, 7. § 3 ; Apollon. Rhod.
ii. 955, &c. ; Plut. Quaest. Gr. 41.) [L. S.]

DEIMAS (Ac/juas), a son of Dardanus and
Chrj-se, who when his family and a part of the
Arcadian population emigrated, remained behind
in Arcadia. (Dion. Hal. i. 61.) [L. S.]

DEINARCHUS.

DEINARCHUS (Aefmpxos)- 1- The last
and at the same time the least important among
the ten Attic orators, was bom at Corinth about
B. c. 361. (Dionys. Deinardi. 4.) His father's
name was Sostratus, or, according to Suidas (s. v.
Aeivapxos)^ Socrates. Though a native of Corinth,
he lived at Athens from his early youth. Public
oratory there reached its height about this time,
and Deinarchus devoted himself to the study of it
with great zeal under the guidance of Theophrastus,
though he also profited much by his intercourse
with Demetrius Phalereus. (Dionys. l. c. 2 ; Plut.
Vit. X Orat. p. 850; Phot. Bibl. p. 496, ed. Bek-
ker ; Suidas, l. c.) As he was a foreigner, and
did not possess the Athenian franchise, he was
not allowed to come forward himself as an orator
on the great questions which then divided public
opinion at Athens, and he was therefore obliged
to content himself with writing orations for others.
He appears to have commenced this career in his
twenty-sixth year, about b. c. 336, and as about
that time the great Attic orators died away one
after another, Deinarchus soon acquired consider-
able reputation and great wealth. He belonged
to the friends of Phocion and the Macedonian
party, and took a very active part in the disputes
as to whether Harpalus, who had openly deserted
the cause of Alexander the Great, should be tole-
rated at Athens or not. The time of his greatest
activity is from b. c. 317 to b. c. 307, during
which time Demetrius Phalereus conducted the
administration of Athens. But when in a c. 307
Demetrius Poliorcetes advanced against Athens,
and Demetrius Phalereus was obliged to take to
flight, Deinarchus, who was suspected on account
of his equivocal political conduct, and who was
anxious to save his riches, fled to Chalcis in Eu-
boea. It was not till fifteen years after, b. c. 292,
that, owing to the exertions of his friend Theo-
phrastus, he obtained permission to return to
Athens, where he spent the last years of his life,
and died at an advanced age. The last event of
his life of which we have any record, is a law-suit
which he instituted against his faithless friend,
Proxenus, who had robbed him of his property.
But in what manner the suit ended, is unknown.
The principal source of information respecting the
life of Deinarchus is the treatise of Dionysius of
Halicarnassus, from which is derived the greater
part of what is preserved in Plutarch ( Vit. X Orat.
p. 850), Photius (^Dibl. p. 496, ed. Bekk), Suidas
(/. c. ), and others.

The number of orations which Deinarchus wrote
is uncertain, for Demetrius of Magnesia {ap. Dio-
nys. I.e. 1 ; comp. Suidas and Eudoc. p. 130) as-
cribed to him one hundred and sixty, while Plu-
tarch and Photius speak only of sixty-four genuine
orations ; and Dionysius is of opinion, that among
the eighty-seven which were ascribed to him in
his time, only sixty were genuine productions of
Deinarchus. Of all these orations three only have
come do\vn to us entire, and all three refer to the
question about Harpalus. One is directed against
Philocles, the second agtiinst Demosthenes, and
the third against Aristogeiton. It is, however,
not improbable that the speech against Theocrines,
which is usually printed among those of Demos-
thenes, is likewise a work of Deinarchus. (See
pp. 1333 and 1336 of that oration; Dionys. Hal.
I.e. 10; Liban. Anpim.; Harpocrat. s.v. ay^xupiou
and &fOKplyr]s; Apostol. Proverb, xix. 49.) The

DEINARCHUS.

titles and fragments of tlie orations which are
lost, siro collected as far as can be by Fabriciiis
{B'M. Gr. ii. p. 8G4, &c.), and more complete by
AVestemiann. (Gcsch. dcr griedi. Dcredlsamk. p.
311, &c.) The ancients, such as Dionysius who
gives an accurate account of the oratory of Deinar-
chus, and especially Hermogenes (rfe Form. Oral.
ii. 11), speak in terms of high pniise of his ora-
tions ; but there were others also who thought less
favounibly of him ; some grammarians would not
even allow him a place in the canon of the ten
Attic orators (Bibl. Coislin, p. 597), and Diony-
sius mentions, that he was treated with indiffer-
ence by Callimaclius and the gnimmarians of Per-
gamus. However, some of the most eminent
grammarians, such as Didymus of Alexandria and
Heron of Athens, did not disdain to write com-
mentaries upon him. (Harpocrat. s.v. (xaprvXtiov ;
Suid. s. V. "Upwv.) The orations still extant ena-
ble us to form an independent opinion upon the
merits of Deinarchus ; and we find that Dionysius's
judgment is, on the whole, quite correct. Deinar-
chus was a man of no originality of mind, and it is
difficult to say whether he had any oratorical talent
or not. His want of genius led him to imitate others,
such as Lysias, Hyperides, and more especially
Demosthenes; but he was unable to come up to
his great model in any point, and was therefore
nicknamed Ayiixo(T6ht)s 6 aypoiKos or o KplOivos.
Even Hermogenes, his greatest admirer, does not
deny that his style had a certain roughness, whence
his orations were thought to resemble those of
Aristogeiton. Although it cannot be denied that
Deinarchus is the best among the many imitators
of Demosthenes, he is far inferior to him in power
and energy, in the choice of his expressions, in
invention, clearness, and the arrangement of his
subjects.

The orations of Deinarchus are contained in the
various collections of the Attic orators by Aldus
(1513), Stephanus (1575), Gruter (1619), Reiske,
Ducas, Bekker, and Baiter and Sauppe. The best
separate edition is that of C. E. A. Schmidt (Leipzig,
1826, 8vo.), with a selection of the notes of his
predecessors, and some of his owi>. There is also
a useful commentary on Deinarchus by C. Wurm,
" Commentarius in Dinarchi Orationes tres," No-
rimbergae, 1828, 8vo. {Fabric. Bibl. Gr. ii. p. 862,
&c. ; Westermann, Gesch. der ariech. Beredtsamk.
§73.)

2. Of Corinth, a contemporary of the orator,
with whom he has frequently been confounded.
He was likewise a friend of Phocion, and when
the latter was dragged to Athens for execution,
Deinarchus too was put to death by the command
of Polysperchon. (Plut. Plioc. 33.) As this person
is not mentioned elsewhere, the name Deinarchus
in Plutarch may be a mistake.

3. There were three authors of the name of
Deinarchus, concerning whom we know little be-
yond what is stated by Demetrius of Magnesia
(Dionys. Dcinarch. 1), viz. that one was a poet of
Dclos, who lived previous to the time of the
orator, and wrote poems on Bacchic subjects (comp.
Euseb. Chran. Dccxx. ; Cyrill. c, Julian, x. p.
341); the second, a Cretan, made a collection of
Cretan legends ; and the third wrote a work upon
Homer. Whether any of these is the same as the
one who, according to Nemesius {de Natur. Horn.
4), taught, with Aristoxenus, that the human soul
was nothing but a harmony, is uncertain. [L, S.J

DEINOCRATES.

95]

DEI'NI AS {Advias). 1. One of a club of wits
at Athens {ytXtarovoioi), called " the Sixtj'," of
which the orator Calliniedon also was a member.
The date therefore may be placed about b. c. 325.
(Athen. xiv. p. 614, e.) He is perhaps the same
whom Demosthenes mentions as a skilful orator,
(c. Lept. p. 501.)

2. An author of uncertain date, who wrote an
historical work on Argolis. It is referred to by
the following writers : — Plut. Arat. 29 ; Schol. arf
Apoll. Rliod. ii. 791, ad Eur. Orest. 859, ad
Soph. Electr. 281, oti Tlveocr. xiv. 48, ad Find. 01.
vii. 49, Isthin. iv. 104. See also Meineke, Hist.
Crit. Com. Grace, p. 385. It is doubtful whether
this Deinias should be identified with the author
of a work on the history of inventions mentioned
by Athenaeus (xi. p. 471, b. ; see Fabric. BiU.
Graec. vol. ii. p. 150). [E. E.]

DEI'NIAS, is mentioned by Pliny among the
most ancient painters of monochromes, (xxxv. 8.
8. 34.) [P. S.]

DEINO'CHARES. [Deinocrates.]

DEINO'CRATES (AejvoKpcCrTjs). 1. A Syracu-
san, was originally § friend of Agathocles, who on
that account spared his life in the massacre at Syra-
cuse by which he established himself in the tyranny,
B. c. 317. Afterwards, however, in b. c. 312, we
find Deinocrates commanding the Syracusan exiles
in the war in which the Carthaginians supported
them against Agathocles. The latter, when he
fled from Africa and returned to Sicily at the end
of B. c. 307, found Deinocrates at the head of so
formidable an army, that he offered to abdicate
the tyranny and restore the exiles, stipulating
only for the possession of two fortresses with the
territory around them. But the ambition of Dei-
nocrates, who preferred his present power to the
condition of a private citizen in Syracuse, led him
to reject the offer. Agathocles, however, defeated
him in a battle, and he then submitted. He was
received into favour by the tyrant, who gave him
the command of a portion of his forces, and re-
tained him in his confidence to the end. (Diod.
xix. 8, 104, XX. 77, 79, 89, 90.)

2. A Messenian, went to Rome in b. c. 1 83, to
justify the revolt of Messene from the Achaeans.
On his arrival, his hopes were raised by finding that
Flamininus, who was a personal friend of his and
an enemy to Philopoemen, the Achaean leader, was
about to pass into Greece on an embassy to Prusias
and Seleucus. Flamininus promised him his services,
and, when he had reached Naupactus, sent to
Philopoemen and the other magistrates, desiring
them to call an assembly of the Achaeans. Philo-
poemen, however, was aware that Flamininus had
not come with any instructions on the subject from
the senate, and be therefore answered, that he
would comply with his request if he would firet
state the points on which he wished to confer with
the assembly. This he did not venture to do, and
the hopes of Deinocrates accordingly fell to the
ground. Shortly after this, Philopoemen was
taken prisoner by the Messenians, and Deinocrates
was prominent among those who caused him to be
put to death. In the ensuing year the authors of
the revolt were obliged to yield to the wishe* of
the Messenian people for peace, and Lycortas, the
Achaean general, having been admitted into the
city, commanded the execution of Deinocrates and
the chiefs of his party ; but Deinocrates anticipated
the sentence by suicide.^ His qualifications aa a

S52

DEINOMACHUS.

Btatesman were, according to Polybius, of the most
superficial character. In political foresight, for in-
Btance, he was utterly deficient. (Polyb. xxiv. 5,
12 ; Liv. xxxix. 49 ; Plut. PhUop. 18—21, Flam.
20; Paus. iv. 29.) [E. E.]

DEINO'CRATES (Aeifo/cparrjs), a most dis-
tinguished Macedonian architect in the time of
Alexander the Great. He was the architect of the
new temple of Artemis at Ephesus, which was built
after the destruction of the former temple by Hero-
stratus. [Chersxphron.] He was employed by
Alexander, whom he accompanied into Egypt, in the
building of Alexandria. Deinocrates laid out the
ground and erected several of the principal buildings.
Besides the works which he actually erected, he
formed a design for cutting mount Athos into a
statue of Alexander, to wliom he presented his
plan upon his accession to the throne ; but the
king forbiid the execution of the project. The
right hand of the figure v/ss to have held a city,
and in the left there would have been a basin, in
which the water of all the mountain streams was
to pour, and thence into the sea. Another curious
work which he did not live to finish, is mentioned
undei Arsinok [pp. 3t)6, 367J : this fixes the
time of the architect's death. The so-called mo-
nument of Hephaestion by Deinocrates was only
a funeral pile (irvpa, Diod. xvii. 115), though a
very magnificent one. It formed a pyramid, rising
in successive terraces, all adorned with great
magnificence. (Plin. v. 10, s, 11, vii. 37, s. 38,
xxxiv. 14, 8. 42 ; Vitruv. i. 1. § 4, ii. praef.; Strab.
xiv. pp. 640, 641 ; Val. Max. i. 4, ext. 1 ; Amm.
Marc. xxii. 16 ; Solin. 35, 43 ; Plut. Alex. 7'2, de
Alex. Virt. ii. § 2; Lucian, pro Ima'i. 9, de con-
scrib. Hist. 12; Tzetz. Chil. viii. 199, xi. 367.)
There is immense confusion among these writers
about the architect's name. Pliny calls him Dino-
chares, or, according to some of the MSS., Tymo-
chares or Timocrates ; Strabo has XfipoKparrfs ;
Plutarch, ^.TcuriKpdTTis ; and, among other varia-
tions, Eustathius {ad Horn. II. |. 229) calls him
.Diodes of Rhegium. [P. S.]

DEINO'LOCHUS (Aetv6\oxoi), a comic poet
•of Syracuse or Agrigentum, was, according to
some, the son, according to others, the disciple, of
Epicharmus. He lived about b. c. 488, and wrote
fourteen plays in the Doric dialect, about which
we only know, from a few titles, that some of them
were on mythological subjects. (Suid. s. v.; Fabric.
Bibl. Graec. iL p. 436 ; Grysar, de Doriciis. Com.
i. p. 81.) [P. S.]

DEINO'MACHA {Aelvo^l6.xn), daughter of
Megacles, the head of the Alcmaeonidae, grand-
daughter of Cleisthenes, and mother of Alcibiades.
(Plut. Ak. 1 ; Athen. v. p. 219, c. ; Ael. V. H.
ii. 1 ; see also Alcibiades, p. 99, a., and the pas-
sages there referred to.) [E. E.]

DEINO'MACHUS (Aetr/oVxos), a philoso-
pher, who agreed with Calliphon in considering the
chief good to consist in the union of virtue with
bodily pleasure, which Cicero calls a joining of the
man with the beast. The doctrine is thus further
explained by Clement of Alexandria ; — Pleasure
and virtue are both of them ends to man ; but
pleasure is so from the first, while virtue ov\ybecovies
so after experience. (Cic. de Fin. v. 8, de Off. iii.
33, Tmsc. Qjiaest. v. 30 ; Clem. Alex. Strom, ii.
21.) The Deinomachus, whom Lucian introduces
in the Philopseudes, is of course a different person,
and possibly a fictitious character. [ E. E.] |

DEINOSTRATUS.

DEINO'MENES (Aeivo^xh-ns). I. Father of
Gelon, Hiero, and Thrasybulus, succesively tj'rants
of Syracuse. (Herod, vii. 145 ; Pind. Fi/th. i,
154, ii. 34.)

2. One of the guards of Hieronymus, king of
Syracuse, in the plot against whose life he joined.
When Hieronymus had marched into Leontini,
and had arrived opposite the house where the
murderers were posted, Deinomenes, who was close
behind him, stopped under pretence of extricating
his foot from a knot which confined it, and thus
checked the advance of the multitude, and separated
the king from his guards. The assassins then
rushed on Hieronymus and slew him. (b, c. 215.)
His attendants turned their weapons against Dei-
nomenes, but he escaped with a few wounds, and
was soon after elected by the Syracusans one of
their generals. (Liv. xxiv. 7, 23.) [E. E.]

DEINO'MENES (Aeji/o/^eVTjs), a statuary,
whose statues of lo, the daughter of Inachus, and
Callisto, the daughter of Lycaon, stood in the
Acropolis at Athens in the time of Pausanias.
(Paus. i. 25. § 1.) Pliny (xxxiv. 8. s. 19) men-
tions him among the artists who flourished in the
95th Olympiad, b. c. 400, and adds, that he made
stJitues of Protesilalis and Pythodemus the wres-
tler, (lb. § 15.) Tatian mentions a statue by him
of Besantis, queen of the Paeonians. (Oral, ad
Graec. 53, p. 116, ed. Worth.) His name appears
on a base, the statue belonging to which is lost.
(Biickh, Corp. Inscrip. i. No. 470.) [P. S.]

DEINON (Aflvwp), one of the chief men of
Rhodes, who, when the war broke out between
Perseus and the Romans (b. c. 171), vainly en-
deavoured to induce his countrymen to pay no
regard to the letter which C. Lucretnis had sent to
ask for ships, and which Deinon pretended was a
forgery of their enemy Eumenes, king of Pergamus,
designed to involve them in a ruinous war. But,
though he failed on this occasion, he still kept up
a strong opposition to the Roman party. In b. c.
167, after the defeat of Perseus, the Rhodians de-
livered him up to the Romans by way of propi-
tiating them. Polybius calls him a bold and
covetous adventurer, and censures him for what he
considers an unmanly clinging to life after the ruin
of his fortunes. (Polyb. xxvii. 6, 11, xxviii. 2, xxix.
5, XXX. 6-8 ; Liv. xliv. 23, 29, xlv. 22.) [E. E.J

DEINON or DINON (AetVw;/, Aivuu), father
of Cleitarchus, the historian of Alexander's expedi-
tion. He wrote a history of Persia, to which C.
Nepos (Con. 5) refers as the most trustworthy
authority on the subject. He had, however, a
large fund of credulity, if we may trust Pliny.
(H. N. X. 49.) He is quoted also in the following
passages: — Plut. Alex. 36, Arlax. 1, 6, 9, 10, 13,
\9, 22, Them. 27; Athen. ii. p. 67, b., iv. p.
146, c, xi. p. 503, f., xiii. pp. 556, b., 560, f.,
609, a., xiv. pp. 633, d,, 652, b. ; Cic. de Div. i.
23 ; Ael. H. A. xvii. 10, V. H. vii. i. ; Diog.
Laert. i. 8, ix. 50, in which two passages we also
find the erroneous reading Aitav. [E. E.]

DEINO'STRATUS(AeiJ/o(rTpaTos), a geometer.
He is stated by Proclus to have been the brother
of Menaechmus, and a contemporary and follower
of Plato. {Comm. in Fuel. c. iv.) The two bro-
thers, according to Proclus, made the tchole of geo-
metry more perfect (TeKswripav) than before.
Pappus (lib. iv. prop. 25) has handed down the
curve which is called the qua/lratrix of Deinostra-
tus for squaring the circle, which Nicomedes and

DEIOGES.

others afterwards used. Thi« ctirve is made by
tlie intersection of a revolving radius of a circle
with a line moving perpendicular to the first posi-
tion of that radius, both moving uniformly, and
60 that the extremity of the moving perpendicular
descends from the circumference to the centre
while the revolving radius describes a right angle.
[A. De M.J
DE'IOCES (Atjw/ojs), the founder of the Me-
dian empire, according to Herodotus, who states
that, after the Assyrians had held the empire of
Upper Asia 520 years, various nations revolted
from them, and first of all the Medes. Soon after
this, Deioces, the son of Phraortes, a wise man
among the Medes, desiring the tymnny, became
an arbitrator for his own village ; and the fame of
his justice attracted to him suitors from all quar-
ter, till at last the Medes chose him for their
king. He immediately assumed great royal state,
and made the Medes provide him with a body-
guard and build him a fortress. He then built
the city of Agbatana (Ecbatana), in the centre of
which he resided, hidden from the public view
and transacting all business tlirough messengers,
in order, says Herodotus, to prevent the plots
which his former equals might have been drawn
into by jealousy. The few who were admitted to
his presence were required to observe the strictest
decorum. His administration of justice was very
severe, and he kept a body of spies and informers
throughout the whole country. After a reign of
thirty-five years, during which he ruled the six
tribes of the Medes without attempting any foreign
conquest, Deioces died, and was succeeded by his
son, Phraortes. (Herod, i. 9.5 — 102.)

There are considerable difficulties in settling the
chronology of the Median empire. Herodotus
gives the reigns as follows :

Deioces ... 53 years, (i. 102.)
Phraortes . . .22 „ (ibid.)
Cyaxares ... 40 „ (i. 106.)*
Astyages ... 35 „ (i. 130.)

Total, 150
Now, since the accession of Cyrus was in B. c.
560-559, the accession of Deioces would fall in b. c.
710-709, which is confirmed by Diodorus (ii. 32),
•who says that, " according to Herodotus, Cj'axares
[meaning Deioces] was chosen king in the second
year of the 17th Olj-mpiad." (b.c. 711-710.) It also
agrees with what may be inferred from Scripture,
and is expressly stated by Josephus (Ant. x. 2),
that the Medes revolted after the destruction of
the army of Sennacherib, and the death of that
king. (b. c. 711.) Moreover, the Lydian dynasty
of the Mermnadae is computed by Herodotus to
have lasted 1 70 years, down to the taking of Sardis
in B. c. 546. It therefore began in B. c. 716.
Now, it may be inferred, with great probability,
from the statements of Herodotus, that the Hera-
cleidae, who preceded the Mermnadae in Lydia,
were Assyrian governors. If so, here is another
reason for believing that the great Assyrian empire
was broken up in consequence of the destruction
of its army under Sennacherib. The small diifer-
ence by which the last date (b.c. 716) exceeds
what it ought to be according to this view, might
be expected from the difficulty of fixing these dates

DEIOCES

953

* Including the 28 years of the Scythian rule,

witliin two or three years; and, moreover, the
date of the capture of Ssirdis is disputed, some
bringing it as low as b. c. 542.

A difficulty still remains. Herodotus mentions
an interregnum, and it seems from his language
to have been not a short one, between the revolt
of the Medes and the accession of Deioces ; and ?ie
is supposed to give the sum total of the Median
rule as 156 years. With reference to the former
point, it may be supposed that the 53 years assign-
ed to Deioces include the interregnum, a supposi-
tion extremely probable from the length of the pe-
riod, especially as the character which Deioces had
gained before his accession makes it most unlikely
that he was a very young man ; and, on the other
hand, the Scriptural chronology forbids our carry-
ing up the revolt of the Medes higher than B. c.
712 at the very utmost. As to the supposed pe-
riod of 156 years, the truth is, that Herodotus
says nothing about such a period. He says (i.
130), that the Medes had ruled over Asia above
the river Halys 128 years, Trape| 7} oaou ol 'SKiidai
^PXov, which does not mean, that the 28 years of
the Scythian rule are to be added to the 128 years,
but that they are to be deducted from it. The
question then arises, from what period are the 128
years to be dated .^ The most probable solution
seems to be that of Kalinsky and Clinton, who
supposed that the date to which the 128 years
would lead us back, namely (5f^-{- 128 ^) 68f b. c,
was that of the accession of Deioces, and that the
22 years which remain out of the 53 ascribed to
him by Herodotus (b. c. 7^ — 68f) formed the
period of the interregnum.

The account of Ctesias, which is preserved by
Diodorus, is altogether different from that of Hero-
dotus. After relating the revolt of Arbaces [Ar-
baces], he gives the following series of Median
reigns (ii. 32—34) :

1. Arbaces .... 28 years,

2. Mandauces . . . . 50 „

3. Sosarmus .... 30 „

4. Artycas 50 „

5. Arbianes .... 22 „

6. Artaeus . . . . . 40 „

7. Artynes . . . . 22 „

8. Astibaras . . . . 40 „

9. Aspadas, whom he identifies

with Astyages . . . [35]* „

317
This would place the revolt of the Medes in b. c.
(559-1-317 = ) 876.

Now this account disagrees with that of Hero-
dotus in all the names, and in the events ascribed
to each reign, except the last; but the two lists
agree in the numbers assigned to the last three
reigns.

In the list of Eusebius, the fifth king, Arbianes,
is omitted, and then follow Deioces, Phraortes,
Cyaxares, Asdahages (Astyages), as in Herodotus,
but with different numbers, whence Clinton con-
jectures that the 22 years assigned to Arbianes
were really those of the interregnum before Deioces.
No successful attempt has yet been made to recon-
cile Herodotus, Ctesias, and Eusebius. Diodorus
supposed the interregnum of Herodotus to extend
over several ages, and Eusebius adopts the same

* This number, which is omitted by Diodorus,
is supplied from Herodotus.

954

DEIOTARUS.

idea in his tables, when he reckons a long
period without kings between Arbaces and Dei'oces.
(Compare Sardanapalus, and Clinton, F. H. v
App. c. 3.) [P. S.]

DEI'OCHUS (ATjfoxos), of Proconnesus, is
mentioned by Dionysius of Halicamassus {Jud. de
Thucyd. 2, 5) as one of the earliest Greek histo-
rians, who lived previous to the time of Herodotus.
He is probably the same person as the Deiochtis
whom Stephanus of Bj'zantium (s. v. Adfi^paKos)
calls a native of Cyzicus, and who wrote a work
on Cyzicus (Tt^pi Ku^ikou), which is frequently
referred to by the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius,
who, however, calls him by his proper name only
once (on i. 139), and in all the other passages refers
to him under the name of AtjiAoxos, or Aiioxos.
(Schol. ad ApoUon. i. 961, 966, 976, 987, 989,
1037, 1062, 1063, 1065, ii. 85, 106.) [L. S.]

DEION (ATjiwi/). 1. A son of Aeolus and
Enarete, was king in Phocis and husband of Dio-
mede, by whom he became the father of Astero-
peia, Aenetus, Actor, Phylacus, and Cephalus.
(Apollod. i. 7. § 3, 9. § 4.) After the death of
his brother, Salmoneus, he took his daughter Tyro
into his house, and gave her in marriage to Cre-
theus. His name occurs also in the form Deioneus.
(Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1685.)

2. A son of Heracles and Megara, and brother
of Deicoon. (Apollod. ii. 7. $ 8.) [L. S.]

DEIO'NE (Atjiwi/tj), that is, the daughter of
Deo or Demeter, is used as a name for Persephone.
(Callimach. Fragm. 48.) It occurs also as a pro-
per name of the mother of Miletus. (Ov. KfeL
ix. 442.) [L. S.]

DEIONEUS (ATjtoj/eiJs). 1. Father of Dia,
the wife of Ixion. When he violently extorted
from his son-in-law the bridal gifts, Ixion invited
him to his house, and caused him to be thrown
into a pit filled with fire, in which he perished.
(Pind. Fyth. ii. 39.)

2. A son of Eurytus of Oechalia, whom The-
seus married to Perigune, the daughter of Sinnis.
(Plut. Thes, 8.) [L. S.]

DEI'OPE (AtjI^tttj), a daughter of Triptolemus
and mother of Eumolpus, or, according to others,
of Triptolemus. (Paus. i. 14. § 2; Schol. ad Soph.
Ocd. Co/. 1108 ; Aristot. Mirab. 143, 291.) [L.S.]

DEIOPE'A, a fair Lydian nymph, who belonged
to the suite of Hera, and whom she promised as a
reward to Aeolus if he would assist her in destroy-
ing the fleet of Aeneas. (Virg, Aen. i. 72.) [L.S.]

DEIOPI'TES ( ATjioTrrxT/s), a son of Priam, who
was slain by Odysseus. (Horn. //. xi. 420 ; Apol-
lod. iii. 12. § 5.) [L. S.]

DEIOTARUS (ATjtjTopos). 1. Tetrarch of
Galatia. He is said by Plutarch to have been a
very old man in b. c. 54, when Crassus, passing
through Galatia on his Parthian expedition, rallied
him on his building a new city at his time of life.
He must therefore have attained to mature man-
hood in B. c. 95, the year of the birth of Cato of
Utica, whose father's friend he was, and who, we
know, was left an orphan at a very early age.
(Plut. Crass. 17, Cat. Min. 12, 1 5 ; Pseudo-Appian,
Farth. p. 136 ; comp. Cato, p. 647, a.) Deiotarus
adhered firmly to the Romans in their wars in
Asia, and in B. c. 74 defeated in Phrj-gia the ge-
nerals of Mithridates. For his services he was
honoured by the senate with the title of king, and,
probably in B. c. 63, the year of the death of Mi-
thridates, had Gadelouitis and Armenia Minor

DEIOTARUS.
added to his dominions. Appian, apparently by
an oversight, says that Pompey made him tetnuch
of Galatia. He succeeded, indeed, doubtless by
Roman favour, in encroaching on the rights of the
other tetrarchs of that district, and obtaining nearly
the whole of it for himself. (Strab. xii. pp. 547,
567; Casaub. ad loc.; V\\i\,. Fomp. 38; Appian,
Ddl. Mithr. 114; Cic. pro Deiot 13, Fhil. xi. 12,
de Har. Resp. 13 ; Hirt. Bdl Alex. 67.) In B. c.
51, when Cicero was encamped at Cybistra on the
borders of Cappadocia, for the protection of Cappa-
docia and Cilicia against the Parthians, Deiotarus
offered to join him with all his forces, and was in-
deed on his way to do so, when Cicero sent to in-
form him that events had rendered his assistance
unnecessary. (Cic. Fhil. xi. 13, ad Fam. viii. 10,
XV, 1, 2, 4.) In the civil war, Deiotarus attached
himself to the cause of Pompey, together with
whom he effected his escape in a ship after the
battle of Pharsalia in B. c. 48. (Plut. Fomp. 73 ;
Appian, Dell. Civ. ii. 71 ; Caes. Bell. Civ. iii. 4;
Cic. de Div. ii. 37, pro Deiot. 3, 4 ; Lucan. Fhars.
v. 55, viii. 209.) In b. c. 47 he applied to Domi-
tius Cjilvinus, Caesai-'s legate in Asia, for aid
against Phamaces, who had taken possession of
Armenia Minor, and who in the campaign which
followed defeated the Roman and Galatian forces
near Nicopolis. (Hirt. Bell Alex. 34 — 41, 65—77;
Appian, J5e//. Civ. ii. 91; Plut. Caes. 50; Dion
Cass. xlii. 45 — 48 ; Sueton. Jul. 35 ; Cic. ad Fam.
XV. 15, pro Deiot. 5.) When Caesar, in the same
year, came into Asia from Egj'pt, Deiotarus received
him with submission, and endeavoined to excuse the
aid he had given to Pompey. According to Hir-
tius {Bell. Alex. 67, 78), Caesar left him his title
of king, but gave his tetrarchy to Mithridates of
Pergamus. Cicero tells us {de Div. \. 15, comp.
Fhtl. ii. 37), that he was deprived both of his
tetrarchy and kingdom, not however of his regal
title {pro Deiot. 13), and fined. Dion Cassius sjiys
(xli. 63), that Caesar did indeed bestow on Ario-
barzanes, king of Cappadocia, a portion of the
kingdom of Deiotarus, but that he gave the latter
a part of what he took away from Phamaces, and
so in fact enlarged his territory ; but this seems
inconsistent with the whole tenour of what we
find in Cicero.

In the autumn of the same year, the cause of
Deiotarus was unsuccessfully pleaded by Brutus
before Caesar at Nicaca in Bithynia. ((Jic. Brut.
5, ad Ati. xiv. 1.) In b. c. 45, he was defended
by Cicero before Caesar, in the house of the latter
at Rome, in the speech {pro Rege Deiotaro) still
extant. From this it appears that his grandson.
Castor, had accused him of a design against Caesar's
life when he received him in Galatia, and also of an
intention of sending troops to the aid of Caecilius
Bassus. [See p. 472.] Strabo, however, speaks of
Castor as the son-in-law of Deiotarus, and says that
the old king put him to death together with his wife,
Deiotarus's OAvn daughter ; and Suidas tells us that
he did so because Castor had accused him to Cae-
sar. Vossius conjectures that the Castor mention-
ed by Cicero was son to the one whom Strabo and
Suidas speak of, and that Deiotarus put the latter
to death because he had instigated the younger
Castor to accuse him. (Strab. xii. p. 568 ; Suid.
s. V. Kaarup ; Caes. Bdl. Civ. iii. 4 ; Cic. ad Fam.
ix. 12 ; Voss. de Hist. Grace, p. 203, ed. Wester-
mann ; comp. the language of Cicero, 2^^o Deiot.
10; 11.) At this time Bk&ainius and Hieras,

DEIPHOBUS.

ennssarics of Deiotariis, were at Rome to look after
his interests (Cic. pro Deiot. 14, 15); and they
were still there in the following year, u. c. 44,
when llieras, .after the murder of Caesar, appears
ti) have obtiiincd from Antony, through Fulvia,
llie restitution of his master's dominions for 1 0,000
fiestertia (88,541/. 13s. 4d.). Deiotarus, however,
hjid seized by force on the territory in question as
soon as he heard of Caesar's death. (Cic. Phil. ii.
37, ad All. xiv. 12, 19, xvi. 3.) In b. c. 42, he
joined the party of Brutus and Cassius at the re-
quest of the foniier, and after Cassius had vainly
endeavoured to attach him to them. ( Dion Cass,
xlvii. 24.) lie was succeeded by Deiotarus II.
(No. 2), his only surviving son, all the rest of his
children having been put to death by him, accord-
ing to Plutarch, in order that his kingdom in the
hands of his successor might not be shorn of its
power. (Plut. de Stoic. Jl(j)tign. 32.) This ac-
count, if true, warns us to make a large deduction
fnmi the praises lavished on him by Cicero. He
appears to have had a full share of superstition,
and to have been in the habit of paying much
attention to auguries. (Cic. de. Div. i. 15, ii. 36,
37.)

DEIPYLE.

95S

2. Son and successor of the above. Already,
however, before his father's death, he had received
from the Roman senate the title of king, to which
some grant of territory was apparently attached.
AVith this Deiotarus, Cicero tells us that his son
and his nephew remained, while himself and his
brother Quintus were occupied with their campaign
in Cilicia, b. c. 51. (Cic. ad Alt. v. 17, 18, Phil.
xi. 12.) In the war between Antony and Octavius
lie took part with the former, but went over from
him to the enemy in the battle of Actium, b. c. 31.
He was succeeded in liis kingdom by Amyntas,
No. 6. Cicero speaks of him, as well as of his
father, in very high terms. (Plut. sint. 61, 63;
comp. Dion Cass. 1. 13, Ii. 2 ; Strab. xii. p. 567;
Cic. PhU. xi. 13.)

3. Son of the younger Castor, and great grand-
son of Deiotanis I. He was the last king of Paph-
lagonia, and was surnamed ^iKdheXcpos. (Strab. xii.
p. 562 ; Clinton. F. H. iii. pp. 545, 546.) [E. E.]

DEl'PMOBE (A7jt(^o€7j), a daughter of the seer
Glaucus. {Wrg.Acn. vi. 36; comp. Sibylla.) [L.S.]

DEl'PHOBUS (Arjtc^ogos). 1. A son of Priam
and Hecabe, was next to Hector the bravest among
the Trojans. When Paris, yet unrecognized, came
to his brothers, and conquered them all in the con-
test for his favourite bull, Deiphobus drew his
sword against him, and Paris fled to the altar of
Zeus Herceius. (Hygin. Fab. 91.) Deiphobus and
his brothers, Ilelenus and Asius, led the third
host of the Trojans against the camp of the Achae-
ans (Ilom. //. xii. 94), and when Asius had fallen,
Deiphobus advanced against Idonieneus, but, in-
stead of killing him, he slew Hypsenor. (xiii. 410.)
When hereupon Idomeneus challenged him, he
ciiUed Aeneas to his assistance, (xiii. 462.) He

also «lew Ascalaphus, and while he was tearing
the helmet from his enemy's head, he was wounded
by Meriones, and led out of the tumult by his
brother, Polites. (xiii. 517, &c.) When Athena
wanted to deceive Hector in his fight with Achilles,
she assumed the appearance of Deiphobus. (xxii.
227.) He accompanied Helena to the wooden horse
in which the Achaeans were concealed. {Od.
iv. 276.) Later traditions describe him as the
conqueror of Achilles, and as having married He-
lena after the death of Paris, for he had loved her,
it is said, before, and had therefore prevented her
being restored to the Greeks. (Hygin. Fob. 110 ;
Dictys. Cret. i. 10, iv. 22 ; Serv. ad Aen. ii. 166;
Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 1 68 ; Schol. ad Horn. II. xxiv.
251 ; Eurip. Troad. 960.) It was for this reason
that, on the fall of Troy all the hatred of the
Achaeans was let loose against him, and Odysseus
and Menelaus rushed to his house, which was
among the first that were consumed by the flames.
(Horn. Od. viii. 517; Serv. ad Aen. ii. 310.) He
himself was killed by Helena (Hygin. Fab. 240) ;
according to other traditions, he fell in battle
against Palamedes (Dares Phryg. 26); or he was
slain and fearfully mangled by Menelaus. (Diet.
Cret. V. 12; Quint. Smyrn. xiii. 354, &c.; Eustath.
ad Horn. p. 894.) In this fearful condition he was
found in the lower world by Aeneas, who erected
a monument to him on cape Rhoeteura. (Virg.
Aen. vi. 493, &c.) His body, which remained
unburied, was believed to have been changed into
a plant used against hypochondriasis. Pausaniaa
(v. 22. § 2) saw a statue of him at Olympia, a
work of Lycius, which the inhabitants of Apollonia
had dedicated there.

2. A son of Hippolytns at Amyclae, who puri-
fied Heracles after the murder of Iphitus. (Apoi-
lod. ii. 6. § 2 ; Diod. iv. 31.) [L. S.J

DEIPHONTES {^rii(p6vrm), a son of Anti-
machus, and husband of Hymetho, the daughter of
Temenus the Heracleide, by whom he became the
father of Antimenes, Xanthippus, Argeius, and
Orsobia. When Temenus, in the division of Pelo-
ponnesus, had obtained Argos as his share, he be-
stowed all his afi"ections upon Hymetho and her
husband, for which he was murdered by his sons,
who thought themselves neglected. But after the
death of Temenus, the army declared Deiphontes
and Hymetho his rightful successors. (Apollod. ii.
8. § 5.) According to Pausanias (ii. 19. § 1), the
sons of Temenus formed indeed a conspiracy against
their father and Deiphontes ; but after Temenus's
dwith it was not Deiphontes that succeeded him,
but Ceisus. Deiphontes, on the other hand, is
siiid to have lived at Epidaums, whither he went
with the army which was attached to him, and
from whence he expelled the Ionian king, Pity-
reus. (Pans. ii. 26. § 2.) His brothei-s-in-law,
however, who grudged him the possession of their
sister Hymetho, went to Epidaurus, and tried to
persuade her to leave her husband ; and when this
attempt failed, they carried her oflF by force. D^-i-
phontes pursued them, and after having killed one
of them, Cerynes, he wrestled with the other, who
held his sister in his arms. In this stniggle, Hyr-
netho was killed by her own brother, who then
escaped. Deiphontes carried her body back to
Epidaurus, and there erected a sanctuary to her.
(Paus. ii. 28. § 3.) [L. S.]

DEI'PYLE {LrfCnvX-n), a daughter of Adrastus.
and Amphithea. She was the wife of Tydeus, by

956

DELMATIUS.

whom she became the mother of Diomedes. (Apol-
lod. i. 8. § 5, 9. § 13.) Servius {ad Aen.\. 101)
and Hyginus {Fab, Q9) call her Deiphile. [L. S.]

DEI'PYLUS (ATjfTTuAos), three mythical beings
concerning whom nothing of interest is related.
(Horn. II. V. 323; Hygin. Fah. 15, 109.) [L. S.]

DE'LIUS and DE'LIA (AtjAios and A7j\fa or
Ar\\i6.s), surnames of Apollo and Artemis respec-
tively, which are derived from the island of Delos,
the birthplace of those two divinities. ( Virg. Aen.
vi. 12, Eclog. vii. 29 ; Val. Flacc. i. 446 ; Orph.
Hymn. 33. 8.) They are likewise applied, espe-
cially in the plural, to other divinities that were
worshipped in Delos, viz. Demeter, Aphrodite,
and the nymphs. ( Aristoph. Thesm. 333 ; CalHra.
Hymn, in Dian. 169, Hymn, in Del. 323; Hom.
liymn. in Apoll. Dd. 157.) [L. S.]

Q. DE'LLIUS, a Roman eques, who seems
to have lived as a negotiator in Asia, where
in B. c. 44 he joined Dolabella. Afterwards he
went over to Cassius and then joined M. Antony,
who sent him, in B.'c. 41, to Egypt to summon
Cleopatra to appear before him at Tarsus in Cilicia.
Cleopatra, trusting to the power of her personal
charms, obeyed the command and went to Antony.
In B. c. 36, Dellius was engaged on some business
in Judaea, and on that occasion he is said to have
advised Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus and
widow of Alexander, to send the portraits of her
beautiful children to Antony in order to win the
favour of the triumvir. In the same year he ac-
companied Antony on his expedition against the
Parthians. In b. c. 34, when Antony marched
into Armenia, Delliua was sent before him to Arta-
vasdes, to lull him into security by treacherous
promises. When the war of Actium broke out,
B. c. 31, Dellius and Amyntas were sent by Antony
from Galatia to Macedonia to collect auxiliaries ;
but before the fatal battle was fought, Dellius
deserted to Octavian. This step was nothing ex-
traordinary in a man of his kind, who had suc-
cessively belonged to all the parties of the time ;
but he is said to have been led to this last deser-
tion by his fear of Cleopatra, whom he had
offended by ridiculing the meanness she displayed
at her entertainments. After this we hear no
more of him. Dellius appears to have been a man
of some talent; he did at least some service to
literature by writing a history of the war against
the Parthians, in which he himself had fought
under Antony. (Strab. xi. p. 523, with Casaubon's
correction.) This work is completely lost, and we
cannot even say whether it was written in Latin
or in Greek ; but we have reason for believing that
Plutarch's account of that war {Ani. 37 — 52) was
taken from Dellius, so that probably we possess
at least an abridgement of the work. (Plut. Ant.
6Q.) In the time of Seneca {Suas. p. 7) there
existed some letters of Dellius to Cleopatra of a
lascivious nature, which are now likewise lost. Our
Q. Dellius is probably the same person as the
Dellius to whom Horace addressed the beautiful third
od^ of the second book. (Comp. Dion Cass. xlix.
39, 1. 13, 23 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 84 ; Joseph. Ant.Jud.
XV. 2. § 6 ; Plut. Ant. 25 ; Zonar. x. 29 ; Senec.
de Ckmeni. i. 10.) [L. S.]

DELMA'TICUS, a surname of L. Caecilius
Metellus, consul in B. c. 119. [Metellus.]

DELMA'TIUS or DALMA'TIUS. 1. Son of
Constantius Chlorus and his second wife, Flavia
Maximiana Theodora. From his half-brother,

DELPHUS.

Constantine the Great, he received the title of
censor, which had lain dormant since the attempt
of Decius to revive it in the person of Valerian,
and now appears for the last time among the
dignities of Rome. Delmatius was entrusted with
the task of investigating the charge brought by the
Arians against Athanasius of having murdered
Arsenius, bishop of Hypselis [Athanasius, p.
394], and appears to have died before the year
A. D. 335. (Tillemont, Histolre des Empereurs^
vol. iv. p. 288.) He was the father of

2. Flavius Julius Delmatius, who was edu-
cated at Narbonne under the care of the rhetorician
Exsuperius ; distinguished himself b}' suppressing
the rebellion of Calocerus in Cyprus ; was appoint-
ed consul A. D. 333 ; two years afterwards was
created Caesar by his uncle, whom he is said to
have resembled strongly in disposition ; upon the
di^nsion of the empire received Thrace, Macedonia,
together with Achaia, as his portion ; and was put
to death by the soldiers in a. d. 337, sharing the
fate of the brothers, nephews, and chief ministers
of Constantine.

It must be observed that there is frequently
great difficulty in distinguishing Delmatius the
father from Delmatius the son. Many historians
believe the former to have been the consul of a. d.
333, and the conqueror of Calocerus, the date of
whose revolt is very uncertain. A few coins of
the younger in gold, silver, and small brass, are to
to be found in all large collections, and on these
his name is conjoined with the title of Caesar and
Princeps Juventutis, the orthography being for the
most part UElmatiuSy although Delmatius also
occasionally appears. (Au son. Pro/! 17 ; Victor,
EpU. 41, de Caes. 41, Excerpt. Vales. § 35 ;
Theophan. Chronograph, p. 282 ; Tillemont, His-
toire des Empereurs, vol. iv. pp. 251, 259, 261,
313, and his note, p. 664, in which he discusses at
length the dates connected with the history of
Delmatius and Hannibalianus. [ W. R.]

DELPHI'NIA (AeAt^ii/m), a surname of Arte-
mis at Athens. (Pollux, x. 119.) The masculine
form Delphinius is used as a surname of Apollo,
and is derived either from his slaying the dragon
Delphine or Delpliyne (usually called Python)
who guarded the oracle at Pytho, or from his hav-
ing shewn the Cretan colonists the way to Delphi,
while riding on a dolphin or metamorphosing him-
self into a dolphin. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 208.)
Under this name Apollo had temples at Athens,
Cnossus in Crete, Didyma, and Massilia. (Paus. i.
19. § 1; Plut. Thes. 14; Strab.. iv. p. 179; Mul-
\eT,Aeginet. p. 154.') [L. S.]

DELPHUS (AeA(/)oj). 1. A son of Poseidon
and Melantho, a daughter of Deucalion, from whom
the town of Delphi was believed to have derived
its name. (Tzetz, ad LycopL 208 ; comp. Ov.
Met. vi. 120.)

2. A son of Apollo by Celaeno, the daughter of
Hyanuis, and, according to others, by Thyia, the
daughter of Castalius, or b\' Melaena, the daughter
of Cephissus. Tradition pointed to him also as

DEMADES.

the person from whom Delphi received its name,
lie is further sjiid to have had a son, Pythis, who
ruled over the country about mount Parnassus,
Hud from whom th« oracle received the name of
Pytho. (Paus. x. 6. §§ 2 and 3.) [L. S.]

DKMA'DES* (A77M<fS77y), an Athenian sUites-
nian and orator, a contemporary of Philip, Alexan-
der the Great, and Antipater. He is siiid to have
licen a person of very low origin, and to have at
one time even served as a rower. (Quintil. ii. 17.
§ 12; Sext. Empir. adv. Math. ii. IG; Suidas, a. r.
Atj/xoStjs.) But by his extraordinary talents, his
demagogic artifices, and treachery, he rose to a
very prominent position at Athens ; he nsed his
influence, however, in such a manner, tliat Plutarch
(Phoc. 1) justly terms him the vavdyiou, that is,
the shipwreck or ruin of his country. He belonged
to the Macedonian party, and entertained a deadly
hatred of Demosthenes, against whom he came
forward as early as the time of the war against
Olynthus, b. c. 349 (Suidas, I.e.), and to whom he
continued hostile to the last ; for when, on the ap-
proach of Antipater and Craterus, Demosthenes
and his friends quitted the city, Demades induced
the people to pronounce sentence of death upon
them. (Pint. DemosiL 28 ; Phot. Bibl. p. 69, ed.
Bekker.) In the battle of Chaeroneia he fell into
the hands of the Macedonians ; and when Philip,
during the revelries with which he celebrated his
victory, reviewed the prisoners, Demades frankly
but politely blamed him for his conduct, and Philip
was so well pleased with the flattery implied in
the censure, that he not only restored Demades to
his liberty, but set free all the Athenian prisoners
without ransom, and concluded a treaty of friendship
with Athens. (Diod. xvi, 87; Gell. xi, 10 ; Sext.
Empir. adv. Math. i. 13.) The manner in which he
was treated by the king on that occasion, and the rich
presents he received from him — it is said that he
once received the large sum of ten talents — made
him an active champion in the cause of Macedonia,
to whose interests he literally sold himself. He
pursued the same course towards Alexander, the
son and successor of Philip ; and his flattery to-
wards the young king went so far, that the Athe-
nians, unable to bear it, inflicted a heavy fine upon
him. (Aelian, V. //. v. 12; Athen. vi. p. 251.)
But when Harpalus came to Athens, Demades did
not scruple to accept his bribes also. (Deinarch. c.
Demosth. § 89, c.Arisiog. § 15.) When Alexander
subsequently demanded the surrender of the Athe-
nian orators who had instigated the people against
him, Demades was bribed by the friends of Demos-
thenes with five talents to use his influence to
save him and the other patriots. He accordingly
framed a cunning decree, in which the people ex-
cused the orators, but promised to surrender them,
if they should be found guilty. The decree was
passed, and Demades with a few others was sent
as ambassador to Alexander, and prevailed upon
the king to pardon the Athenians and their ora-
tors. (Diod. xvii. 15; Plut. i>e/wo.«/A. 23.) In
B. c. 331 Demades had the administration of a part
of the public money at Athens, which Bdckh
{Pull. Econ. o/Ai/um. p. 169, Sic, 2nd edit.) has
shewai to have been the theoricon ; and when the
people demanded of him a sum of money to sup-

* The name is a contraction of Ar}fx«iST]s. (Ety-
mol. M. p. 210 13,265. 12, ed. Sylburg; Pris-
cian, ii. 7.)

DEMADES.

957

port those who had revolted against Alexander,
Demades persuaded them to give up that plan by
appealing to their love of pleasure. (Pint. Praecept.
Rei Pufd. Ger. 25.) By thus supporting the Ma-
cedonian cause, and yet receiving large bribes from
the opposite party when opportunities offered, he
acquired considerable property, which however
was squandered by his extravagant and dissolute
mode of living. His conduct was so bad, and
he so recklessly violated the laws of his country,
that he was frequently punished with heavy fines,
and once even with atimia. But in b. c. 322,
when Antipater marched with his army against
Athens, the people, who were alarmed in the
highest degree, and had no one to mediate between
them and Antipater, recalled their sentence of
atimia, and sent Demades, with Phocion and some
others, as ambassadors to Antipater, who howevq;r
refused, perhaps on the instigation of Demades, t(y
grant peace on any other terms than complete sub-
mission. (Diod. xviii. 18; Paus. vii. 10. § 1.) In
B.C. 318, when Antipater was ill in Macedonia,
the Athenians, unable to bear the pressure of the
Macedonian garrison in Munychia, sent Demades
as ambassador to him with a petition to remove
the garrison. Antipater was at first inclined to
listen to the request ; but while Demades was
staying with him, Antipater discovered among the
papers left by Perdiccas some letters addressed to
him by Demades, in which he urged Perdiccas to
come to Europe and attack Antipater. The latter
at first kept his discovery secret ; but when De-
mades pressed him for an answer respecting the
removal of the garrison from Munychia, Antipater,
Avithout giving any answer, gave up Demades and
his son, Deraeas, who had accompanied his father
on this embassy, to the executioners, who forth-
with put them to death. (Diod. xviii. 48 ; Arrian,
ap. Phot. Bibl. p. 70 ; Athen. xiii. p. 591.) Plu-
tarch {Phoc. 30) attributes the execution of De-
mades to Cassander.

Demades was a man without character or prin-
ciple, and was accessible to bribes from whatever
quarter they came, ever ready to betray his coun-
try and his own party. Even the good he did
sprang from the basest motives. The ancienta
have preserved many features which illustrate his
profligate and dissolute mode of life. (Plut. Phoc.
1, 20, 30, Pracc. Rei Pidil. Ger. 25 ; Athen. ii. p.
44; Aelian, V. H. xiii. 12.) He owed his in-
fluence in the public affairs of Athens to his
natural skill and his brilliant oratorical powers,
which were the pure gift of nature, and which he
never cultivated according to the rules of art. He
al\\ays spoke extempore, and with such irresistible
force and abundance of wit, that he was a perfect
match for Demosthenes himself, and Quintilian
does not hesitate to place him by the side of
Pericles. (Cic. Orat. 26, Brut. 9 ; Plut. Demosth.
8, 10, 11, Apophth. p. 181 ; Quintil. ii. 17. § 12,
xii. 10. § 49.) Both Cicero and Quintilian ex-
pressly state, that Demades left no written orations
behind him. But from a passage in Tzetzes {ChU.
vi. 36), it is clear that the rhetorician, from whom
he copied, possessed orations which were attributed
to Demades. There is extant a large fragment o{
an oration bearing the name of Demades (wcpl 5a>-
SfKaeTj'as), which must have been delivered in b. c.
326, and in which he defends his conduct during
the period of Alexander's reign. It was found by
I. Bekker in no less than six MSS., and is printed

958

DEMARATUS.

in the collections of the Attic orators, but its
genuineness is still doubtful. Suidas attributes to
Demades also a history of Delos and of the birth
of Leto's children, but this work can scarcely have
been the production of our Demades, and we know
of no other person of this name to whom it can
be ascribed. (Ruhnken, Hist. Crit. Orat. Gr. p.
71, &c. ; J. G. Hauptmann, Disputatio qua De-
mad, et illi tributum. fragm. orat. amsideraiur,
Gera, 1768, 4to,, reprinted in Reiske's Oratores,
iv. p. 243, &c. ; H. Lhardy, Dissertatio de Demade
Oratore Atheniensi, Berlin, 1834, 8vo. ; Wester-
mann, Gexfi. d. ffriech. Beredtsamk. § 54, notes 1 1
—16.) [L. S.]

DEMAE'NETUS (Avixalvfros), a surname of
Asclepius, derived from the name of a temple of
his on the Alpheius. (Paus. vi. 21. § 4.) [L. S.]
.. DEMA'GORAS (ATjuaySpas), of Samos, is
mentioned by Dionysius of Halicamassus {A. If.
i. 72), together with Agathyllus, as a writer who
agreed with Cephalon respecting the date of the
foundation of Rome. But whether Demagoras
was a poet like Agathyllus or not is uncertain.
He is often mentioned by the grammarians. (Bek-
ker, Anecd. p. 377 ; Baichmann, Anecd. i. p. 68 ;
Eustath. ad II. ix. 558 ; Eudoc. p. 35 ; Apostol.
Prov. ii. 51 ; Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 7.) [h. S.]

DEMARATA, daughter of Hiero, king of Syra-
cuse, was married to Andranodoms, the guardian
of Hieronymus. After the assassination of the
latter, she persuaded her husband to seize on the
sovereign power; but his heart failed him, and
he surrendered the citadel to the opposite party.
After the establishment of the republic, she Vas
put to death, together with her niece llannonia.
(Liv. xxiv. 22—25.) [E. H. B.]

DEMARA'TUSCAWpflToy), 15th Eurj-pontid,
reigned at Sparta from about b, c. 510 to 491.
Pausanias speaks of him as sharing with Cleomenes
the honour of expelling Hippias (b. c. 510) (Paus.
iii. 7 § 7), and Plutarch {de VirtiU. Mid. p. 245, d.)
unites their names in the war against Argos.
Under Telesilla, he s.iys ** the Argive women beat
back Cleoracncs {airiKpovaavro) and thrust out
Demaratus" (^|eo>o-av), as if the latter had for a
time effected an entrance. " He had gained,"
8ays Herodotus (vi. 70), " very frequent distinc-
tion for deeds and for counsels, and had in par-
ticular won for his country, alone of all her kings,
an Olj-mpian victory in the four-horse chariot- race."

His career, however, was cut short by dis-
sensions with his colleague. In the invasion, by
which Cleomenes proposed to wreak his vengeance
on Athens, Demaratus, who was joint commander,
on the arrival of the army at Eleusis, followed the
example of the Corinthians, and refused to co-
operate any further. The other allies began now
to move away, and Cleomenes was forced to follow.
(Herodot. v. 75.) Henceforward we may easily
imagine that his fury at his indignities, and their
general incompatibility of temper, would render the
feud between them violent and obstinate. InB.c.491
Cleomenes while in Aegina found himself thwarted
there, and intrigued against at home, by his adver-
sary', who encouraged the Aeginetans to insult him
by refusing to acknowledge the unaccredited autho-
rity of a single king. Cleomenes returned, and set
the whole of his vehement unscrupulous energy to
work to rid himself of Demaratus, calling to his aid !
Leotychides, next heir to the house of Procles, I
whom Demaratus had, moreover, made his enemy j

DEMARATUS.

by robbing him of his affianced bride, Percalns,
daughter of Cheilon. (Herodot. vi. 61, 65.)

The birth of Demaratus had been as follows : —
King Ariston had twice married without issue.
While his second wife was still alive, either in
anxiety for an heir or out of mere passion, he
sought and by a curious artifice obtained as his
third the wife of his friend Agetus, a woman of
remarkable beauty. He enticed the husband into
an agreement, that each should give the other
whatever he asked ; and when Agetus had chosen
his gift, Ariston demanded in return that he should
give him his wife. A son was bom. Ariston
was sitting in judgment with the ephors when the
tidings were brought, and counting the months on
his fingers, said in their presence, " It cannot be
mine." His doubts, however, appeared no further:
he owned the child, and gave it, in allusion to the
public prayer that had been made by the Spartans
for an heir to his house, the name of Demaratus.
(Ibid. vi. 61—64.)

The father's expression was now brought up
against the son, Leotychides declared him on oath
to be wrongfully on the throne ; and, in the con-
sequent prosecution, he brought forward the ephors,
who had then been sitting with Ariston, to bear
evidence of his words. The case was referred to
the Delphian oracle, and was by it, through the
corrupt interference of Cleomenes, decided for the
accuser, who was in consequence raised to the
throne. (Ibid. vi. 64 — GQ.)

Demaratus, some time after, was sitting as
magistrate sit the Gymnopaedian games. Leoty-
chides sent his attendant to ask the insulting
question, how it felt to be magistrate after being
king. Demaratus, stung by the taunt, made a
hasty and menacing reply; covered up his face,
and withdrew home ; sacrificed there, and taking
the sacred entrails, sought his mother and conjured
her to let him know the truth. She replied by an
account which assuredly leaves the modem reader
as doubtful as before, but gave him perhaps the
conviction which she wished, that his father was
either Ariston or the hero Astrabacus ; and, in
any case, he seems to have made up his mind to
regain, by whatever means, his original rank. He
went to Elis under pretext of a journey to Delphi,
and here perhaps would have intrigued for sup-
port, had not the Spartans suspected and sent for
him. He then retired to Zacynthus, and on being
pursued thither, made his way into Asia to king
Dareius. (Ibid. \'i. 67—70.)

At the court of Persia he was favourably re-
ceived, and is said, b}' stating the Spartan usage, to
have forwarded the claim of Xerxes to the throne
to the exclusion of his brothers bom before their
father's accession : and on the resolution being
taken of invading Greece, to have sent, with what
intent or feeling Herodotus would not venture to
deteiTuine, a message, curiously concealed [Cleo-
menes], to his countrj'men at Sparta, conveying
the intelligence. (Ibid. vii. 3. 239.)

Henceforward Demaratus performs in the story
of Herodotus with high dramatic effect the part of
the unheeded counsellor, who, accompanying the
invasion and listened to by Xerxes, saw the weak-
ness of those countless mjnnads, and ventured to
combat the extravagant unthinking confidence of
their leader. Thus at Doriscus, after the num-
bering of the amiy ; thus at Thermopylae, when
he explained that it was for battle the Spartans

DEMARATUS.

wore trimming their hair ; thus, after the pass was
won, when Xerxes owned his wisdom, and he is
Bjiid to have given the farsighted counsel of oc-
cupying Cythera. And thus finally he, says the
story, was with Dicjieus in the plain of Thria,
when they heard the mystic Kleusinian cry, and
saw the cloud of sacred dust pass, as escorting the
assistant deities, to the Grecian fleet. (Ibid. vii.
101—105, 209, -234, 235, viii. f)5.)

Leaving the imaijination of Herodotus and his
informants responsible for much of this, we may
Kifely believe that Demanitus, like Hippias before,
accompanied the expedition in the hope of ven-
geance and restoration, and, probably enough,
with the mixed feelings ascribed to him. Pausa-
nias (iii. 7- § 7) states, that his family continued
long in Asia ; and Xenophon {Hell. iii. 1. § 6)
mentions Eurysthenes and Procles, his descen-
dants, as lords of Pergamus, Teuthrania, and
Halisania, the district given to their ancestor by
the king as the reward of his service in the expe-
dition. The Cyrean army found Procles at Teu-
thrania. (Xen, Anal), vii. 8. 17.) "To this family
also," says Midler {Dor. bk. i. 9. § 8), " belongs
Procles, who married the daughter of Aristotle, when
the latter was at Atarneus, and had by her two sons,
Procles and Demaratus. (Sext. Empir. adv. Ma-
iliem. p. 518, ed. Col.") (See below.) Plutarch's
anecdote {Tliem. c. 29), that he once excited the
king's anger by asking leave to ride through Sardis
with the royal tiara, and was restored to favour by
Themistocles, can only be said not to be in contra-
diction to the chronology. (Clinton, F, H. ii.
p. 208.) [A. H. C]

DEMAR A'TUS (Atj/ictpaTos), a merchant-noble
of Corinth, and one of the Bacchiadae. When the
power of his clan had been overthrown by Cypse-
lus, about B. c. G57, he fled from Corinth, and
settled at Tarquinii in Etruria, where he had
mercantile connexions. According to Strabo, he
brought with him a large body of retainers and
much treasure, and thereby gained such influence,
that he was made ruler of Tarquinii. He is said
also to have been accompanied by the painter
Cleophantus of Corinth, and by Eucheir and Eu-
grammus, masters of the plastic arts, and together
with these refinements, to have even introduced
the knowledge of alphabetical writing into Etruria.
He married an Etrurian wife, by whom he had
two sons, Aruns and Lucumo, afterwards L. Tar-
quinius Priscus. (Liv. i. 34; Dionys. iii. 46;
Polyb. vi. 2; Strab. v. p. 219, viii. p. 378; Cic.
Tusc. Quaest. v. 37; Tac. Ami. xi. 14 ; Plin. H.N.
XXXV. 3, 12 ; Niebuhr, Fiom. Hii<i. i. pp. 351, 366,
&c.) For the Greek features pervading the story
of the Tarquins, see Macaulay's Lat/s of Ancient
Home, p. 80. [E. E.]

DEMARA'TUS (ATj/xaporos), a Corinthian,
connected by hospitality with the family of Philip
of Macedon. It was through the mediation of
Demaratus that Alexander returned home from
Illyria, where he had taken up his abode in con-
sequence of the quarrel between himself and his
father at the marriage of the latter with Cleopatra,
B. c. 337. (Plut. Alex. 9.) [E. E.]

DEM ARA'TUS {An^dparos). 1. A son of Py-
thias, who was Aristotle's daughter by his wife of
the same name. He and his brother, Procles, were
pupils of Theophrastus. (Diog. Laert. v. 53 ; Fa-
bric. Bibl. Graec. iii. pp. 485, 504.) He appears
to have been named after Demiu-atus, king of

DEMETER.

0.^9

Sparti, from whom his father, Procles, was de-
scended.

2. A Corinthian author of uncertain date, who
is quoted by Plutarch. {Ages. 15.) He is per-
haps the same whose work called TpayqjSovneucL,
on the subjects of Greek tragedy, is referred
to by Clement of Alexandria, Stobaeus, and
the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius. Plutarch
also quotes works of Demaratus on rivers, on
Phrygia, and on Arcadia. (Plut Parall. Min.
16, de Fluv. ix. §§ 3, 5 ; Clem. Alex. Protrej^t.
c. 3; Stob. FlorH. xxxix. 32, 33; ^\\o\. ad ApolL
Rhod. i. 45, 1289 ; Fabric. Bibl. Craec ii. pp. 289,
294 ; Vossius, de Hist. Graec. p. 425, ed. Wester-
mann.)

3. A Spartan, who is said to have retorted
upon the epigram on the* subjugation of Greece
usually ascribed to Hadrian {Antkol. ii. p. 285) by
writing under it a line from a speech of Achilles
to Patroclus. {II. xvi. 70.) When inquiry was
made as to who had "capped" the imperial epigram,
he replied by a parody on Archilochus {Fruym.
".):

^IfiL fxiv ev6(6pr]K05 'EvvaXlov iroXe/xKXT'i^s, k. t. \.
The story seems to rest on the authority of a note
in the Vatican MS. This does not, however, give
the name of Demaratus, which occurs in the ver-
sion of the anecdote in the Anthology of Planudes.
(See Jacobs, ad Anthol. I. c.) [E. E.]

DEMARCHUS (Arf^uapxos), son of Pidocus, a
Syracusan. He was one of the generals sent out
to replace Hermocrates and his colleagues in the
command of the Syracusan auxiliaries in Greece,
when those generals were banished. (Thuc. viii.
85; Xen. Hell. i. 1. § 30.) After his return he
appears to have taken a leading part in public
affairs, and became one of the most powerful op-
ponents of the rising power of Dionysius. He was
in consequence put to death at the instigation of
the latter, at the same time with Daphnaeus,
shortly after Dionysius had been appointed general
autocrator. (Diod. xiii. 9Q.) [E. H. B.]

DEMA'RETE {Ar}fxap4Tn), daughter of Theron,
tyrant of Agrigentum, was wife of Gelo, tyrant
of Syracuse. She is said by Diodonis to have
exerted her influence with Gelo to grant the
Carthaginians peace on moderate terms after their
great defeat atPIimera, B. c. 480. In return for
this service they sent her a crown of gold of the
value of a hundred talents, with the produce of
which, or more probably in commemoration of the
event, she caused to be struck for the first time
the large silver coins, weighing 10 Attic drachms
or 50 Sicilian litrae, to which the name of Dama-
retion was given in her honour. (Diod. xi. 26 ;
Schol. in Piiul. 01. ii. 1 ; Hesych. s. v. Ari/jLaperiov ;
Pollux, ix. 80 ; Annali dell'Ist. di Corrisp.
Archeol. vol. ii. p. 81.) After the death of Gelo
she married his brother and successor Polyzelus.
(Schol. in Find. 01. ii. 29.) [E. H. B.]

DEMEAS. [Damkas.J

DEME'TER {A7)fi-/iTvp), one of the great divini-
ties of the Greeks. The name Demeter is sup-
posed by some to be the same as yij M'^^tj^j, that
is, mother earth, while others consider Deo, which
is synonymous with Demeter, as connected with
Sals and 5atVi»;xj, and as derived from the Cretan
word drjal, barley, so that Demeter would be the
mother or giver of barley or of food generally.
(Hom. //. V. 500.) These two etymologies, how-
ever, do not suggest any difference in the character

960

DEMETER.

of the goddess, but leave it essentially the same.
Demeter was the daughter of Cronus and Rhea,
and sister of Hestia, Hera, Aides, Poseidon, and
Zeus. Like the other children of Cronus she was
devoured by her father, but he gave her forth
again after taking the emetic which Metis had
given him. (Hesiod. Theog. 452, &c. ; Apollod.
i. 2. § 1.) By her brother Zeus, Demeter became
the mother of Persephone (Proserpina) and Dio-
nysus (Hesiod. Theog. 912; Diod. iii. 62), and by
Poseidon of Dcspoena and the horse Arion. (Apol-
lod. iii. 6. § 8 ; Pans. viii. 37. § 6.J The most
prominent part in the mythus of Demeter is the
rape of her daughter Persephone by Pluto, and
this story not only suggests the main idea em-
bodied in Demeter, but also directs our attention
to the principal seats o^her worship. Zeus, with-
out the knowledge of Demeter. had promised Per-
sephone to Pluto, and while the unsuspecting mai-
den was gathering flowers which Zeus had caused
to grow in order to tempt her and to favour Pluto's
scheme, the earth suddenly opened and she was
carried off by Aidoneus (Pluto). Her cries of
anguish were heard only by Hecate and Helios.
Her mother, who heard only the echo of iier voice,
immediately set out in search of her daughter.
The spot where Persephone was believed to have
been carried into the lower world is different in
the different traditions ; the common story places
it in Sicily, in the neighbourhood of Enna, on
mount Aetna, or between the wells Cyane and
Arethusa. (Hygin. Fab. 146, 274; Ov. Met. v.
S8.5, Fast. iv. 422 ; Diod. v. 3 ; Cic. in Verr. iv.
48.) This legend, which points to Sicily, though
undoubtedly very ancient (Pind. Nem. i. 17), is
certainly not the original tradition, since the
worship of Demeter was introduced into Sicily by
colonists from Megara and Corinth. Other tradi-
tions place the rape of Persephone at Erineus on
the Cephissus, in the neighbourhood of Eleusis
(Orph. Hymn. 17. 15), at Colonus in Attica (Schol.
ad So})h. Oed. Col. 1590), in an island of the
Atlantic near the western coast of Spain (Orph.
Argon. 1190), .it Hermione in Peloponnesus
(Apolk)d. i. 5. § 1 ; Strab. viii. p. 373), in Crete
(Schol. ad Hesiod, 7'Iieog. 914), or in the neigh-
bourhood of Pisa. (Paus. vi. 21. § 1.) Others
again place the event at Pheneus in Arcadia
(Conon, Na)T. 15), or at Cyzicus (Propert. iii. 21.
4), while the Homeric hymn on Demeter places
it in the plain of Nysa in Asia. In the Iliad and
Odyssey the rape of Persephone is not expressly
mentioned. Demeter wandered about in search of
her daughter for nine days, without taking any
nectar or ambrosia, and without bathing. On the
tenth she met Hecate, who told her that she had
heard the cries of Persephone, but did not know
who had carried her off. Both then hastened to
Helios, who revealed to them thai Pluto had been
the ravisher, and with the consent of Zeus. Demeter
in her anger at this news avoided Olympus, and
dwelt upon earth among men, conferring presents
and blessings wherever she was kindly received,
and severely punishing those who repulsed her or
did not receive her gifts with proper reverence.
In this manner she came to Celeus at Eleusis.
[Celeus.] As the goddess still continued in her
anger, and produced famine on the earth by not
allowing the fields to produce any fruit, Zeus,
anxious that the race of mortals should not become
extinct, sent Iris to induce Demeter to return to

13EMETER.

Olympus. (Comp. Paus. viii. 42. § 2.) But in
vain. At length Zeus sent out all the gods of
Olympus to conciliate her by entreaties and pre-
sents ; but she vowed not to return to Olympus,
nor to restore the fertility of the earth, till she had
seen her daughter again. Zeus accordingly sent
Hennes into Erebus to fetch back Persephone.
Aidoneus consented, indeed, to Persephone return-
ing, but gave her a part of a pomegranate to eat,
in order that she might not always remain with
Demeter. Hermes then took her in Pluto'a
chariot to Eleusis to her mother, to whom, after a
hearty w^elcome, she related her fate. At Eleusis
both were joined by Hecate, who henceforth re-
mained the attendant and companion of Persephone.
Zeus now sent Rhea to persuade Demeter to
return to OljTnpus, and also granted that Perse-
phone should spend only a part of the year {i. e.
the winter) in subterraneous darkness, and that
during the rest of the year she should remain with
her mother, (Comp. Ov. Met. v. 565, Fast. iv.
614; Hygin. /a/>, 146.) Rhea accordingly de-
scended to the Rharian plain near Eleusis, and
conciliated Demeter, who now again allowed the
fruits of the fields to grow. But before she parted
from Eleusis, she instructed Triptolemus, Diodes,
Eumolpus, and Celeus in the mode of her worship
and in the mysteries.

These are the main features of the mythus
about Demeter, as it is contained in the Homeric
hymn ; in later traditions it is variously modified.
Respecting her connexions with Jasion or Jasius,
Tantalus, Melissa, Cychreus, Erysichthon, Pan-
dareus, and others, see the different articles.
Demeter was the goddess of the earth (Eurip,
Bacch. 276), and more especially of the earth as
producing fruit, and consequently of agriculture,
whence human food or bread is called by Homer
{II. xiii. 322) the gift of Demeter, The notion
of her being the author of the earth's fertility was
extended to that of fertility in general, and slie
accordingly was looked upon also as the goddess of
marriage (Serv. ad Aen. iv, 58), and was wor-
shipped especially by women. Her priestess also
initiated young married people into the duties of
their new situation. (Pint, de Off. conj. 1.) As
the goddess of the earth she was like the other
Seoi x'^^^^"^-) ^ subterraneous divinity, who worked
in the regions inaccessible to the rays of Helios.
As agriculture is the basis of a well-regulated
social condition, Demeter is represented also as the
friend of peace .ind as a law-giving goddess, {bia-
IJ.0(p6f>05, Callim, Hymn, in Cer. 1 38 ; Orph. Hymn.
39. 4; Virg, Aen. iv, 58; Hom. //. v. 500; Ov.
Met. v. 341 ; Paus. viii. 15. § 1.) The mythus of
Demeter and her daughter embodies the idea, that
the productive powers of the earth or nature rest
or are concealed during the winter season ; the
goddess (Demeter and Persephone, also called Cora,
are here identified) then rules in the depth of the
earth mournful, but striving upwards to the all-
animating light. Persephone, who has eaten of
the pomegranate, is the fructified flower that re-
turns in spring, dwells in the region of light during
a portion of the year, and nourishes men and
animals with her fruits. Later philosophical writers,
and perhaps the mysteries also, referred the dis-
appearance and return of Persephone to the burial
of the body of man and the immortality of his
soul. Demeter was worshipped in Crete, Delos,
Argolis, Attica, the western coast of Asia, Sicily,

DEMETER.

anfl Italy, and her worship consisted in a great
measure in orgic mysteries. Among tlie many
festivals celebrated in her honour, the Thesmo-
pboria and Eleusinia were the principal ones.
{Diet, of Ant. s. w. Chloi'a, Ilaloa, T/tesmophoria,
Eleusinia, Mcgalartia Chthonia.) The sacrifices
offered to her consisted of pigs, the symbol of fer-
tility, bulls, cows, honev-cakes, and fruits. (Macrob.
Sat i. 1-2, iii. 11 ; Diod. v. 4 ; Pans. ii. 35. § 4,
viii. 42, in fin. ; Ov. Fast. iv. 545.) Her temples
were called Megara, and were often built in groves
in the neighbourhood of towns. (Pans. i. 39. § 4,
40. § 5, vii. 26. $ 4, viii. 54. § 5, ix. 25. ^ 5 ;
Strab. viii. p. 344, ix. p. 435.) Many of her
surnames, which are treated of in separate articles,
are descriptive of the character of the goddess.
She was often represented in works of art, though
sccircely one entire statue of her is preserved. Her
representations appear to have been brought to
ideal perfection by Praxiteles. (Pans. i. 2. $ 4.)
Her image resembled that of Hera, in its maternal
character, but had a softer expression, and her eyes
were less widely opened. She was represented
sometimes in a sitting attitude, sometimes walking,
and sometimes riding in a chariot drawn by horses
or dragons, but always in full attire. Around her
head she wore a garland of corn-ears or a simple
ribband, and in her hand she held a sceptre, corn-
ears or a poppy, sometimes also a torch and the
mystic basket. (Paus. iii. 19. $ 4, viii. 31. § 1,
42. § 4 ; Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19.) She appears
most frequently on gems and vases.

The Romans received the worship of Demeter,
to whom they applied the name of Ceres, from
Sicily. (Val. Max. i. 1. § 1.) The first temple
of Ceres at Rome was vowed by the dictator A.
Postumius Albinus, in b. c. 496, for the purpose of
averting a famine with which Rome was threaten-
ed during a war with the Latins. (Dionys. vi.
17, comp. i. 33; Tacit. Ann. ii. 49.) In intro-
ducing this foreign divinity, the Romans acted in
their usual manner ; they instituted a festival with
games in honour of her (Did. of Ant. s. v.Cere-
alia), and gave the management of the sacred rites
and ceremonies to a Greek priestess, who was
usually taken from Naples or Velia, and received
the Roman' franchise, in order that the sacrifices
on behalf of the Roman people might be offered up
by a Roman citizen. (Cic. pro Daib. 24 ; Festus,
J. V. Graeca sacra.) In all other respects Ceres
was looked upon very much in the same light as
Tellus, whose nature closely resembled that of
Ceres. Pigs were sacrificed to both divinities, in
the seasons of sowing and in harvest time, and also
at the burial of the dead. It is strange to find
that the Romans, in adopting the worship of
Demeter from the Greeks, did not at the same
time adopt the Greek name Demeter. The name
Ceres can scarcely be explained from the Latin
language. Servius informs us {ad Aen. ii. 325),
that Ceres, Pales, and Fortuna were the penates
of the Etruscans, and it m.ay be that the Romans
applied to Demeter the name of a divinity of a
similar nature, whose worship subsequently became
extinct, and left no trace except the name Ceres.
We remarked above that Demeter and Persephone
or Cora were identified in the mythus, and it may
be that Ceres is only a different form for Cora or
Core. But however this may be, the worship of
Ceres soon acquired considerable political im-
portance at Rome. The property of traitors against

DEMETRIUS. 9(51

the republic was often made over to her temple.
(Dionys. vi. 89, viii. 79; Plin. //. N. xxxiv, 4.
8. 9 ; Liv. ii, 41.) The decrees of the senate were
deposited in her temple for the inspection of the
tribunes of the people. (Liv. iii. 55, xxxiii. 25.)
If we further consider that the aediles had the
special superintendence of this temple, it is very
probable that Ceres, whose worship was like the
plebeians, introduced at Rome from without, had
some peculiar relation to the plebeian order.
(Miiller, Dor. ii. 10. $ 3; Preller, Demeter und
Persephone, ein Cydm mythol. Untersuch., Ham-
burg, 1837, 8vo. ; Welcker, Zeilschrifi fur die
alte Kunst, i. 1, p. 96, &c.; Niebuhr, Hist, of
Rome, i. p. 621 ; Hartung, Die Relig. der Romer,
ii. p. 135, &c.) [L. S.]

DEMETRI A'N US (A77M»)Tptov(^s), of Ravenna,
the father of the celebrated rhetorician Aspasius,
lived in the time of the emperor Alexander Severus,
and was no less distinguished as a rhetorician than
as a critical mathematician. (Philostr. VU. Soph.
ii. 33. $ 1 ; Suidas, s. v. 'Affirdaios.) [L. S.J

DEME'TRIUS (Arj^Tirpios). 1. Son of Althae-
menes, commander of one of the squadrons of
Macedonian cavalry under Alexander. (Arrian,
Anab. iii. 11, iv. 27, v. 21.)

2. Son of Pythonax, sumamed Pheidon, one of
the select band of cavalry, called eraipoi, in the
service of Alexander. (Arrian, Anab. iv. 12 ;
Plut. Alex. 54.)

3. One of the body-guards of Alexander, was
suspected of being engaged in the conspiracy of
Philotas, and displaced in consequence. (Arrian,
Atiab. iii, 27.)

4. A son of Ariarathes V., king of Cappadocia,
commanded the forces sent by his father in 154
B. c. to support Attalus in his war against Prusias.
(Polyb. xxxiii. 10.)

5. A native of Gadara in Syria, and a freedman
of Pompey, who shewed him the greatest favour,
and allowed him to accumulate immense riches.
After the conquest of Syria, Pompey rebuilt and
restored at his request his native town of Gadara,
which had been destroyed by the Jews. (Joseph.
Ant. xiv. 4. § 4, de Bell. Jud. i. 7. § 7.) An
anecdote related by Plutarch shews the excessive
adulation paid him in the East, on account of his
well-known influence with Pompey. (Plut. Pomp.
40, Cato Min. 13.) [E. H. B,]

DEME'TRIUS (AtjaitJtpioj), king of Bactria,
son of Euthydemus, Polybius mentions (xi. 34),
that when Antiochus the Great invaded the ter-
ritories of Euthydemus, the latter sent his son
Demetrius, then quite a youth, to negotiate with
the Syrian king ; and that Antiochus was so much
pleased with the young man''s appearance and
manners, that he confirmed Euthydemus in his so-
vereignty, and promised one of his own daughters
in marriage to Demetrius. The other notices we
possess of this prince are scanty and confused ;
but it seems certain (notwithstanding the opinion
to the contrary advanced by Bayer, Hist. Regni
Graecorum Bactriuni, p. 83), that Demetrius suc-
ceeded his father in the sovereignty of Bactria,
where he reigned at least ten years. Strabo par-
ticularly mentions him as among those Bactrian
kings who made extensive conquests in northern
India ( Strab. xi. 11. § 1), though the limit of his ac-
quisitions cannot be ascertjiined. Justin, on the con-
trary, calls him " rex Indorum" (xli. 6), and speaks
of him as making war on and besieging Eucratides,

3q

962

DEMETRIUS.

king of Bactria. Mionnet (Suppl. vol. viii. p. 473)
has suggested that there were two Demetrii, one
the son of Eiithj-demus, the other a king of northern
India ; but it does not seem necessary to have
recourse to this hypothesis. The most probable
view of the matter is, that Eucratides revolted
from Demetrius, while the latter was engaged in
his wars in India, and established his power in
Bactria proper, or the provinces north of the Hindoo
Koosh, while Demetrius retained the countries south
of that barrier. Both princes may thus have ruled
contemporaneously for a considerable space of time.
(Comp. Wilson's Ariana^ pp. 228 — 231 ; Lassen,
Gescli. der Bactr. Konif/e, p. 230 ; Raoul Rochette,
Journ. des Savans^ for 1835, p. 521.) It is pro-
bably to this Demetrius that we are to ascribe the
foundation of the city of Demetrias in Arachosia,
mentioned b)-- Isidore of Charax (p. 8, ed. Hudson ;
see Lassen, p. 232). The chronology of his reign,
like that of all the Bactrian kings, is extremely un-
certain : his accession is placed by Ivf . R. Rochette
in B. c 190 {Journ. des &ivans, Oct. 1 835, p. 594),
by Lassen in 1 85 (Gesch. der Bactr. Konige, p. 282),
and it seems probable that he reigned about 20 or
25 years. (Wilson's AHana, p. 231.) [E. H. B.]
DEMF/TRIUS (At/mittpws) I., king of Mace-
donia, sumaraed Poliorcetks {UoXiopKriTris),
or the Besieger, was the son of Antigonus, king of
Asia, and Stratonice, the daughter of Corrhaeus.
He was distinguished when a young man for his
affectionate attachment to his parents, and he and
Antigonus continued, throughout the life of the
latter, to present a rare example of unanimity.
While yet very young, he was married to Phila,
the daughter of Antipater and widow of Cratenis,
a woman of the noblest character, but considerably
older than himself, in consequence of which it was
not without difficulty that he was persuaded by
Antigonus to consent to the match. (Plut. Demeir.
14.) He accompanied his father in his campaigns
against Eumenes, and commanded the select body
of cavalry called iraipoi at the battle in Gabiene
(b. c. 317), at which time he was about twenty
years old. (Diod. xix. 29.) The following year
he commanded the whole right wing of the army
of Antigonus in the second battle of Gabiene (Id.
xix. 40) ; and it must be mentioned to his credit,
that after the capture of Eumenes, he interceded
eamesth'- with his father to spare his life. (Plut.
Eum. 18.) Two years afterwards, he was left by
Antigonus in the chief command of Syria, while
the latter proceeded to carry on the war in Asia
Minor. In the spring of B. c. 312. Ptolemy in-
vaded Syria with a large army ; and Demetrius,
contrary to the advice of the more experienced
generals whom his father had left with him as a
council of war, hastened to give him battle at
Gaza, but was totally defeated and lost the greater
part of his army. This reverse compelled him to
abandon Tyre and the whole of Syria, which fell
into the hands of Ptolemy, and Demetrius retired
into Cilicia, but soon after in part retrieved his
disaster, by surprising Cilles (who had been sent
against him by Ptolemy) on his march near Myus,
and taking him and his whole army prisoners.
(Diod. xix. 80—85, 93; Plut. Demetr. 5, 6.)
He was now joined by Antigonus, and Ptolemy
immediately gave way before them. Demetrius
was next employed by his father in an expedition
against the Nabathaean Arabs, and in a more im-
portant one to recover Babylon, which had been

DEMETRIUS,
lately occupied by Seleucus. This he accomplished
with little difficulty, but did not complete his
work, and without waiting to reduce one of the
forts or citadels of Babj'lon itself, he left a force
to continue the siege, and returned to join Antii^o-
nus, who almost immediately afterwards concluded
peace with the confederates, b. c. 311. (Diod. xix.
96-98, 1 00 ; Plut. Demetr. 7.) This did not last
long, and Ptolemy quickly renewed the war, which
was however almost confined to maritime opem-
tions on the coasts of Cilicia and Cypms, in which
Demetrius, who commanded the fleet of Antigonus,
obtained many successes. In 307 he was de-
spatched by his father with a powerful fleet and
army to endeavour to wrest Greece from the
hands of Cassander and Ptolemj% who held all the
principal towns in it, notwithstanding that the
freedom of the Greek cities had been expressly
guaranteed by the treaty of 311. He first directed
his course to Athens, where he was received with
enthusiasm by the people as their liberator. De-
metrius the Phalerean, who had in fact governed
the city for Cassander during the last ten
years, was expelled, and the fort at Munychia
taken. Megara was also reduced, and its liberty
proclaimed ; after which Demetrius took up his
abode for the winter at Athens, where he was re-
ceived with the most extravagant flatteries : divine
honours being paid him under the title of "the
Preserver" (o ZSon-Tjp), and his name being ranked
with those of Dionysus and Demeter among the
tutelary deities of Athens. (Plut. Demetr. 8 — 13 ;
Diod. XX. 45, 46.) It was at this time also that
he married Eurydice, the widow of Ophellus of Cy-
rene, but an Athenian by birth, and a descendant
of the great Miltiades. (Plut. Demetr. 14.)

From Athens Demetrius was recalled by his
father to take the command of the war in Cypms
against Ptolemy. He invaded that island with a
powerful fleet and army, defeated Ptolemy's bro-
ther, Menelaus, who held possession of the island,
and shut him up in Salamis, which he besieged
closely both by sea and land. Ptolemy himself
advanced with a numerous fleet to the relief of his
brother; but Demetrius was prepared for his ap-
proach, and a great sea-fight ensued, in which,
after an obstinate contest, Demetrius was entirely
victorious : Ptolemy lost 120 ships of war, besides
transports ; and his naval power, which had hi-
therto been regarded as invincible, was utterly
annihilated, (b, c. 306.) Menelaus immediately
afterwards surrendered his army and the whole of
Cyprus into the hands of Demetrius. It was after
this victory that Antigonus for the first time as-
sumed the title of king, which he bestowed also at
the same time upon his son, — an example quickly
followed by their rival monarchs. (Diod. xx. 47 —
53 ; Plut. Demetr. 15— 18 ; Polyaen. iv. 7. $ 7 ;
Justin, XV. 2.)

Demetrius now for a time gave himself up to
luxury and revelry in Cyprus. Among other pri-
soners that had fallen into his hands in the late
victory was the noted courtezan, Lamia, who,
though no longer in the prime of her youth, soon
obtained the greatest influence over the j'oung
king. (Plut. Demetr. 16, 19, 27; Athen. iv. p. 128,
xiii. p. 577.) From these enjoyments he Avas,
however, soon compelled to rouse himself, in order
to take part with Antigonus in his expedition
against Egj-pt : but the fleet which he commanded
suffered severely from storms, and, after meeting

DEMETRIUS.

with many disasters, both father ntid son were
compelled to retreat. (Diod. xx. 73 — 76; Phit.
Demetr. 19.) In the following year (b. c. 305)
Demetrius determined to punish the Rhodians for
having refused to support his father and himself
ngsiinst Ptolemy, and proceeded to besiege their
city both by sea and land. The siege which fol-
lowed is rendered one of the most memorable in
ancient history, both by the vigorous and able re-
sistance of the besieged, and by the extraordinary
eiforts made by Demetrius, who displayed on this
occasion in their full extent that fertility of re-
source and ingenuity in devising new methods of
attack, which earned for him the surname of Po-
liorcetes. The gigantic machines with which he
assailed the walls, the largest of which was called
the llelepnlis or city-taker, were objects of admira-
tion in succeeding ages. But all his exertions
were unavailing, and after the siege had lasted
above a year, he was at length induced to conclude
a treaty, by which the Rhodians engaged to sup-
port Antigonus and Demetrius in all cases, except
against Ptolemy, b. c. 304. (Diod. xx. 81 — 88,
91—100; Pint. Demetr. 21, 22.)

This treaty was brought about by the interven-
tion of envoys from Athens; and thither Deme-
trius immediately hastened, to relieve the Athe-
nians, who were at this time hard pressed by Cas-
sander. Landing at Aulis, he quickly made him-
self master of Chalcis, and compelled Cassander
not only to raise the siege of Athens, but to eva-
cuate all Greece south of Thermopylae. He now
again took up his winter-quarters at Athens, where
he was received as before with the most extrava-
gant flatteries, and again gave himself up to the
most unbounded licentiousness. With the spring
of 303 he hastened to resume the work of the
liberation of Greece. Sicyon, Corinth, Argos, and
all the smaller towns of Arcadia and Achaia, which
were held by garrisons for Ptoleraj' or Cassander,
successively fell into his hands ; and it seems pro-
bable that he even extended his expeditions as far
as Leucadia and Corcyra. (See Droysen, Gcsch. d.
Nachfolg. p. 511; Thirlwall's Greece, vii. p. 353.)
The liberty of all the separate states was proclaim-
ed ; but, at a general assembly held at Corinth,
Demetrius received the title of commander-in-chief
of all Greece {-nye/jLcuu rijs 'EXAaSos), the same
which had been formerly bestowed upon Philip
and Alexander. At Argos, where he made a con-
siderable stay, he married a third wife — Deida-
meia, sister of Pyrrhus, king of Epeirus — though
both Phila and Eurj'dice were still living. The
debaucheries in which he indulged during his stay
at Athens, where he again spent the following
winter, and even within the sacred precincts of
the Parthenon, where he was lodged, were such as
to excite general indignation ; but nothing could
exceed the meanness and servility of the Athenians
towards him, which was such as to provoke at once
his wonder and contempt. A curious monument
of their abject flattery remains to us in the Ithy-
phallic hymn preserved by Athenaeus (vi. p. 253).
All the laws were, at the same time, violated in
order to allow him to be initiated in the Eleusinian
mysteries. (Plut. Demetr. 23 — 27; Diod. xx. 100,
102, 103 ; Polyaen. iv. 7. §§ 3, 8 ; Athen. vi. p.
253, XV. p. 697.)

The next year (b. c. 302) he was opposed to
Cassander in Thessaly, but, though greatly supe-
rior in force, etfected "little beyond the reduction of

DEMETRIUS.

963

Pherae. This inactivity came at a critical time :
Cassjinder had .already concluded a league with
Lysimachus, who invaded Asia, while Seleucus
.idvanced from the East to co-operate with him.
Antigonus was obliged to summon Demetrius to
his support, who concluded a hasty treaty with
Cassander, and crossed over into Asia. The fol-
lowing year their combined forces were totally
defeated by those of Lysimachus and Seleucus in
the great battle of Ipsus, and Antigonus himself
slain, B. c. 301. (Diod. xx. 106—113; Plut. De-
metr. 28, 29.) Demetrius, to whose impetuosity
the loss of the battle would seem to be in great
measure owing, fled to Ephesus, and from thence
set s<iil for Athens : but the Athenians, on whose
devotion he had confidently reckoned, declined to re-
ceive him into their city, though they gave him up
his fleet, with which he withdrew to the Isthmus.
His fortunes were still by no means hopeless : he
was at the head of a powerful fleet, and still mas-
ter of Cyprus, as well as of Tyre and Sidon ; but
the jealousies of his enemies soon changed the face
of his affairs ; and Ptolemy having entered into a
closer union with Lysimachus, Seleucus was in-
duced to ask the hand of Stratonice, daughter of
Demetrius by his first wife, Phila. By this al-
liance Demetrius obtained the possession of Cilicia,
which he was allowed to wrest from the hands of
Pleistarchus, brother of Cassander ; but his refusal
to cede the important towns of Tyre and Sidon,
disturbed the harmony between him and Seleucus,
though it did not at the time lead to an open
breach. (Plut. Demetr. 30—33.)

We know nothing of the negotiations which
led to the conclusion of a treaty between Demetrius
and Ptolemy almost immediately after the alliance
between the former and Seleucus, but the effect of
these several treaties was the maintenance of
peace for a space of near four years. During this
interval Cassander was continually gaining ground
in Greece, where Demetrius had lost all his pos-
sessions; but in B. c. 297 he determined to re-
assert his supremacy there, and appeared with a
fleet on the coast of Attica. His efforts were at
first unsuccessful ; his fleet was wrecked, and he
himself badly wounded in an attempt upon Mes-
sene. But the death of Cassander gave a new
turn to affairs. Demetrius made himself master of
Aegina, Salamis, and other points around Athens,
and finally of that city itself, after a long blockade
which had reduced the inhabitants to the last
extremities of famine, (b. c. 295. Concerning
the chronology of these events compare Clinton,
F. H. ii. p. 178, with Droysen, Gesch. d. Nach-
folger, pp. 563 — 569, and Thirlwall's Greece., viii.
p. 5, not.) Lachares, who from a demagogue had
made himself tyrant of Athens, escaped to Thebes,
and Demetrius had the generosity to spare all the
other inhabitants. He, however, retained posses-
sion of Munychia and the Peiraeeus, and subse-
quently fortified and garrisoned the hill of the
Museum. (Plut. Demetr. 33, 34; Pans. i. 25.
§$ 7, 8.) His arms were next directed against
the Spartans, whom he defeated, and laid siege to
their city, which seemed on the point of falling
into his hands, when he was suddenly called away
by the state of affairs in Macedonia. Here the
dissensions between Antipater and Alexander, the
two sons of Cassander, had led the latter to call in
foreign aid to his support ; and he sent embassies
at once to Demetrius and to Pyrrhus, who had

3q2

964

DEMETRIUS.

been lately reinst.ited in his kingdom of Epeirus.
Pyrrhus was the nearest at hand, and had already
defeated Antipater and established Alexander on
the throne of Macedonia, when Demetrius, un-
willing to lose such an opportunity of aggrandize-
ment, arrived with his army. He was received
with apparent friendliness, but mutual jealousies
quickly arose. Demetrius was informed that the
young king had formed designs against his life,
which he anticipated by causing him to be assassi-
nated at a banquet. He was immediately after-
wards acknowledged as king by the Macedonian
array, and proceeded at their head to take posses-
sion of his new sovereignty, B. c. 294. (Plut.
Demetr. 35 — 37, Pyrrh. 6, 7 ; Jiistin. xvi. 1 ; Paus.
i. 10. § 1, ix. 7. §3 ; Euseb. Arm. p. IS.").)

While Demetrius had by this singular revolution
become possessed of a kingdom in Europe, he had
lost all his former possessions in Asia : Lysimachus,
Seleucus, and Ptolemy having taken advantage of
his absence in Greece to reduce Cilicia, Cyprus,
and the cities which he had held on the coasts of
Phoenicia and Asia Minor. He, however, con-
cluded a peace with Lysimachus, by which the
latter yielded to him the remaining portion of
Macedonia, and turned his whole attention to the
affairs of Greece. Here the Boeotians had taken
up arms, supported by the Spartans under Cleo-
nymus, but were soon defeated, and Thebes taken
after a short siege, but treated with mildness by
Demetrius. After his return to Macedonia he took
advantage of the absence of Lysimachus and his
captivity among the Getae to invade Thrace ; but
though he met with little opposition there, he was
recalled by the news of a fresh insurrection in
Boeotia. To this he speedily put an end, repulsed
Pyrrhus, who had attempted by invading Thessaly
to effect a diversion in favour of the Boeotians, and
again took Thebes after a siege protracted for
nearly a year. (b. c. 290.) He had again the
humanity to spare the city, and put to death only
thirteen (others say only ten) of the leaders of the
revolt. (Plut. Demetr. 39, 40 ; Diod. xxi. Exc.
10, Exc Vales, p. 560.) Pyrrhus was now one of
the most formidable enemies of Demetrius, and it
was against that prince and his allies the Aetolians
that he next directed his arms. But while he
himself invaded and ravaged Epeirus almost with-
out opposition, Pyrrhus gained a great victory over
his lieutenant Pantauchus in Aetolia ; and the
next year, Demetrius being confined by a severe
illness at Pella, Pyrrhus took advantage of the op-
portunity to overran a great part of Macedonia,
which he, however, lost again as quickly, the mo-
ment Demetrius was recovered. (Plut. Demetr.
41, 43, Pyrrh. 7, 10.)

It was about this time that Demetrius concluded
an alliance with Agathocles, king of Syracuse,
whose daughter Lanassa, the wife of Pyrrhus, had
previously surrendered to him the important island
of Corcyra. (Plut. Pyrrh. 1 1 ; Diod. xxi. Exc. 11.)
But it was towards the East that the views of
Demetrius were mainly directed : he aimed at
nothing less than recovering the whole of his
father's dominions in Asia, and now hastened to
conclude a peace with Pyrrhus, that he might con-
tinue his preparations uninterrupted. These were
on a most gigantic scale : if we may believe Plu-
tarch, he had assembled not less than 98,000
foot and near 12,000 horse, as well as a fleet of
500 ships, among which were some of 15 and 16

DEMETRIUS,
banks of oars. (Plut. Demetr. 43.) But before
he was readj' to take the field, his adversaries,
alarmed at his preparations, determined to forestall
him. In the spring of b. c. 287, Ptolemy sent a
powerful fleet against Greece, while Pyrrhus (not-
withstanding his recent treaty) on the one side
and Lysimachus on the other simultaneously in-
vaded Macedonia. But Demetrius's greatest danger
was from the disaffection of his own subjects,
whom he had completely alienated by his proud
and haughty beai'ing, and his lavish expenditure
on his own luxuries. He first marched against
Lysimachus, but alarmed at the growing discontent
among his troops, he suddenly returned to face
Pyrrhus, who had advanced as far as Beraea.
This was a most unfortunate step : Pyrrhus was
at this time the hero of the Macedonians, who no
sooner met him than they all declared in his favour,
and Demetrius was obliged to fly from his camp in
disguise, and with difficulty made his escape to
Cassandreia. (Plut. Denietr. 44, Pyrrh. 11 ; Jus-
tin, xvi. 2.) His affairs now appeared to be hope-
less, and even his wife Phila, who had frequently
supported and assisted him in his adversities, now
poisoned herself in despair. But Demetrius him-
self was far from desponding ; he was still master
of Thessaly and some other parts of Greece,
though Athens had again shaken off" his yoke : he
was able to raise a small fleet and army, with
which, leaving his son Antigonus to command in
Greece, he crossed over to Miletus. Here he was
received by Eurj'dice, wife of Ptolemy, whose
daughter Ptolemai's had been promised him in
marriage as early as b. c. 301, and their long de-
layed nuptials were now solemnized. Demetrius
at first obtained many successes ; but the advance
of Agathocles with a powerful army compelled him
to retire. He now threw himself boldly into the
interior of Asia, having conceived the daring pro-
ject of establishing himself in the eastern provinces
of Seleucus. But his troops refused to follow him.
He then passed over into Cilicia, and after various
negotiations with Seleucus, and having suffered
the greatest losses and privations from famine and
disease, he found himself abandoned by his troops
and even by his most faithful friends, and had no
choice but to surrender himself a prisoner to
Seleucus. (b. c. 286.) That king appears to have
been at first disposed to treat him with honour,
but took alarm at his popularity with the array,
and sent him as a prisoner to the Syrian Cherso-
nesus. Here he was confined at one of the royal
residences, where he had the liberty of hunting in
the adjoining park, and does not seera to have
been harshly treated. Seleucus even professed an
intention of restoring him to liberty, and indig-
nantly rejected the proposal of Lysimachus to put
him to death ; but the restless spirit of Demetrius
could ill brook confinement, and he gave himself
up without restraint to the pleasures of the table,
which brought on an illness that proved fatal. His
death took place in the third year of his imprison-
ment and the fifty-fifth of his age, B.c, 283. (Plut.
Demetr. 45 — 52 ; Polyaen. iv. 9 ; Diod. xxi. Exc.
Vales, p. 562.) His remains were sent by Seleucus
with all due honours to his son Antigonus, Avho
interred them at Demetrias in Thessaly, a city
which he had himself founded. (Plut. Demetr. 53.)
There can be no doubt that Demetrius was one
of the most remarkable characters of his age : in
restless activity of mind, fertility of resource, and

DEMETRIUS.

during promptitude in the execution of hia schemes,
he has perhaps never been surpassed ; but pros-
perity always proved fatal to him, and -he con-
sUintly lost by his luxury and voluptuousness the
advantages that he had gained by the vigour and
activity which adversity never failed to call forth.
His life was in consequence a continued succession
of rapid and striking vicissitudes of fortune. It
has been seen that he was guilty of some great
crimes, though on the whole he can be charged
perhaps with fewer than any one of his contempo-
raries ; and he shewed in several instances a degree
of humanity and generosity very rarely displayed
at that period. His besetting sin was his un-
bounded licentiousness, a vice in which, says
Plutarch, he surpassed all his contemporary mo-
narchs. Besides Lamia and his other mistresses,
he was regularly married to four wives, Phila,
Eurydice, Deidameia, and Ptolemais, by whom he
left four sons. The eldest of these, Antigonus
Gonatas, eventually succeeded him on the throne
of Macedonia.

According to Plutarch, Demetrius was remark-
able for his beauty and dignity of countenance, a
remark fully borne out by his portrait as it appears
upon his coins, one of which is annexed. On this
his head is represented with horns, in imitation of
Dionysus, the deity whom he particularly sought
to emulate. (Plut. Demetr. 2; Eckhel, ii. p.
122.)

DEMETRIUS.

965

Of his children two bore the same name : —

1. Demetrius, sumamed the Handsome {6
KaKoi), whom he had by Ptolemais, daughter
of Ptolemy Soter, and who was consequently
brother of Antigonus Gonatas. He was first mar-
ried to Olympias of Larissa, by whom he had a son
Antigonus, sumamed Doson, who afterwards suc-
ceeded to the throne of Macedonia. (Euseb. Arm.
i. p 161, fol. ed.) After the death of Magas, king
of Gyrene, his widow, Arsinoe, wishing to obtain
support against Ptolemy, sent to Macedonia to
offer the hand of her daughter Berenice, and with
it the kingdom of Gyrene, to Demetrius, who
readily embraced the offer, repaired immediately to
Gyrene, and established his power there without
opposition. How long he continued to hold it we
know not ; but he is said to have given general
offence by his haughty and impopular manners, and
carried on a criminal intercourse with his mother-
in-law, Arsinoe. This was deeply resented by
the young queen, Berenice, who caused him to be
assassinated in her mother's arms. (Justin, xxvi.
3 ; Euseb. Arm. i. pp. 157, 158 ; Niebuhr's Kleine,
Schri/len. p. 229 ; Droysen, Hellenism, ii. p. 292,
&c.) According to a probable conjecture of Droy-
ti«n's (ii. p. 215), it must have been this Deme-
trius, and not, as stated by Justin (xxvi. 2), the
Bon of Antigonus Gonatas, who defeated Alexander
of Epeirus when he invaded Macedonia.

2. Demetrius, sumamed the Thin (^ Xcittos),

whom he Ijad by an Illyrian woman, and of whom
nothing is known but his name mentioned by
Plutarch. (Plut. Demeir. 53.) [E. H. B.]

DEME'TRI US (Aij^rirpios) II., king of Macb.
DONiA, was the son of Antigonus Gonatas, and
succeeded his father in B. c. 239. According to
Justin (xxvi. 2), he had distinguished himself as
early as b. c. 266 or 265, by the defeat of Alexan-
der of Epeims, who had invaded the territories of
his father : but this statement is justly rejected by
Droysen {Hellenismus^ ii. p. 214) and Niebuhr
(Kleine Schrijl. p. 228) on account of his extreme
youth, as he could not at this time have been
above twelve years old. (See, however, Euseb.
Arm. i. p. 160; Thirl wall's Greece, vol. viii. p. 90.)
Of the events of his reign, which lasted ten years,
B. c. 239-229 (Polyb. ii. 44 ; Droysen, ii. p. 400,
not.), our knowledge is so imperfect, that very op-
posite opinions have been formed concerning his
character and abilities. He followed up the
policy of his father Antigonus, by cultivating
friendly relations with the tyrants of the different
cities in the Peloponnese, in opposition to the
Achaean league (Polyb. ii. 44), at the same time
that he engaged in war with the Aetolians, which
had the effect of throwing them into alliance with
the Achaeans. We know nothing of the details
of this war, which seems to have arisen for the
possession of Acamania ; but though Demetrius
appears to have obtained some successes, the Aeto-
lians on the whole gained ground during his reign.
He was assisted in it by the Boeotians, and at one
time also by Agron, king of lUyria. (Polyb. ii. 2.
46, XX. 5 ; Schorn, Gesch. Grieche7ilands, p. 88 ;
Droysen, ii. p. 440 ; Thirlwall's Greece, viii. pp.
118 — 125.) We learn also that he suffered a
great defeat from the Dardanians, a barbarian tribe
on the north-western frontier of Macedonia, but it
is quite uncertain to what period of his reign we
are to refer this event. (Prol, Trogi Pompeii, lib.
xxviii. ; Liv. xxxi. 28.) It was probably towards
the commencement of it that Olympias, the widow
of Alexander of Epeirus, in order to secure his
support, gave him in marriage her daughter Phthia
(Justin, xxviii. 1), notwithstanding which he ap-
pears to have taken no steps either to prevent or
avenge the death of Oljnnpias and her two sons.
Demetrius had previously been married to Strato-
nice, daughter of Antiochua Soter, who quitted
him in disgust on his second marriage with Phthia,
and retired to Syria. (Justin, /. c. ; Euseb. Arm.
i. p. 164; Joseph, c. Apion. i. 22; Niebuhr's
Kleine Schriften, p. 255.) [E. H. B.]

COIN OF DEMETRIUS II.

DEMETRIUS (ATi^uTfrpjos), a Greek of the
island of Pharos in the Adriatic. He was in the
service of the Illyrians at the time that war first
broke out between them and Rome, and held
Corcyra for the Illyrian queen Teuta ; but treach-
erously surrendered it to the Roman fleet, and<
became a guide and active ally to the consuls in
all their subsequent operations. (Polyb. ii. 11.)
His services were rewarded, after the defeat and

966

DEMETRIUS.

submission of Teiita, with a great part of her do-
minions, though the Romans seem never to have
thoroughly trusted him. (Polyb. I. c. ; Appian,
lUyr. c. 8.) He afterwards entered into alliance
■with Antigonus Doson, king of Macedonia, and
assisted him in the war against Cleomenes. (Polyb.
ii. 65, iii. 1 6.) Thinking that he had thus secured
the powerful support of Macedonia, and that the
Romans were too much occupied with the Gallic
wars, and the danger impending from Hannibal, to
punish his breach of faith, he ventured on many
acts of piratical hostility. The Romans, however,
immediately sent the consul L. Aemilius Paullus
over to lUyria (b. c. 219), who quickly reduced all
his strongholds, took Pharos itself, and obliged
Demetrius to fly for refuge to Philip, king of
Macedonia. (Polyb. iii. 16, 18, 19; Appian,
Illyr. 8 ; Zonar. viii. 20.) At the court of this
prince he spent the remainder of his life, and be-
came his chief adviser. The Romans in vain sent
an embassy to the Macedonian king to demand his
surrender (Liv. xxii. 33) ; and it was at his insti-
gation that Philip determined, after the battle of
Thrasymene, to conclude an alliance with Han-
nibal and make war upon the Romans. (Polyb.
v. 101, 105, 108; Justin, xxix. 2.) Demetrius
was a man of a daring character, but presumptuous
and deficient in judgment ; and while supporting
the cause of Philip in Greece, he was led to engage
in a rash attempt to take the fortress of Ithome by
a sudden assault, in which he himself perished.
(Polyb. iii. 19.) Polybius ascribes most of the
violent and unjust proceedings of Philip in Greece
to the advice and iiilluence of Demetrius, who ap-
pears to have been a man of much ability, but
wholly regardless of faith and justice. (Polvb.
vii. 11, 13, 14.) [E. H. B.]

DEME'TRIUS (Aij/iTfrptos), younger son of
Philip V., king of Macedonia, but his only son by
his legitimate wife, the elder brother Perseus being
the son of a concubine. (Liv. xxxix. 53.) After
the battle of CjTioscephalae, Philip was obliged to
give up Demetrius, then very young, to Flamininus
as a hostage, and he was subsequently sent to
Rome in the same capacity, B. c. 198. (Liv.
xxxiii. 13, 30, xxxiv. 52; Polyb. xviii. 22.) Five
years afterwards he was honourably restored to his
father, Philip having at this time obtained the
favour of Rome by his services in the war against
Antiochus. (Liv. xxxvi. 35; Polyb. xx. 13;
Zonar. ix. 19.) But this did not last long, and
Philip finding himself assailed on all sides by the
machinations of Rome, and her intrigues among
his neighbours, determined to try and avert, or at
least delay, the impending stonn, by sending De-
metrius, who during his residence at Rome had
obtained the highest favour, as his ambassador to
the senate. The young prince was most favourably
received, and returned with the answer, that the
Romans were willing to excuse all the past, out of
good-will to Demetrius, and from their confidence
in his friendly dispositions towards them. (Liv.
xxxix. 34, 47; Polyb. xxiii. 14, xxiv. 1 — 3;
Justin, xxxii. 2.) But the favour thus shewn to
Demetrius had the effect (as was doubtless the de-
sign of the senate) of exciting against him the
jealousy of Philip, and in a still higher degree that
of Perseus, who suspected his brother, perhaps not
'without cause, of intending to supplant him on the
throne after his father's death, by the assistance of
the Romans. Perseus therefore endeavoured to

DEMETRIUS.

effect his ruin by his intrigues ; and having failed
in accomplishing this by accusing him falsely of an
attempt upon his life, he suborned Didas, one of
Philip's generals, to accuse Demetrius of holding
treasonable correspondence with the Romans, and
of intending to escape to them. A forged letter,
pretending to be from Flamininus, appeai-ed to con-
firm the charge ; and Philip was induced to consign
him to the custody of Didas, by whom he was
secretly put to death, as it was supposed, by his
father's order. (Liv. xxxix. 53, xl. 4 — 15, 20 —
24; Polyb. xxiv. 7, 8; Justin, xxxii. 2; Zonar.
ix. 22.) Demetrius was in his 26th year at the
time of his death ; he is represented by Livy as a
very amiable and accomplished young man ; but it
may well be doubted whether he was altogether so
innocent as he appears in that author's eloquent
narrative. (See Niebulir's Lect. on Roman His-
tory, vol. i. p. 272, ed. by Dr. Schmitz. [E. H. B.]
DEME'TRIUS POLIORCE'TES. [Demb-

TRIUS I., KING OF MACEDONIA.]

DEME'TRIUS (ATjAirirptos) I., king of Syria,
surnamed Soter (SwttJp), was the son of Seleucus
IV. (Philopator) and grandson of Antiochus the
Great. While yet a child, he had been sent to
Rome by his father as a hostage, and remained
there during the whole of the reign of Antiochus
Epiphanes. He there formed an intimacy with
the historian Polybius. After the death of
Antiochus, being now 23 years old, he demanded
of the senate to be set at liberty and allowed to
occupy the throne of Syria in preference to his
cousin, Antiochus Eupator. His request however
having been repeatedly refused by the senate, he
fled secretly from Rome, by the advice and with
the connivance of Polybius, and landed with a
few followers at Tripolis in Phoenicia. The Sy-
rians immediately declared in his favour ; and the
boy Antiochus with his tutor Lysias were seized
by their own guards and put to death. (Polyb.
xxxi. 12, 19 — 23; Appian, Syr. 46, 47; Justin,
xxxiv. 3; Liv. Epil. xlvi. ; Euseb. Arm. p. 166,
fol. edit.; 1 Mace. vii. ; Zonar. ix. 25.) As soon
as he had established himself in the kingdom, De-
metrius immediately sought to conciliate the favour
of the Romans by sending them an embassy with
valuable presents, and surrendering to them Lep-
tines, who in the preceding reign had assassinated
the Roman envoy, Cn. Octavius. Having thus
succeeded in procuring his recognition as king, he
appears to have thought that he might regulate at
his pleasure the aflxiirs of the East, and expelled
Heracleides from Babylon, where as satrap he had
made himself highly unpopular; for which service
Demetrius first obtained from the Babylonians the
title of Soter (Polyb. xxxii. 4, 6 ; Diod. Exc. Leg.
xxxi. ; Appian, Syr. 47.) His measures against
the Jews quickly drove them to take up arms
again under Judas Maccabaeus, who defeated Ni-
canor, the general of Demetrius, and concluded an
alliance with the Romans, by which they declared
the independence of Judaea, and forbade Deme-
trius to oppress them. (Joseph. Ant. xii. 10;
1 Mace. vii. viii.) He further incurred the enmity
of the Romans by expelling Ariarathes from Cap-
padocia, in order to substitute a creature of his
own : the Roman senate espoused the cause of
Ariarathes, and immediately restored him. (Polyb.
xxxii. 20; Appian, Syr. 47; Liv. EpU. xlvii. ;
Justin, XXXV. 1.)

While Demetrius was thus surrounded on all

DEMETRIUS.

sMos by enemies, his own sulijects at Antioch
were coni])lc'tely alienated from liim by liis luxury
and intemperance. In this state of things, Hera-
cleidos, whom he had expelled from Babylon, set
up njjainst him an impostor of the name of Balas,
who took the title of Alexander, and pretended to
be the son of Antiochus Epiphanes. This compe-
titor appears to have been at first unsuccessful ;
but, having obtained the powerful protection of
Rome, he was supported also with large forces by
Attiilus, king of PergJimus, Ariarathes, king of
Cappadocia, and Ptolemy Philometor, as well as
by the Jews under Jonathan Maccabaeus. Deme-
trius met him in a pitched battle, in which he is
said to have displayed the utmost personal valour,
but was ultimately defeated and slain. (Polyb.
xxxiii. 14, IG ; Appian, Sr/r. 67; Diodor. Exc.
Vales, xxxiii.; Justin, xxxv. 1 ; Joseph. Atit. xiii.
2; 1 ^facc. x. ; Euseb. Arm. p. 166.) Deme-
trius died in the year B. c. 150, having reigned
between eleven and twelve years. (Clinton, F. H.
iii. p. ?,'2Z ; Polyb. iii. 5.) He left two sons, De-
nuitrius, surnamed Nicator, and Antiochus, called
Sidetes, both of whom subsequently ascended the
throne. [E. H. B.]

COIN OF DEMETRIUS I.

DEME'TRIUS (Atjaitjtpios) II., king of Syria,
surnamed Nicator {^iKarwp), was the son of
Demetrius Soter. He had been sent by his father
for safety to Cnidus, when Alexander Balas in-
vaded Syria, and thus escaped falling into the
hands of that usurper. After the "death of his
father he continued in exile for some years ; but
the vicious and feeble character of Balas having
rendered him generally odious to his subjects, De-
metrius detennined to attempt the recovery of his
kingdom, and assembled a body of mercenaries
from Crete, with which he landed in Cilicia, b. c.
148 or 147. Ptolemy Philometor, who was at
the time in the southern provinces of Syria with
an army, immediately declared in his favour, and
agreed to give him his daughter Cleopatra, who
had been previously married to the usurper Balas,
for his wife. With their combined forces they
took possession of Antioch, and Alexander, who
had retired to Cilicia, having returned to attack
them, was totally defeated at the river Oenoparas.
Ptolemy died of the injuries received in the
battle, and Balas, having fled for refuge to
Abae in Arabia, was murdered by his followers.
(Justin, xxxv. 2 ; Liv. Epit. Hi. ; Diod. Exc.
Photii, xxxii. ; Appian, Syr. 67 ; Joseph. Ant.
xiii. 4; 1 Mace. x. xi.) For this victory
Demetrius obtained the title of Nicator; and now
deeming himself secure both from Egypt and the
usurper, he abandoned himself to the grossest
vices, and by his excessive cruelties alienated the
minds of his subjects, at the same time that he
estranged the soldiery by dismissing all his troops
except a body of Cretau mercenaries. This cou-

DEMETRIUS. 967

duct emboldened one Diodotus, surnamed Tryphon,
to set up Antiochus, the infant son of Alexander
Balas, as a pretender against him. Tryphon ob-
tciined the powerful support of Jonathan Macca*
baeus, and succeeded in establishing his power
firmly in a great part of Syria, and even in m.aking
himself master of Antioch. Demetrius, whether
despairing of recovering these provinces, or desir-
ous of collecting larger forces to enable him to do
so, retired to Seleucia and Babylon, and from
thence was led to engage in an expedition against
the Parthians, in which, after various successes, he
was defeated by stratagem, his whole array de-
stroyed, and he himself taken prisoner, b. c. 138.
(Justin, xxxvi. 1, xxxviii. 9 ; Liv. Epit. Iii. ;• Ap-
pian, Syr. 67 ; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 5 ; 1 Mace. xi.
xiv.)

According to Appian and Justin it would appear
that the revolt of Tryphon did not take place till
after the captivity of Demetrius, but the true
sequence of events is undoubtedly that given in the
book of the Maccabees. He was, however, kindly
treated by the Parthian king Mithridates (Arsaces
VI.), who though he sent him into Hyrcania,
allowed him to live there in regal splendour, and
even gave him his daughter Rhodogune in mar-
riage. After the death of Mithridates he made
various attempts to escape, but notwithstanding
these was still liberally treated by Phraates, the
successor of Mithridates. Meanwhile his brother,
Antiochus Sidetes, having overthrown the usurper
Tryphon and firmly established himself on the
throne, engaged in war with Parthia, in conse-
quence of which Phraates brought forward Deme-
trius, and sent him into Syria to operate a diversion
against his brother. This succeeded better than
the Parthian king had anticipated, and Antiochus
having fallen in battle, Demetrius was able to re-
establish himself on the throne of Syria, after a
captivity of ten years, and to maintain himself there
in spite of Phraates, B. c. 128. (Justin, xxxviii.
9, 10; Euseb. Arm. p. 167; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 8.
§ 4.) He even deemed himself strong enough to
engage in an expedition against Egypt, but was
compelled to abandon it by the general disaffection
both of his soldiers and subjects. Ptolemy Physcon
took advantage of this to set up against him the
pretender Alexander Zebina, by whom he was de-
feated and compelled to fly. His wife Cleopatra,
who could not forgive hira his marriage with
Rhodogune in Parthia, refused to afford him refuge
at Ptolemais, and he fled to Tyre, where he was
assassinated while endeavouring to make his escape
by sea, b. c. 125. (Justin, xxxix. 1 ; Joseph, ^w^. xiii.
9. § 3, Euseb. Arm. p. 168; Clinton,/'; H. iii. pp.
333-5.) According to Appian {Syr. 68) and Livy
{Epit. Ix.), he was put to death by h'is wife Cleopatra.
He left two sons, Seleucus, who was assassinated
by order of Cleopatra, and Antiochus, surnamed

lOlN OF DKMKTAIUS II.

968

DEMETRIUS.

GrypuB. Demetrius II. bears on his coins, in
addition to the title of Nicator, those of Theos
Philadelphus. From the dates on them it appears
that some must have been struck during his cap-
tivity, as well as both before and after. This ac-
cords also with the difference in the style of the
portrait : those struck previous to his captivity
having a youthful and beardless head, while the
coins subsequent to that event present his portrait
with a long beard, after the Parthian fashion.
(Eckhel, iii. pp. 229-31.) [E. H. B.]

DEMETRIUS (Arj/i7fTptos)III., king of Syria,
sumamed Eucaerus, was the fourth son of An-
tiochus Grypus, and grandson of Demetrius II.
During the civil wars that followed the death of
Antiochus Grypus, Demetrius was set up as
king of Damascus or Coele Syria, by the aid of
Ptolemy Lathurus, king of Cyprus ; and after the
death of Antiochus Eusebes, he and his brother
Philip for a time held the whole of Syria. (Joseph.
Ant. xiii. 13. <S 4.) His assistance was invoked by
the Jews against the tyranny of Alexander Jan-
naeus; but though he defeated that prince in a
pitched battle, he did not follow up his victory,
but withdrew to Beroea. War immediately broke
out between him and his brother Philip, and
Straton, the governor of Beroea, who supported
Philip, having obtained assistance from the Ara-
bians and Parthians, blockaded Demetrius in his
camp, until he was compelled by famine to sur-
render at discretion. He was sent as a prisoner to
Mithridates, king of Parthia (Arsaces IX.), who
detained him in an honourable captivity till his
death. (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 14.) The coins of
this prince are important as fixing the chronology of
his reign; they bear dates from the year 218 to
224 of the era of the Seleucidae, i. e. b. c. 94 — 88.
The surname Eucaerus is not found on these coins,
some of which bear the titles Theos Philopator and
Soter ; others again Philometor Euergetes Callini-
cus. (Eckhel, iii. pp. 245-6.) [E. H. B.]

COIN OF DEMETRIUS III.

DEMETRIUS (AwT/JTpios), literary. The
number of ancient authors of this name, as enume-
rated by Fabricius (Bibl. Gr. xi. p. 413, &c.),
amounts to nearly one hundred, twenty of whom
are recounted by Diogenes Laertius. We subjoin
a list of those who are mentioned by ancient au-
thors, and exclude those who are unknown except
from unpublished MSS. scattered about in various
libraries of Europe.

1. Of Adramyttium, sumamed Ixiox, which
surname is traced to various causes, among which
we may mention, that he was said to have committed
a robbery in the temple of Hera at Alexandria.
(Suidas, s.v. Arf/xi^Tpios ; Diog, Laei*t. v. 84.) He
was a Greek grammarian of the time of Augustus,
and lived partly at Pergaraus and partly at Alex-
andria, where he belonged to the critical school of
Aristarchus. He is mentioned as the author of
the following works : 1 . 'E^TJyncris ets "Ofirjpov,
■which is often referred to. (Suid. /, c. ; Eudoc. p.
132; Schol. Venet. ad 11, i. 424, iii. 18, vi. 437 ;

DEMETRIUS.
Villoison, Proleg. ad ApoUon. Lex. p. 27.) 2.
'E|r{777o-is ets 'Wffiobov. (Suidas.) 3. 'Etu/xoAo-
yovfi-eva or 'ETv/j-uXoyia. (Athen. ii. p. 50, iii. p.
64.) 4. Uep] TTJs 'AXe^avSptuv SiaXcKTov. (Athen.
ix. p. 393.) 5. 'AttikoI -yXwaaai, of which a few
fragments are still extant, {^c\\o\. ad Aristoph. Av.
1568, Ran. 78, 186, 310, 1001, 1021, 1227.)
6. On the Greek verbs terminating in fit. (Suidas.)

2. Of Alexandria, a Cynic philosopher, and
a disciple of Theombrotus. (Diog. Laert. v. 95.)

3. Of Alexandria, a Peripatetic philosopher.
(Diog. Laert, v. 84.) There is a work entitled v^pl
fpfirjvdas, which has come down to us under the
name of Demetrius Phalereus, which however, for
various reasons, cannot be his production : writers
of a later age (see e.g. §§ 76, 231, 246, 308) are
referred to in it, and there are also words and ex-
pressions which prove it to be a later work. Most
critics are therefore inclined to ascribe it to our
Demetrius of Alexandria. It is written with
considerable taste, and with reference to the
best authors, and is a rich source of information
on the main points of oratory. If the work is
the production of our Demetrius, who is known
to have written on oratory (rex""' pTjTopiKai,
Diog. Laert. /. c), it must have been written in
the time of the Antonines. It was first printed in
Aldus's Rhetores Graeci^ i. p. 573, &c. Separate
modem editions were made by J. G. Schneider,
Altenburg, 1779, 8vo., and Fr. Goller, Lips, 1837,
8vo. The best critical text is that in Walz's RJie-
tor. Grace, vol. ix. init., who has prefixed valuable
prolegomena.

4. Of AsPKNDUS, a Peripatetic philosopher, and
a disciple of ApoUonius of Soli. (Diog. Laert. v. 83.)

5. Of BiTHYNiA. See below.

6. Of Byzantium, a Greek historian, was the
author of two works (Diog. Laert. v. 83), the one
containing an account of the migration of the Gauls
from Europe to Asia, in thirteen books, and the
other a history of Ptolemy Philadelphus and Anti-
ochus Soter, and of their administration of Libya.
From the contents of these works we may infer,
with some probability, that Demetrius lived either
shortly after or during the reign of those kings,
under whom the migration of the Gauls took place,
in B. c. 279. (Schmidt, de Fotdibus Veterum in
cnarrand. Erped. Gallorum., p. 14, &c.)

7. Of Byzantium, a Peripatetic philosopher
(Diog. Laert. v. 83), who is probably the same as
the Demetrius (Id, ii. 20) beloved and instructed
by Crito, and wrote a work which is sometimes
called irept TronjTwi/, and sometimes repl TrotTjjuarwi'
(unless they were different works), the fourth book
of which is quoted by Athenaeus (x. p. 452, comp.
xii. p. 548, xiv. p. 633). This is the only work
mentioned by ancient writers ; but, besides some
fragments of this, there have been discovered at
Hcrculaneum fragments of two other works, viz.
irepX Tivwv (rv^r]Tr]d4vTwu diairav, and rrepl to?
Ilo\vaipov dnopias. {Volum. Hei-culan. i, p. 106,
&c., ed, Oxford.) It is further not impossible that
tliis philosopher may be the same as the one who
tried to dissuade Cato at Utica from committing
suicide. (Plut. Cut. Min. 65.)

8. Sumamed Callatianus. [Callatianus.]

9. Chomatiaxus. [Chomatianus.1

10. Chrysoloras. [Chrysoloras.]

11. Sumamed Chytras, a Cynic philosopher at
Alexandria, in the reign of Constantius, who, sus-
pecting him guilty of forbidden practices, ordered

DEMETRIUS.

him to be tortured. The Cynic bore the pain in-
flicted on him as a tnie philosopher, and was after-
wards set free again. (Ammian. Marc. xix. 12.)
He is probably the same as the person mentioned
by the emperor Julian {Orat. vii.) by the name of
Chytron. (Vales, ad Ammian. Marc. I. c.)

12. Of Cnidus, apparently a mythographer, is
referred to by the Scholiast on ApoUonius Rhodiua
(i. 1165).

i;i. Comic Pobt. See below.

14. Sumamed Cydonius, which surname was
probably derived from his living at Cydone (Ku-
htivr)) in Crete (Cantacuz. iv. 16, 39), for he was
a native either of Thessalonica or of Byzantium.
(Volaterran. Comment. Urh. xv. ; Allatius, de Con-
sensu., p. 856.) He flourished during the latter
half of the fourteenth century. The emperor Jo-
annes Cantacuzenus was much attached to him,
and raised him to high offices at his court. When
the emperor began to meditate upon embracing the
monastic life, Demetrius joined him in his design,
and in a. d. 1355 both entered the same monas-
tery. Afterwards Demetrius for a time left his coun-
try, and went to Milan, where he devoted himself
to the study of Latin and theology. He died in a
monastery of Crete, but was still alive in a. d. 1 384,
when flannel Palaeologus succeeded to the throne,
for we still possess a letter addressed by Demetrius
to the emperor on his accession. Demetrius is the
author of a considerable number of theological
and other works, many of which have not yet
been published, and he also translated several
works from the Latin into Greek, The following
are the most important among the works which
have appeared in print : 1. Two Epistles addressed
to Nicephorus Gregoras and Philotheus. They
are prefixed to J. Boivin's edition of Nicephorus
Gregoras, Paris, 1702, fol. 2. Afonodia, that is,
lamentations on those who had fallen at Thessalo-
nica during the disturbances of 1343. It is printed
in Combefisius's edition of Theophanes, Paris, 1586,
foL p. 385, &c. 3. 'SiVfi§ov\€VTiK6s, that is, an
oration addressed to the Greeks, in which he gives
them his advice as to how the danger which threat-
ened them from the Turks might be averted. It
is printed in Combefisius's Auctar. Nov. ii. p. 1221,
&c. 4. On Callipolis, which Demetrius advised
the Greeks not to surrender to sultan Miirat, who
made its surrender the condition of peace. Com-
befisius, Auctar. Nov. ii. p. 1284, &c. 5. Ilepl tow
KaTouppovitv Tov ^ava76v^ was first edited by R.
Seller, Basel, 1553, and last and best by Kuinoel,
Leipzig, 1786, 8vo. 6. An Epistle to Barlaam, on
the procession of the Holy Ghost, is printed in Ca-
nisius, Lect. Antiq. vol. vi. p. 4, &c., ed. Ingolstadt,
1604. 7. A work against Gregorius Palama, was
first edited by P. Arcudius in his Opuscula Aurea
Theol. Gr. (Rome, 1630, 4to., and reprinted in
1671), which also contain — 8. A work against
Max. Planudes. (Wharton, Append, to Cave's
Ilistor. Lit. vol. i. p. 47, &c. ; Cave, vol. i. p. 510,
ed. Lond. 1688 ; Fabric. Bibl. Gr. xi. p. 398, &c)

15. Of Cyrene, sumamed Stamnus (^ro^rn'oy),
whom Diogenes Laertius (v. 84) calls a remarkable
man, but of whom nothing further is known.

16. Of Carthage, a rhetorician, who lived
previous to the time of Thrasymachus. (Diog.
Laert. v. 83.)

17. Metropolitan of Cyzicus, and sumamed
Syncellus. He is mentioned by JoanneB Scy-
litza and Georgius Cedrenus in the introductions

DEMETRIUS.

999

to their works, from which we may infer, that
he lived about the middle of the eleventh cen-
tury after Christ. He wrote an exposition of the
heresy of the Jacobites and Chatzitzarians, which
is printed with a Latin translation in Combefisius.
{Auctarium Nov. ii. p. 261.) Another work on
prohibited marriages is printed in Leunclavius.
{Jus Graeco-Rom. iv. p. 392.) Some works of his
are still extant in MS. in the libraries of Paris,
Rome, and Milan. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. xi. p. 414.)

18. An KPic poet, of whom, in the time of Dio-
genes Laertius (v. 85), nothing was extant except
three verses on envious persons, which are still pre-
served. They are quoted by Suidas also (s. v. <pQovii)
without the author's name.

19. An Epicurean philosopher, and a disciple
of Protarchus, was a native of Laconia. (Diog.
Laert. x. 26 ; Strab. xiv. p. 658 ; Sext. Empir.
Pyrrhon. Hypoth. § 137, with the note of Fabric.)

20. Of Erythrae, a Greek poet, whom Dio-
genes Laertius (v. 85) calls a iroiKiKoypdipos 6.v-
dpanros, and who also wrote historical and rheto-
rical works. He seems to have been a contemporary
of the grammarian Tyrannion, whom he opposed.
(Suid. s.v. Tvpavviwp.)

21. Of Erythrae, a Greek grammarian, who
obtained the civic franchise in Temnus. (Diog.
Laert. v. 84.)

22. Sumamed roj^Treo-os, is mentioned among
the grammarians who wrote on the Homeric poems.
(Schol. Venet. ad Horn. 11. viii. 233, xiii, 137.)

23. Of Ilium, wrote a history of Troy, which
is referred to by Eustathius {ad Horn. Od. xi. p.
452) and Eudocia (p. 128).

24. The author of a work on the kings of the
Jews, from which a statement respecting the cap-
tivity of the Jews is quoted. (Hieronym. CatcU.
III. Script. 38 ; Clem. Alex. Strom, i. p. 146.)

25. Of Magnesia, a Greek grammarian, a con-
temporary of Cicero and Atticus. (Cic. ad Att.
viii. 11, iv. 11.) He had, in Cicero's recollec-
tion, sent Atticus a work of his on concord, irepi
o/xovoiaSf which Cicero also was anxious to read.
A second work of his, which is often referred
to, was of an historical and philological nature,
and treated of poets and other authors who bore
the same name. (Hept ojjlmvvhwv ttoititcSu Koi
(Tvyypacpeuv ; Diog. Laert. i. 38, 79, 112, ii. 52,
56, V. 3, 75, 89, vi. 79, 84, 88, vii. 169, 185,
viii. 84, ix. 15, 27, 35, x. 13; Plut. Vit. X Orat.
pp. 844, b., 847, a., Demosth. 15, 27, 28, 30;
Harpocrat. s. v. 'Itrotby, and many other passages ;
Athen. xiii. p. 611 ; Dionys. Deinarch. 1.)
This important work, to judge from what is quoted
from it, contained the lives of the persons treated
of, and a critical examination of their merits.

26. Sumamed Moschus, a Greek grammarian,
who is the author of the argumentura to the Atfli/co,
which bear the name of Orpheus. It is said, that
there are also glosses by him upon the same poem
in MS. at Paris. He lived in the 1 5th century of
our aera. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. xi. p. 418.)

27. Of Odessa, is mentioned as the author of a
work on his native city. (Steph. Byz.s. v. 'OSTj(r<roy.)

28. Phalereus, the most distinguished
among all the literary persons of this name. He
was at once an orator, a statesman, a philoso-
pher, and a poet. His sumame Phalereus is given
him from his birthplace, the Attic demos of Phale-
ms, where he was bom about 01. 108 or 109,
B. c. 345. He was the sou of Phiuiostratus, u

970

DEMETRIUS.

man without rank or property (Diog. Laert. v. 75 ;
Aelian, V. II. xii. 43); but notwithstanding this,
he rose to the highest honours at Athens through
his great natural powers and his perseverance. He
was educated, together with the poet Menander,
in the school of Theophrastus. He began his pub-
lic career about B. c. 325, at the time of the dis-
putes respecting Harpalus, and soon acquired a great
reputation by the talent he displayed in public
speaking. He belonged to the party of Phocion ;
and as he acted completely in the spirit of that
statesman, Cassander, after the death of Phocion
in B. c, 317, placed Demetrius at the head of the
administration of Athens. He filled this office for
ten years in such a manner, that the Athenians
in their gratitude conferred upon him the most
extraordinary distinctions, and no less than 360
stjitues were erected to him. (Diog. Laert. I. c;
Diod. xix. 78 ; Com. Nep. Miliiad. 6.) Cicero
says of his administration, "Atheniensium rem
publicam exsanguem jam et jacentem sustentavit."
{De Re Puhl. ii. 1.) But during the latter period
of his administration he seems to have become
intoxicated with his extraordinary good fortune, and
he abandoned himself to every kind of dissipation.
( Athen. vi. p. 272, xii. p. 542 ; Aelian, V. II. ix. 9,
where the name of Demetrius Poliorcetes is a mis-
take for Demetrius Phalereus ; Polyb. xii. 13.) This
conduct called forth a party of mjdcontents, whose
exertions and intrigues were crowned in b. c. 307,
on the approach of Demetrius Poliorcetes to Athens,
when Demetrius Phalereus was obliged to take
to flight. (Plut. Demct. 8 ; Dionys. Deinarch. 3.)
His enemies even contrived to induce the people of
Athens to pass sentence of death upon him, in
consequence of which his friend Menander nearly
fell a victim. All his statues, with the exception
of one, were demolished. Demetrius Phalereus
first went to Thebes (Pint, Demetr. 9; Diod. xx.
45), and thence to the court of Ptolemy Lagi at
Alexandria, with whom he lived for many years
on the best terms, and who is even said to have
entrusted to him the revision of the laws of his
kingdom. (Aelian, V. II. iii. 17.) During his stay
at Alexandria, he devoted himself mainly to lite-
rary pursuits, ever cherishing the recollection of
his own country. (Plut. deExU. p. 602, f.) The
successor of Ptolemy Lagi, however, was hostile
towards Demetrius, probably for having advised
his father to appoint another of his sons as his
successor, and Demetrius was sent into exile to
Upper Egypt, where he is said to have died of the
bite of a snake. (Diog. Laert. v. 78 ; Cic. pro Ra-
bir. Post. 9.) His death appears to have taken
place soon after the year b. c. 283.

Demetrius Phalereus was the last among the
Attic orators worthy of the name (Cic. Brut. 8 ;
Quintil. X. 1. § 80), and his orations bore evident
marks of the decline of oratory, for they did not
possess the sublimity which characterizes those of
Demosthenes : those of Demetrius were soft, insi-
nuating, and rather effeminate, and his style was
graceful, elegant, and blooming (Cic. Brut. 9, 82,
deOrat. ii. 23, Orat. 27; Quintil. x. 1. § 33); but
he maintained withal a happy medium between
the sublime grandeur of Demosthenes, and the
flourishing declamations of his successors. His
numerous writings, the greater part of which
he probably composed during his residence in
Eirypt (Cic. dc Fin. v. 9), embraced subjects of the
moit varied kinds, and the list of them given by

DEMETRIUS.

Diogenes Laertius (v. 80, &c.) shews that he was
a man of the most extensive acquirements. These
works, which were partly historical, partly politi-
cal, partly philosophical, and partly poetical, have
all perished. The work on elocution {irepl 4pfJ.7}-
veias) which has come down imder his name, is
probably the work of an Alexandrian sophist of the
name of Demetrius. [See above, No. 3.] It is said
that A. Mai has discovered in a Vatican palimpsest
some genuine fragments of Demetrius Phalereus.
For a list of his works see Diogenes Laertius, who
has devoted a chapter to hhn. (v. 5.) His literary
merits are not confined to what he wrote, for he
was a man of a practical turn of mind, and not a
mere schokr of the closet ; whatever he learned or
knew was applied to the practical business of life,
of which the following facts are illustrations. The
performance of tragedy had greatly fallen into dis-
use at that time at Athens, on account of the great
expenses involved in it ; and in order to afford the
people less costly and yet intellectual amusement,
he caused the Homeric and other poems to be re-
cited on the stage by rhapsodists. (Athen. xiv.
p. 620; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1473.) It is also
believed that it was owing to his influence with
Ptolemy Lagi that books were collected at Alex-
andria, and that he thus laid the foundation of the
library which was formed under Ptolemy Phila-
delphus. There is, however, no reason whatever
for calling him the first in the series of librarians
at Alexandria, any more than there is for the be-
lief that he took part in the Greek translation of
the Septuagint. A life of Demetrius Phalereus
was written by Asclepiadas (Athen. xiii. p. 567),
but it is lost. Among the modern works upon
him and his merits, see Bonamy, in the Memoires
de PAcad. des Inscript. vol. viii. p. 157, &c. ; H.
Dohm, De Vita et Rebus Demetrii Fhalerei, Kiel,
1825, 4to. ; Parthey, Das Alenamlr. Museum, pp.
35, &c., 38, &c, 71 ; RitschI, Die Alexand. BiU-
liotk p. 15.

29. A Platonic philosopher who lived in the
reign of Ptolemy Dionysus, about b. c. 85. (Lucian,
de Calumn. 16.) He was opposed to the extra-
vagant luxuries of the court of Ptolemy, and was
charged with drinking water and not appearing in
woman's dress at the Dionysia. He was punished
by being compelled publicly to drink a quantity of
wine and to appear in woman's clothes. He is pro-
bably the same as the Demetrius mentioned by M,
Aurelius Antoninus (viii. 25), whom Gataker con-
founds with Demetrius Phalereus.

30. Sumamed Pugil, a Greek grammarian, is
mentioned as the author of a work xepl StaAe'/croy
(Etymol. JNIagn. s. v. fxcoXo}-^), and seems also to
have written on Homer. (Apollon. Soph. s. v.
OTrafo/xej/oy.)

31. Of Sagalassus, the author of a work en-
titled UapdoutKiKd. (Lucian, de Hist. Conscrib. 32.)

32. Of Salamis, wrote a work on the island of
Cyprus. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Kapiraaia.)

33. Of Scepsis, was a Greek grammarian of
the time of Aristarchus and Crates. (Strab. xiii.
p. 609.) He was a man of good family and an
acute philologer. (Diog. Laert. v. 84.) He was
the author of a veiy extensive work which is
very often refen-ed to, and bore the title TpwiKos
SiaKoa/xos. It consisted of at least twenty-six
books. (Strab. xiii. p. 603 and passim ; Athen. iii.
pp. 80, 91 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. ^(AiVSto^,) This
work was an historical and geographicid common-

DEMETRIUS.

tiry on that part of the second book of the Iliad
in which the forces of the Trojans are enumerated.
(Coinp. Ilarpocrat. s. rt?. 'ASpctoretov, ^vpywviScu ;
Schol. ad AjHjllon. lihod. i. 112:3, 1165.) He is
sometimes simply called the Scepsian (Strab. ix.
pp. 43», 439, X. pp. 456, 472, 473, 489), and
sometimes simply Demetrius. (Strab. xii. pp.551,
552, xiii. pp. 596, 600, 602.) The numerous other
passages in which Demetrius of Scepsis is men-
tioned or quoted, are collected by Westennann on
Vossins, De Ilkt. Graec. p. 179, &c.

34. Of Smyrna, a Greek rhetorician of uncer-
tain date. (Diog. Latirt. v. 84.)

35. Of SuNiUM, a Cynic philosopher, was
ediiciited in the school of the sophist Rhodius,
and was an intimate friend of the physician Anti-
philus. He is said to have travelled up the
Nile for the purpose of seeing the pyramids and
tlie statue of Memnon. (Lucian, Toxar. '21^ adv.
Indoct. 19.) He appears, however, to have spent
some part of his life at Corinth, where he acquired
great celebrity as a teacher of the Cynic philosophy,
and was a strong opponent of ApoUonius of Tyana.
(Philostr. Vil. Jpotl. iv. 25.) His life falls in the
reigns of Caligula, Claudius, Nero, Vespasian, and
Domitian. He was a frank and open-hearted man,
who did not scniple to censure even the most pow-
erful when he thought that they deserved it. In
consequence of this, he was sent into exile, but he
preserved the same noble freedom and independ-
ence, notwithstanding his poverty and sufferings ;
and on one occasion, when the emperor Vespasian
during a journey met him, Demetrius did not shew
tlie slightest symptom of respect. Vespasian was
indulgent enough to take no other vengeance ex-
cept by calling him a dog. (Senec. de Bene/, vii.
1, 8; Suet. Vespas. 13; Dion Cass. Ixvi. 13;
Tacit. Ann. xvi. 34, Hist. iv. 40 ; Lucian, de Sal-
tat. 63.)

36. Syncellus. See No. 17.

37. A Syrian, a Greek rhetorician, who lectured
on rhetoric at Athens. Cicero, during his stay
there in B. c. 79, was a very diligent pupil of his.
(Cic. i?rM/. 91.)

38. Of Tarsus, a poet who wrote Satyric
dramas. (Diog. Laert. v. 85.) The name Tapcri-
k6s, which Diogenes applies to him, is believed
by Casaubon (de Satyr. Foes. p. 153, &c. ed. Rams-
horn) to refer to a peculiar kind of poetry rather
than to the native place of Demetrius. Another
Demetrius of Tarsus is introduced as a speaker in
Plutarch's work " de Oraculorum Defectu," where
he is described as returning home from Britain,
but nothing further is known about him.

39. A Tragic actor, mentioned by Hesy-
chius («. V. Arj/jL-^Tpios) : he may be the same as
the M. Demetrius whom Acron (ad Horat. Sat. i.
10. 18, 79) describes as a " SpafxaToiroiSsy i. e.
modulator, histrio, actor fabularum." Horace him-
self treats him with contempt, and calls him an
ape. Weichert (de Horat. Obtrect. p. 283, &c.) sup-
poses that he was only a person who lived at Rome
in the time of Horace and taught the art of scenic
declamation ; while others consider him to be the
Sicilian, Demetrius Megas, who obtained the Ro-
man franchise from J. Caesar through the influence
of Dolabella, and who is often mentioned under
the name of P. Cornelius.

40. Of Troezene, a Greek grammarian, who is
referred to by Athenaeus. (i. p. 29, iv. p. 139.)
He is probably the same as the one who, accord-

DEMETRIUS.

971

ing to Diogenes Laertius (viii. 74), wrote against
the sophists.

Besides these, there are some writers of the
name of Demetrius wIjo cannot be identified with
any of those here mentioned, as neither their na-
tive places nor any surnames are mentioned by
which they might be recognized. For example,
Demetrius the author of " Pamphyliaca." (Tzetz.
ad Lycoph. 440), Demetrius, the author of " Argo-
lica" (Clem. Alex. Frotrept. p. 14), and Demetrius
the author of a work entitled irepX toiv kut AXyvir-
Tov. (Athen. xv. p. 680.) In Suidas (s. v. 'louSas),
where we read of an historian Democritus, we
have probably to read Demetrius. [L. S.]

DEME'TRIUS (Atj/xtJtpios), of Bithynia, an
epigrammatic poet, the author of two distiches on
the cow of Myron, in the Greek Anthology.
(Brunck, Ajial. ii. 65; Jacobs, ii. 64.) It is not
known whether he Avas the same person as the
philosopher Demetrius of Bithynia, son of Diphi-
lus, whom Diogenes I^aertius mentions (v. 84).
Diogenes (v. 85) also mentions an epic poet named
Demetrius, three of whose verses he preserves ; and
also a Demetrius of Tarsus, a satyric poet [see
above. No. 38], and another Demetrius, an iambic
poet, whom he calls iriKpbs dvi^p. The epigrams of
Demetrius are very indifferent. [P. S.]

DEME'TRIUS ( ATj/LiT^Tptos ), an Athenian
COMIC POET of the old comedy. (Diog. Laert.
v. 85.) The fragments which are ascribed to
him contain allusions to events which took place
about the 92nd and 94th Olympiads (d. c. 412,
404); but there is another in which mention is
made of Seleucus and Agathocles. This would
bring the life of the author below the 118th
Olympiad, that is, upwards of 100 years later
than the periods suggested by the other frag-
ments. The only explanation is that of Clinton
and Meineke, who suppose two Demetrii, the one
a poet of the old comedy, the other of the new.
That the later fragment belongs to the new comedy
is evident from its subject as well as from its date.
To the elder Demetrius must be assigned the
2t»c6Aia or 2i/ceAo(, Avhich is quoted by Athenaeus
(iii. p. 108, f.), Aelian (A^. A. xii. 10), Hesychius
(s. V. 'E/xTr-npovs), and the Etymologicon Magnum
(s. V. "Efifiripoi). Other quotations, without the
mention of the play from which they are taken,
are made by Athenaeus (ii. p. 56, a.) and Stobaeua
(Florileg. ii. 1). The only fragment of the younger
Demetrius is that mentioned above, from the
'Apeo-rrayirr^s ( Ath. ix. p. 405, e.), which fixes his
date, in Clinton's opinion, after 299 B. c. (Clinton,
F. H. sub ann. ; Meineke, Frag. Com. Graec. \.
pp. 264—266, ii. pp. 876—878, iv. pp. 539,
540.) [P. S.]

DEME'TRIUS (ATj/iTfrpios), the name of seve-
ral ancient physicians, who are often confounded
together, and whom it is not always easy to dis-
tinguish with certainty.

1. A native of Apamea in Bithynia, who was
a follower of Herophilus, and therefore lived pro-
bably in the third or second century e. c. He
is frequently quoted by Caelius Aurelianus, who
has preserved the titles of some of his works, and
some extracts from them. In some places he is
called "-Atialeus" (De Morh. Acut. iii. 18, p. 249;
De Morb. Chron. ii. 2, p. 367), but this is only a
mistake for " Apametts^^'' as is proved by the same
passage being quoted in one place (p. 249) from
Demetrius ^4Wa/e«5, and in another from Demetrius

972

DEMETRIUS.

Apaineus. {De Morb. Chron. v. 9, p. 581.) He is
also several times quoted by Soranus. (Z)e Ai-tc
Ohsfetr. pp. 99, 101, 102, 206, 210, 285.)

2. A physician called by Galen by the title of
Archiater {De Antid. i. 1, vol. xiv. p. 4 ; jDe The-
riaca ad Pison. c. 12, vol. xiv. p. 261), must have
lived in the second century after Christ, as that
title was not invented till the reign of Nero. {Did.
of Ant. s. V. Archiater.) Galen speaks of him as a
contemporary.

3. A native of Bithynia, who is quoted by He-
racleides of Tarentura (apud Gal. De Compos. Me-
dicam. sec. Gen. iv. 7, vol. xiii. p. 722), must have
lived about the third or second century b. c, as
Mantias, the tutor of Heraclides, was a pupil of
Herophilus. He is probably the same person as
the native of Apamea.

4. Demetrius Pepagomenus. [Pkpagome-
Nus.] [W. A. G.]

DEME'TRIUS, artists. 1. An architect, who,
in conjunction with Paeonius, finished the great
temple of Artemis at Ephesus, which Chersiphron
had begun about 220 years before. He probably
lived about B. c. 340, but his date cannot be fixed
with certainty. Vitruvius calls him servus Dianae,
that is, a Up65ov\os. (Vitruv. vii. PraeL $ 16 ;
Chbrsiphon.)

2. A statuary of some distinction. Pliny men-
tions his statue of Lysimache, who was a priestess
of Athena for sixty-four years ; his sUitue of
Athena, which was called Musica {fJLOvfflia])^ be-
cause the serpents on the Gorgon's head sounded
like the strings of a lyre when struck ; and his
equestrian statue of Simon, who was the earliest
writer on horsemanship. (Plin. xxxiv. 8. s. 19.
§ 15.) Now Xenophon mentions a Simon who
wrote iTfpl tTTTTj/c^y, and who dedicated in the
Eleusinium at Athens a bronze horse, on the base
of which his own feats of horsemanship (tc{ kavrov
tpya) were represented in relief {trepl iTnriicfjs, 1,
init.). The Eleusinium was built by Pericles. It
woTild seem therefore that Simon, and consequent-
ly Demetrius, lived between the time of Pericles
and the latter part of Xenophon's life, that is, in
the latter half of the fifth or the former half of the
fourth century B. c. It is not likely, therefore,
that he could have been a contemporary of Lysip-
pus, as Meyer supposes. Hirt mentions a bas-
relief in the Museo Nani, at Venice, which he
thinks may have been copied from the equestrian
Btatue of Simon. {Gesch.d. Bild. Kunst. p. 191.)

According to Quintilian (xii. 10), Demetrius
was blamed for adhering in his statues so closely
to the likeness as to impair their beauty. He is
mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (v. 85). There
can be little doubt that he is the same person as
Demetrius of Alopece, whose bronze statue of
Pellichus is described by Lucian {Philops. 18, 20),
who, on account of the defect just mentioned, calls
Demetrius oi5 S-eoTroios Tts, d\V dvQpayiToiTqivs. A
ATjfi^Tptos AT)fJLT]rpiov 'Y\v(pfvs is mentioned in an
extant inscription. (Biickh, i. 1330, No. 1409.)

3. A painter, whose time is unknown. (Diog.
Laert. v, 83.) Perhaps he is the same who is
mentioned by Diodorus {Exc. Vat. xxxi. 8) as
Ariixr,Tpios 6 TOTroypd(pos, or, as Miiller reads,
roLXoypa<pos {Arch. d. Ku7ist. § 182, n. 2), and
who lived at Rome about b. c. 164. Valerius
Maximus calls him pictor Alexandrinus (v. 1.

§1).

4. An Ephesian silversmith, who made silver

DEMOCEDES.

shrines for Artemis. {Acts of tJie Apostles, xix.
24.) [P. S.]

DEMIA'NUS, CLAU'DIUS, a contemporary
of Nero. He had been thrown into prison by L.
Vetus, the proconsul of Asia, for his criminal con-
duct ; but he was released by Nero, that he might
join Fortunatus, a freedman of L. Vetus, in accus-
ing his patron. (Tac. Ann. xvi. 10.) [L. S.]

DE'MIPHON, a king of Phlagusa, who, in
order to avert a pestilence, was commanded by an
oracle every year to sacrifice a noble maiden. He
obej'ed the command, and had every year a maiden
drawn b)' lot, but did not allow his own daughters
to draw lots with the rest. One Mastusius, whose
daughter had been sacrificed, was indignant at the
king's conduct, and invited him and his daughters
to a sacrificial feast. Mastusius killed the king's
daughters, and gave their blood in a cup to the
father to drink. The king, on discovering the
deed, ordered Mastusius and the cup to be thrown
into the sea, which hence received the name of the
Mastusian. (Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 40. [L. S.]

DEMIURGUS {A-nfjuovpySs), the author, ac-
cording to the Vatican Codex, of a single epigram
in the Greek Anthology. (Brunck, Atial. iii. 257;
Jacobs, iv. 224, No. Dii., xiii. 882.) [P. S.]

DEMO {ArjfjLw), a name of Demeter. (Sui-
das, s. V. At\^u}.) It also occurs as a proper name
of other mythical beings, such as the Cumaean
Sibyl (Pans. x. 12. § 1) and a daughter of Celeus
and Metaneira, who, together with her sisters,
kindly received Demeter at the well Callichoros in
Attica. (Hom. Hymn, in Cer. 109.) [L. S.]

DEMOCE'DES (Atj^ho/c^'Stjs), the son of Calli-
phon, a celebrated physician of Crotona, in Magna
Graecia, who lived in the sixth century B. c. He
left his native country and went to Aegina, where
he received from the public treasury the sum of
one talent per annum for his medical services, i. e.
(if we reckon, with Hussey, Ancient Weights and
Money, ^'c, the Aeginetan drachma to be worth
one shilling and a penny three farthings) not quite
344/. The next year he went to Athens, where
he was paid one Imndred minae, i. e. rather more
than 406Z. ; and the year following he removed to
the island of Samos in the Aegean sea, and re-
ceived from Polycrates, the tyrant, the increased
salary of two talents, i. e. (if the Attic standard be
meant) 487/. 10s. (Herod, iii. 131.) He accom-
panied Polycrates when he was seized and put to
death by Oroetes, the Persian governor of Sardis
(b. c. 522), by whom he was himself seized and
carried prisoner to Susa to the court of Dareius, the
son of Hystaspes. Here he acquired great riches
and reputation by curing the king's foot, and the
breast of the queen Atossa. {Ibid. c. 133.) It is
added by Dion Chrysostom {Dissert, i. De Invid.
p. 652, sq.), that Dareius ordered the physicians
who had been unable to cure him to be put to
death, and that they Avere saved at the interces-
sion of Democedes. Notwithstanding his honours
at the Persian court, he was always desirous of
returning to his native country. In order to effect
this, he pretended to enter into the views and in-
terests of the Persians, and procured by means of
Atossa that he should be sent with some nobles to
explore the coast of Greece, and ascertain in what
parts it might be most successfully attacked.
When they arrived at Tarentum, the king, Aris-
tophilides, out of kindness to Democedes, seized
the Persians as spies, which afforded the physician

DEM0CHARE3.

an opportunity of escaping to Croton.i. Here he
Hiialiy settled, and mjuried the daughter of the
famous wrestler, Milo; the Persians having fol-
lowed him to Crotona, and in vain demanded that
he should be restored. (Ilerod. iii. 137.) Accord-
ing to Suidas (s. V.) he wrote a work on Medicine,
lie is mentioned also by Aolian {V. 11. viii. 17)
and John Tzetzes {Hist. ix. 3) ; and Dion Cassius
names him with Hippocrates (xxxviii. 18) as two
of the most celebrated physicians of antiquity.
Hy Dion Chrysostom he is called by mistake
Demoilocus. [W.A.G.]

DEMO'CHARES (ATj/ttoxrfpT,s). 1. A son of
Laches, a Greek philosopher and friend of Arce-
silas and Zeno. (Diog. Laert iv. 41, vii. 14.)

2. Of Paeania in Attica, a son of Demosthenes's
sister. He inherited the true patriotic sentiments
of his great uncle, though it cannot perhaps be
denied, that in his mode of acting and speaking he
transgressed the boundaries of a proper freedom
and carried it to the verge of impudence. Timaeus
in his history calumniated his personal character,
but Demochares has found an able defender in Poly-
bius. (xii. 13.) After the death of Demosthenes,
he was one of the chief supporters of the anti-
Macedonian party at Athens, and distinguished
himself as a man of the greatest energy both in
words and deeds. ( Athen. xiii. p. 593 ; Plut.
Demetr. 24 ; Aelian, V. H. iii. 7, viii. 12.) His
political merits are detailed in the psephisma which
is preserved in Plutarch ( Vit. XOrat. p. 851), and
which was carried on the proposal of his son
Laches. There ai'e considerable difficulties in re-
storing the chronological order of the leading
events of his life, and we shall confine ourselves
here to giving an outline of them, as they have
been made out by Droysen in the works cited
below. After the restoration of the Athenian
democracy in B. c. 307 by Demetrius Poliorcetes,
Demochares was at the head of the patriotic party,
and remained in that position till B. c. 303, when
he was compelled by the hostility of Stratocles to
flee from Athens. (Plut. Demetr. 24.) He re-
turned to Athens in B, c. 298, and in the be-
ginning of the war which lasted for four years,
from B. c 297 to 294, and in which Demetrius
Poliorcetes recovered the influence in Greece,
which he had lost at the battle of Ipsus, De-
mochares fortified Athens by repairing its walls,
and provided the city with ammunition and provi-
sion. In the second year of that war (b. c. 296)
he was sent as ambassador, first to Philip (Seneca,
de Ira^ iii. 23), and afterwards to Antipater, the
son of Cassander. (Polyb. L c.) In the same
year he concluded a treaty with the Boeotians,
in consequence of which he was expelled soon
after by the antidemocratic party, probably through
the influence of Lachares. In the archonship of
Diodes, B. c. 287 or 286, however, he again re-
turned to Athens, and distinguished himself in
the administration of the public finances, espe-
cially by reducing the expenditure. About b. c.
282 he was sent as ambassador to Lysimachus,
from whom he obtained at first thirty, and after-
wards one hundred talents. At the same time he
proposed an embassy to the king of Egypt, from
which the Athenians gained the sum of fifty
talents. The last act of his life of which we have
any record, is that, in b. c. 280, in the archonship
of Gorgias, he proposed and carried the decree in
honour of his uncle Demosthenes. (Plut. VU.
X Oral. pp. 847, 850.)

DEMOCOPUS MYRILLA.

973

Demochares developed his talents and principles
in all probability under the direction of Demos-
thenes, and he came forward as a public orator as
early as B. c. 322, when Antipater demanded of the
Athenians to deliver up to him the leaders of the
popular party. (Plut. Vit. X Oral. p. 847.) Some
time after the restoration of the democracy he
supported Sophocles, who proposed a decree that
no philosopher should establish a school without
the sanction of the senate and people, and that any
one acting contrary to this law should be punished
with death. (Diog. Laert. v. 38 ; Athen. v. pp.
187, 215, xi. p. 508, xiii. p. 610 ; Pollux, ix. 42 ;
Euseb. Praep. Evang. xv. 2. Comp. Sophocles.)
Demochares left behind him not only several
orations (a fragment of one of them is preserved
in Rutilius Lupus [p. 7, &c.], but also an ex-
tensive historical work, in which he related the
history of his own time, but which, as Cicero
says, was written in an oratorical rather than an
historical style. (Cic. Brut. 83, de Orat. ii. 23.)
The twenty-first book of it is quoted by Athen-
aeus (vi. p. 252, &c. Comp. Plut. Demosth. 30 ;
Lucian, Macrob. 10.) With the exception of a
few fragments, his orations as well as his history
are lost. (Droysen, Gesch. der Nach/olger Aleaund.
p. 497, &c., and more especially his essay in
the Zeitschrift fur die Alterthumsicissenscluift for
1836, Nos. 20 and 21 ; Westermann, Gesch. der
Griech. Beredts. § 53, notes 12 and 13. $ 72,
note 1).

3. Of Leuconoe in Attica, was married to the
mother of Demosthenes, who mentions him in his
orations against Aphobus (pp. 818, 836). Ruhn-
ken (ad Rutil. Lup. p. 7, &c.) confounds him with
the nephew of Demosthenes.

4. Of Soli, a Greek poet, of whom Plutarch
{Demetr. 27) has preserved a sarcasm upon Deme-
trius Poliorcetes. [L. S.J

DEMOCLKITUS. [Cleoxenus.]
DEMOCLES (Atj;uok\^s). 1. Of Phigaleia,

one of the ancient Greek historians. (Dionys.

de Thucyd.,jud. 5 ; Strab. i. p. 58.)

2. An Attic orator, and a contemporary of De-
mochares, among whose opponents he is mentioned.
(Timaeus, ap. Harpocrat. s. v. f' to Upov irvp.)
He was a disciple of Theophrastus, and is chiefly
known as the defender of the children of Lycurgus
against the calumnies of Moerocles and Mene-
saechmus. (Plut. Vit. XOrat. p.842, D.) It seems
that in the time of Dionysius of Halicarnassus,
some orations of Democles were still extant, since
that critic (Deinarch. 11) attributes to him an
oration, which went by the name of Deinarchus.
It must be observed that Dionysius and Suidas
call this orator by the patronymic form of his
name, Democleides, and that Ruhnken (Hist. crit.
orat. Grace, p. 92) is inclined to consider him as
the same person with Democleides who was archon
in B. c. 316. (Diod. xix. 17.)

3. Surnamed the Beautiful, an Athenian youth,
who was beloved by Demetrius Poliorcetes, and
on one occasion being surprised by his lover in the
bath, escaped from his voluptuous embraces by
leaping into a caldron filled with boiling water.
(Plut. Demetr. 24.) [L S.]

DEMOCOON (A6/io»crfwj'), a natural son of
Priam, who came from Abydos to assist his father
against the Greeks, but was slain by Odvssous.
(Horn. //. iv. 500 ; Apollod. iii. 12. § 5.) [L. S..1

DEMOCOPUS MYRILLA, was the architect

974

DEMOCRITUS.

of the theatre at Syracuse, about b. c. 420. (Eu-
Btath. ad Horn. Od. iii. 68.) [P. S.]

DEMO'CRATES. [Damocrates.]
DEMO'CRATES (A-nfioKpdrTts). 1. Of Aphid-
na, an Attic orator of the time of Demosthenes,
who belonged to the anti-Macedonian party. He
was a son of Sophilus, and was sent with other
ambassadors to Philip to receive his oath to the
treaty with Athens. He was also one of the am-
bassadors who accompanied Demosthenes to the
Thebans, to conclude a treaty with them against
Philip. As an orator he seems to have been a
man of second rate. (Demosth. de Coron. pp. 235,
291.) A fragment of one of his orations is pre-
served in Aristotle. {Rivet, iii 4. § 3.)

2. A Pythagorean philosopher, concerning whom
absolutely nothing is known. A collection of mo-
ral maxims, called the golden sentences (yvw/jLui
XpvaaT) has come down to us under his name, and
are distinguished for their soundness and sim-
plicity. They are written in the Ionic dialect,
from which some writers liave inferred, that they
were written at a very earl}' period, whereas others
think it more probable that they are the production
of the age of J. Caesar. But nothing can be said
with certainty, for want of both external and in-
ternal evidence. Some of these sentences are
quoted by Stob.ieus, and are found in some MSS.
under the name of Democritus, which however
seems to be a mere mistake, arising from the re-
semblance of the two names. They are collected
and printed in the several editions of the sentences
of Demophilus. [Demophilus.]

3. An Epicurean philosopher, who according
to Plutarch ^c. Epicur. p. 1100) was charged by
Epicurus with having copied from his works. He
may possibly be the same as the Democrates who
according to the same Plutarch (Polit. Praecept.
p. 803) lived at Athens about B. c. 340.

4. Of Tenedos, a distinguished wrestler, of
whom there was a statue at Olympia. (Paus. vi.
17. § 1.) He is probably the same as the one of
whom an anecdote is related by Aelian. ( V. H.
iv. 15.) [L. S.]

DEMO'CRINES {L.f]iLOKp{vr\s\ a Greek gram-
marian, who is referred to in the Venetian Scholia
on Homer (//. ii. 744. Comp. Villoison, Proleg.
p. XXX.) [L. S.]

DEMOCRITUS. [Damocritus.]
DEMO'CRITUS (AvfioKpiTos), was a native of
Abdera in Thrace, an Ionian colony of Teos.
(Aristot. de Coel. iii. 4, Meteor, ii. 7, with Ideler's
note.) Some called him a Milesian, and the name
of his father too is stated differently. (Diog. Laert.
ix. 34, &c.) His birth year was fixed by Apol-
lodorus in 01. 80. 1, or B. c. 460, while Thrasyllus
had referred it to 01. 77. 3. (Diog. Laert. I.e.
§ 41, with Menage's note ; Gellius, xvii. 21 ;
Clinton, F. H. ad ann. 460.) Democritus had
Cidled himself forty years younger than Anaxagoras.
His father, Hegcsi stratus, — or as others called him
Damasippus or Athenocritus, — was possessed of so
large a property, that he was able to receive and
treat Xerxes on his march through Abdera. De-
mocritus spent the inheritance, which his father
left him, on travels into distant countries, which he
undertook to satisfy his extraordinary thirst for
knowledge. He travelled over a great part of
Asia, and, as some state, he even reached India
and Aethiopia. (Cic. de Fin. v. 19 ; Strabo, xvi.
p. 703 ; A. H. C. Geffers, Quaestiones Democrit.

DEMOCRITUS.

p. 15, &c.) We know that he wrote on Babylon
and Meroe ; he must also have visited Egypt, and
Diodorus Siculus (i. 98) even states, that he lived
there for a period of five j^ears. He himself de-
clared (Clem. Alex. Strom, i. p. 304), that among
his contemporaries none had made greater joumej's,
seen more countries, and made the acquaintance of
more men distinguished in every kind of science
than himself. Among the last he mentions in par-
ticular the Egyptian mathematicians {apinhdvair-
rai ; comp. Sturz, de Dialect. Maced. p. 98), whose
knowledge he praises, without, however, regarding
himself inferior to them. Theophrastus, too, spoke
of him as a man who had seen many countries.
(Aelian, V. H. iv. 20 ; Diog. Laert. ix. 35.) It
was his desire to acquire an extensive knowledge
of nature that led him into distant countries at a
time when travelling was the principal means of
acquiring an intellectual and scientific culture ;
and after returning to his native land he occupied
himself only with philosophical investigations,
especially such as related to natural history. In
Greece itself, too, he endeavoured by means of
travelling and residing in the principal cities to ac-
quire a knowledge of Hellenic culture and civiliza-
tion. He mentioned many Greek philosophers in
his writings, and his wealth enabled him to pur-
chase the works they had written. He thus suc-
ceeded in excelling, in the extent of his knowledge,
all the earlier Greek philosophers, among whom
Leucippus, the founder of the atomistic theory, is
said to have exercised the greatest influence upon
his philosophical studies. The opinion that he was
a disciple of Anaxagoras or of the Pythagoreans
(Diog. Laert. ix. 38), perhaps arose merely from
the fact, that he mentioned them in his writings.
The account of his hostility towards Anaxagoras,
is conti-adicted by several passages in which he
speaks of him in terms of high praise. (Diog.
Laert. ii. 14 ; Sext. Empir. adv. Math, vii,
140.) It is further said, that be was on terms
of friendship with Hippocrates, and some writers
even speak of a correspondence between Demo-
critus and Hippocrates ; but this statement
does not seem to be deserving of credit. (Diog.
Laert. ix. $ 42 ; Brandis, Handbuch der Griech. ?/.
Rom. Philos. p. 300.) As he was a contemporary
of Plato, it may be that he was acquainted with
Socrates, perhaps even with Plato, who, however,
does not mention Democritus anywhere. (Her-
mann, System der Platan. Philos. i. p. 284.) Aris-
totle describes him and his views as belonging to
the ante-Socratic period (Arist. Metaph. xiii. 4 ;
Phys.\\.% de Pai-tih. Anim. i. 1); but modem
scholars, such as the learned Dutchman Groen van
Prinsterer (Prosopof/raph. Platan. p.41, &c., comp.
Brandis, I. c. p. 292, &c.), assert, that there are
symptoms in Plato which shew a connexion with
Democritus, and the same scholar pretends to dis-
cover in Plato's language and style an imitation of
Democritus. (Persojy. Plat. p. 42.) The many
anecdotes about Democritus which are preserved,
especially in Diogenes Laertius, shew that he was
a man of a most sterling and honourable character.
His diligence was incredible : he lived exclusively
for his studies, and his disinterestedness, modesty,
and simplicity are attested by many features which
are related of him. Notwithstanding his great
property, he seems to have died in poverty,
though highly esteemed by his fellow-citizens, not
so much on account of his philosophy, as "be-

DEMOCRITUS.

cause," as Dingonos says, " he l»ad foretold them
Boinc things whicli the event proved to he time."
This had probably reference to his knowledge of
natural phaenomena. His fellow-citizens honoured
him with presents in money and bronze statues.
Kven the scoffer Timon, who in his silli spared no
one, speaks of Democritus only in terms of praise.
He died at an advanced age (some say that he was
109 yciirs old), and even the manner in which he
died is characteristic of his medical knowledge,
which, combined as it was with his knowledge of
nature, caused a report, which was believed by
some persons, that he was a sorcerer and a magician.
(Plin. //. iV. xxiv. 17, XXX. 1.) His death is
placed in 01. 105. 4, or B. c. 357, in which year
Hippocrates also is said to have died. (Clinton,
F. 11. ad ann. 357.) We cannot leave unnoticed
the tradition that Democritus deprived himself of
his sight, in order to be less disturbed in his pur-
suits. (Cic. dc Fin. v. 29 ; Gellius, x. 17 ; Diog.
Laert. ix. 36 ; Cic. Tusc. v. 39 ; Menage, ad Dioy.
La'tirt. ix. 43.) But this tradition is one of the
inventions of a later age, which was fond of
piquant anecdotes. It is more probable that he
may have lost his sight by too severe application
to study. (Brandis, /. c. p. 298.) This loss,
however, did not disturb the cheerful disposition
of his mind and his views of human life, which
prompted him everywhere to look at the cheerful
and comical side of things, which later writers took
to mean, that he always laughed at the follies of
men. (Senec. de Ira, ii. 10; Aelian, V. H. iv.
20.)

Of the extent of his knowledge, which embraced
not only natural sciences, mathematics, mechanics
(Brandis, in the R/iein. Mas. iii. p. 1 34, &c.), gram-
mar, music, and philosophy, but various other use-
ful arts, we may form some notion from the list of
his numerous works which is given by Diogenes
Laertius (ix. 46—49), and which, as Diogenes
expressly states, contains only his genuine works.
The grammarian Thrasyllus, a contemporary of the
emperor Tiberius, arranged them, like the works of
Plato, into tetralogies. The importance which
was attached to the researches of Democritus is
evident from the fact, that Aristotle is reported to
have written a work in two books on the problems
of Democritus. (Diog. Laert. v. 26.) His works
were composed in the Ionic dialect, though not
without some admixture of the local peculiarities of
Abdera. (Philopon. in Aristot. de gener. et cor-
rupt, fol. 7, a.; Simplic. ad Aristot. de Coelo, fol.
150, a. ; Suid. s. v. pva-fxas.) They are neverthe-
less much praised by Cicero on account of the
poetical beauties and the liveliness of their style,
and are in this respect compared even with the
works of Plato. (Groen van Prinsterer, I. c. ; Cic.
de Div. ii. 64, de Oral. i. 11, Orat. 20 ; Dionys.
de Compos, verb. 24 ; Plut. St/mpos. v. 7, p. 683.)
Pyrrhon is said to have imitated his style (Euseb.
Pniep. Evang. xiv. 6), and even Timon praises it,
and calls it Trep{<ppova Kal dix<pivoov XiffXHv. (Diog.
Laert. ix. 40.) Unfortunately, not one of his
works has come do\vn to us, and the treatise which
we possess under his name is considered spurious.
Callimachus wrote glosses upon his works and made
a list of them (Suid. s. v.) ; but they must have
been lost at an early time, since even Simplicius
does not appear to have read them (Papencordt, de
Atomicorum dodritia, p. 22), and since compara-
tively few fragments have come down to us, and

DEMOCRITUS.

975

these fragments refer more to ethics than to physi-
cal matters. There is a very good collection of
these fragments by F. G. A. Mullach, " Democriti
Abderitae operum fragmenta," Berlin, 1843, 8vo.
Besides this work, which contains also elaborate
dissertations on the life and writings of Democritus,
the student may consult — 1. Burchardt, Comment,
crit. de Democriti de sensibus phUosophia^ in two pro-
grams, Minden, 1 830 and 1 839, 4to. 2. Burchardt,
Fragmente der Moral des Demokrit, Minden, 1834,
4to. 3. Heimsiith, Democriti de anima dodrina^
Bonn, 1835, 8vo. 4. H. Stephanns, Pocsis Philos.
p. 156, &c. 5. Orelli, Opiisc. Graec. Sent. i. p.
91, &c. Concerning the spurious works and letters
of Democritus, see Fabric. Bibl. Gr. i. p. 683, &c.,
ii. pp. 641, 639, iv. p. 333, &c.

The philosophy of Democritus has, in modem
times been the subject of much investigation. He-
gel {Vorlesung. iib. Gesch. d. PhUof. i. p. 379, &c.)
treats it very briefly, and does not attach much
importance to it. The most minute investigations
concerning it are those of Ritter {Gesch. d. Philos.
i. p. 559), Brandis (Rhein. Mus. iii. p. 133, &c.,
and Gesch. der Griech. u. Rom. Philos. i. p. 294,
&c.), Petersen {Histor, Philog. Studien. i. p. 22,
&:c.), Va.'^encordii {Atomicorum doctrina), and Mul-
lach (Z. c. pp. 373— 419).

It was Democritus who, in his numerous writ-
ings, carried out Leucippus's theory of atoms, and
especially in his observations on nature. These
atomists undertook the task of proving that the
quantitative relations of matter were its original
characteristics, and that its qualitative relations
were something secondary and derivative, and of
thus doing away with the distinction between
matter and mind or power. (Brandis, I. c. p. 294.)
In order to avoid the difficulties connected Avith
the supposition of primitive matter with definite
qualities, without admitting the coming into exist-
ence and annihilation as realities, and without
giving up, as the Eleatic philosophers did, the
reality of variety and its changes, the atomists
derived all definiteness of phaenomena, both phy-
sical and mental, from elementary particles, the
infinite number of which were homogeneous in
quality, but heterogeneous in form. This made it
necessary for them to establish the reality of a
vacuum or space, and cf motion. (Brandis, /. c.
p. 303, &c.) Motion, they said, is the eternal and
necessary consequence of the original variety of
atoms in the vacuum or space. All phaenomena
arise from the infinite variety of the form, order, and
position of the atoms in forming combinations. It
is impossible, they add, to derive this supposition
from any higher principle, for a beginning of the
infinite is inconceivable. (Aristot. de General.
Anim. ii. 6, p. 742, b. 20, ed. Bekker; Brandis,
/. c. p. 309, Sic.) The atoms are impenetrable,
and therefore offer resistimce to one another. This
creates a swinging, world-producing, and whirling
motion. (This reminds us of the joke in the Clouds
of Aristophanes about the god Aivos I ) Now as
similars attract one another, there arise in that
motion real things and beings, that is, combinations
of distinct atoms, which still continue to be sepa-
rated from one another by the vacuum. The first
cause of all existence is necessity/, that is, the neces-
sary predestination and necessary succession of
cause and effect. This they cidled c/unuv, in oppo-
sition to the vuvs of Anaxagoras. But it does the
highest honour to the mind of Democritus, that he

976 DEMOCRITUS.

made the discovery of causes the highest object
of scientific investigations. He once said, that he
preferred the discovery of a tnie cause to the pos-
sesssion of the kingdom of Persia, (Dionys. Alex.
ap. Euseb. Praep. Evang. xiv. 27.) We must not,
therefore, take the word chance (tux^) in its vul-
gar acceptation. (Brandis, I.e. p. 319.) Aristotle
understood Democritus rightly in this respect
(Phys. Auscult. ii. 4, p. 196. U; Simplic. fol. 74),
as he generalh' valued him highly, and often says
of him, that he had thought on all subjects, search-
ed after the first causes of phaenoraena, and. endea-
voured to find definitions. {De Generat. et Corrupt.
j. 2, 8, Metaph. M. 4, Phys. ii. 2, p. 194, 20, de
Part. Anim. i. p. 642, 26.) The only thing for
■which he censures him, is a disregard for teleologi-
cal relations, and the want of a comprehensive sys-
tem of induction. {DeRespir. 4, de Generat. Anim.
V. 8.) Democritus himself called the common no-
tion of chance a cover of human ignorance (irpocfxi.
aiP tSiTjs di/otTjs), and an invention of those who
were too idle to think. (Dionys. ap. Euseb. Praep.
Evang. xiv. 27; Stob. Eclog.'Eth. p. 344.)

Besides the infinite number of atoms existing in
infinite space, Democritus also supposed the exist-
ence of an infinite number of worlds, some of which
resembled one another, while others differed from
one another, and each of these worlds was kept
together as one thing by a sort of shell or skin.
He derived the four elements from the form of the
atoms predominating in each, from their quality,
and their relations of magnitude. In deriving in-
dividual things from atoms, he mainly considered
the qualities of warm and cold. The w.irm or fire-
like he took to be a combination of fine, spheric,
and verj' movable atoms, as opposed to the cold
and moist. His mode of proceedings' however,
was, first carefully to observe and describe the
phaenomena themselves, and then to attempt his
atomistic explanation, whereby he essentially ad-
vanced the knowledge of nature. (Papencordt, /. c.
p. 45, &e.; Brandis, I. c. p. 327.) He derived the
80ul, the origin of life, consciousness, and thought,
from the finest fire-atoms (Aristot. de Anim. i. 2,
ed. Trendelenburg); and in connexion with this
theory he made very profound physiological inves-
tigations. It was for this reason that, according
to him, the soul while in the body acquires percep-
tions and knowledge by corporeal contfict, and that
it is affected by heat and cold. The sensuous per-
ceptions themselves were to him affections of the
organ or of the subject perceiving, dependent on
the changes of bodily condition, on the difference
of the organs and their qualitj', on air and light.
Hence the differences, e. g.., of taste, colour, and
temperature, are only conventional (Sext. Empir.
adv. Math. vii. 135), the real cause of those differ-
ences being in the atoms.

It was very natural, therefore, that Democritus
described even the knowledge obtained by sensuous
perception as obscure (c/cotitji' Kpicriv). A clear
and pure knowledge is only that which has refer-
ence to the true principles or the true nature of
things, that is, to the atoms and space. But
knowledge derived from reason was, in his opinion,
not specifically different from that acquired through
the senses ; for conception and reflection were to
hira only effects of impressions made upon the
senses ; and Aristotle, therefore, expressly states,
that Democritus did not consider mind as some-
thing pecidiar, or as a power distinct from the soul

DEMOCRITUS.

or sensuous perception, but that he considered
knowledge derived from reason to be sensuous
perceptions. (De Anim. i. 2. p. 404, 27.) A purer
and higher knowledge which he opposed to the
obscure knowledge obtained through the medium
of the senses, must therefore have been to him a
kind of sensation, that is, a direct perception of
the atoms and of space. For this reason he as-
sumed the three criteria {KpirT^pia) : a. Phaeno-
mena as criteria for discovering that which is hid-
den : b. Thought as a criterion of investigation :
and c. Assertions as criteria of desires. (Sext.
Emp. adv. MaiJi. vii. 140 ; Brandis, /. c. p. 334.)
Now as Democritus acknowledged the uncertainty
of perceptions, and as he was unable to establish a
higher and purely spiritual source of knowledge as
distinct from perceptions, we often find him com-
plaining that all human knowledge is uncertain,
that in general either nothing is absolutely tnie,
or at least not clear to us (oStjXoj/, Aristot. Metaph.
T. 5), that our senses grope about in the dark
(sensns tenebiicosi, Cic. Acad. iv. 10, 23), and that
all our views and opinions are subjective, and come
to us only like something epidemic, as it were,
with the air which we breathe. (Sext. Emp. adv.
Math. vii. 136, 137, viii. 327, Hypotyp. i. 213;
Diog. Laert. ix. 72, ctc^ S* ovhkv td/xcv, eV fiv6^
ycip if aKi^deia, which Cicero translates in prof undo
veriiatem esse.)

In his ethical philosophy Democritus considered
the acquisition of peace of mind {fvduixia) as the
end and ultimate object of our actions. (Diog.
Laert. ix. 45 ; Cic. de Fin. v. 29.) This peace,
this tranquillity of the mind, and freedom from
fecir {<p6€os and Seta-idaifjLovia) and passion, is the
last and fairest fruit of philosophical inquiry.
Many of his etliical writings had reference to this
idea and its establishment, and the fragments re-
lating to this question are full of the most genuine
practical wisdom. Abstinence from too many oc-
cupations, a steady consideration of one's own
powers, which prevents our attempting that which
we cannot accomplish, moderation in prosperity and
misfortune, were to him the principal means of ac-
quiring the evOvn'ia. The noblest and purest ethi-
cal tendency, lastly, is manifest in his views on
virtue and on good. Truly pious and beloved by
the gods, he says, are only those who hate that
which is wrong {ocrois ix^pov ro ddiKcly). The
purest joy and the truest happiness are only the
fruit of the higher mental activity exerted in the
endeavour to understand the nature of things, of
the peace of mind arising from good actions, and
of a clear conscience. (Brandis, /. c. p. 337.)

The titles of the works which the ancients as-
cribed to Democritus ma}' be found in Diogenes
Laertius. We find among them : 1. Works of
ethics and practical philosophy. 2. On natural
science. 3. On mathematics and astronomy.
4. On music and poetry, on rhythm and poetical
beauty (Bode, Ge>>ch. der Hellen. Dichtku7ist. i. p.
24, &c.), and on Homer. 5. Works of a linguistic
and grammatical nature ; for Democritus is one of
the earliest Greek philosophers that made language
the subject of his investigations. (Lersch, Sprach-
philosophie der Alten., i. p. 13, &c.) 6. Works on
medicine, 7. On agriculture. 8. On painting.
9. On mythology, history, &c. He had even
occupied himself, with success, with mechanics ;
and Vitruvius {Praef. lib. vii.; corap. 8enec. Epist.
90) ascribes to him certain inventions, for example,

DEMODOCUS.

tbf art of archinp;. He is alao said to have pos-
64'R8«'d a knowledge of ptTspectivo. Two works
on uictics (ToKTiKou Kcd 'OTrXofiaxixdu) are ascriljed
to him, apparently from a confusion of his name
with that of Damocritus. (Fabric. liibl. G'raec. iv.
p. 343 ; Mullach, /. c. pp. .03—1 59.) [A. S.J

DEMO'CRITUS (AWfp'Tos)- 1. Of Ephesus,
wrote works on the Ephesian temple and the town
of Samothrace. (Diog. Laert. ix. 49.) A frag-
ment of his is preserved in Athenaeus. (xii. p.
525.)

2. A Platonic philosopher, who wrote commen-
taries on Plato's Phaedon and Alcibiades I. (Por-
phyr. Vif. Plot, 20 ; Syrian, ad Aristot. Metaph.
xii. p. ^9 ; Ruhnken, Dissert. PMlol. de Vita et
Script. Ixtngitii^ § 4.)

3. Of Sicyon, is recommended by Cicero to the
proconsul A. Allienus {ad Fam. xiii. 78), as a
highly educated man. [L. S.]

DEMO'DAMAS (ATj/ioSojuas), of Miletus or
Halicamassus, is called Seletun et Antiochi dtuc by
Pliny. (//. A^. vi. 16.) He appears to have writ-
ten a geographical work on Asia, from which Pliny
derived great assistance. He is mentioned also by
Stephanus Byzantius (s. r. "kvriGcra)., and is pro-
bably the same as the Demodamas who according
to Athenaeus (xv. p. 682) wrote a work on Hali-
camassus. (Tepl 'kKiKapvaaaov.) [L. S.]

DEMO'DOCUS (ATjMo'SflKos). 1. The famous
bard of the Odyssey, who according to the fashion
of the heroic ages delighted the guests of king Al-
cinoUs during their repast by singing about the feats
of the Greeks at Troy, of the love of Ares and
Aphrodite, and of the wooden horse. {Od. viii. 62,
^c, xiii. 27.) He is also mentioned as the bard
who advised Agamemnon to guard Clytaemnestra,
and to expose Aegisthus in a desert island. {Od.
iii. 267 ; Eustath. arf //otw. p. 1466.) Eustathius
describes him as a Laconian, and as a pupil of Au-
tomedes and Perimedes of Argos. He adds that
he won the prize at the Pythian games and then
followed Agamemnon to Mycenae. One storj'
makes Odysseus recite Demodocus's song about the
destniction of Troy during a contest in Tyrrhenia.
(Ptolem. Heph. 7.) On the throne of Apollo at
Amyclae, Demodocus was represented playing to
the dance of the Phaeacians. (Pans. iii. 18. § 7.)
Later writers, who look upon this mythical min-
strel as an historical person, describe him as a na-
tive of Corcyra, and as an aged and blind singer
(Ov. Ih. 272), who composed a poem on the de-
struction of Troy ('lAiou TropS-rjo-js), and on the
marriage of Hephaestus and Aphrodite. (Plut. de
Mus. 3 ; Eudoc. p. 407 ; Phot. Bibl. p 152. ed.
Bekker.) Plutarch {de Fluvi. 18) refers even to
the first book of an epic poem on the exploits of
Heracles. ('HpaffAejo.) But all such statements
are fabulous ; and if there existed any poems under
his name, they were certainly forgeries.

2. A companion and friend of Aeneas, who was
killed bv Halesus. (Virg. ^ew. x. 413.) [L. S.]

DEMO'DOCUS (Arj/uoSo/fos). 1. Among the
dialogues bearing the name of Plato there is one
entitled Demodocus, from the person addressed
therein ; but whether this Demodocus is the friend
of Socrates, and father of Theages, who is intro-
duced as one of the interlocutors in tlie dialogue
Theages, is uncertain. But the dialogue Demodo-
cus is now acknowledged on all hands to be a
fabrication of a late sophist or rhetorician. (C. F.
Hermann, ^['/••••/em der Platnit. Fhilns. i. p. 414, &c.)

DEMONAX.

977

2. One of the Athenian generals, who com-
manded a fleet in the Hellespont, and in the
spring of b. c. 424, recovered the town of Antan-
rus. (Thuc. iv. 75.) Another person of this name
is mentioned by Polybius. (v. 95.) [L. S.]

DEMO'DOCUS {Ai]n6hoKos) of Leroa, the au-
thor of four epigrams in the Greek Anthologj-,
containing bitter attacks upon the Chians, Cappa-
docians, and Cilicians. (Bninck, Anal. ii. 56 ;
Jacobs, ii. 56, xiii. 698.) He is mentioned by
Aristotle. {Ethic. Nicom. vii. 9.) [P. S.]

DEMO'DOCUS (AtjmoSo/cos), a physician of
Crotona. [Democedes.J

DEMO'LEON {Ai]fxo\ib)v). There are four
mythical beings of this name, a centaur (Ov. Met.
xii. 355, &c.), a son of Phrixus and Chalciope
(Hygin. Fab. 14), a son of Antenor and Theano,
who was slain by Achilles (Hom. II. xx. 394), and
a son of Hippasus, who was slain by Paris. (Quint.
Smym. x. 119, &c.) [L. S.]

DEMOLEUS, a Greek, who had been slain by
Aeneas, and whose coat of mail was offered by
him as a prize in the games which he celebrated
in Sicily. (Virg. Aen. v. 258, &c.) [L. S.]

DEMON {Ai/ifxwv). 1. The author of an
Atthis ('At0is), or a history of Attica, against
which Philochorus wrote his Atthis, from which
we may infer that Demon lived either shortly
before or at the time of Philochorus. (Plut. Thf-s.
1 9, 23 ; Athen. iii. p. 96 ; Suid. s.v. TpiTonaTopfs.)
He is probably the same as the author of a work
on proverbs {irepl 7ra/)otut<S«'), of which some
fragments are still extant, (Steph. s. v. AcaStiv-q ;
Harpocrat. s. v. MvcroHu \fiau ; Hesych, s. v.
Oivaloi ; Photius, passim ; Suidas, s. v. AwSuva7ov ;
Schol. ad Aristoph. Plut. 1 003, Av. 302, Ran. 442 ;
Schol. ad Hom. Od. xx. 301, //. xvi. 233 ; ad
Find. Nem. vii. 155, ad Eurip. RJies. 248 ; Zenob.
Prnrerh. v. 52 ; Apostol. vii. 44, xiii. 36, xvii. 28,
XX. 27 ; Arsenius, Viol. pp. 186, 463) and of a
work on sacrifices {ircpl ducncuv ; Harpocrat. s. v.
irpoKcovia). The fragments of the works of Demon
are collected in Sii'l)elis Phanodemus {Devinvis,
Clitodemi et Istri) 'AreiSwv et relig. Fragm.., Leip-
zig, 1812. (See especially p. vii. &c., and p. 17,
&c., and in C. and Th. Mliller, Fragm. Hist. Graec.
p. 378, &c. Comp. p. Ixxxvii. &c.j

2. Of the demos of Paeania in Attica, was a
son of Demosthenes's sister, and distinguished him-
self as an orator ; he belonged, like his great
kinsman, to the anti-Macedonian party. When,
after the death of Alexander, Demosthenes was
still in exile and tried to rouse the Greeks to a
vigorous resistance against the Macedonians, De-
mon proposed a decree to recall him. It was
joyfully passed by the Athenians, and Demosthe-
nes returned in triumph. (Plut. Demosth. 27 ;
Athen. viii. p. 341, xiii. p. 593, where a son of
his, Phrynion, is mentioned.) [L. S.]

DEMONASSA {Ar^puLvaaaa). 1. The wife of
Irus, and mother of Eurydamas and Eurytion.
(Hygin. Fab. 14 ; Apollon' Rhod. i. 74.)

2. A daughter of Amphiaraus and Eriphyle,
was the wife of Thersander, by whom she became
the mother of Tisamenus. (Paus. iii. 15. § 6, ix.
5. <S 8.)

3. I'he mother of Aegialus by Adrastus. (Hy-
gin. Fid,. 71.) [L. S.]

DEMO'NAX (A77|uwi/a|), the most distinguish-
ed of those who attempted to revive the cynical
doctrines in the second centurv of the Christiau

3 R

978

DEMOPHANES.

aera. He probably lived in the time of Hadrian,
though the exact date of his birth and death is
unknown. We owe our knowledge of his character
to Lucian, who has painted it in the most glowing
colours, representing him as almost perfectly wise
and good. He adds that he has written an ac-
count of Demonax, " in order that the young who
wish to apply to the study of philosophy may not
be obliged to confine themselves to examples from
antiquity, but may derive from his life also a model
for their imitation." Of his friends the best known
to us was Epictetus, who appears to have exercised
considerable influence in the direction of his mind.
By birth a Cyprian, he removed to Athens, and
there joined the Cynical school, chiefly from re-
spect to the memory of Diogenes, whom he con-
sidered the most faithful representative of the life
and virtues of Socrates. He appears, however, to
have been free from the austerity and moroseness
of the sect, though he valued their indifference to
external things ; but we do not find that he con-
tributed anything more to the cause of science than
the original Cynics. His popularity at Athens was
Ko great, that people vied with each other for the
honour of offering him bread, and even boys shewed
their respect by large donations of apples. He
contrpcted some odium by the freedom with which
he rebuked vice, and he was accused of neglecting
sacrifice and the Kleusinian mysteries. To these
charges he returned for answer, that " he did not
sacrifice to Athena, because she could not want his
offerings," and that " if the mysteries were bad,
no one ought to be initiated ; if good, they should
be divulged to everybody," — the first of which re-
plies is symptomatic of that vague kind of Deism
which used so generally to conceal itself under an
affectation of reverence for the popular gods. He
never married, though Epictetus begged him to do
so. but was met by the request that his wife might
be one of Epictetus's daughters, whose own
bachelor life was not very consistent with his
urging the duty of f^iving birth to and educating
children. This and other anecdotes of Demonax
recorded by Lucian, shew him to have been an
amiable, good-humoured man, leading probably a
happy life, beloved and respected by those about
him, and no doubt contrasting favourably with
others who in those times called themselves votaries
of those ar.cient systems which, tis practical guides
of life, were no longer necessary in a world to
which a perfect revelation had now been given.
[Crescens, I Demonax died when nearly a hun-
dred years old, and was buried with great magni-
ficence, though he had declared it a matter of perfect
indifference to him if his body were thrown to the
dogs. (Lucian, Demonax; Brucker, Hist Crit.
Phil. per. ii. pars 1. 2. 6.) [G. E. L. C]

DEMONI'CE (Atjjuoi'^'c'?), a daughter of Agenor
and Epicaste, who became by Ares the mother of
Euenus, Molus, Pvlus, and Thestius. (Apollod. i.
7. ^ 7.) Hesiod (up. Schol. ad Horn. II. xiv. 200)
calls her Demodoce. [L. S.]

DEMONI'CUS {£^-nix6viKos), an Athenian co-
mic poet of the new comedy, of whom one frag-
ment is preserved by Athenaeus (ix. p. 410, d,),
who gives 'Ax^^(^vios as the title of the play ; but
perhaps it should rather be 'AxfAa^os. (Meineke,
Frag. Com. (iraec. i. p. 492, iv. p. 570.) [P. S.]
DEMO'PH AN ES ( ATj/xoi^rfj'Tjs), of Megalopolis,
a Platonic philosopher, and a disci})le of Arcesilas.
(I'lut. I'hilopoein. 1.) He and Ecdemus were the

DEMOPHON.
chief persons who delivered Megalopolis from the
tyranny of Aristodemus, and also assirsted Aratus
in abolishing tyranny at Sicyon. For a time they
were entrusted with the administration of the state
of Cyrene, and Philopoemen in his youth had en-
joj-ed their friendship. (Polyb. x. 25.) [L. S.]
DEMOPHILUS. [Damophilu.s.]
DEMO'PHILUS ( A77M<^</)iAos). \. The son of
Ephorus, was an historian in the time of Alexan-
der the Great. He continued his father's history
by adding to it the history of the Sacred War
from the taking of Delphi and the plunder of its
temple by Philomelus the Phocian, b. c. 357.
(Diod. xvi. 14 ; Suid. s. v. "Ecpiinros, where "E^opos
should be read for''E</)tTr7roj ; Athen. vi. p. 232, d. ;
Schol. Hom. //. xiii. 301; Vossius, de Hist. O'raec.
p. 98, ed. Westermann.)

2. An Athenian comic poet of the new comedy.
The only mention of him is in the Prologue to the
Asinaria of Plautus, who says, that his play is
taken from the ^Ovayos of Demophilus, vv. 10-13,

" Huic nomen Graece est Onagos Fabulae.

Demophilus scripsit, Marcus vortit barbare.

Asinariam volt esse, si per vos licet.

Inest lepos ludusque in hac Comoedia."
Meineke observes that, judging from the "lepos
ludusque" of the Aainarki., we have no need to re-
gret the loss of the '0«'07oy. (Meineke, Frag. Com.
Graec. i. p. 491.)

3. A Pythagorean philosopher, of whose per-
sonal history nothing is known. He wrote a
work entitled )3(oy SfpaTrcjo, treating of practical
ethics, parts of which are still extant, in the form
of a selection, entitled ypwfiiKct oixouLixara, from
which we may infer that the whole work must
have been of the highest order of excellence. The
extant portion of it was first printed by Lucas
Holstenius in his collection of the ancient writers
on practical morals, Rome, 1638, 8vo., Lugd. Bat.
1639, 12nio.; then by Gale, in his Opusc. Mythol.
Cant. 1670, 8vo., Amst. 1688, 8vo., also with the
Oxford edition of Maximus Tyrius, 1677, 12mo.,
and with Wetstein's Epictetus, Amst. 1750, 12mo.;
in a separate form by J. Swedberg, Stockholm,
1682, 8vo., and more correctly by I. A. Schier,
Lips, 1754, 8vo., and lastly by J. C. Orelli, in his
Opusc. Craec. Vet. iicntent. Lips. 1819, 8vo. [P.S.]

DEMO'PHILUS, artists. 1. Of Himera, a
painter, who flourished about B. c. 424, was said
by some to have been the teacher of Zeuxis. (Plin.
XXXV. 9. 6. 36. § 2 ; Zel'xis.)

2. An architect of little note, wrote Praecepta
Sj/mmeiriarum. (Vitruv. vii. Praef. § 14.) See
also Damophilus. [P. S.]

DE'MOPHON or DEMOPHOON {An/xocpwy
or AriiJ.o<p6wv). 1 . The youngest son of Celeus and
Metaneii-a, who was entrusted to the care of De-
meter. He grew up under her without any human
food, being fed by the goddess with her own milk,
and ambrosia. During the night she used to place
him in fire to secure to him eternal youth ; but
once she was obseiTed by Metaneira, who disturbed
the goddess by her cries, and the child Demophon
was consumed by the flames. (Apollod. i. 5. § 1 ;
Ov. Fast. iv. 512, &c. ; Hygin. Fab. 147 ; Hom.
Hymn, in Cer. 234.)

2. A son of Theseus and Phaedra, and brother
of Acamas. (Diod. iv. 62 ; Hygin. Fab. 48.)
According to Pindar {ap. Plut. Thes. 28), he was
the son of Theseus b}' Antiope. He accompanied
the Greeks against Troy (Homer, however, does

DEMOPTOLEMUS.

not mention him), and there effected the liberation
of his gnindmother Aethra, who was with Helena
as a slave. (Pans. x. 2.5. § 2.) According to
Plutarch he was beloved by Laodico, who became
by him the mother of Munychus or Munytus
whom Aethra broxight up in secret at Ilium. On
Demophon's return from Troy, Phyllis, the daugh-
ter of the Thracian king Sithon, fell in love with
him, and he consented to marry her. But, before
the nuptials were celebrated, he went to Attica to
settle his affairs at home, and as he tarried longer
than Phyllis had expected, she began to think that
she was forgotten, and put an end to her life. She
was, however, metamorphosed into a tree, and De-
mophon, when he at last returned and saw Avhat
had happened, embraced the tree and pressed it to
his bosom, whereupon buds and leaves immediately
came forth. (Ov. Ar. Am. iii. 38, Heroid. 2 ; Serv.
ad Virg. Eclog. v. 10 ; comp. Hygiu. Fab. 59.)
Afterwards, when Diomedes on his return from Troy
was thrown on the coast of Attica, and without
knowing the country began to ravage it, Demophon
marched out against the invaders : he took the
Palladium from them, but had the misfortune to
kill an Athenian in the struggle. For this murder
he was summoned by the people of Athens before
the court M UaWajbicf — the first time that a man
was tried by that court. (Paus. i, 28. § 9.)
According to Antoninus Liberalis (33) Demophon
assisted the Heracleidae against Eurystheus, who
fell in battle, and the Heracleidae received from
Demophon settlements in Attica, which were called
the tetrapolis. Orestes too came to Athens to seek
the protection of Demophon. He arrived during
the celebration of the Anthesteria, and was kindly
received ; but the precautions which were taken
that he might not pollute the sacred rights, gave
rise to the second day of the festival, which was
called X'^*^' (Athen. x. p. 437 ; Plut. Sympos. ii.)
Demophon was painted in the Lesche at Delphi
together with Helena and Aethra, meditating how
he might liberate Aethra. (Paus. i. 28. § 9.)

3. A companion of Aeneas, who was killed by
Camilla. (Virg. Aen. xi. 675.) [L. S.]

DE'MOPHON (Avfjioipwv). 1. One of the
two generals sent from Athens by a decree of the
people, according to Diodorus, to aid the Thebans
who were in arms for the recovery of the Cadmeia.
( Diod. XV. 26 ; Wesseling, ad loc.) This account
is in some measure continued by Deinarchus (c.
Dem. p. 9B), who mentions a decree introduced
by Cephalus to the above effect. Xenophon, how-
ever, says that the two Athenian genei-als on the
frontier acted on their own responsibility in aiding
the democratic Thebans, and that the Athenians
soon after, through fear of Sparta, put one of them
to death, while the other, who fled before his trial,
was banished. (Xen. Hell. v. 4. §§ 9, 10, 19 ;
Plut. Pelop. 14.)

2. A soothsayer in Alexander's army, who
warned the king of the danger to which his life
would be exposed in the attack which he was on
the point of making on the town of the Malli, b, c.
326. Alexander is said to have rejected the
warning contemptuously, and in the assault he had
a very narrow esc<\pe from death. (Diod. xvii. 93 ;
Curt. ix. 4; comp. Arr. Anah. vi. J), &c. ; Plut.
Alea-. 63.) [E. E.]

DEMOPTO'LEMUS {AvixoTrrdKefios), one of
he suitors of Penelope, slain by Odysseus after
his return. (Hom. 01. xxii. 246, 266.) [L. S.]

DEMOSTHENES.

979

DEMO'STHENES(AT7)tio(r0€i'7js), son of Alcis-
thenes, Athenian general, is one of the prominent
characters of the Peloponnesian war. He was ap-
pointed in the sixth year, b. c. 426, to the com-
mand with Procles of a squadron of thirty ships
sent on the annual cruise around Peloponnesus.
Their first important efforts were directed against
Leucas; and with the aid of a large force of
Acanianians, Zacynthians, Cephallenians, and Cor-
ey raeans, it seemed highly probable that this im-
portant ally of Sparta might be reduced. And the
Acamanians were urgent for a blockade. Demos-
thenes, however, had conceived, from the informa-
tion of the Messenians, hopes of a loftier kind ;
and, at the risk of offending the Acamanians, who
presently declined to co-operate, sailed with these
views to Naupactus. The Corcyraeans had also
left him, but he still persevered in his project,
which was the reduction of the Aetolians, — an
operation which, once effected, would open the
way to the Phocians, a people ever well disposed to
Athens, and so into Boeotia. It was not too much
to hope that northern Greece might thus be wholly
detached from the Spartan alliance, and the war
be made strictly Peloponnesian. The success of
the first move in this plan depended much on the
aid of certain allies among the Ozolian Locrians,
who were used to the pecidiar warfare of the ene-
my. These, however, were remiss, and Demos-
thenes, fearing that the rumour of his purpose
would rouse the whole Aetolian nation, advanced
without them. His fear had been already realized,
and as soon as the resources of his archery were
exhausted, he was obliged to retreat, and this re-
treat the loss of his guide rendered even more
disastrous than might have been expected for a
force of heavy-armed men amidst the perpetual
assaults of numerous light armed enemies. " There
was every kind of flight and destruction," says
Thucydides, " and of 300 Athenians there fell 120,
a loss rendered heavy beyond proportion, tlirough
the peculiar excellence of this jiaiticular detach-
ment." (Thuc. iii. .<)!, 94, 98 ; Diod. xii. 60.)

This, however, seemed to be hardly the worst
consequence. The Aetolians sent ambassadors to
Sparta, to ask for aid to reduce Naupactus ; and
received under the command of Eurylochus 3000
men-at-arms. The Ozolian Locrians were overawed
into decided alliance. But Naupactus Demosthenes
was enabled to save by reinforcements obtained
on urgent entreaty from the offended Acamanians ;
and Eurylochus led off his forces for the present
to Calydon, Pleuroii, and Proschiuni. Yet this
was but the preliminary of a more important move-
ment. The Ambraciots, on a secret understand-
ing with him, advanced with a large force into
the country of their ancient enemy, the Amphilo-
cliian Argos ; they posted themselves not far from
the town, at Olpae. Eurj'lochus now broke up,
and, by a judicious route, passing between the town
itself and Crenae, where the Acamanians had as-
sembled to intercept him, effected a junction with
these allies. Presently, on the other hand, De-
mosthenes arrived with twenty ships, and under
his conduct the final engagement took place at
Olpae, and was decided, by an ambuscade which
he planted, in favour of the Athenians and Acar-
naniuns. An almost greater advantage was gained
by the compact entered into with Menedaeus, the
surviving Sjwrtan officer, for the underhand with-
dniwid of the Peloponnesians. And, finallv, hav-

3 R 2'

9R0

DEMOSTHENES.

ing heard that the whole remaining force of Am-
bracia was advancing in support, he succeeded
further in waylaying and almost exterminating it
in the battle of Idomene. The Athenians received
a third part of the spoils, and the amount may be
estimated from the fact, that the share of Demos-
thenes, the only portion that reached Athens in
safety, was no less than 300 panoplies. (Thuc. iii.
102,'l05— 114; Diod. xii. 60.)

Demosthenes might now safelj' venture home:
and in the next year he was allowed, at his own
request, though not in office, to accompany Eury-
medon and Sophocles, the commanders of a squadron
destined for Sicily, and empowered to use their
services for any object he chose on the Peloponne-
sian coast. They, however, would not hear of any
delay, and it was only by the chance of stress of
weather, which detained the fleet at Pylos, his
choice for his new design, that he was enabled to
effect his purpose. The men themselves while
waiting, took the fancy to build him his fort ; and
in it he was left with five ships. Here he was
assailed by the Lacedaemonians, whom the news had
recalled out of Attica, and from Corcyra, and here
with great spirit and success he defeated their at-
tempt to carry the place on the sea side. The arrival
of forty Athenian ships, for which he had sent, and
their success in making their way into the harbour,
reversed his position. The Lacedaemonians, who
in their siege of the place had occupied the neigh-
bouring island, were now cut off and blockaded,
and Sparta now humbled herself to ask for peace.
The arrogance of the people blighted this promise ;
and as the winter approached it became a question
whether the whole advantage was not likely to be
lost by the escape of the party. Demosthenes,
however, was devising an expedient, when joined
or rather, in fact, superseded by Cleon [Clkon],
who nevertheless was shrewd enough not to inter-
fere, possibly had even had intimation of it through-
out. His Aetolian disaster had taught him the value
of light and the weakness of heavy arms. Ijand-
ing at two points with a force of which one-third
only were full-armed, by a judicious distribution
of his troops, and chiefly by the aid of his archers
and targeteers. he effected the achievement, tiien
almost incredible, of forcing the Spartans to lay
down their arms. (Thuc. iv. 2 — 40 ; Diod. xii.
61—63.)

The glory of this success was with the vulgar
given to Cleon, yet Demosthenes must have
sureh' had some proportion of it. He was pro-
bably henceforth in general esteem, as in the
Knights of Aristophanes, coupled at the head of
the list of the city's generals with the high-born
and influential Nicisis. We find him in the follow-
ing year (b. c. 424) commanding with Hippocrates
in the operation in the Megarid ; possessing him-
self by a stratagem of the Long Walls uniting
Megara to Nisaea, and receiving shortly the submis-
sion of Nisaea itself, though baffled by the advance
of Brasidas in the main design on Megara. Soon
after, he concerted with the same colleague a grand
attempt on Boeotia. On a fixed day Hippocrates
was to lead the whole Athenian force into the
south-eastern frontier, and occupy Delium, while
Demosthenes was to land at Siphae, and by the
aid of the democratic party, possess himself of it
and of Chaeroneia. Demosthenes with this view
took forty ships to Naupactus, and, having raised
f« rces in Acamania, sailed for Siphae. But either

DEMOSTHENES,
he or Hippocrates had mistaken the day ; his
arrival was too early, and the Boeotians, who had
moreover received information of the plot, were
enabled to bring their whole force against Demos-
thenes, and yet be in time to meet his colleague at
Delium. The whole design was thus overthrown,
and Demosthenes was further disgraced by a re-
pulse in a descent on the territory of Sicyon.
(Thuc. iv. 66—74, 76, 77, 89, 101 ; Diod. xii.
66—69.)

He does not reappear in history, except among the
signatures to the treaties of the tenth year, B. c. 422
(Thuc. v. 19, 24), till the nineteenth,' B.C. 4 13. On
the arrival of the despatch from Nicias giving an ac-
count of the relief of Syracuse by (lylippus, he was
appointed with Eurymedon to the command of the
reinforcements, and, while the latter went at once
to Sicily, he remained at home making the needful
preparations. Early in the spring he set sail with
sixty-five ships; and after some delays, how far
avoidable we cannot say, at Aegina and Corcyra,
on the coasts of Peloponnesus and of Italy, reached
Syracuse a little too late to prevent the first naval
victory of the besieged. (Thuc. vii. 16, 17,20,
26, 31, 33, .3.5, 42.)

The details of this concluding portion of the
Syracusan expedition cannot be given in a life of
Demosthenes. His advice, on his arrival, was to
make at once the utmost use of their own present
strength and their enemies' consternation, and
then at once, if they failed, to return. No imme-
diate conclusion of the siege could be expected
without the recoverj' of the high ground command-
ing the city, f>pipolae. After some unsuccessful
attempts by day, Demosthenes devised and put
into effect a plan for an attack, with the whole
forces, by night. It was at first signally success-
ful, but the tide was turned by the resistance of a
body of Boeotians, and the victory changed to a
disastrous defeat. Demosthenes now counselled
an immediate departure, either to Athens, or, if
Nicias, whose professions of greater acquaintance
with the internal state of the besieged greatly in-
fluenced his brother generals, really had grounds
for hope, at any rate from their present unhealthy
position to the safe and wholesome situation of
Thapsus. Demosthenes reasoned in vain : then
ensued the fatal delay, the return of Gylippus with
fresh reinforcements, the late consent of Nicias to
depart, and the infatuated recal of it on the eclipse
of the moon, the first defeat and the second of
the all-important ships. In the latter engage-
ment Demosthenes had the chief command, and
retained even in the hour of disaster sufficient
coolness to see that the only course remaining
was at once to make a fresh attempt to break
through the blockading ships and force their
way to sea. And he had now the voice of Nicias
with him : the army itself in desperation refused.
In the subsequent retreat by the land, Demos-
thenes for some time is described simply as co-
operating with Nicias, though with the separate
command of the second and rearward division.
This, on the sixth day, through its greater expo-
sure to the enemy, was unable to keep up with
the other; and Demosthenes, as in his position
was natural, looked more to defence agamst the
enemy, while Nicias thought only of speedy re-
treat. The consequence was that, having fallen
about five miles and a half behind, he was sur-
rounded and driven into a plot of ground planted

DEMOSTHENES.

with olives, fenced nearly round with a wall,
where he was exposed to the missiles of the ene-
my. Here he surrendered, towards evening, on
condition of the lives of his soldiers being spared.

His own was not. In confinement at Syracuse'
Nicias and he were once more united, and were
together nMieved by a speedy death. Such was
the unworthy decree of the Syracusan assembly,
against the voice, say Diodoms and Plutarch, of
Hermocrates, and contrary, sjiys Thucydides, to
the wish of Gylippus, wlio coveted the glory of
conveying the two great Athenian commanders to
Sparta. (Thuc. vii. 42—87 ; Diod. xiii. 10—33 ;
Plut. Nii-uts, '20-2fi.) Tiraaeus, adds Plutarch, re-
lated that Hermocrates contrived to apprize them of
the decree, and that they fell by their own hands.
Demosthenes may be characterized as an unfortu-
nate general. Had his fortune but equalled his
ability, he had achieved perhaps a name greater
than any of the generals of his time. In the large-
ness and boldness of his designs, the quickness
and justice of his insight, he rises high above all
his contemporaries. In Aetolia the crudeness of his
first essay was cruelly punished ; in Acarnania and
at Pylos, though his projects were even favoured
by chance, yet the proper result of the one in the
reduction of Ambracia was prevented by the jea-
lousy of his allies ; and in the other his own indi-
vidual glory was stolen by the shameless Cleon.
In the designs against Megara and Boeotia failure
again attended him. In his conduct of the second
Syracusan expedition there is hardly one step
which we can blame : with the exception of the
night attack on Epipolae, it is in fact a painful
exhibition of a defeat step by step eifected over
reason and wisdom by folly and infatuation. It
is possible that with the other elements of a great
general he did not combine in a high degree that
essential requisite of moral firmness and com-
mand : he may too have been less accurate in
attending to the details of execution than he was
farsighted and fertile in devising the outline. Yet
this must be doubtful: what we learn from history
is, that to Demosthenes his country owed her
superiority at the peace of Nicias, and to
any rather than to him her defeat at Syracuse.
Of his position at home among the various parties
of the state we know little or nothing : he appears
to have been of high rank : in Aristophanes he is
described as leading the charge of the Hippeis
upon Cleon {Equiies, 242), and his place in the
play throughout seems to imply it. [A. H. G.]

DEMO'STHENES {Avtiotrdeirns), the greatest
of the Greek orators, was the son of one Demos-
thenes, and born in the Attic demos of Paeania.
Respecting the year of his birth, the statements of
the ancients differ as much as the opinions of modern
critics. Some of the earlier scholars acquiesced in
the express testimony of Dionysius of Halicarnassus
{Ep. Oil Amm. i. 4), who says that Demosthenes
was bom in the year preceding the hundredth
Olympiad, that is, 01. 99. 4, or b. c. 3»1. Gellius
(xv. 28) states that Demosthenes was in his twen-
ty-seventh year at the time when he composed his
orations agtiiust Androtion and Timocrates, which
belong to b. c. 355, so that the birth of Demos-
thenes would fiiU in B. c. 383 or 382, the latter of
which is adopted by Clinton. {F. H. ii. p. 426, &c.,
3rd edit.) According to the account in the lives
of the Ten Orators (p. 845. D.) Demosthenes was
born in the archonship of Dexitheus, that is, b. c.

DEMOSTHENES. 981

385, and this statement has been adopted by most
modem critics, such as Becker, Bdckh, Wester-
mann, Thirlwall, and others ; whereas some have
endeavoured to prpve that B. c. 384 was his birth-
year. The opinion now most commonly received
is, that Demosthenes was born in b. c. 385. For
detailed discussions on this question the reader is
referred to the works mentioned at the end of this
article.

When Demosthenes, the father, died, he left
behind him a widow, the daughter of Gylon, and
two children, Demosthenes, then a boy of seven,
and a daughter who was only five years old. (Plut.
Dem. 4 ; Dem. c. Ap/iob. ii. p. 836 ; Aeschin. c.
Ctesiph. $ 171 ; Boeckh, Coi-p. Inscript. i. p. 464.)
During the last moments of his life, the father had
entmsted the protection of his wife and children
and the care of his property, partly capital and
partly a large sword manufactory, to three guar-
dians, Aphobus, a son of his sister Demophon, a
son of his brother, and an old friend Therippides,
on condition that the first should marry the widow
and receive with her a dowry of eighty minae ; the
second was to marrj"^ the daughter on her attaining
the age of maturity, and was to receive at once two
talents, and the third was to have the interest of
seventy minae, till Demosthenes, the son, should
come of age. (Dem. c. Aphob. i. pp. 814, 816, ii.
840.) But the first two of the guardians did not
comply with the stipulations made in the will, and
all three, in spite of all the remonstrances of the
family, united in squandering and appropriating to
themselves a great portion of the handsome pro-
perty, which IS estimated at upwards of fourteen
talents, and might easily have been doubled during
the minority of Demosthenes by a prudent admi-
nistmtion. But, as it was, the property gradually
was so reduced, that when Demosthenes became
of age, his guardians had no more than seventy
minae, that is, only one twelfth of the property
which the father had left. (Dem. c. Aphob. i. pp.
812, 832, 815, c. Onet p. 865.) This shameful
coiiduct of his own relatives and guardians un-
questionably exercised a great influence on the
mind and character of Demosthenes, for it was
probably during that early period that, sutFering as
he was through the injustice of those from whom
he had a right to expect protection, his strong
feeling of right and wrong was planted and de-
veloped in him, a feeling which characterizes his
whole subsequent life. He was thus thrown upon
his own resources, and the result was great self-
reliance, independence of judgment, and his ora-
tory, which was the only art by which he could
hope to get justice done to himself.

Although Demosthenes passed his youth amid
such troubles and vexations, tliere is no reason for
believing with Plutarch {Dem. 4), that he grew up
neglected and without any education at all. The
very fact that his guardians are accused of having
refused to pay his teachers (c. Aphob. i. p. 828)
shews that he received some kind of education,
which is further confirmed by Demosthenes's own
statement (de Coron. pp. 312, 315), though it
cannot be supposed that his education comprised
much more than an elementary course. The many
illustrious personages that are mentioned as his
teachers, must be conceived to have become con-
nected with him after he had attained the age of,
manhood. He is said to have been instmcted in
philosophy by Plato. (Plut. Deni. 5, Vii. X OrnL

^82

DEMOSTHENES.

p. 841 ; Diog Laert. iii. 46 ; Cic. Unit. HI, Orat.
4 ; Quintil. xiii. 2. § 22, 10. § 24 ; Geliius, iii.
1 3.) It may be that Demosthenes knew and es-
teemed Plato, but it is more than doubtful whether
he received his instruction ; and to make him, as
some critics have done, a perfect Platonic, is cer-
tainly going too far. According to some accounts
he was instructed in oratory by Isocrates (Plut.
VU. X Orat. p. 844 ; Phot. DM. p. 492), but this
was a disputed point with the ancients themselves,
some of whom stated, that he was not personally
instructed by Isocrates, but only that he studied
the rfx*^ pV'opiKT^^ which Isocrates had written.
(Plut. rit. X Orat. p. 837, Dem. 5.) The tradi-
tion of Demosthenes having been a i)U|iil of Iso-
cnites is, moreover, not supported by any evidence
derived from the orations of Demosthenes himself,
who speaks with contempt of the rhetorical school
of Isocrates (c. Lacrin. pp. 928, 937), and an un-
biassed reader of the works of the two orators
cannot discover any direct influence of the elder
upon the younger one, for certain words and phrases
cannot assuredly be taken as proofs to the contrary.
The account that Demosthenes was instructed in
oratory by Isaeus (Plut. Dem. 5, FiV. X Orat. p.
844 ; Phot. Bibl. p. 492), has much more probabi-
bty ; for at that time Isaeus was the most eminent
orator in matters connected with the laws of in-
heritance, the very thing which Demosthenes
needed. This account is further supported by the
fact, that the earliest orations of Demosthenes, viz.
those against Aphobus and Onetor, bear so strong
a resemblance to those of Isaeus, that the ancients
themselves believed them to have been composed
by Isaeus for Demosthenes, or that the latter had
written them under the guidance of the former.
(Plut Vit. X Orat. p. 839 ; Liban. Vit. Dem. p.
3, Argum. ad Orat. c. Onet. p. 875.) We may sup-
pose without much hesitation, that during the latter
years of his minority Demosthenes privately pre-
pared himself for the career of an orator, to which
he was urged on by his peculiar circumstances no less
than by the admiration he felt for the orators of his
time, and that during the first years after his attain-
ing the age of manhood he availed himself of the
instruction of Isaeus.

Immediately after becoming of age in B. c. 30'6,
Demosthenes called upon his guardians to render
him an account of their administration of his pro-
perty ; but by intrigues they contrived to defer
the business for two years, which was perhaps less
disagreeable to him, as he had to prepare himself
and to acquire a certain legal knowledge and orato-
rical power before he could venture to come forward
in his own cause with any hope of success. In
the course of these two years, however, the matter
was twice investigated by the diaetetae, and was
decided each time in favour of Demosthenes.
(Dem. c. Jpfiob. i. p. 828, c. Apltoi. iii. p. 861.)
At length, in the third year after his coming of
age, in the archonship of Timocrates, b. c. 364
(Dem. c. Onet. p. 868), Demosthenes brought his
accusation against Aphobus before the archon,
reserving to himself the right to bring similar
charges against Demophon and Therippides, which,
however, he does not appear to have done (c.
Aphob. i. p. 817; Plut. Vit. X Orat. p. 844;
Zozim. Vit, Dem. p. 147). Aphobus was con-
demned to pay a fine of ten talents. This verdict
was obtained by Demosthenes in the face of all the
intrigues to which Aphobus had resorted for the

DEMOSTHENES,
purpose of thwarting liim and involving him in a
series of other law-suits (c. Aphob. p. 862). The
extant orations of Demosthenes against Apho-
bus, who endeavoured to prevent his taking
possession of his property, refer to these transac-
tions. Demosthenes had thus gained a signal
victory over his enemies, notwithstanding all the
extraordinary disadvantages under which he la-
boured, for his physical constitution was weak, and
his orgjin of speech deficient — whence, probably, he
derived the nickname of )8ot aAos, the deliaite
youth, or the stammerer, — and it was only owing
to the most unwearied and persevering exertions
that he succeeded in overcoming and removing the
obstacles which nature had placed in his way.
These exertions were probably made by him after
he had arrived at the age of manhood. In this
manner, and by speaking in various civil cases,
he prepared himself for the career of a political
orator and statesman. It is very doubtful whether
Demosthenes, like some of his predecessors, engaged
also in teaching rhetoric, as some of his Greek bio-
graphers assert.

The suit against Aphobus had made Meidias a
formidable and implacable enemy of Demosthenes
(Dem. c. Ap/ujb. ii. p. 840, c. Meid. p. 539, &c.),
and the danger to which he thus became exposed
was the more fearful, since except his personal
powers and virtues he had nothing to oppose to
Meidias, who was the most active member of a
coterie, which, although yet without any definite
political tendency, was preparing the ruin of the
republic by violating its laws and sacrificing its
resources to personal and selfish interests. The
first acts of open hostility were committed in B. c.
361, when Meidias forced his way into the house
of Demosthenes and insulted the members of his
family. This led Demosthenes to bring against
him the action of Ka/c7j7opia, and when Meidias
after his condemnation did not fulfil his obligations,
Demosthenes brought against him a S^ktj 4^ov\r}s.
(Dem. c. Meid. p. 540, &c.) Meidias found means
to prevent any decision being given for a period of
eight years, and at length, in b. c. 354, he had an
opportunity to tJike revenge upon Demosthenes,
who had in that year voluntarily undertaken the
choregia. Meidias not only endeavoured in all
possible ways to prevent Demosthenes from dis-
charging his office in its proper form, but attacked
him with open violence during the celebration of
the great Dionysia, (Dem. c. Meid. p. 518.) Such
an act committed before the eyes of the people
demanded reparation, and Demosthenes brought an
action against him. Public opinion condemned
Meidias, and it was in vain that he made all pos-
sible efforts to intimidate Demosthenes, who re-
mained firm in spite of all his enemy's machinations,
until at length, when an amicable arrangement was
proposed, Demosthenes accepted it, and withdrew
his accusation. It is said that he received from
Meidias the sum of thirty minae. (Plut Detn. 12;
Aeschin. c. Ctesiph. § 52.) The reason why De-
mosthenes withdrew his accusation was in all pro-
bability his fear of the powerful party of which
Meidias was the leader ; his accepting the sum of
thirty minae, which, however, can scarcely be
treated as an authentic fact (Isid. Epid.'w. 205), has
been looked upon as an illegal act, and has been
brought forward as a proof that Demostht-nes was
accessible to bribes. But the law which forbade the
dropping of a public accusation (Dem. c. Meid. p. 529 )

DKMObTlIENES.

does not appear to have been always strictly observ-
ed, aa it was merely intended to prevent frivolous
and unfounded accusations. If, on the other hand,
Demosthenes did receive the thirty minae, it does
not follow that it was a bril)e, for that sum may
have been required of him as a fine for dropping his
accusation against Meidias, or Demosthenes may
have regarded that sum as a satisfactory acknow-
ledgement of the guilt of his enemy. This affair
belongs to the year b. c. 353, in which also the
extant oration against Meidias was written, but as
Demosthenes did not follow up the suit, the oration
was left in its present unfinished state.

Demosthenes had some years before this event
come forward as a speaker in the public assembly,
for in a c. 355 he had delivered the orations
agsiinst Leptines and Androtion ( Dionys. Ep.
ad A mm. i. 4), and in B. c. 353 the oration
against Timocrates. The general esteem which
Demosthenes enjoyed as early as that time is
sufficiently attested by the fact, that in b. c.
354, in spite of all the intrigues of Meidias, he
was confirmed in the dignity of /SouAewTTjs, to
which he had been elected by lot (Dem. c. Meid.
p. 551), and that in the year following he con-
ducted, in the capacity of architheoros, the usual
theoria, which the state of Athens sent to the fes-
tival of the Nemean Zeus (c. Meid. p. 552). The
active part he took in public affairs is further
attested by the orations which belong to this period:
in B. c. 354 he spoke against the projected expedi-
tion to Euboea, though without success, and he
himself afterwards joined in it under Phocion.
(Dem. de Paee^ p. 58, c. Meid. p. 558.) In the
»ame year he delivered the oration Trepi (rv,ufiopiwv.,
in which he successfully dissuaded the Athenians
from their foolish scheme of undertaking a war
agjiinst Persia (Dem. de Rhod. lib. p. 192), and in
B. c. 353 he spoke for the Megalopolitans (i)irep
M^yaXoTToXirdv), and opposed the Spartans, v\rho
had solicited the aid of Athens to reduce Megalo-
polis.

The one hundred and sixth Olympiad, or the
period from b. c. 356, is the beginning of the career
of Demosthenes as one of the leading statesmen of
Athens, and henceforth the history of his life is
closely mixed up with that of his countrj^; for
there is no question affecting the public good
in which he did not take the most active part, and
support with all the power of his oratory what he
considered right and beneficial to the state. King
Philip of Macedonia had commenced in b. c. 358
his encroachments upon the possessions of Athens
in the north of the Aegean, and he had taken pos-
session of the towns of Amphipolis, Pydna, Poti-
daea, and Methone. During those proceedings he
had contrived to keep the Athenians at a distance,
to deceive them and keep them in good humour by
delusions and apparently favourable promises.
Demosthenes was not, indeed, the only man who
saw that these proceedings were merely a prelude
to greater things, and that unless the king was
checked, he would attempt the subjugation, not
only of Athens but of all Greece; but Demos-
thenes was the only person who had the honesty
and the courage openly to express his opinions,
and to call upon the Greeks to unite their strength
against the common foe. His patriotic feelings
and convictions against Macedonian aggrandize-
ment are the groundwork of his Philippics, a series
of the most splendid and spirited orations. They

DEMOSTHENES.

983

did not, it is tnie, produce the desired results, but
the fault was not his, and the cause of their failure
must be sought in the state of general dissolution
in the Greek republics at the time ; for while
Philip occupied his threatening position, the Pho-
cians were engaged in a war for life and death
with the Thebans ; the states of Peloponnesus
looked upon one another with mistrust and hatred,
and it was only with great difficulty that Athens
could maintain a shadow of its former supremacy.
The Athenians themselves, as Demosthenes says,
were indolent, even when they knew what ought
to be done ; they could not rouse themselves to an
energetic opposition ; their measures were in most
cases only half measures ; they never acted at the
right time, and indulged in spending the treasures
of the republic upon costly pomps and festivities,
instead of employing them as means to ward off
the danger that was gathering like a storm at a
distance. This disposition was, moreover, fostered
by the ruling party at Athens. It was further an
unfortunate circumstance for Athens that, although
she had some able generals, yet she had no military
genius of the first order to lead her forces against
the Macedonian, and make head against him. It
was only on one occasion, in b. c. 353, that the
Athenians gained decided advantages by a diver-
sion of their fleet, which prevented Philip passing
Thermopylae during the war between the Phocians
and Thebans. But a report of Philip's illness and
death soon made room for the old apathy, and the
good-will of those who would have acted with
spirit was paralyzed by the entire absence of any
definite plan in the war against Macedonia, al-
though the necessity of such a plan had been
pointed out, and proposals had been made for it by
Demosthenes in his first Philippic, which was
spoken in B. c. 352. Philip's attack upon Olynthus
in b. c. 349, which terminated in the year follow-
ing with the conquest of the place, deprived the
Athenians of their last stronghold in the north.
At the request of several embassies from the Olyn-
thians, and on the impressive exhortaticm of De-
mosthenes in his three Olynthiac orations, the
Athenians had indeed made considerable efforts to
save Olynthus (Dem. de Fu/s. Ley. p. 426; Dionys.
Ep. ad A mm. i. 9), but their operations were
thwarted in the end by a treacherous plot which
was formed at Olynthus itself, and the town fell
into the hands of Philip.

The next event in wliich Demosthenes took an
active part is the peace with Philip, which from
its originator is called the peace of Philocrates, and
is one of the most obscure points in the history of
Demosthenes and of Athens, since none of the his-
torians whose works are exUmt enter into the
detiiils of the subject. Our onl}' sources of infor-
mation are the orations of Denmsthenes and Aes-
chines on the embassy (irepl irafyaTrpecrSeias), which
contain statements so much at variance and so
contradictory, that it is next to impossible to come
to any certain conclusions, although, if we consider
the characters of the two orators, the authority of
Demosthenes is entitled to higher credit than that
of Aeschines. The former may, to some extent,
have been labouring under a delusion, but Aes-
chines had the intention to deceive. The following
particulars, however, may be looked upon as well
established. During the Olynthian war, Philip
had expressed his willingness to conclude a peace
and alliance with Athens, and the Athenians, who

984

DEMOSTHENES.

were tired of the war and unable to form a coali-
tion against the king, had accepted the proposal.
Philocrates accordingly advised the Athenians to
commence negotiations and to send an embassy to
Philip, Demosthenes supported the plan, and
Philocrates, Aeschines, and Demosthenes were
among the ambassadors who went to the king.
The transactions with Philip are not quite clear,
though they must have referred to the Phocians
and Thebans also, for the Phocians were allied
with Athens, and the Athenian ambassadors pro-
bably demanded that the Phocians should be in-
cluded in the treaty of peace and alliance between
Macedonia and Athens. But this was more than
Philip was inclined to agree to, since he had
already resolved upon the destruction of the Pho-
cians. It is, therefore, very probable that he may
have quieted the ambassadors by vague promises,
and have declined to comply with their demand
under the pretext that he could not make a public
decliiration in favour of the Phocians on account of
his relation to the Thessalians and Thebans. After
the return of the ambassadors to Athens, the peace
was discussed in two successive assemblies of the
people, and it was at lengtli sanctioned and sworn
to by an oath to the king's ambassadors. Aeschines
censures Demosthenes for having hurried the con-
clusion of this peace so much, that the Athenians
did not even wait for the arrivid of the deputies of
their allies, who had been invited, and the contni-
dictory manner in which Demosthenes himself (de
Fain. Leif. p. 346, de Coruii. p. 2'.i'2) speaks of the
matter seems indeed to cast some suspicion upon
him ; but the cause of Demostlieiies's actin;; as he did
may have been the vague manner in which Philip
had expressed himself in regjird to the Phocians. At
any rate, however, quick decision was absolutely
necessary, since Philip was in the meantime nuiking
war upon Cersobleptes, a king of Thrace, and
since, in spite of his promises to spare the posses-
sions of Athens in the Chersonesus, he might easily
have been tempted to stretch out his hands after
them: in order to prevent this, it was necessiiry that
Philip, as soon as possible, should take his oath to
the treaty of peace and alliance with Athens. It
was on this occasion that the treacherous designs of
Aeschines and his party became manifest, for not-
withstanding ihe urgent admonitions of Demos-
thenes not to lose any time, the embassy to receive
the king's oath (nrl toi)s 6pKovs), of which both
Aeschines and Demosthenes were again members
I the statement in the article Aeschines, p. 37,
that T)emosthene8 was not one of the ambassadors,
must lie corrected : see Newman in the Classkul
Miispum^ vol. i. p. 145), set out with a slowness
as if there had been no danger whatever, and in-
stead of taking the shortest road to ^Macedonia by
sea, the ambassjidors travelled by land. On their
arrival in Macedonia they quietly waited till Philip
returned from Thrace. Nearly three months passed
away in this manner, and when at length Piiilip
sirnved, he deferred taking his oath until he had
completed his preparations against the Phocians.
Accompanied by the Athenian ambassjidors, he
then marched into Thessaly, and it was not till his
arrival at Pherae that he took his oath to the
treaty, from which he now excluded the Phocians.
When the ambassadors arrived at Athens, Demos-
thenes immediately and boldly denomiced the
treachery of his colleagues in the embassy ; but in
vain. Aeschines succeeded in allaying i\\^ fears of

DEMOSTHENES,
the people, and persuaded them quietly to wait for
the issue of the events. Philip in the meantime
passed Thenuopylae, and the fate of Phocis w:is
decided without a blow. The king was now ad-
mitted as a member of the Amphictyonic league,
and the Athenians, who had allowed themselves to
act the part of mere spectators during those pro-
ceedings, were now unable to do anything, but still
they ventured to express their indignation at the
knig's conduct by refusing their sanction to his
becoming a member of the Amphictyonic league.
The mischief, however, was done, and in order
to prevent still more serious consequences, Demos-
thenes, in B. c. 34(), delivered his oration "on the
peace" {irepl e/pTjvTjy), and the people gave way.

From this time forward the two political parties
are fully developed, and openly act against each
other ; the party or rather the faction to which
Aeschines belonged, was bribed by Philip to op-
pose the true patriots, who were headed by De-
mosthenes. He was assisted in his great work by
such able men as Lycurgus, Hyperides, Polyeuctus,
Hegesippus, and others, and being supported by
his confidence in the good cause, he soon reached
the highest point in his career as a statesman and
orator. The basis of his power and influence was
the people's conviction of his incorruptible love of
justice and of his pure and enthusiastic love of his
country. This conviction manifested itself clearly
in the vengeance which the people took upon the
treacherous Philocrates. (Aeschin. c. Ctesiph. §
79.) But this admiration and reverence for real
and virtuous greatness soon cooled, and it was in
vain that Demosthenes endeavoured to place tiie
other men who had betrayed tlieir country to Phi-
lip in their embassy to him, in the same light as
Philocrates (Dem. de Fats. Ley. p. 370"), for the
people were unwilling to sjicritice more than the
one man, whom the Macedonian party itself had
given up in order to save the rest. It was un-
doubtedly owing to the influence of this party that
Aeschines, when after a long delay he consented
to render an account of his conduct during the
embassy, n. c. 343, escaped punishment, notwith-.
standing the vehement attacks of Demosthenes in
the written oration irepl Trapanpeafiiias. [Aes-
chines, p. 38.]

In the mean time Philip followed up his plans
for the reduction of Greece. With a view of draw-
ing the Peloponnesians into his interests, he tried
to win the confidence of the Argives and Messe-
nians, who were then perilled by Sparta ; he even
sent them subsidies and threatened Sparta with an
attack. (Dem. Fhil. ii. p. (Ji).) SparUi did not
venture to offer any resistance, and the Athenians,
who were allied with Sparta, ieit unable to do any-
thing more than send ambassadors to Peloponne-
sus, among whom was Demosthenes, to draw tiie
Peloponnesians away from the Macedonian, and to
caution them against his intrigues. (Dem. J'/dU/j.
ii. p. 70, 6ic.) In consequence of these proceed-
ings, ambassadors from Philip and the Peloponne-
sians met at Athens to complain of the Athenians
favouring the ambitious schemes of Sparta, which
aimed at suppressing the freedom of the peninsula,
and to demand an explanation of their conduct.
The Macedonian party at Athens, of course, sup-
ported those complaints ; their endeavours to dis-
guise Philip's real intentions and to represent them
to the people in a favourable light, afforded an
opportunity for Demosthenes, when the answer to

DEMOSTHENES.

be sent to the kinj? was discussed in the assembly,
B. c. .'U4, to phice in his second Philippic the pro-
ceedings and designs of the king and his Athe-
nian friends in their true light. The answer which
the Athenians sent to Philip was probably not
very siitisfactory to him, for he immediately sent
another embassy to Athens, lieaded by Python,
with proposals for a modification of the late peace,
although he subsequently denied having given to
Python any authority for such proposids. (Dem.
</c Halones. p. 81.)

Philip had for some time been engaged in
the formation of a navy, and the apprehensions
which the Athenians entertained on that score
were but too soon justified; for no sooner were
his preparations completed, than he took possession
of the island of Halonesus, which belonged to
Athens. The Athenians sent an embassy to claim
the island back ; but Philip, who had found it in
the hands of pirates, denied that the Athenians
had any right to claim it, but at the same time he
offered to make them a present of the island, if
they would receive it as such. On the return of
the ambassadors to Athens in B.C. 343, the oration
on Halonesus (irepi 'AAojofo-ou) was delivered. It
is usually printed among the orations of Demos-
thenes, but belongs in all probability to Hegesip-
pus. This and other similar acts of aggi-ession,
which at length opened the eyes of the Athenians,
roused them once more to vigorous and energetic
measures, in spite of the efforts of the Macedonian
party to keep the people quiet. Embassies were
stMit to Acarnania and Peloponnesus to counteract
I'hilip's schemes in those quarters (Dem. FliiL iii.
p. 1"29), and his expedition into Thrace, by which
tlie Chersonesus was threatened, called forth an
energetic demonstration of the Athenians under
Diopeithes. The complaints which Philip then
made roused Demosthenes, in B. c. 342, to his
powerfid oration "mpi rwu tv Xf^poin](T<f'^ and to
his third Philippic, in which he describes the
king's faithlessness in the most glaiing colours,
and exhorts his countrymen to unite and resist
the treacherous aggressor. Soon after this, the ty-
rants whom Philip had established in Euboea were
expelled through the influence and assistiince of
Demosthenes (Dem, de Corun. p. 254) ; but it was
not till B. c. 341, when Philip laid siege to Perin-
thus and attivcked Byzantium, that the long-sup-
pressed indignation of the Athenians burst forth.
The peace with Philip was now declared violated
(h. c. 340) ; a fleet was sent to relieve Byzantium
(Plut. P/ioc. 14), and Philip was compelled to
withdraw without having accomplished anything.
Demosthenes was the soul of all these energetic
measures. He had proposed, as early as the Olyn-
thian war, to apply the theoricon to defray the
expenses of the militjiry underUikings of Athens
(Dem. OlyntL iii. p. 31) ; but it was not till Phi-
lip's attack upon Byzjintium that he succeeded in
carrying a decree to this effect. (Dionys. Ep. ad
A mill. i. 1 1.) By his law concerning the trierarchy
{v6ixos rpirjpapx'Kos), he further regidated the
synunoriae on a new and more equitable footing.
(Dem. de Curoii. p. 260, &c.) He thus at once
gave a fresh impulse to the maritime power and
enterprise of Athens, B. c. 340.

Philip now assumed the appearance of giving
himself no further concern about the affairs of
Greece. He carried on war with his northern
neighbours, and left it to his hiielings to prepare

DEMOSTHENES. 985

the last stroke at the independence of Greece. He
calculated well ; for when in the spring of B.c. 340
the Amphictyons assembled at Delphi, Aeschines,
who was present as pylagoras, effected a decree
against the Locrians of Amphissa for having un-
lawfully occupied a district of sacred hind. The
Araphissaeans rose against this decree, and the
Amphictyons summoned an extraordinary meeting
to deliberate on the punishment to be inflicted
upon Amphissa. Demosthenes foresaw and fore-
told the unfortunate consequences of a war of the
Amphictyons, and he succeeded at least in persuad-
ing the Athenians not to send any deputies to that
extraordinary meeting. (Dem. de Cktron. p. 275 ;
Aeschin. c. Ctesiph. § 125, &c.) The Amphictyons
however decreed war against Amphissa, and the
command of the Amphictyonic army was given to
Cottyphus, an Arcadian ; but the expedition failed
from want of spirit and energy among those who
took part in it. (Dem. de Coroti. p. 277 ) The
consequence was, that in B. c. 339, at the next
ordinary meeting of the Amphictyons, king Philip
was appointed cliief commander of the Amphictyo-
nic army. This was the very thing which he had
been looking for. With the appearance of justice
on his side, he now had an opportunity of establish-
ing himself with an armed force in the very heart of
Greece. He set out without delay, and when the
Athenians received the news of his having taken
possession of Elatea, they were thrown into the
deepest consternation. Demosthenes alone did not
give up all hopes, and he once more roused his
countrymen by bringing about an alliance bi-tween
Athens and Thebes. The Thebans had formeriy
been favoured by Philip, but his subsequent neg-
lect of them had effaced the recollection of it;
and they now clearly saw that the fall of Athens
would inevitably be followed by their own ruin.
They had before opposed the war of the Amphic-
tyons, and when Philip now called upon them to
allow his ai-my lo march through their territory or
to join him in his expedition against Athens, they
indignantly rejected all his handsome proposals,
and threw themselves into the open arms of the
Athenians. (Dem. de Coron. p. 299, &c.) This
was the last grand effort against the growing power
of Macedonia; but the battle of Chaeroneia, on
the 7th of Metageilnion, B. c. 338, put an end to
the independence of Greece.' Thebes paid dearly
for its resisUuice, and Athens v.hich expected a
similar fate, resolved at least to perish in a glorious
struggle. The most prodigious efforts were made
to meet the enemy; but Philip unexpectedly offered
to conclude peace on tolera»»ie terms, which it
would have been madness to reject, for Athens
thus had an opportunity of at least securing its
existence and a shadow of its former independence.
The period which now followed could not be
otherwise than painful and gloomy to Demosthenes,
for the evil might have been averted had his ad-
vice been followed in time. The catastrophe of
Chaeroneia might indeed to some extent be re-
garded as his work ; but the people were too ge-
nerous and too well convinced of the purity of his
intentions, as well as of the necessity of acting as he
had acted, to make him responsible for the unfor-
tunate consequences of the war with Philip. It
was, on the contrary, one of the most glorious
acknowledgments of his merits that he could have
received, that he was requested to deliver the fu-
neral oiutiou upon those who had fallen at Chaero-

986

DEMOSTHENES.

neia, and tliat the fnneml feast was celebrated in
his house. (Dem. de Curon. p. 320, &c ) But the
fury of the Macedonian party and of his personal
enemies gave full vent to itself; they made all
possible efforts to humble or annihilate the man
who had brought about the alliance with Thebes,
and Athens to the verge of destruction. Accusa-
tions were brought against him day after day, and
at first the most notorious sycophants, such as
Sosicles, Diondas, Melanthus, Aristogeiton, and
others, were employed by his enemies to crush
him (Dem. de Coron. p. 310) ; but the more noto-
rious they were, the easier was it for Demosthenes
to unmask them before the people. But matters
soon began to assume a more dangerous aspect
when Aeschines, the head of the Macedonian party,
and the most implacalile opponent of Demosthenes,
came forward against him. An opportunity offered
soon after the battle of ("haeroneia, when Ctesiphon
proposed to reward Demosthenes with a golden
crown for the conduct he had shewn during his
public career, and more especially for the patriotic
disinterestedness with which he had acted during
the preparations which the Athenians made after
the battle of Chaeroncia, when Philip was expected
at the gates. (Dem. de Coron. p. 26b'.) Aeschines
attacked Ctesiphon for the proposal, and tried to
shew that it was not only made in an illegal form,
but that the conduct of Demosthenes did not give
him any claim to the public gratitude and such a
distinction. This atUick, however, was not aimed
at Ctesiphon, who was too insignificant a person, but
at Demosthenes, and the latter took up the gaunt-
let with the greater readiness, as he now had an
opportunity of justifying his whole politicjil C(mduct
before his countr}'men. Reasons which are un-
known to us delayed the decision of the question
for a number of years, and it was not till B. c. 330
(Plut. Dent. 24) that the trial was proceeded with.
Demosthenes on that occasion delivered his oration
on the crown {irtpl (TTfifKivov). Aeschines did not
obtain the fifth part of the votes, and was obliged
to quit Athens and spend the remainder of his life
abroad. All Greece had been looking forward
with the most intense interest to the issue of this
contest, though few can have entertained any doubt
as to which would carry the victory. The oration
on the crown was, in all probability, like that of
Aeschines against Ctesiphon, revised and altered
at a later period.

Greece had in the mean time been shaken by
new storms. The death of Philip, in B. c. 336',
had revived among the Greeks the hope of shaking
off the Macedonian yoke. All Greece rose, and
especially Athens, where Demosthenes, although
weighed down by domestic grief, was the first
joyfully to proclaim the tidings of the king's death,
to call upon the Greeks to unite their strength
against Macedonia, and to form new connexions in
Asia. (Plut. Dem. 23; Aeschiii, c. Clesiph. § 161 ;
Diod. xvii. 3.) But the sudden appearance of
young Alexander with an army ready to fight,
damped the enthusiasm, and Athens sent an em-
bassy to him to sue for peace. Demosthenes was
one of the ambassadors, but his feelings against
the Macedonians were so strong, that he would
rather expose himself to the ridicule of his enemies
by returning after having gone half way, than act
the part of a suppliant before the youthful king.
(Plut. Dem. 23; Aeschin. c. CU'slph. ^ 161.) But
no sooner had Alexander set out for the north to

DEMOSTHENES,
chastise the rebellious neighbours of Macedonia,
than a false report of his death called forth another
insurrection of the Greeks. Thebes, which had
suffered most severely, was foremost ; but the in-
surrection spread over Arcadia, Argos, Elis. and
Athens. However, with the exception of Thebes,
there was no energy anywhere. Demosthenes
carried indeed a decree that succours should be
sent to Thebes, but no efforts were made, and De
mosthenes alone, and at his own expense, sent a
supply of arms. (Diod. xvii. 8.) The second sud-
den arrival of Alexander, and his destruction of
Thebes, in B. c. 335, put an end to all further
attempts of the Greeks. Athens submitted to ne-
cessity, and sent Demades to the king as mediator.
Alexander demanded that the leaders of the popu-
lar party, and among them Demosthenes, should
I be delivered up to him ; but he yielded to the iii-
treaties of the Athenians, and did not persist in
his demand.

Alexander's departure for Asia is the beginning
of a period of gloomy tranquillity for Greece ; but
party hatred continued in secret, and it required
only some spark from without to make it blaze
forth again in undiminished fury. This spark
came from Harpalus, who had been left by Alex-
ander at Babylon, while the king proceeded to
India. When Alexander had reached the eastern-
most point of his expedition, Harpalus with the
treasures entrusted to his care, and with 6000
mercenaries, fled from Babylon and came to Greece.
In B. c. 325 he arrived at Athens, and purchased
the protection of the city by distributing his gold
among the most influential deuiagogues. The
reception of such an open rebel could not be viewed
by the Macedonian party otherwise than as an act
of hostility towards Macedonia itself; and it w;u,
probably at the instigation of that party, that
Antipater, the regent of Macedonia, and Olympias
called upon the Athenians to deliver up the rebel
and the money they had received of him, and to
put tu trial those who had accepted his bribes.
Harpalus was allowed to escape, but the investiga-
tion concerning those who had been bribed by him
was instituted, and Demosthenes was among the *
persons suspected of the crime. The accounts
of his conduct during the presence of Harpalus at
Athens are so confused, that it is almost impossible
to arrive at a certain conclusion. Theopompus
(a/). Plut. Dem. 25, comp. Vit. X Orat. p. 846)
and Deinarchus in his oration against Demosthenes
state, that Demosthenes did accept the bribes of
Harpalus ; but Pausanias (ii. 33. § 4) expressly
acquits him of the crime. The authority of his
accusers, however, is very questionable, for in the
first place they do not agree in the detail of their
statements, and secondly, if we consider the con-
duct of Demosthenes throughout the disputes about
Harpalus, if we remember that he opposed the re-
ception of the rebel, and that he voluntarily of-
fered himself to be tried, we must own that it is
at least highly improbable that he should have
been guilty of common bribery, and that it was
not his guilt which caused his condemnation, but
the implacable hatred of the Macedonian party,
which eagerly seized this favourable opportuiiit}'
to rid itself of its most formidable opponent, who
was at that time abandoned by his own friends
from sheer timidity. Demosthenes defended him-
self in an oration which Athenaeus (xiii. p.592) calls
Trepl Tov xpucn'ou, and which is probably the same

DEMOSTHENES.

M the one referred to by others under tlie title of
AiroKoyla rwu Swfjuiv. ( Dionys. dc Admir. ri die.
Dein. 57, I'Jp.ad Amnir i. 12.) Hut DemuHthenes
was declared guilty, and thrown into prison, from
which however he escaped, apparently with the
connivance of the Athenian magistrates, (Plut.
fJem. 26, Vit. X Oral. p. 846 ; Anonym. Vit. De-
mosth. p. 158.) Demosthenes quitted his country,
and resided partly at Troezene and partly in Aegi-
na, looking daily, it is sjiid, across the sea towards
his beloved native land.

But his exile did not last long, for in u. c. 323
Alexander died, and the news of his death was
the watchword for a fresh rise of the Greeks, which
was organized by the Athenians, and under the
vigorous management of Leosthenes it soon as-
sumed a dangerous aspect for Macedonia. (Diod.
xviii. 10.) Demosthenes, although still living in
exile, joined of his own accord the embassies
which were sent by the Athenians to the other
Greek states, and he roused them to a fresh strug-
gle for liberty by the fire of his oratory. Such a
devotedness to the interests of his ungrateful coun-
try disarmed the hatred of his enemies. A decree
of the people was passed on the proposal of Demon,
a relative of Demosthenes, by which he was so-
lemnly recalled from his exile. A trireme was
sent to Aegina to fetch him, and his progress from
Peiraeeus to the city was a glorious triumph : it
was the happiest day of his life. (Plut. Dem. 27,
Vil. X Oral. p. 846 ; Justin, xiii. 5.) The mili-
tary operations of the Greeks and their success at
this time, seemed to justify the most sanguine ex-
pectations, for the army of the united Greeks had
advanced as far as Thessaly, and besieged Anti-
pater at Lamia. But this was the turning point ;
for although, even after the fall of Leosthenes, the
Greeks succeeded in destroying the army of Leon-
natus, which came to the assistance of Antipater,
yet they lost, in B. c. 322, the battle of Cranon.
This defeat alone would not indeed have decided
the contest, had not the zeal of the Greeks gradu-
ally cooled, and had not several detachments of the
allied army withdrawn, Antipater availed himself
of this contemptible disposition among the Greeks,
and offered peace, though he was cunning enough
to negotiate only with each state separately. Thus
the cause of Greece was forsaken by one state
after another, until in the end the Athenians were
left alone to contend with Antipater. It would
have been folly to continue their resistance single-
handed, and they accordingly made peace with
Antipater on his own terms. All his stipulations
were complied with, except the one which de-
manded the surrender of the popular leaders of the
Athenian people. When Antipater and Craterus
thereupon marched towards Athens, Demosthenes
and his friends took to flight, and, on the proposal
of Demades, the Athenians sentenced them to
death. Demosthenes had gone to Calauria, and
had taken refuge there in the temple of Poseidon.
When Archias, who hunted up the fugitives every-
where, arrived, Demosthenes, who was summoned
to follow him to Antipater, took poison, which he
had been keeping about his person for some time,
and died in the temple of Poseidon, on the lOth of
Pyanepsion, b. c. 322. (Plut. Dem. 29, Vit. X
Orat. p. 846 ; Lucian, Encom. Dem. 43, &c.)

Thus terminated the career of a man who has
been ranked by persons of all ages among the
ijreatest and noblest spirits of antiquity ; and this

DEMOSTHENES.

fm?

fame will remain undiminished so long as sterling
sentiments and principles and a consistent conduct
through life are regarded as the standard by which
a man's worth is measured, and not simply the suc-
cess— so often merely dependent upon circumstances
— by which his exertions are crowned. The very
calumnies which have been heaped upon Demos-
thenes by his enemies and detractors more extra-
vagantly than upon any other man — the coarse
and complicated web of lies which was devised by
Aeschines, and in which he himself was caught,
and lastly, the odious insinuations of Theopompus,
the historian, which are credulously repeated by
Plutarch, — have only served to bring forth the po-
litical virtues of Demosthenes in a more striking
and brilliant light. Some points there are in his
life which perhaps will never be quite cleared up
on account of the distorted accounts that have
come down to us about them. Some minor charges
which are made against him, and affect his charac-
ter as a man, are almost below contempt. It is
said, for example, that he took to flight after the
battle of Chaeroneia, as if thousands of others held
not fled with him (Plut. i)ew. 20, Vit. X Orat.
p. 845; Aeschin. c. Ctesiph. ^ 175, 244, 253) ;
that, notwithstanding his domestic calamity (his
daughter had died seven days before) he rejoiced
at Philip's death, which shews only the predomi-
nance of his patriotic feelings over his personal and
selfish ones (Plut. Dem. 22 ; Aeschin. c. Ctesiph.
§ 77); and lastly, that he shed tears on going into
exile — a fact for which he deserves to be loved and
honoured rather than blamed. (Plut. Dem. 26.)
The charge of tergiversation which is repeatedly
brought against him by Aeschines, has never been
substantiated by the least evidence. (Aeschin. c.
Ctesiph. $ 173, c. Timarch. $ 131, de Pais. Ley.
§ 165; Plut. i>e»i. 15.) In his administration of
public affairs Demosthenes is perfectly spotless,
and free from all the crimes which the men of the
Macedonian party committed openly and without
any disguise. The charge of bribery, which was
so often raised against him by the same Aeschines,
must be rejected altogether, and is a mere distor-
tion of the fact that Demosthenes accepted subsi-
dies from Persia for Athens, which assuredly stood,
in need of such assistance in its struggles with
Macedonia ; but there is not a shadow of a suspi-
cion that he ever accepted any personal bribes.

His career as a statesman received its greatest
lustre from his powers as an orator, in which he
has not been equalled by any man of any country.
Our own judgment on this point would necessarily
be one-sided, as we can only read his orations;
but among the contemporaries of Demosthenes
there was scarcely one who could point out any
definite fault in his oratory. By far the majority
looked up to him as the greatest orator of the time,
and it was only men of such over-refined and hyper-
critical tastes as Demetrius Phalereus who thought
him either too plain and simple or too hai'sh and
strong (Plut. Dem. 9, 11) ; though some found
those features more striking in reading his orations,
while others were more impressed with them in
hearing him speak. (Comp. Dionys. de Admir. vi
die. Demosth. 22 ; Cic de Oral, iii, 56, Brut. 38 ;
Quintil. xi. 3. $ 6.) These peculiarities, however,
are far from being faults ; they are, on the con-
trar}', proofs of his genius, if we consider the temp-
tations which natural deficiencies hold out to an
incipient orator to pursue the opposite course. Th«»

•988 DEMOSTHENES.

obstacles which his physical constitution threw in
his way when he commenced his ciireer, were so
great, that a less courag:eous and persevering man
than Demosthenes would at once have been inti-
midated and entirely shrunk from the arduous
career of a public orator. (Plut. Dem. 6, &c.)
Those early difficulties with which he had to con-
tend, led him to bestow more care upon the compo-
sition of his orations than he would otherwise have
done, and produced in the end, if not the impossi-
bility of speaking extempore, at least the habit of
never venturing upon it ; for he never spoke with-
out preparation, and he sometimes even declined
speaking when called upon in the assembly to do
so, merely because he was not prepared for it.
(Plut. Dem. 8, VU. X Orut. p. 848.) There is,
however, no reason for believing that all the extant
orations were delivered in that perfect form in
which the}' have come down to us, for most of
them were probably subjected to a careful revision
before publication ; and it is only the oration
against Meidias, which, having been written for
the purpose of being delivered, and being after-
wards given up and left incomplete, may be re-
garded with certiinty as a specimen of an oration
in its original form. This oration alone sufficiently
shews how little Demosthenes trusted to the ini-
pulfiB of the moment. It would lead us too far in
this article to examine the manner in which De-
mosthenes composed his orations, and we must
refer the reader to the various modern works cited
below. We shall only add a few remarks upon
the causes of the mighty impression which his
speeches made upon the minds of his hearers. The
first cause was their pure and ethical chanicter ;
for every sentence exhibits Demosthenes as the
friend of his country, of virtue, tnith, and public
decency (Plut. Dem. 13) ; and as the struggles in
which he was engiiged were fair and just, he could
without scruple unmask his opponents, and wound
them where they were vulnerable, thougii he never
resorted to sycophantic artifices. The second uiuse
was his intellectual superiority. By a wise ar-
rangement of his subjects, and by the application
«)f the strongest arguments in their proper places,
he brought the subjects before his hearers in the
clearest possible form ; any doubts that might be
raised were met by him beforehand, and thus he
proceeded calmly but irresistibly towards his end.
The third and last cause was the magic force of
his language, which being majestic and yet simple,
rich yet not bombastic, strange and yet familial',
solemn without being ornamented, grave and yet
pleasing, concise and yet fluent, sweet and yet im-
pressive, carried away the minds of his hearers.
That such orations should notwithstjinding some-
times have failed to produce the desired effect, was
owing only to the spirit of the times.

Most of the critical works that were written
upon Demosthenes by the ancients are lost, and,
independent of many scattered remarks, the only
important critical work that has come down to us
is that of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, entitled irepl
Ti)5 Tov Arj/jioaOevovs SetvoTTjros. The acknow-
ledged excellence of Demosthenes's orations made
them the principal subjects of study and specula-
tion with the rhetoricians, and called forth nume-
rous imitators and commentators. It is probably
owing to those rhetorical speculations which began
as early as the second century b. c, that a number
of orations which are decidedly spurious and un- j

DEMOSTHENES,
worthy of Demosthenes, such as the \6yos imrd-
<pios and the epwriKoy, were incorporated in the
collections of those of Demosthenes. Others, such
as the speech on Halonesus, the first against Aris-
togeiton, those against Theocrines and Neaera,
which are undoubtedly the productions of contem-
porary' orators, may have been introduced among
those of Demosthenes by mistake. It would be
of great assistance to us to have the commentaries
which were written upon Demosthenes by such
men as Didymus, Longinus, Hermogenes, Sallus-
tius, Apollonides, Theon, Gymnasius, and others ;
but unfortunately most of what they wrote is lost,
and scarcely anything of importance is extant, ex-
cept the miserable collection of scholia which have
come down to us under the name of Ulpian, and
the Greek argumenta to the orations by Libanius
and other rhetoricians.

The ancients state, that there existed 6o orations
of Demosthenes (Plut. Vi(. X Oral. p. 847; Phot.
BM. p. 490), but of these only (il, and if we de-
duct the letter of Philip, which is strangely enough
counted as an oration, only 60 have come down to
us under his name, though some of these are spu-
rious, or at least of very doubtful authenticity.
Besides these orations, there are 56 Exordia to
public orations, and six letters, which bear the
luime of Demosthenes, though their genuineness is
very doubtful.

The orations of Demosthenes are contained in
the various collections of the Attic orators by Aldus,
H. Stephens, Taylor, Reiske, Dukas, Bekker,
Dobson, and Baiter and Sauppe. * Separate editions
of the orations of Demosthenes alone were pub-
lished by Aldus, Venice, 1504 ; at Basel in 153*2 ;
by Feliciano, Venice, 1543; by Morellus and
Lambimis, Paris, 1570; by H. Wolf, 1572 (often
reprinted); by Auger, Paris, 1790; and by Schae-
fer, Leipzig and London, 18'22. in 9 vols. 8vo.
The first two contain the text, the third the Latin
translation, and the others the critical apparatus,
the indices, &c. A good edition of the text is
that by W. Dindorf, Leipzig, 1 825, 3 vols, 8vo.
We subjoin a classified list of the orations of
Demosthenes, to which are added the editions
of each separate oration, when there are any, and
the literature upon it.

I. Political Orations.

A. Orations ayaiiid Philip.

Editions of the Philippics were published by
J. Bekker (Berlin, 1816, 1825 and 1835), C. A.
Rudiger (Leipzig, 1818, 1829 and 1833;, and J.
T. Voniel. (Frankfurt, 1829.)

1. The first Piiilippic was delivered in B.C. 352,
and is believed by some to be made up of two dis-
tinct orations, the second of which is supposed to
commence at p. 48 with the words a /uef 7//u«?s.
{Bionys. Ep. ad Aimn. i. 10.) But critics down
to the present time are divided in their opinions
upon this point. The common opinion, that the
oration is one whole, is supported by the MSS.,
and is defended by Bremi, in the Philol. Beilr'dt^e
am der Sckweiz, vol. i. p. 21, &c. The opposite opi-
nion is very ably maintained by J Held, Proletjo-
iiu'iia ad Dem. Oral, quae vidgo prima Phil, dicilur^
Vratislaviae, 1831, and especially by Seebeck in
the Zeitschri/t fur d. AUerthumswiss. for 1838,
No.91,&c.

2 — 4. The first, second, and third Olynthiac
orations belong to the year B. c. 349. Dionysius

DEMOSTHENES.

(I^p. ad Avim. \. 4) makes the second the first,
and the third the second in the series ; and this
order has been defended by R. Rauchenstein, de
Orat. Olynth. ordine^ I^ipz. 1821, which is re-
printed in vol. i. of Schaefer's Apparatus. The
other order is defended by Becker, in his German
translation of the Philippics, i. p. 103, &c., and by
Westennann, Sfiive, Zieniann, Petrenz, and Briick-
ner. in separate dissertations. There is a good
edition of the Olynthiac orations, with notes, by
C. H. Frotscher and C. H. Funkhanel, Leipzig,
1834, 8vo.

.5. The oration on the Peace, delivered in B. c.
34t). Respecting the question as to whether this
oration was actually delivered or not, see Becker,
Philijypisclie Reden^ i. p. 222, &c., and VomeL,
Frolepom. ad Orat. de Face, p. 240, &c.

6. The second Philippic, delivered in B. c. 344.
See Vdmel, hiiegram esse Dcviosth. Philip. II. ap-
paret ex dispositione., Frankf. 1 828, whose opinion
is opposed by Rauchenstein in Jaliii's Jahrb. vol.
xi. 2, p. 144, &c.

7. On Halonesus, b. c. 343, was suspected by
tl)e ancients themselves, and ascribed to Hegesippns.
(Liban. Arqum. p. 75 ; Harpocrat. and Etym. M.
.«. r. ; Vhot. Bibl. p. 491.) Weiske endeavoured
to vindicate the oration for Demosthenes in Dis-
sertatio super Orat. de Halm., Lubben. 1808, but
he is opposed by Becker in Seebode^s Archiv. for
182.5, i. "p. 84, &c., Philippische Reden, ii. p. 301,
iVc, and by Vbmel in O.itenditur Hegesippi esse ora-
tinnem de Haloneso, Frankf. 1830, who published
a separate edition of this oration under the name
of Hegesippus in 1833.

8. Ilfpl rHv ev Xf^f>ovriffqj, delivered in b. c. 342.

9. The third Philippic, delivered in b. c. 342.
See Vomel, Demostlwtiis Philip. III. habitam esse
ante Cherscmesiticam , Frankf. 1837 ; L. Spengel,
Uel>er die dritte Philip. Rede des iJem., Munich,
1839.

10. The fourth Philippic, belongs to b. c. 341,
but is thought by nearly all critics to be spurious.
See Becker, Philip. Rede?}, ii. p. 491, iS,:c. ; W. H.
Veersteg, Orat. Philip. 1 1'. Demosth. alrjudicatur,
Groningae, 1818.

11. npds Trjv *Em<TTo\Tiv TTjf ^iXiinrov, refers
to the year b. c. 340, but is a spurious oration.
Becker, Philip. Redeji, ii. p. 516, &c.

B. Other Political Orations.

12. Utpl 2i;«^a|€ci>s, refers to b. c. 353, but is
acknowledged on all hands to be spurious. F. A.
Wolf, Proleq. odLeptin. p. 124 ; Schaefer, ^T^ptiro/.
Crit. i. p. 686.

13. Ufpl "Xvtxfxopmv, was deli veered in b. c. 354.
See Amersfoordt, Introdtui. in Orat. de Symvior.
Lugdun. Bat. 1821, reprinted in Schaefer's ^jopar.
Crit. vol. i. ; Parreidt, Disputat. de Instit. eo
A then, cujtis ordinat. et correct, in arai. Tlepl l^vfifi.
inscripta suadet Demosth., Magdeburg, 1 836.

14. 'Tirep Mfya\oiro\iToiv, b. c. 353.

15. Tlfp\ rris 'PoSicov eKfvdfpia^, b. C 351.

16. llfpl Twi' irp6s'A\(^avSpov avvdrjKwv, refers
to b. c. 325, and was recognized as spurious by the
ancients themselves. (Dionys. de Admir. vi die.
I>.m. 57 ; Liban. Anjum. p. 211.)

n. Judicial or Private Orations.

1 7. Tlfpl "^Tfcpdvov, or on the Crown, was de-
livered in B. c. 330. There are numerous separate
••ditions of this fainiou& onition ; the best are by I.

DEMOSTHENES. 98<)

Bekker with scholia, Halle, 1815, and Berlin, 1 825.
by Bremi (Gotha, 1834), and by Dissen (Giit-
tingen, 1837). Comp. F. Winiewski, Comment,
Ilistorica et Chronolog. in Demosth. Orat. de Coron.,
Monasterii, 1829. The genuineness of the docu-
ments quoted in this oration has of late been the
subject of much discussion, and the most important
among the treatises on this question are those of
Droysen ( Ueber die Aechtheil der Urkund. in De-
mosth. Rede vom Kranz, in the Zeitschri/i fur die
Alterthums7c. for 1839, and reprinted separately at
Berlin, 1839), and F. W. Newman {Classical
Museum, vol. i. pp. 141 — 169), both of whom
deny the genuineness, while Vcimel in a series of
programs (commenced in 1841) endeavours to prove
their authenticity. Comp. A. F. Wolper, de Forma
liodiema Orat. Demoslh. de Coron. Leipzig, 1 825 ;
L. C. A. Briegleb, Comment, de Demosth. Orat.
pro Ctesiph. praestantiu, Isenac. 1832.

18. Tiipi TTjy TlapairpfaSiias, delivered in B. '%
342.

19. riepi TT\s (XTeAetas irp3s AfrrTipr^v, was
spoken in B. c. 355, and it has been edited
separately by F. A. Wolf, Halle, 1789, which
edition was reprinted at Zurich, 1831.

20. KttTci MftSj'ou ir€p\ rov kov5v\ov, was com-
posed in B. c. 355. There are separate editions
by Buttmann (Berlin, 1823 and 1833), Blume
(Sund. 1828), and Meier (Halle, 1832). Com-
pare Bockh, Ueber die Ztitr^rhdltnisse der Midiana
in the Abliandl. der Berlin. Akadem. for 1820, p.
60, &c.

21. Kara *A.v^poTlwvos trapapo/jiuv, belongs to
B. c. 355, and has been edited separately by Fun •
khanel, Leipzig, 1832.

22. Karat 'ApiaTOKpaTovs, B. c. 352. See Rumpf,
De Charidetno Orita, Giessen, 1815.

23. KoTct TtnoKparovs, B. c. 353. See Blnme,
Prolegom. in Demoslh. Orat. c. Tiniocrat., Berlin,
1823.

24 and 25. The two orations against Aristo-
geiton belong to the time after b. c. 338. The
genuineness of these two orations, especially of the
first, was strongly doubted by the ancients them-
selves (Dionys. de Admir. ri die. Dem. 57 ; Har-
pocrat. s. w. &fupls and veoArJs ; Pollux, x. 155),
though some believed them to be the productions
of Demosthenes. (Liban. Argum. p. 769 ; Phot.
Bibl. p. 491.) Modem critics think the first
spurious, others the second, and others again both.
See Schmidt, in the Excursus to his edition of
Deinarchus, p. 1 06, &c. ; Westermann, Quaest.
Demosth. iii. p. 96', &c.

26 and 27. The two orations against Aphobus
were delivered in b. c. 364.

28. np6s''Atpo€ov ^pfvSofjoprvpiuv, is suspected
of being spurious b}' ^^'estermann, Quaest. Dem.
iii. p. 11, &c. Comp. Schumann, de Jure Fubl.
Grace, p. 274.

29 and 30. The two orations against Onetor.
See Schmeisser, de Re Tutelari ap, Athen., &c.,
Freiburg, 1829. The genuineness of these ora-
tions is suspected by Bbckh, Publ. Econ. of Athens,
Index, s. r. Demosthenes.

31. nopo7pa^T) irpos Zr)v66ffiiv, falls after the
year b. r. 355.

32. Upos 'AiraTovpiov irapaypaxpi^, is of uncertain
date.

33. ripor i>opnlu;va irept Savdov, was spoken in
b. c. 33-'. See Baumstark, Prolegom. in Orat.
Demosth. adr. Phonn., Heidelberg, 182().

990

DEMOSTHENES.

34. Upos T?}!/ AaKphnv TrapaypaxpriV, is of un-
certain date, and its genuineness is doubted by
some of the ancients. See the Greek Argu-
mentum.

35. TTTf p ^opfdwvos trapaypcufy^, belongs to B. c.
3.50.

36. Upos UamalveTov irapaypcupij, falls after
B. c. 347.

37. Tlp^s "Navaifxaxov Koi s.fvoiniBr} iTapaypa<pTJ,
is of uncertain date.

38. Ilpds Boianov trfpl rov ovSfmros, belongs to
B. c. 351 or 350, and was ascribed bj' some of the
ancients to Deinarchus. (Dionys. Hal. Deinurch.
13.) See Bockh, Urkund. iiber. das Ail. Seewesen,
p. 22, &c.

39. Tlpos Boiundv 6iTtp vpoiKos fj.7jTp{paSy B. c.
347.

40. Upos ^vovSiay iSv4p irpoiKds, of uncertain
date.

41. Upis ^alvtinrov -Kepi din-iSoVews, of uncer-
tain date. The genuineness of this oration is
doubted by the author of the argum. to it, Biickh,
Index to J'uhl. Econ. of AtJiens, and Schaefer,
Appar. Crit. v. p. 63.

42. Upos ViaxapTorov irepl 'Ayviov KAtJpou, of
uncertain date. See de Boor, Prolegom. zu der
Rede des Demosth. yegen. Makartaius^ Hamburg,
1838.

43. Up^s AfuxapV TTfpt ToZ KX'qpov, of uncertain
date.

44 and 45, The two orations against Stephanus,
belong to the time previous to b. c. 343. The
genuineness of the first is doubted by 1. Bekker.
See C. D. Beel, Diutribe m Demusth. Oral, in
Sleplian.^ Lugdun. Bat. 1 825.

46. riepi Eiepyov Kal Mvr)cn^ov\ov «|/€i»S(*/xop-
rvpicSv, belongs to the time after B. c. 355. Its
genuineness is doubted by Harpocr. s. vt\ 'E»faA/(r-
T paw and T^TTj/ievrji', H. Wolf, Bockh {i.e.), and
I. Bekker. See Schaefer, Appar. Crit. v. p. 216.

47. KoTcJ 'OKufiTTioSoipov fiKciSriSf after B. c.
343.

48. Upos Ti/xdOfov vircp XP^"^^ ^^^^^ between
B c. IW.\ and 354, but is considered spurious by
Harpocnit. s. v. Kokotcx''''^*', Bockh, and Bekker
(see Sclmefer, Appar. Crit. v. p. 264). It is de-
fended by Rumpf, de Orat. adv. Timoth., Giessen,
1821.

49. Upos Uo\vK\ea ircpl rati firiTpirjpapxVfJMTos^
after B. c. 361.

50. Ufpl Tov 2t6(^oVoi» TTJs TpiTfpapxias, after
B. c. 361, is suspected by Becker, Demostli. als
Stauismann und. liedner, p. 465.

51. Upds KaAXjTTjroi/, spoken in B. C. 364.

52. Upds 'iiiK6(TTparov -nep] rwv 'Ap^Qovtriov
dvSpairoduv, of uncertain date, was suspected by
Harpocrat. s. v. 'ATroypa<pTJ.

53. Kara KSvuvos cuKlas, B. C. 343,

54. Upos KoAAoKAea irepl x^^f 'ow, of uncertain
date.

55. KoTti Aiovvao^dpov jSAagTjy, B. c. 329.
5fi. ''E(pf(Tis irpos Ev€ov\i5rjv, after b. c. 346.

57. Koto QeoKpivov evSci^is, belongs to b. c.
325, but is probably the work of Deinarchus.
(Dionys. Dcinarch. 10 ; Argum. ad Orat. c. Theo-
t'rin. p. 1321 ; Harpocrat. s. rv. 'aypacpiou and
GeoKptVrjs; Schaefer, Appar. Crit. v, p, 473.)

58. Koto Nea/poj, refers to B. c. 340, but is con-
sidered spurious both by ancient and modem
writers. (Dionys. de Admir. vi die. Dem. 57;
Phrynich. p. 226 ; Harpocrat. s. rv. yeppa, Srjfxo-

DEMOSTHENES.
iroi-qros, dtfyyvrjcey, "limapxos, and KwAmy ;
Schaefer, Ajqmr. Crit. v. p. 527.)

III. Show Speeches.

59. 'ETTtTo^ios, refers to b. c. 338, but is un'
questionably spurious. (Dionys. de Admir. vi die.
Dem. 23, 44 ; Liban. p. 6 ; Harpocrat. s. w. Aiyti-
5oi and KiKpoms ; Phot. Bibl. p. 491 ; Suid. .s. v.
A-nixo(TQivy\s \ Bekker, A need. p. 354 ; Wester-
mann, Quaest. Dem. ii. p. 49, &c.) Its genuine-
ness is defended by Becker {Demosth. als Staatsm.
u. lied. ii. p. 466, &c.) and Kriiger (in Seebode's
Arclm; i. 2, p. 277).

60. *EpcaTiK6s, is, like the former, a spurioua
production. (Dionys. de Admir. vi die. Dem. 44 ;
Liban. p. 6; Pollux, iii. 144; Phot. BiU. I. c. ;
Westermann, Quaest. Dem. ii. p, 70, &c.)

Among the lost orations of Demosthenes the
following are mentioned : — Ai(pi\cp BrffXT^yopiKas
airovm-i 8o>pedj. (Dionys, Deinareh. 11.) 2, KotcJ
Me'Soj'Tos. (Pollux, viii. 53; Harpocr. s. r. A€/ca-
Tcveti'.) 3. Upos UoXvfvKTov ■jrapaypa<pri. (Bek-
ker,-,4 ;«>«/. p. 90.) 4. Uepl xp^o'i-ov {Athen. xni.
p. 592) is perhaps the same as the diroXoyia tuu
Swpwy. (Dionys. Ep. ad Amm. i. 12, who, how-
ever, in Demosth. 57, declares it a spurious ora-
tion.) 5. riepl rov /jL-fj eKSovpai "ApwaXov, was
spurious according to Dionysius. {Demosth. 57.)
6. KoTc} ArifiaSov. (Bekker, Anecd. p. 335.) A
fragment of it is probably extant in Alexand. de
Fufur. p. 478, ed. Walz. 7. Upos Kpniav Trept
rod 6V(TriaKT)/jiiJ.aros. (Harpocrat. s. r. 'Euewicr-
Krinna, where Dionysius doubts its genuineness.)
8. 'Tirep prirSpwv, probably not a work of Demos-
thenes. (Suid. s. V. "Afxa.) 9. "firfp 'S.arvpov ri)s
firiTpoTTTJs TTpos XapiSrjfiov, belonged according to
Callimachus {ap. Phot. Bibl. p. 491 ) to Deinarchus.

Besides the ancient and modern historians of
the time of Philip and Alexander, the following
works will be found useful to the student of De-
mosthenes : Schott, Vitae Parallelae Aristot. et
Demosth. Antwerp, 1 603 ; Becker, Demosthenes
als Slautsmann und liedner, Halle, 1816, 2 vols.
8vo.; Westermann, Quaestiones Demostlienicae, in
four parts, Leipzig, 1830 — 1837, Geschichte der
Griech. Beredtsamkeit, §§ bQ, 57, and Beilage, vii.
p. 297, &c.; Bohneke, Studien anf dem Gebiete der
Atthichen liedmr, Berlin, 1843. [L. S.]

DEMO'STHENES {A-nfioaekv-ns). 1. The fa-
ther of the orator. See above.

2. A Bithynian, wrote a history of his native
country, of which the tenth book is quoted by
Stephanus of Byzantium. {s.vv.Ko(T(t6s, MapffwAo/;
comp. s. w. Tdpas, Tapaos, TevfxrioffSs, ^AXe^av-
Spela, 'ApraKT] ; Etym. Mag. s. r. 'Hpaia.) He
further wrote an account of the foundations of
to\vns (/cTiVejs), which is likewise several times
quoted by Stephanus. Euphorion wrote a poem
against this historian under the title of AT)/j.0(T6evT)s,
of which a fragment is still extant. {BeVker, A nec-
doi. p. 1383 ; comp. Meineke, de Euphorione, p. 31.)

3 A Thracian, a Greek grammarian, who wrote
according to Suidas (s. r.) a work on the dithyram-
bic poets {Trepl SidvpaixSirwoiwv), a paraphrase of
Homer's Iliad and of Hesiod's Theogony, and an
epitome of the work of Damagetus of Heracleia.
(Westermann, Quaest. Dem. iv. pp. 38, 88.)

4. Surnamed the Little (o /xiKpos), a Greek rhe-
torician, who is otherwise unknown ; but some
fragments of his speeches are extant in Bekker's
Anecdolu (pp. 135, 140, 168, 170, 172). [L. S.]

DEMOTIMIIS.

DEMO'STHENES MASSALIOTES, or
MAS6ILIENSIS {6 Mao-o-aAioirTjs), a native of
-Marseilles, and the author of several medical
tormulae preserved by (lalen, must have lived in
or before the first century after Christ, as he is
quoted by Asclepiades Phamiacion. (Gal. De Com-
;>o,v. iMcdicam. st-c. Gen. v. 15. vol, xiii. p. 856.)
By some persons he is supposed to be the same as
Demosthenes Philalethes, which seems to be quite
possible. He is sometimes called simply Afassaliotes
or Massifiertsis. (Gal. /. c. p. 855 ; Aetius, iv. 2.
58, p. 726.) See C.G. Kuhn, Additam. ad Elench.
Medicor. Veter. a J. A. Fabricio^ ^c, exhibitum^
where he has collected all the fragments of Demos-
thenes that remain. [W. A. G.]

DEMO'STHENES PHILALE'THES (Atj-
fjLocr6evT)s 6 *jAaA7?07js), a physician, who was one
of the pupils of Alexander Philalethes, and be-
longed to the school of medicine founded by Hero-
philus. (Gal. De Differ. Puis. iv. 4. vol. viii. p.
727.) He probably lived about the beginning of
the Christian aera, and was especially celebrated
for his skill as an oculist. He wrote a work on
the Pulse, which is quoted by Galen {I. c), and
jilso one on Diseases of the Eyes, which appears to
have been extant in the middle ages, but of which
nothing now remains but some extracts preserved
by Aetius, Paulus Aegineta, and other later wri-
ters. [W. A. G.]

DEMO'STRATUS (AWo-Tparos). 1. An
Athenian orator and demagogue, at whose propo-
sition Alcibiades, Nicias, and Lamachus were ap-
pointed to command the Athenian expedition
.ngainst Sicily. He was brought on the stage by
Eupolis in his comedy entitled 'Rov^vyns. (Plut.
Ale. 18, Nic. 12 ; Ruhnken, Hist. C'rit. Or. Graec.
p xlvi.)

2. The son of Aristophon, an ambassador from
Athens to Sparta, is supposed by Ruhnken (I. c.)
to have been the grandson of the orator, (Xen.
Hell. vi. 3. § 2.)

3. A person in whose name Eupolis exhibited
his comedy AutoAu/cos. (Ath. v. p. 216, d.) He
is ranked among the poets of the new comedy on
the authority of Suidas (s. v. X'^P"!? Ajinoarparos
Ar)/xowoLT^T<f/) : but here we ought probably to read
Ttfw<TTpaT0Sy who is known as a poet of the new
comedy. [Timostratus.] (Meineke, Frag. Com.
Graec. i. pp. 110, 500.)

4. A Roman senator, who wrote a work on fish-
ing (d\i€VTiKd) in twenty-six books, one on aqua-
tic divination ('wepl TTjy ivvdpou fxavriKrjs)., and
other miscellaneous works connected with history,
(Suid. s. V. AaixSa-Tparos ; Aelian, A''. ^, xiii. 21,
XV. 4, 9, 19.) He is probably the same person
from whose history, meaning perhaps a natural
history. Pliny quotes (//. A^. xxxvii. 6), and the
same also as Deniostratus of Apameia, the second
book of whose work " On Rivers" (irepi iroranwy)
Plutarch quotes. (De Flnv. 1 3 ; comp. Eudoc. p.
128; Phot, Bihl. Cod. clxi. ; Vossius, de Hist.
Graec. pp. 427, 428, ed. Westermann.) [P. S.]

DEMO'TELES (AvfioTfKvs), one of the twelve
authors, who according to Pliny (//. A^. xxxvi.
1 2 ) had written on the pyramids, but is other-
wise unknown. [L. S.]

DEMOTI'MUS (AT?;udT</ios), an Athenian and
intimate friend of Theophrastus, with whom he
dtnoted himself to the study of philosophy. Theo-
phrastus in his will bequeathed to him a house,
and appointed him one of his executors; but fur-

DENTATUS.

991

ther particulars are not known. (Diog. I^aert. v. 53,
56, 56.) [L. S.J

DEMO'XENUS. [Damoxenus,]

DEM US (A7)/ios). If the reading in Athen-
aeus ( xiv. p. 660) is correct, Demus was the au-
thor of an Atthis, of which the first book is there
quoted. But as Demus is not mentioned any-
where else, Casaubon proposed to change the name
into KA6(T<J57;/tios, who is well known to have
written an Atthis. If the name Demus is wrong,
it would be safer to substitute At^/xwu than KA«(-
rSdrf/xoSy as Demon wrote an Atthis, which con-
sisted of at least four books, [L. S.]

DENDRITES (AivSpirris), the god of the tree,
a surname of Dionysus, which has the same import
as Dasyllius, the giver of foliage. (Plut, Sympoa.
5; Paus. i. 43. §5,) [L. S.]

DENDRI'TIS (Afj/Sprrts), the goddess of the
tree, occurs as a surname of Helen at Rhodes, and
the following story is related to account for it.
After the death of Menelaus, Helen was driven
from her home by two natural sons of her husband.
She fled to Rhodes, and sought the protection of
her friend Polyxo, the widow of Tlepoleraus. But
Polyxo bore Helen a grudge, since her own
husband Tlepolemus had fallen a victim in the
Trojan war. Accordingly, once while Helen was
bathing, Polyxo sent out her servants in the dis-
guise of the Erinnyes, with the command to hang
Helen on a tree. For this reason the Rhodians
afterwards built a sanctuary to Helena Dendritis.
(Paus. iii. 19. § 10.) [L. S.]

DENSUS, JU'LIUS, a man of equestrian rank
of the time of Nero. In a. d. 56, he was ac-
cused of being too favourably disposed towards
Britannicus, but his accusers were not listened to.
(Tacit. Ann. xiii. 10.) [L. S.]

DENSUS, SEMPRO'NIUS, a most distin-
guished and noble-minded man of the time of the
emperor Galba, He was centurion of a praeto-
rian cohort, and was commissioned by Galba to
protect his adopted son Piso Licinianus, at the
time when the insurrection against Galba broke
out, A.D. 70. When the rebels approached to seek
and murder Piso, Densus rushed out against them
with his sword drawn, and thus turned the atten-
tion of the persecutors towards himself, so that
Piso had an opportunity of escaping, though he was
afterwards caught and put to death. (Tacit. Hist.
i. 43.) According to Dion Cassius (Ixiv. 6) and
Plutarch {Galb. 26) it was not Piso, but Galba
himself who was thus defended and protected by
Densus, who fell during the struggle. [L. S.]

DENTA'TUS, M.' CU'RIUS (some writers call
him M. Curius Dentatus), the most celebrated
among the Curii, is said to have derived his cog-
nomen Dentatus from the circumstance of
having been bom with teeth in his mouth.
(Plin. //. N. vii. 15.) Cicero {pro Muren. 8)
calls him a homo novus, and it appears that he was
of Sabine descent. (Cic. pro Sulla^ 7 ; Schol.
Bob. p. 364 ed. Orelli.) The first office which
Curius Dentatus is known to have held was that
of tribune of the people, in which he distinguished
himself by his opposition to Appius Clsiudius the
Blind, who while presiding as interrex at the elec-
tion of the consuls, refused, in defiance of the
law, to accept any votes for plebeian candidates.
Curius Dentatus then compelled the senate to
make a decree by which any legal election was
sanctioned beforehand. (Cic. Brut. 14 ; AureL

9»2

DENTATUS.

y\ct.de Vir. IJlvM. 33.) The year of his tribnne-
ehip is uncertain. According to an inscription
(Orelli, Inscript. JmL No, 539) Appiiis the Blind
was appointed interrex three times, and from liivy
(x. 11) we know, that one of his inter-reij^ms
belongs to B. c. 299, but in that year Appius did
not hold the elections, so that this cannot be the
year of the tribuneship of Dentatus. In B. c.
290 he was consul with P. Cornelius Rufinus, and
both fought against the Samnites and gained such
decisive victories over them, that the war which
had lasted for 49 years, was brought to a close,
and the Samnites sued for peace which was granted
to them. The consuls then triumphed over the
Samnites. After the end of this campaign Curius
Dentatus marched against the Sabines, who had
revolted from Rome and had probably supported
the Samnites. In this undertaking he was again
so successful, that in one campaign the whole
country of the Sabines was reduced, and he ce-
lebrated his second triumph in his first consulship.
The Sabines then received the Roman civitas
without the suflfrage. (Veil. Pat. i. 14), but a por-
tion of their territory was distributed among the
plebeians. (Niebuhr, Hist, of Home^ m. p. 420.)

In B. c. 283, Dentatus was appointed prae-
tor in the place of L. Caecilius, who was slain
in an engagement against the Senones, and he
forthwith sent ambassadors to the enemy to nego-
tiate the ransom of the Roman prisoners ; but his
ambassadors were murdered by the Senones. Au-
relius Victor mentions an oratio of Curius over the
Lncanians, which according to Niebuhr (iii. p.
437) belonged either to b. c. 285 or the year pre-
vious. In b. c. 275 Curius Dentatus was consul
a second time. Pyrrhus was then returning from
Sicily, and in the levy which Dentatus made to com-
plete the army, he set an example of the strictest
severiu^, for the property of the first person that
refusea to serve was confiscated and sold, and when
the man remonstrated he himself too is said to have
been sold. When the army was ready, Dentatus
marched into Samnium and defeated Pyrrhus near
Keneventum and in the Anisinian plain so com-
pletely, that the king was obliged to quit Italy.
The triumph which Dentatus celebrated in that year
over the Samnites and Pyrrhus was one of the
most magnificent that had ever been witnessed :
it was adorned by four elephants, the first that
were ever seen at Rome. His disinterestedness
and fnigality on that occasion were truly worthy
of a great Roman. All the booty that had been
taken in the campaign against Pyrrhus was given
up to the republic, but when he was nevertheless
charged with hjiving appropriated to himself a por-
tion of it, he asserted on his oath that he had
taken nothing except a wooden vessel which he
used in sacrificing to the gods. In the year fol-
lowing, B. c. 274, he was elected consul a third
time, and carried on the war against the Lucanians,
Samnites, and Bruttians, who still continued in
arms after the defeat of Pyrrhus. When this war
was brought to a close Curius Dentatus retired to
his farm in the country of the Sabines, where he
spent the remainder of his life and devoted him-
self to agricultural pursuits, though still ready to
serve his country when needed, for in B. c. 272
he was invested with the censorship. Once the
Samnites sent an embassy to him with costly pre-
sents. The ambassadors found him on his farm,
sitting at the hearth and roasting turnips. He re-

DENTATUS.
jected their presents with the words, that he pre-
ferred ruling over those who possessed gold, to
possessing it himself. He was celebrated down to
the latest times as one of the noblest specimens of
ancient Roman simplicity and frugality. When
after the conquest of the Sabines lands were dis-
tributed among the people, he refused to take
more than any other soldier, and it was probably
on that occasion that the republic rewarded him
with a house and 500 jugers of land. He is said
never to have been accompanied by more than two
grooms, when he went out as the commander of
Roman armies, and to have died so poor, that the
republic found it necessary to provide a dowrj' for
his daughter. But such reports, especially the
latter, are exaggerations or misrepresentations, for
the property which enabled a man to live com-
fortably in the time of Curius, appeared to the
Romans of a later .age hardly sufficient to live
at all ; and if the state gave a dowry to his
daughter, it does not follow that he was too poor
to provide her with it, for the republic may have
given it to her as an acknowledgment of her fa-
ther's merits. Dentatus lived in intimate friend-
ship with the greatest men of his time, and he has
acquired no less fame from the useful works he
constnicted than from his victories over Pyrrhus
and the Samnites, and from his habits of the good
old times of Rome. In B. c. 272, during liis cen-
sorship, he built an aquaeduct (Aniensis Vetus),
which carried the water from the river Anio into
the city. The expenses were covered by the booty
which he had made in the war with Pyrrhus.
Two years later he was appointed duumvir to su-
perintend the building of the aquaeduct, hut five
days after the appointment he died, and was thus
prevented from completing his work. (Frontin. de
Aquaeduct. i. 6 ; Aur. Vict, de Vir. III. 33.) He
was further the benefactor of the toAvn of Reate in
the country of the Sabines, for he dug a canal (or
canals) from lake Velinus through the rocks, and
thus carried its water to a spot where it falls
from a height of 140 feet into the river Nar
(Nera). This fall is the still celebrated fall of
Temi, or the cascade delle Marmore. The Rea-
tians by that means gained a considerable district
of excellent arable land, which was called Rosea.
(Cic. ad Att. iv. 15, pro Scaur. 2 ; Serv. ad Aeit.
vii. 712.) A controversy has recently been raised
by Zumpt {Ahhandl. der Berlin. Akademie for
1836, p. 155, &c.) respecting the M'. Curius, who
led the water of lake Velinus into the Nar. In
the time of Cicero we find the town of Reate en-
gaged in a law-suit with Interamna, whose terri-
torj' was suffering on account of that canal, while
the territon,' of Reate was benefited by it. Zumpt
naturally asks "how did it happen that Interamna
did not bring forward its complaints till two cen-
turies and a half after the constniction of the
canal?" and from the apparent impossibilty of
finding a proper answer, he ventures upon the suppo-
sition, that the canal from lake Velinus was a pri-
vate undertaking of the age of Cicero, and that
M\ Curius who was quaestor in b. c. 60, was the
author of the undertaking. But our ignorance of
any quarrels between Interamna and Reate before
the time of Cicero, does not prove that there
were no such quarrels previously, though a long
period might elapse before, perhaps owing to some
unfavourable season, the grievance was felt by In-
\ tcnimna. Thus we find that throughout the mid-

DERCYLIJDAS.

die n^cfi and even down to the middle of last cen-
tury, tho inhabitants of Reato (Rieti) and Intc-
runna (Tcrni) had from time to time very serious
disputes about the canal. (J. II. Westphal, Die
li't'm. Ca7up<t</ne, p. 1 30. Comp. Liv. Ejnt. 1 1 — 14 ;
Polyb. ii. 19 ; Oros. iii. *2;J, iv. 2 ; Kutrop. ii. 5,
1 4 ; Floras, i. 18 ; Val. Max. iv. 3. § 5, vi, 3. § 4 ;
Varro, L. L. p. 280 ed. Bip, ; Plut. Pyrrh. 20,
Apophth. fmjx-r. 1, Cat. mat. 2; Plin. //. A'', xvi.
73, xviii. 4; Zonaras, viii. 6; Cic. lirut. 14, de
&wct. 1 3, 1 6, de Re PiM. iii. 28, de Amicit. 5, 1 1 ;
Ilorat. Carm. i. 12. 37, &c. ; Juven. xi. 78, &c. ;
Appul. Apolog. p. 431, ed. Bosscha.) [L. S.]

DENTER, CAECI'LIUS. 1. L. Caecilius
Dknter, was consul in b. c. 284, and praetor the
year after. In this capacity he fell in the war
against the Senones and was succeeded by M'.
Curius Dentatus. (Liv. Epit. 12 ; Oros. iii. 22 ;
Polyb. ii. 19 ; Fast. Sicul.) Fischer in his ^onmcA.
Zeitiafeln makes him praetor and die in B. c. 285,
and in the year following he has him again as con-
sul. Drumann {Gesch. Ro7ns, ii. p. 18) denies the
identity of the consul and the praetor, on the
ground that it was not customary for a person to
hold the praetorship the year after his consulship ;
but examples of such a mode of proceeding do
occur (Liv. x. 22, xxii. 35), and Drumann's ob-
jection thus falls to the ground.

2. L. Caecilius Dexter, was praetor in b. c.
182, and obUiined Sicily for his province. (Liv.
xxxix. 56, xl. 1.)

3. M. Caecilius Denter, one of the ambas-
sadors who were sent, in B. c. 173, to king Perseus
to inspect the affairs of Macedonia, and to Alex-
andria to renew the friendship with Ptolemy.
(Liv. xlii. 6.) [L. S.]

DENTER, LI'VIUS. 1. C. Lmus Denter,
magister equitura to tiie dictator C. Claudius Cras-
sinus Regillcnsis in b. c. 348. (Fast)

2. M. Livius Denter, was consul, in b. c. 302,
with M. Aemilius Paullus. In that year the war
against the Aequians was renewed, but the Roman
consuls were repulsed. In b. c. 299 he was among
the first plebeians that were admitted to the office
of pontiff, and in this capacity he accompanied P.
Decius, and dictated to him the formula, under
which he devoted himself to a voluntary death for
the good of his country, P. Decius at the same
time requested M. Livius Denter to act as praetor.
(Liv. x. 1,9, 28, 29.) [L. S.]

DENTO, ASI'NIUS, a person whom Cicero
(ad Att. V. 20) calls nobilis sui generis, was primus
pilus under M. Bibulus, in b. c. 51, and was
killed near mount Amanus. [L. S.]

DEO (Arjw), another name for Demeter. (Hom.
Hifinn. in Dem. 47 ; Aristoph. Plut. 515 ; Soph.
Aniiq. 1121; Orph. Hymn. 38. 7; Apollon. Rhod.
iv. 988 ; Callim. Hymn, in Cer. 1 33 ; Schol, ad
Theocrit. vii. 3.) The patronymic form of it,
Deiois, Deoine, or Deione, is therefore given to
Demeter's daughter, Persephone. (Ov. Met. vi.
114; Athcn. X. p. 449.) [L. S.]

DEOMENEIA (Arjo/ieVeia), a daughter of Ar-
eas, a bronze statue of whom was erected at
Mantineia. (Pans. viii. 9. § 5.) [L. S.]

DERCY'LLIDAS (Afp/cuAAi'Sas). 1. A Spar-
tan, was sent to the Hellespont in the spring of
B. c. 411 to excite the cities there to revolt from
Athens, and succeeded in bringing over Abydus
and Lanipsacus, the latter of which, however, was
almost immediately recovered by the Athenians

DERCYLLTDAS.

993

under Strombichidcs. (Thuc. viii. Gl, fi2.) In
B. c. 399 he was sent to supersede Thibron in tho
command of the army wliich was employed in the
protection of the Asiatic Greeks against Persia.
On his arrival, he took advantage of the jealousy
between Pham.ibazus and Tissaphemes to divide
their forces, and having made a truce with the
latter, proceeded against the midland Aeolis, the
satrapy of Phamabazus, towards whom he enter-
tained a personal dislike, as having been once
subjected through his means to a military punish-
ment when he was harmost at Abydus under
Lysander. In Aeolis he gained possession of nine
cities in eight days, together with the treasures of
Mania, the late satrapess of the province. [Mania;
Meidias.] As he did not wish to burden his
allies by wintering in their countrj', he concluded
a truce with Phamabazus, and marched into Bi-
thynia, where he maintained his army by plunder.
In the spring of 398 he left Bithynia, and was
met at Larapsacus by Spartan commissioners, who
announced to him the continuance of his command
for another year, and the satisfaction of the home
government with the discipline of his troops as
contrasted with their condition under Thibron.
Having heard from these commissioners that the
Greeks of the Thracian Chersonesus had sent an
embassy to Sparta to ask for aid against the neigh-
bouring barbarians, he said nothing of his inten •
tion, but concluded a further truce with Phai-na-
bazus, and, crossing over to Europe, built a wall
for the protection of the peninsula. Then return-
ing, he besieged Atameus, of which some Chian
exiles had taken possession, and reduced it after
an obstinate defence. Hitherto there had been no
hostilities between Tissaphemes and Dercyllidas,
but in the next year, b. c. 397, ambassadors came
to Sparta from the lonians, representing that by
an attack on Caria, where the satrap's own pro-
perty lay, he might be driven into acknowledging
their independence, and the ephori accordingly
desired Dercyllidas to invade it. Tissaphemes
and Phamabazus now united their forces, but no
engagement took place, and a negotiation was en-
tered into, Dercyllidas demanding the independ-
ence of the Asiatic Greeks, the satraps the with-
drawal of the Lacedaemonian troops. A truce
was then made till the Spartan authorities and
the Persian king should decide respectively on the
requisitions. In B. c. 396, when Agesilaus crossed
into Asia, Dercyllidas was one of the three who
were commissioned to ratify the short and hollow
armistice with Tissaphemes. After this, he ap-
pears to have returned home. In B. c. 394 he
was sent to carry the news of the battle of Corinth
to Agesilaus, whom he met at Amphipolis, and at
whose request he proceeded with the intelligence
to the Greek cities in Asia which had fumished
the Spartans with troops. This service, Xenophon
says, he gladly undertook, for he liked to be ab-
sent from home, — a feeling possibly arising from
the mortifications to which, as an unmarried man
(so Plutarch tells us), he was subjected at Spartxi.
(See Diet, of Ant. p. 597.) He is said to have
been characterized by roughness and cunning, —
qualities denoted respectively by his nicknames of
"Scythus" and "Sisyphus," if indeed the fomier
of tliese be not a corrupt reading in Athenaeus for
the second. (Xen. Hell. iii. 1. ^$ 8—28, ii. $$ 1
—20, 4. ^ 6, iv. 3. $$ 1—3, Anub. v. 6. $ 24;
Diod. xiv.'38 ; Plut. Lye. 15 ; Athen. xi. p. 500, c)

3 s

994

DERCYNUS.

2. A Spartan, who was sent as ambassador to
Pyrrhus when he invaded Sparta in B. c. 272 for
the purpose of placing Cleonymus on the throne.
[Chelidonis ; Cleonymus.] Plutarch records
an apophthegm of Dercyllidas on tliis occasion
with respect to the invader : " If he is a god, we
fear him not, for we are guilty of no wrong ; if a
man, we are as good as he." (Plut. ApopMh. Lac.
vol. ii. p. 128, ed. Tauchn.; Plut. Pyrrh, 26, where
the saving is ascribed to one Mandricidas.) [E.E.]

DERCY'LLIDAS (Aep/fuWiSas), the author
of a voluminous work on Plato's philosophy, and
of a commentary also on the " Timaeus," neither
of which has come down to us. (Fabric. BiU^
Grace, iii. pp. 95, 152, 170, ed. Harles, and the
authorities there referred to.) [E. E.]

DERCYLUS or DERCYLLUS (AepKiJAos,
A€p/ci»A.Aos), an Athenian, was one of that em-
bassy of ten, in which Aeschines and Demosthenes
were included, and which was sent to Philip to
treat on the subject of peace in B. c. 347. In b. c.
346, the same ambassadors appear to have been
again deputed to ratify the treaty. (See the
Argument prefixed to Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 336 ;
Aesch. de Fals. Leg. p. 41 ; ThirwalPs Greece^
vol. V. p. 356 ; comp. the decree ap. Dem. de Cor.
p. 235; Qassioal Museunu, vol. i. p. 145.) Der-
cylus was also one of the envoys in the third
embassy (cTri tovs 'AfKpiKTiiovas), which was ap-
pointed to convey to Philip, then marching upon
Phocis, the complimentary and cordid decree of
Philocnites, and to attend the Amphictyonic coun-
cil that was about to be convened on the aifairs of
Phocis. When, however, the ambassadors had
reached Chalcis in Euboea, they heard of the de-
struction of the Phocian towns by Philip, and of
his having taken part entirely with the Thebans,
and Dercylus returned to Athens with the alarm-
ing news ; but the embassy was still desired to
proceed. (Aesch. de Fals. Leg. pp. 40, 46, c. Ctes. p.
65 ; Dem. de Cor. p. 237, de Fals. Leg. pp. 360,
379.) It is perhaps the same Dercylus whom Plutarch
mentions as "general of the country" (toC eTri ttjs
Xwpas a-Tparnyov, in a c. 318). When Nicanor,
having been called on to withdraw the Macedonian
garrison from Munychia, consented to attend a
meeting of the council in the Peiraeeus, Dercylus
formed a design to seize him, but he becfime aware
of it in time to escape. Dercylus is also said to
have warned Phocion in vain of Nicanor's inten-
tion of making himself master of the Peiraeeus.
(Plut. Phoc. 32 ; Nep. Phoc. 2 ; Droysen, Gesch.
der Naehf. Alex. p. 223.) [E. E.]

DERCYLUS or DERCYLLUS (Aep/c:JAos,
AepKuAAos), a very ancient Greek writer, men-
tioned several times in connexion with Agias, the
latter being a different person probably from the
author of the No'o-Tot, with whom Meineke identi-
fies him. We find the following works of Der-
cylus referred to : 1. 'ApyoXiKoi. 2. 'IraXiKo..
3. AtToAt/ca, 4. KriVets. 5. Sarupt/fa, appa-
rently on the fables relating to the Satyrs. 6. flepl
opuv. 7. nep2 XiQo3v. The exact period at which
he flourished is uncertain. (Plut. Par. Min. 17, 38,
deFluv. 8, 10, 19, 22 ; Athen. iii. p. 86, f.; Clem.
Alex. Strom, i. p. 1 39, ed. Sylb. ; Schol. ad Eur.
Troad. 14; Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. Graec. p.
417.) [E. E.]

DE'RCYNUS (Ae'pKwoj), a son of Poseidon
and brother of Albion. (Apollod. ii. 5. § 10.)
Pomponius Mela (ii. 5) calls him Bergion. [L. S.J

DEUCALION.

DERDAS (Ae'pSas), a Macedonian chieftain,
who joined with Philip, brother of Perdiccas II.,
in rebellion against him. Athens entered into
alliance with them, a step, it would seem, of
doubtful policy, leading to the hostility of Perdiccas,
and the revolt, under his advice, of Potidaea, and
the foundation of Olynthus. The Athenian generals
who arrived soon after those events acted for a
while against Perdiccas with them. (Thuc. i. 57
— 59.) Derdas himself probably died about this
time, as we hear of his brothers in his place
(c. 59), one of whom Pausanias probably was.
(c. 61.) ^ [A.H.C.]

DERDAS (AepSas), a prince of Elyraia or Eli-
meia, and probably of the same family as the cou-
sin of Perdiccas II. mentioned above. As he had
reason, from the example of Amyntas II. [see
p. 154, b.], to fear the growing power of Olynthus,
he zealously and effectually aided the Spartans in
their war with that state, from b. c. 382 to 379.
(Xen. Hell. v. 2, 3 ; Diod. xv. 19-23.) We learn
from Theopompus {ap. Atlmi. x. p. 436, d.), that
he was taken prisoner by the Olynthians, but it
does not appear on what occasion ; nor is it certain
whether he is the same Derdas to whom Aristotle
alludes. {Polit. v. 10, ed. Bekk.) Derdas, whose
sister Phila was one of the wives of Philip, was
probfibly a different person, though of the same
familv. (Ath. xiii. p. 557, c.) [E. E.]

DERRHIA'TIS (AepprnVts), a surname of Ar-
temis, which she derived from the town of Der-
rhion on the road from Sparta to Arcadia. (Paus.
iii. 20. § 7.) [L. S.]

DESIDE'RIUS, brother of Magnentius, by
whom he was created Caesar and soon after put t )
death, when the tyrant, finding that his position
was hopeless, in a transport of rage, massacred all
his relations and friends, and then, to avoid falling
into the power of his rival, perished by his own
hands. According to Zonaras, however, Dcside-
rius was not actually killed, but only grievously
wounded, and upon his recovery surrendered to
Constantius. No genuine medals of this prince
are extant. (Zonar. xiii. 9 ; Julian, Orat. frag. ;
Chron. Alexand. p. 680, ed. 1615 ; Eckhel, vol.
viii. p. 124.) ^ [W. R.]

DESILA'US (Aeo-iAoos), a statuary, whose
Doryphorus and wounded Amazon are mentioned
by Pliny (xxxiv. 8. s. 1 9. § 15). There is no reason
to believe, with Meyer and Miiller, that the name
is a corruption of Ctcsilails ; but, on the contrary,
the wounded Amazon in the Vatican, which they
take for a copy of the work of Ctesilaiis, is proba-
bly copied from the Amazon of Desilaiis. (Ross,
Kunstblatt, for 1840, No. 12.) [Cresilas.] [P.S.]

DESPOENA (AeVTTOji/a), the niling goddess or
the mistress, occurs as a surname of several divini-
ties, such as Aphrodite (Theocrit. xv. 100), De-
meter (Aristoph. Thesm. 286), and Persephone.
(Paus. viii. 37. § 6 ; comp. Persephone.) [L.S.]

DEUCA'LION (AeuKoA^wv). 1. A son of Pro-
metheus and Clymene. He was king in Phthia,
and married to Pyrrha. When Zeus, after the
treatment he had received from Lycaon, had re-
solved to destroy the degenerate race of men who
inhabited the earth, Deucalion, on the advice of
his father, built a ship, and carried into it stores
of provisions ; and when Zeus sent a flood all over
Hellas, which destroyed all its inhabitants, Deuca-
lion and Pyrrha alone were saved. After their
ship had been floating about for nine days, it land-

UEVERRA.

cd, aocording to tlie common tradition, on mount
Parnassus ; otliors made it land on mount Otiirys
in Thessjily, on mount Athos, or even on Aetna in
Sicilj'. (Schol. aii Find. 01. ix. ()4 ; Scrv. ad Viry.
KcUhj. vi. 41 ; Ilygin. Fob. 153.) These differ-
ences in the story are probably nothing ])ut local
traditions ; in the same manner it was believed in
several places that Deucalion and Pyhrra were not
the only j>ersons that were saved. Thus Megarus,
a son of Zeus, escaped by following the screams of
cranes, which led him to the summit of mount
rierania (Pans. i. 40. § 1) ; and the inhabitants of
Delphi were said to have been saved by following
the howling of wolves, which led them to the sum-
rait of Parnassus, where they founded Lycoreia.
(Pans. X. (). § "2.) When the waters had subsided,
Deucalion offered up a sacrifice to Zeus Phyxius,
that is, the helper of fugitives, and thereupon the
god sent Hermes to him to promise that he would
grant any wish which Deucalion might entertain.
Deucalion prayed that Zeus might restore mankind.
According to the more common tradition, Deucalion
and Pyrrha went to the sanctuarj' of Themis, and
prayed for the same thing. The goddess bade
them cover their heads and throw the bones of
their mother behind them in walking from the
temple. After some doubts and scruples respecting
the meaning of this command, X\\ey agreed in in-
terpreting the bones of their mother to mean the
stones of the earth ; and they accordingly threw
stones behind them, and from those thrown by
Deucalion there sprang up men, and from those of
Pyrrha women. Deucalion then descended from
Paniassus, and built his first abode at Opus (Pind.
01. ix. 46), or at Cynus (Strab. ix. p. 425 ; Schol.
ad Pind. 01. ix. 64), where in later times the
tomb of Pyrrha was shewn. Concerning the whole
story, see Apollod. i. 7. § 2 ; Ov. Met. i. 260, &c
There was also a tradition that Deucalion had
lived at Athens, and the sanctuary of the Olym-
pian Zeus there was regarded as his work, and his
tomb also was shewn there in the neighbourhood
of the sanctuary. (Pans. i. 18. § 8.) Deucalion
was l)y Pyrrha the father of Hellen, Amphictyon,
Protogeneia, and others. Strabo (ix. p. 435)
states, that near the coast of Phthiotis there were
two small islands of the name of Deucalion and
Pyrrha.

2. A son of Minos and Pasiphae or Crete, was
an Argonaut and one of the Calydonian hunters.
He was the father of Idomeneus and Molus.
(Horn. //. xiii. 451 ; Apollod. iii. 1. § 2, 3. § 1 ;
Diod. iv. 60; Hygin. Ftdt. 14, 173; Serv. ad Aen.
iii. 121.)

3. A son of Hyperasius and Hypso, and brother
of Amphion. (VaL Flacc. i. 366 ; comp. ApoUon.
Rhod. i. 176.)

4. A son of Heracles by a daughter of Thespius.
(Hygin. Fab. 162.)

5. A Trojan, who was slain by Achilles. ( Hom.
11. XX. 477.) [L. S.]

DEVERRA, one of the three sjrmbolic beings —
their names arc Pilumnus, Intcrcidona, and De-
verra — whose influence was sought by the Romans,
at the birth of a child, as a protection for the mo-
ther against the vexations of Sylvanus. The night
after the birth of a child, three men walked around
the house : the first struck the threshold with an
axe, the second knocked upon it with a pestle,
and the third swept it with a broom. These sym-
bolic actions were believed to prevent Sylvanus

DEXIPPU8.

&9.^

from entering the house, and were looked upon as
symbolic representations of civilized or agricultural
life, since without an axe no tree can be felled, a
pestle is necessary to pound the grain, and com is
swept together with a broom. (Augustin, de Civ.
Dei^ vi. 9 ; Hartung, Die Itelig. der R'lhner, ii.
p. 175.) [L.S.]

DEXA'MENUS (Ae^dfitvos), a centaur who
lived in Bura in Achaia, which town derived its
name from his large stable for oxen. (Schol. ad
Gdlim. Hymn, in Del. 102; Etymol. M. s. v.)
According to others, he was a king of Olenus, and
the father of Deianeira, whom Heracles seduced
during his stay with Dexamenus, who had hospi-
tiibly received him. Heracles on parting promised
to return and marry her. But in his absence the
centaur Eurytion sued for Deianeira's hand, and
her father out of fear promised her to him. On
the wedding day Heracles returned and slew Eu-
rytion. (Hygin. Fob. 33.) Deianeira is usually
called a daughter of Oeneus, but Apollodorus (ii. 5.
$ 5) calls the daughter of Dexamenus, Mnesimache,
and Diodorus (iv. 33) Hippolyte. [L. S.J

DEXI'CRATES (A6|i»cp<iT7js), an Athenian
comic poet of the new comedy, whose drama enti-
tled 'T^' kaxnav irKavwfj.evoi is quoted by Athe-
naeus (iii. p. 124, b). Suidas (s. v.) also refers to
the passage in Athenaeus. (Meineke, Frag. Com.
Graec. i. p. 492, iv. p. 571.) [P. S.]

DEXIPPUS (AeliTTTros), a Lacedaemonian, was
residing at Gela when Sicily was invaded for
the second time by the Carthaginians under Han-
nibal, the grandson of Hamilcar, in B. c. 406. At
the request of the Agrigentines, on whom the storm
first fell, he came to their aid with a body of mer-
cenaries which he had collected for the purpose ;
but he did not escape the charge of corniption jind
treachery which proved fatal to four of the Agri-
gentine generals. When the defence of Agrigen-
tum became hopeless, Dexippus returned to Gela,
the protection of that place having been assigned
him by the SjTacusans, who formed the main stay
of the Grecian interest in the island. Not long
after, he was dismissed from Sicily by Dionysius,
whose objects in Gela he had refused to aid.
(Diod. xiii. 85, 87, 88, 93, dG.) [E. E.]

DEXIPPUS (Ae'ltTrTros), a comic poet of
Athens, respecting whom no particulars are known.
Suidas (s. V. KuipvKoios) mentions one of his plays
entitled @r](ravp6s, and Eudocia (p. 1 32) has pre-
served the titles of four others, viz. ^PLvniropvo-
€o(Tk6s^ ^iXdpyvpos, 'laropioypdcfjos, and AiaSiKa-
^ojxevoi. Meineke in his Hist. Crit. Com. Graec.
has overlooked this poet. [L. S.]

DEXIPPUS (A^|t7r7ros), a commentator on
Plato and Aristotle, was a disciple of the Neo-
Platonic philosopher lamblichus, and lived in the
middle of the fourth century of the Christian era.
We still possess a commentary of Dexippus on the
Categories of Aristotle, in the form of a dialogue,
which, however, is printed only in a Latin trans-
lation. It appeared at Paris, 1549, 8vo., under the
title of " Quaestionum in Categorias libri tres, in-
terprete J. Bernardo Feliciano," and again at Venice,
1546, fo., after the work of Porphyry In Prae-
dicam. The Greek title in the Madrid Codex is,

Af^ilTKOV (pl\0(T6(pOV IlAaTWVlKOV TCuV CIS TCIS

'Api(TTOT€\ovs KaTTtyopias 'Airopiwv re koJ Avaewv
K€<pdKaia fi' .

In this work the author explains to one Seleucus
the Aristotelian Categories, and endeavours at the

3s2

996 DEXIPPUS.

same time to refute the objections of Plotiniis.

(Plotin. Ennead. vi. 1, 2, 3 ; comp. Simplic. ad

Arid. Categ. fol. 1, a. ; Tzetzes, Chiliad, ix. Hist.

274.)

Specimens of the Greek text are to be found in
Iriarte, Cod. Bill. Matrit. Catalog, pp. 135, 274,
&c., and from tliese we leani that there are other
dialogues of Dexippus on similar subjects still ex-
tant in manuscript. (Fabric. BU}1. Gr, iii. pp.
254, 486, V. pp. 697, 740.) [A. S.]

DEXIPPUS (Ae|jinros), called also Diompptis,
a physician of Cos, who was one of the pupils of
the celebrated Hippocrates, and lived in the fourth
century B. c. (Suid. s. v. Ae^nnros.) Hecatomnus,
prince of Caria(ac. 385-377), sent for him to
cure his sons, Mausolus and Pixodarus, of a dan-
gerous illness, which he undertook to do upon con-
dition that Hecatomnus should cease from waging
war against his country. (Suid. ibid.) He wrote
some medical works, of which nothing but the
titles remain. He was blamed by Erasistratus for
his excessive severity in restricting the quantity of
drink allowed to his patients. (Galen, De Seda
Opt. c. 14, vol. i. p. 144 ; Comment. I. in Hippocr.
"Z)e Rat. Vid. in Morb. A cut:' c. 24, Comment.
III. c. 38, and Comment. IV. c. 5, vol. xv. pp. 478,
703, 744 ; De Venae Sed. adv. Erasistr. c. 9, vol-
xi. p. 182.) He is quoted by Plutarch {Sympos.
vii. 1) and Aulus Gellius (xvii. 11) in the contro-
versy that was maintained among some of the
ancient physicians as to whether the drink passed
down the windpipe or the gullet. [W. A. G.]

DEXIPPUS, PUBLIUS HERE'NNIUS, a
Greek rhetorician and historian, was a son of
Ptolemacus and bom in the Attic demos of Her-
mus. (Bockh, Corp. Inscript. i. n. 380, p. 439,
&c.) He lived in the third century after Christ,
in the reigns of Claudius Gothicus, Tacitus, Aure-
lian, and Probus,till about A. D. 280. (Eunap. Vit.
Porphyr. p. 21.) He was regarded by his con-
temporaries and later writers as a man of most
extensive learning; and we learn from the inscription
just referred to, that he was honoured at Athens
with the highest offices that existed in his native
city. In A. D. 262, when the Goths penetrated
into Greece and ravaged several towns, Dexippus
proved that he was no less great as a general and
a man of business than as a scholar, for, after the
capture of Athens, he gathered around him a
number of bold and courageous Athenians, and
took up a strong position on the neighbouring hills.
Though the city itself was taken by the barbarians,
and Dexippus with his band was cut off from it,
he made an unexpected descent upon Peiraeeus
and took vengeance upon the enemy. (Dexipp.
Exc. de Bell. Scyth. p. 26, &c. ; Trebell. PolL
Gallien. 13.)

We are not informed whether Dexippus wrote
any rhetorical works ; he is known to us only as an
historical author. Photius (Bibl. Cod. 82) has
preserved some account of three historical works
of Dexippus. 1. Tci iierd. *A\4^avSpov, in four
books. It was a history of Macedonia from the
time of Alexander, and by way of introduction
the author prefixed a sketch of the preceding his-
tory', from the time of Caranus to Alexander.
(Comp. Euseb. Citron. 1.) 2. ^vvto/mv IcrTopiKop,
or as Eunapius (p. 58) calls it, xP^^^kv iCTopla,
was a chronological history from the mythical ages
down to the accession of Claudius Gothicus, a. d.
268. It consisted probably of twelve books, the {

DIADUMENIANUS.

twelfth being quoted by Stephanus of Byzantium
(s. V. "EXou/Jot), and it is frequently referred to by
the writers of the Augustan history. (Lamprid.
Alex. Sev. 49 ; Capitolin. Maximin. Jun. 6, Tres
Gord. 2, 9, Majdm. d Balbin. 1 ; Treb. Poll.
Gallien. 15, Trig. Tyr. 32, Claud. 12; comp.
Evagrius, Hid. Eccles. v. 24.) 3. 2Ku0«/fa, that
is, an account of the war of the Goths or Scythians,
in which Dexippus himself had fought. It com-
menced in the reign of Decius, and was brought to
a close by Aurelian. Photius praises the style
and diction of Dexippus, especially in the third
work, and looks upon him as a second Thucydides ;
but this praise is highly exaggerated, and the frag-
ments still extant shew, that his style has all tlie
faults of the late Greek rlietoricians. The frag-
ments of Dexippus, which have been considerably
increased in modern times by the discoveries of A.
Mai {Collect. Script. Vet. ii. p. 319, cScc), have
been collected by I. Bekker and Niebuhr in the
first volume of the Scnptores Historiae Byzantinacy
Bonn, 1829, 8vo. [L. S.]

DEXTER, AFRA'NIUS, was consul suffectus
in a. d. 98, in the reign of Trajan (Plin. Epid.
V. 14) and a friend of Martial. {Epigr. vii. 27.)
He was killed during his consulship. [L. S.]

DEXTER, C.DOMrTIUS,was consul inA.o.
196, in the reign of Septimius Severus, who ap-
pointed him praefect of the city. (Spartian. Sever.
8; Fasti.) [L. S.]

DIA (Afa), a daughter of Deioneus and the
wife of Ixion. (Schol. ad Find. Pyth. ii. 39.) Her
father is also called Eioneus. (Diod. iv. Q9; Schol.
ad Apollon. Pliod. iii. 62.) By Ixion, or accord-
ing to others, by Zeus (Hygin. Fah. 155), she be-
came the mother of Peirithous, who received his
name from the circumstance, that Zeus when he
attempted to seduce her, ran around her {ir^pi-
Qiuv) in the form of a horse. (Eustath. ad Ham.
p. 101.) There are two other mythical personages
of this name. (Schol. ad Find. 01. i. 144 ; Tzetz.
ad Lycopli. 480.) Dia is also used as a surname
of Hebe or Ganymede, who had temples under
this name at Phlius and Sicyon. (Strab. viii. p.
382; Pans. ii. 13. § 3.) [L. S.]

DIADEMA'TUS, a surname of L. Caecilius
Metellus, consul in B. c. 117.

DIADUMENIA'NUS or DIADUMENUS,
M. OPE'LIUS, the son of M. Opelius Macrinus
and Nonia Celsa, was bom on the 1 9th of Septem-
ber, A. D. 208. When his father was elevated to
the purple, after the murder of Caracalla on the
8th of March, a. d. 217, Diadumenianus received
the titles of Caesar., Princeps Juventutis, Antoninus^
and eventually of Imperator and Augudus also.
Upon the victory of Elagabalus, he was sent to the
charge of Artabanus, the Parthian king, but was
betrayed and put to death about the same time
with Macrinus.

This child is celebrated on account of his sur-
passing beauty by Lampridius, who declares, that

COIN OF diadumenianus.

DIAEUS.

he shone resplendent like a heavenly stir, and was
Itelovcd by all who looked upon him on account of
his surpassing gnice and comeliness. From his
maternal grandfather he inherited the name of
Diadumenus, which upon his quasi-adoption into
the family of the Antonines was changed into
Diadumenianus. (Dion Cass. Ixxviii. 4, 17, 19,
34, 38-40; Herodian. v. 9; Laraprid. Diadumen.;
Capitolin. Macrin. 10.) [W. R.]

DIAETHUS (Afot^os), the author of commen-
taries on the Homeric poems, which seem to have
been chiefly of an historical nature, and are refer-
red to in the Venetian scholia on the Iliad (iii.
175). [L.S.]

DIAEUS (Afoios), a man of Megalopolis, suc-
ceeded Menalcidas of Lacedaemon as general of
the Achaean league in b. c. 150. Menalcidas,
having been assailed by Callicrates with a capital
charge, saved himself through the favour of Diaeus,
whom he bribed with three talents [Callicrates,
No. 4, p. 5G9, b.] ; and the latter, being much
and generally condemned for this, endeavoured to
divert public attention from his own conduct to a
quarrel with Lacedaemon. The Lacedaemonians
had appealed to the Roman senate about the pos-
session of some disputed land, and had received for
answer that the decision of all causes, except those
of life and death, rested with the great council of
the Achaeans. This answer Diaeus so far garbled
as to omit the exception. The Lacedaemonians
accused him of falsehood, and the dispute led to
war, wherein the Lacedaemonians found themselves
no match for the Achaeans, and resorted accord-
ingly to negotiation. Diaeus, affirming that his
hostility was not directed against Sparta, but
against her disturbers, procured the banishment of
24 of her principal citizens. These men fled for
refuge and protection to Rome, and thither Diaeus
went to oppose them, together with Callicrates,
who died by the way. The cause of the exiles
was supported by Menalcides, who assured the
Spartans, on his return, that the Romans had de-
clared in favour of their independence, while an
equally positive assurance to the opposite effect
was given by Diaeus to the Achaeans, — the truth
being that the senate had passed no final decision
at all, but had promised to send commissioners to
settle the dispute; • War was renewed between
the parties, b. c 148, in spite of the prohibition of
the Romans, to which, however, Diaeus, who was
again general in b. c. 147, paid more obedience,
though he endeavoured to bring over the towns
round Sparta by negotiation. When the decree of
the Romans arrived, which severed Sparta and
several other states from the Achaean league,
Diaeus took a leading part in keeping up the in-
dignation of the Achaeans, and in urging them to
the acts of violence which caused war with Rome.
In the autumn of 147 he was succeeded by Crito-
laiis, but the death of the latter before the expira-
tion of his year of oflSce once more placed Diaeus
at the post of danger, according to the law of the
Achaeans, which provided in such cases that the
predecessor of the deceased should resume his
authority. The number of his army he swelled
with emancipated slaves, and enforced strictly,
though not impartially, the levy of the citizens ;
but he acted unwisely in dividing his forces by
sending a portion of them to garrison Megara
and to check there the advance of the Romans,
lie himself had Uiken up his quarters iu Co-

DIAGORAS.

997

rinth, and Metcllus, the Rom.an general, advan-
cing thither, sent forward ambassadors to offer
terms, but Diaeus threw them into prison (though
he afterwards released them for the bribe of a
talent), and caused Sosicrates, the lieutenant-
general, as well as Philinus of Corinth, to be put
to death with torture for having joined in recom-
mending negotiation with the enemy. Being de-
feated by Muramius before the walls of Corinth,
in B. c. 146, he made no further attempt to defend
the city, but fled to Megalopolis, where he slew
his wife to prevent her falling into the enemy's
power, and put an end to his own existence by
poison, thus (says Pausanias) rivalling Menalcidas
in the cowardice of his death, as he had rivalled
him through his life in avarice. [Menalcidas.]
(Polyb. xxxviii. 2, xl. 2, 4, 5, 9 ; Paus. vii. ]2,&c.;
Clinton, F. H. sub annis 149, 147, 146.) [E. E.]
DIA'G0RAS(Aja7Jpas), the son of Telecleides
or Teleclytus, was born in the island of Melos
(Milo), one of the Cyclades. He was a poet and
a philosopher, who throughout antiquity was re-
garded as an atheist [aQ^os). With the exception
of this one point, we possess only very scanty in-
formation concerning his life and literary activity.
All that is known is carefully collected by M. H.
E. Meier (in Ersch. u. Gruber's Allgem. Encydop.
xxiv. pp. 439—448).

The age of this remarkable man can be deter-
mined only in a general way by the fiict of his being
called a disciple of Democritus of Abdera, who
taught about B. c. 436. But the circumstance
that, besides Bacchylides (about B. c. 435), Pindar
also is called his contemporary, is a manifest
anachronism, as has been already observed by
Brandis. {Gesch. d. Griech. Rom, PhUos. i. p. 341.)
Nearly all the ancient authorities agree that Melos
was his native place, and Tatian, a late Christian
writer, who calls him an Athenian, does so pro-
bably for no other reason but because Athens was the
principal scene of the activity of Diagoras. (Tatian,
Orat. adv. Graec. p. 164, a.) Lobeck {Aglaopk.
p. 370) is the only one among modern critics who
maintains that the native country of Diagoras is
uncertain. According to a tradition in Hesychius
Milesius and Suidas, Democritus the philosopher
ransomed him for a very large sum from the
captivity into which he had fallen in the cruel
subjugation of Melos under Alcibiades (b. c. 411),
and this account at all events serves to attest
the close personal relation of these two kindred-
minded men, although the details respecting the
ransom, for instance, may be incorrect. The
same authorities further state, that in his youth
Diagoras had acquired some reputation as a lyric
poet, and this is probably the cause of his being
mentioned together with the lyric poets Simonides,
Pindar, and Bacchylides. Thus he is said to have
composed «f<T/iOTa, /xeArj, -Kaiaves^ iyKw/jiia, and
dithyrambs. Among his encomia ia mentioned in
particular an eulogy on Arianthes of Argos, who
is otherwise unknown,* another on Nicodorus, a
statesman of Mantineia, and a third upon the
Mantineians. Diagoras is said to have lived in
intimate friendship with Nicodorus, who was cele-

* The change in the constitution of Mantineia
by the avvoiKia-fiSs took place with the assistance
of Argos (Wachsmuth, Ilcllen, Altcrth. i. 2, p. 89,
i. 1, p. 180), and Arianthes of Argos was probably
a person of some political importiuice.

998 DIAGORAS.

brated as a statesman and lawgiver in his native
place, and lived, according to Perizonius (ad Aelian.
V. H. ii. 23), at the time of Artaxerxes Mnemon.
The foolish Aelian, who has preserved this state-
ment, dechnes any further discussion of this rela-
tion, although he knew more about it, under the
pretext that he thought it objectionable to say any-
thing in praise of a man who was so hostile to the
gods {bidls ex^pov Aiay6pat/). But still he in-
forms us, that Diagoras assisted Nicodorus in his
legislation, which he himself praises as very wise
and good, Wachsmuth {Hellen. Alterih. i. 2, p. 90)
places this political activity of the two friends
about the beginning of the Peloponnesian war.

We find Diagoras at Athens as early as b. c.
424, for Aristophanes in the Clouds (830), which
were performed in that year, alludes to him as a
well-known character ; and when Socrates, as
though it were a mistake, is there called a Melian,
the poet does so in order to remind his hearers at
once of Diagoras and of his attacks upon the popu-
lar religion. In like mjinner Hippon is called a
Melian, merely because he was a follower of Dia-
goras. It can scarcely be doubted that Diagoras
was acquainted with Socrates, a connexion which
is described in the scholia on Aristophanes as if he
had been a teacher of Socrates. Fifteen years
later, B. c. 411, he was involved, as Diodorus (xiii.
6) informs us, by the democratical party in a law-
suit about impiety (Sio§oA.^s rvxi^v iir 6^€§fia\
and he thought it advisable to escape its result by
flight. Religion seems to have been only the pre-
text for that accusation, for the mere fact of his
being a Melian made him an object of suspicion
with the people of Athens. In B. c. 416, Melos
had been conquered and cruelly treated by the
Athenians, and it is not at all impossible that Dia-
goras, indignant at such treatment, may have
tjiken part in the party-strife at Athens, and thus
have drawn upon himself the suspicion of the de-
mocratical party, for the opinion that heterodoxy
was persecuted .at Athens, and that the priests in
particular busied themselves about such matters, is
devoid of all foundation. (Bemhardy, Gesch. d.
Griech. Lit. i. p. 322.) AU the circumstances of
the case lead us to the conclusion, that the accusa-
tion of Diagoras was altogether and essentially of
a political nature.

All that we know of his writings, and especially
of his poems, shews no trace of irreligion, but on the
contrary contains evidence of the most profound
religious feeling. (Philodemus in the Herculunens.
ed. Drummond and Walpole, p. 164.) Moreover,
we do not find that out of Athens the charge of
dureSfia was taken notice of in any other part of
Greece. All that we know for certain on the
point is, that Diagoras was one of those philoso-
phers who, like Socrates, certainly gave offence by
their views concerning the worship of the national
gods ; but we know what liberties the Attic
comedy could take in this respect with impimity.
There is also an anecdote that Diagoras, for want
of other fire-wood, once threw a wooden statue of
Heracles into the fire, in order to cook a dish of
lentils, and, if there is any truth in it, it certainly
shews his liberal views respecting polytheism and
the rude worship of images. (Meier, L c. p. 445.)
In like manner he may have ridiculed the common
notions of the people respecting the actions of the
gods, and their direct and personal interference
with human affairs. This, too, is alluded to in

DIAGORAS.
several very characteristic anecdotes. For example,
on his flight from Athens by sea to Pallene he was
overtaken by a storm, and on hearing his fellow-
passengers say, that this storm was sent them by
the gods as a punishment, because they had an
atheist on board, Diagoras shewed them other
vessels at some distiince which were struggling
with the same storm without having a Diagoras on
board. (Cic. de Naf. Deor. iii. 37.) This and
similar anecdotes (Diog. Laert. vi. 59) accurately
describe the relation in which our philosopher
stood to the popular religion. That he maintained
his own position with great firmness, and perhaps
with more freedom, wit, and boldness than was
advisable, seems to be attested by the fact, that lie
in particular obtained the epithet of afleos in an-
tiquity. Many modem writers maintain that this
epithet ought not to be given to him, because he
merely denied the direct interference of God with
the world ; but though atheists, in the proper
sense of the word, have never existed, and in that
sense Diagoms was certainly not an atheist, yet
as he did not believe in the personal existence of
the Athenian gods aiid their human mode of acting,
the Athenians could hardly have regarded him as
other than an atheist. In the eulogy on his friend
Nicodorus he sang

Koto Saifiova koI rixf"-" Tct nravTa fipSroiaiv
iKTe\e7Tai.
But to return to the accusation of Diagoras, in
consequence of which he was obliged to quit Athens.
That time was one in which scepticism was begin-
ning to undermine the foundations of the ancient
popular belief. The trial of those who had broken
down the statues of Hermes, the profanation of
the mysteries, and the accusation of Alcibiades,
are symptoms which shew that the unbelief, nour-
ished by the speculations of philosophers and by
the artifices of the sophists, began to appear very
dangerous to the conservative party at Athens.
There is no doubt that Diagoras paid no regard to
the established religion of the people, and he may
occasionally have ridiculed it ; but he also ventured
on direct attacks upon public institutions of the
Athenian worship, such as the Eleusinian myste-
ries, which he endeavoured to lower in public esti-
mation, and he is said to have prevented many
persons from becoming initiated in them. These
at least are the points of which the ancients accuse
him (Craterus, ap. Schol. Aristoph. I.e.; Tarrhaeus,
ap. Said.; Lysias, c. Andocid. p. 214; Joseph, c.
Apion. ii. 37 ; Tatian, adv. Graec. p. 164, a.), and
this statement is also supported by the circum-
stance, that Melanthius, in his work on the mys-
teries, mentions the decree passed against Diagoras.
But, notwithstanding the absence of accurate in-
formation, we can discover political motives through
all these religious disputes. Diagoras was a Me-
lian, and consequently belonged to the Doric race ;
he W.1S a friend of the Doric Mantineia, which was
hated by Athens, and had only recently given up
its alliance with Athens ; the Dorians and lonians
were opposed to each other in various points of
their worship, and this spark of hostility was kin-
dled into a glowing hatred by the Peloponnesian
war. Diagoras fled from Athens in time to escape
the consequences of the attacks which his enemies
had made upon him. He was therefore punished
by Stditeusis., that is, he was condemned, and the
psephisma was engraved on a column, promising a
prize for his head, and one talent to the person

DfAGORAS.

who should bring his dead body to Athens, and
two tiilents to him who should deliver him up alive
to the Athenians. (Schol. rt<^ ^m^>/)//. Av. 1013,
IU73; Diod. xiii. G.) Melanthius, in his work on
the mysteries, had preserved a copy of this pse-
phisma. That the enemies of the philosopher
acted on that occasion with great injustice and
animosity towards him, we may infer from the
manner in which Aristophanes, in his Birds,
which was brought upon the stage in that year,
speaks of the matter; for he describes that de-
cree as having been framed in the republic of
the birds, and ridicules it by the ludicrous addition
that a prize was otfered to any one who should
kill a dead tyrant. Meier, with full justice, infers
from this passage of Aristophanes, that the poet
did not approve of the proceedings of the people,
who were instigated by their leaders, liad become
frightened about the preservation of the constitution,
and were thus misled to various acts of violence. The
mere fact that Aristophanes could venture upon such
an insinuation shews that Diagoras was by no means
in the same bad odour with all the Athenians.

From Athens Diagoras first went to Pallene* in
Achaia, which town was on the side of Lacedae-
mon from the beginning of the Peloponnesian war,
and before any other of the Achaean towns. (Thu-
cyd. ii. 9.) It was in vain that the Athenians
demanded his surrender, and in consequence of
this refusal, they included the inhabitants of Pal-
lene in the same decree which had been passed
against Diagoras. This is a symptom of that fearful
passion and blindness with which the Athenian
people, misguided as it was by demagogues, tore
itself to pieces in those unfortunate trials about
those who had upset the Hermae. (Wachsmuth,
/. c. i. 2, p. 192 ; Droysen, in his Introduct. to the
Birds of Aristoph. p. 240, &c.) For all that we
know of Diagoras, his expressions and opinions,
his accusation and its alleged cause, leads us to see
in him one of the numberless persons who were
suspected, and were fortunate enough to escape
the consequences of the trial by flight. From
Pallene he went to Corinth, where, as Suidas states,
he died.

Among the works of Diagoras we have mention
of a work entitled ^pvyioi \6yoi,'\- in which he is
said to have theoretically explained his atheism,
and to have endeavoured to establish it by argu-
ments. This title of the work, which occurs also
as a title among the works of Democritus and
other Greek philosophers (Diog. Laert. ix. 49,
mentions the \6yos ^pvyios of Democritus, and
concerning other works of the same title, see Lo-
beck, Aijlacrph. p. 369, &c.), leads us to suppose
that Diagoras treated in that work of the Phrygian
divinities, who were received in Greece, and en-
deavoured to explain the mythuses which referred
to them ; it is probable also that he drew the dif-
ferent mysteries within the circle of his investigar
tions, and it may be that his accusers at Athens
referred to this work. The relation of Diagoras to
the popular religion and theology of his age can-

* This statement is founded upon a conjecture
of Meier, who proposes to read in the scholion on
Aristoph. Av. I. c. koX toi)s MH' iKMovrai IleA-

+ Suidas calls it rouy dirotrvpyi^ovras Xoyovs,
an explanation of which has been attempted by
Meier, p. 445.

DIAGORAS.

999

not be explained without going back to the opi-
nions of his teacher, Democritus, and the intellec-
tual movement of the time. The atomistic philo-
sophy had substituted for a world-governing deity
the relation of cause and effect as the sources of all
things. Democritus explained the wide-spread
belief in gods as the result of fear of unusual and
unaccountable phaenomena in nature ; and, start-
ing from this principle, Diagoras, at a time when
the ancient popular belief had already been shaken,
especially in the minds of the young, came forward
with the decidedly sophistical doctrine, that there
were no gods at all. His attacks seem to have
been mainly directed against the dogmas of Greek
theology and mythology, as well as against the
established forms of worship. The expression of
the Scholiast on Aristophanes (Ran. 323), that
Diagoras, like Socrates, introduced new divinities,
must probably be referred to the fact, that accord-
ing to the fashion of the sophists, which is carica-
tured by Aristophanes in the Clouds, he substi-
tuted the active powers of nature for the activity
of the gods ; and some isolated statements that
have come down to us render it probable that he
did this in a witty manner, somewhat bordering
upon frivolity ; but there is no passage to shew
that his disbelief in the popular gods, and his ridi-
cule of the established, rude, and materialistic be-
lief of the people, produced anything like an im-
moral conduct in the life and actions of the man.
On the contrary, all accounts attest that he dis-
charged the duties of life in an exemplary manner,
that he was a moral and very estimable man, and
that he was in earnest when in the eulogy on
Arianthes of Argos he said : &e3s, ^eos irp6 irav-
Tos ipyov vwjjLCf, (ppev vireprarav I We do not
feel inclined, with Meier, to doubt the statement
that he distinguished himself not only as a philo-
sopher, but also as an orator, and that he possessed
many friends and great influence ; for though we
find it in an author of only secondary weight
(Dion Chrysost. Horn. IV in prim. Epist. ad Co-
rinth. Op. V. p. 30, ed. Montf.), yet it perfectly
agrees with the fate which Diagoras experienced
for the very reason that he was not an unimpor'
tant man at Athens. (Fabric. Bibl. Grace, ii. p
654, &c. ; Brucker, Hint. Crit. Philos. i. p. 1203 ;
Thienemann, in Fiillebom's Beitr'dge zur Gcsch.
der Philos. xi. p. 15, &c. ; D. L. Mounier, Dispu-
tatio de Diagora Melio, Roterod. 1838.) [A. S.]

DIA'GORAS (Atayopas), a Greek physician,
who is quoted by Pliny as one of the authors from
whom the materials for his Natural History were
derived. (Index to books xii. xiii. xx. xxi. xxxv.,
and //. N'. xx. 76.) He must have lived in or
before the third century b. c, as he is mentioned
by Erasistratus (apud Dioscor. De Mat. Med. iv.
65, p. 557), and may perhaps be the native of
Cyprus quoted by Erotianus. [Gloss. Hippocr. p.
306.) One of his medical formulae is preserved
by Aetius ftetrab. ii. serm. 3, c. 108, p. 353), and
he may perhaps be the physician mentioned by an
anonymous Arabic writer in Casiri. {Dihlioth. Ara-
bico-IIisp. Esc. vol. i. p. 237.) Some persons have
identified him with the celebrated philosopher, the
slave of Democritus ; but there is no evidence that
they were the same person, nor is the philosopher
(as far as the writer is aware) anywhere said to
have been a physician. [W. A.G.]

DIA'GORAS (AiaySpai), the son of Damagetus,
of the family of the Eratidac at lalysus in Rhodes,

1000

DIANA.

waa very celebrated for his own victories, and
those of his sons and grandsons, in the Grecian
games. He \\ as descended from Damagetus, king
of lalysus, and, on the mother's side, from the
Messenian hero, Aristomenes. [Damagetus.]
The family of the Eratidae ceased to reign in
Rhodes after b. c. 660, but they still retained great
influence. Diagoras was victor in boxing twice in
the Olympian games, four times in the Isthmian,
twice in the Nemean, and once at least in the
Pythian. He had therefore the high honour of
being a Tr6pjo5oi/t/c7js, that is, one who had gained
crowns at all the four great festivals. He also ob-
tained many victories in games of less importance,
as at Athens, Aegijia, Megara, Pellene, and Rhodes.
There is a story told of Diagoras which displays
most strikingly the spirit with which the games
were regarded. When an old man, he accompanied
his sons, Acusilaiis and Damagetus, to Olympia.
The young men, having both been victorious, car-
ried their father through the assembly, while the
spectators showered garlands upon him, and con-
gratulated him as having reached the summit of
human happiness. The fame of Diagoras and his
descendants was celebrated by Pindar in an ode
(01. vii.) which was inscribed in golden letters on
the wall of the temple of Athena at Cuidus in
Rhodes. Their statues were set up at Olympia in
a place by themselves. That of Diagoras was
made b}' the Mcgarian statuary, Calliclks. The
time at which Diagoras lived is determined by his
Olympic victory, in the 79th Olympiad, (b.c. 464.)
Pindar's ode concludes with forebodings of misfor-
tune to the family of the Eratidae, which were
realized after the death of Di.igoras through the
growing influence of Athens. [Dorieus. j (Pind.
01. vii. and Scliol. ; Paus. vi. 7. § I ; Cic. Tusc. i.
46 ; Miiller, Dorians, iii. 9. § 3 ; Clinton, F. II.
pp. 254, 255 ; Krause, Olymp. p. 269, Gymn. u.
Agon. i. p. 259, ii. p. 743.) [P. S.]

DIA'NA, an original Italian divinity, whom
the Romans completely identified with the Greek
Artemis. The earliest trace of her worship occurs
in the stor)' about Servius Tullius, who is said to have
dedicated to her a temple on the Aventine, on the
ides of Sextilis. (Augustus.) It is added that, as
Diana was the protectress of the slaves, the day
on which that temple had been dedicated was
afterwards celebrated every year by slaves of both
sexes, find was called the day of the slaves {dies
scrvorum ; Pest. s. v. servorum dies ; Plut. Quaest.
Rom. 100; Martial, xii. 67.) Resides that day of
the slaves, we hear of no festival of Diana in early
times, which may be accounted for by supposing
that either she was a divinity of inferior rank, or
that her worship had been introduced at Rome
without being sanctioned or recognized by the go-
vernment, that is, by the ruling patricians. The for-
mer cannot have been the case, as the goddess was
worshipped by the plebeians and the Latins as
their patron divinity ; for a tradition related that
the plebeians had emigrated twice to the Aventine,
where stood the temple of Diana (Liv. ii. 32, iii.
51, 54; Sallust, Jug. 31) ; and the temple which
Servius Tullius built on the Aventine was founded
for the benefit of the Latin subjects, who assembled
and sacrificed there every year. (Dionj-s. iv. 26 ;
comp. Liv. i. 45 ; Plut. Quaest. Rom. 4.) The
Sabincs and Latins, who formed the main stock of
the plebeians, were thus in all probability the ori-
ginal worshippers of Diana at Rome. Now as we

DIBUTADES.

know that the Aventine was first occupied by the
conquered Sabines who were transplanted to Rome
(Serv. adAen. vii. 657; Dionys. iii. 43), and as it is
stated that shortly before the decemviral legislation
the Aventine was assigned to the plebeians, and
that the law ordaining this assignment was kept
in the temple of Diana (Dionys. x. 32 ; Liv. iii.
54), it seems clear that Diana's worship was intro-
duced at Rome by the Sabines and Latins on their
becoming plebeians, and that she was worshipped
by them in particular without the state taking any
notice of her, or ordaining any festival in honour
of her. Varro {de L. L. v. 74) moreover expresslj'-
attests, that the worship and name of Diana had
come from the Sabines. Now, as the religion of
the Latins and Sabines did not differ in any es-
sential point from that of the Romans, we may
ask what Roman divinity corresponded to the
Sabine or Latin Diana ? Diana loved to dwell in
groves and in the neighbourhood of wells ; she in-
spired men with enthusiasm and madness ; she
dreaded the very sight of male beings so much,
that no man was allowed to enter her temple, and
she herself remained a virgin (Herat. Epist. ii. 1.
454 ; Plut. Quaest. Rom. 3 ; Fest. s. v. Juvenilia ;
Augustin, de Civ. Dei, vii. 16) ; and these charac-
teristics at once shew a striking resemblance be-
tween Diana and Feronia or Fauna Fatua. This
circumstance, and the fact that Diana was the god-
dess of the moon, also render it easy to conceive
how the Romans afterwards came to identify Diana
with the Greek Artemis, for Fauna Fatua bore the
same relation to Picus and Faunus that Artemis
bore to Apollo. (Hartung, Die Rtlig. der Rom. ii.
p. 207, &c. ; Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, i. p. 367,
&c.) ^ [L. S.]

DIAS (Ai'os), of Ephesus, a Greek philosopher
of the time of Philip of Macedoniji. He belonged
to the Academics, and was therefore considered a
Sophist, that is, a rhetorician. When he saw the
threatening position of Philip towards Greece, he
prevailed upon the king to turn his arms against
Asia, and advised the Greeks to accompany him
on his expedition, saying that it was an honourable
thing to serve abroad for the purpose of preserving
liberty at home. (Philostr. Vit. Sophist, i. 3.) [L. S.]

DIAULUS(AiayAos), an individual, apparently
at Rome, in the first century after Christ, who ia
mentioned by Martial {Epigr. i. 31. 48) as having
been originally a surgeon, and having become af-
terwards a bearer in funerals (t"e*7>i//c'). [W.A. G.]

DIBU'TADES, of Sicyon, was the reputed in-
ventor of the art of modelling in relief, which an
accident first led him to practise, in conjunction
with his daughter, at Corinth. Tlie story is, that
the daughter traced the profile of her lover's face
as thrown in shadow on the wall, and that Dibu-
tades filled in the outline with clay, and thus made
a face in relief, which he afterwards hardened with
fire. The work was preserved in the Nymphaeura
till the destruction of Corinth by Mummius. (Plin.
H.N. XXXV. 12. s. 43.) Pliny adds, that Dibutades
invented the colouring of plastic works by adding a
red colour to them (from the existing works of
this kind it seems to have been red sand), or mo-
delling them in red chalk ; and also that he was
the first who made masks on the edges of the gut-
ter tiles of the roofs of buildings, at first in low
relief (p7'oti/pa), and afterwards in high relief
(ectj/pa). Pliny adds "" Hinc et fastigia templorum
orta," that is, the terra-cotta liguies which Dibu-

DTCAEARCHUS.

tados was sai-l to have inventeil, were used to or-
nament the pediments of temples. (See Did. of
Ant. .1. r. Fastigium.) [P. S.]

DICAEARCHUS (AtKofapxos). «" Aetolian,
who played a conspicuous part in the Aetolian war
against the Romans, lie was employed on several
embassies, and afterwards engaged in the service
of Philip of Macedonia, who sent him out to con-
quer the Cyclades, and employed him with a fleet
of twenty siiil to carry on piracy. He appears to
have been a most audacious and insolent person,
for on his expedition against the Cyclades he erected
altars to 'Afff^fia and Hapavofila, wherever he
landed. (Polyb. xvii. 10, xviii. 37, xx. 10, xxii.
14 ; Liv. xxxv. 12 ; Diod. Excerpt, de Virt. et Vit.
p. 57'2 ; Brandstater, Die Gcschicht. des Aetol.
lAtndes, p. 273.) [L. S.]

DICAEARCHUS (AtKatapxos). 1. A cele-
brated Peripatetic philosopher, geoginpher, and
historian, and a contemporary of Aristotle and
Theophrastus. He was the son of one Pheidias,
and born at Messana in Sicily, though he passed
the greater p;irt of his life in Greece Proper, and
especially in Peloponnesus. He was a disciple of
Aristotle (Cic. de Ley. iii. 6), and a friend of Theo-
phrastus, to whom he dedicated some of his writ-
ings. Most of Aristotle's disciples are mentioned
also among those of Plato, but as this is not the
case with Dicaearchus, Osann (Beitr'dge zurGriech.
u. Rom. Lit. ii. p. 1, &c.) justly infers that Dicae-
archus was one of Aristotle's younger disciples.
From some allusions which we meet with in the
fragments of his works, we miist conclude that he
survived the year B. c. 296, and that he died about
ij. c. 285. Dicaearchus was highly esteemed by
the ancients as a philosopher and as a man of most
extensive information upon a great variety of things.
(Cic. Tusc. i. 18, de Of. ii. 5 ; Varro, de Re Rust.
\. 2.) His works, which were very numerous, are
frequently referred to, and many fragments of them
are still extant, which shew that their loss is one
of the most severe in Greek literature. His works
were partly geographical, partly political or histo-
rical, and partly philosophical ; but it is difficult to
draw up an accurate list of them, since many which
are quoted as distinct works appear to have been
only sections of greater ones. The fragments ex-
tant, moreover, do not always enable us to form a
clear notion of the works to which they once be-
longed. Among his geographical works may be
mentioned — I. On the heights of mountains. (Plin.
//. N. ii. 65 ; Geminus, Elem. Adron. 14.) Sui-
das (s. V. Aiicaiapxos) mentions KaTafxerp-qcxeis rwv
^v TliKoTTovvrj(j(f opwu, but the quotations in Pliny
and Geminus shew that Dicaearchus's measurements
of heights were not confined to Peloponnesus, and
Suidas therefore probably quotes only a section of
the whole work. 2. Ttjs irepioSos (Ly dus, de Me7is.
p. 08. 17, ed. Bekker). This work was probably
the text written in explanation of the geographical
maps which Dicaearchus had constructed and given
to Theophrastus, and which st'em to have compris-
ed the whole world, as far as it was then known.
(Cic. ad Ait. vi. 2; comp. Diog. Laert. v. 51.)
3. 'AyaypacpT} ttjs 'EAAaSoy. A work of this title,
dedicated to Theophrastus, and consisting of 150
iambic verses, is still extant under the name of
Dicaearchus ; but its form and spirit are both un-
worthy of Dicaearchus, and it is in all prokibility
the production of a much later writer, who made a
nietricul paraphrase of that portion of the Vrj^ irepi-

DICAEARCHUS. 1001

o5.'/s which referred to Greece. Buttmann is the
only modem critic who has endeavoured to claim
the work for Dicaearchus in his " de Dicaearcho
ejusque operibus quae inscribuntur Bios 'EAAaSos
et 'Avaypacpi^ ttjs 'EAAaSoj," Naumburg, 1832, 4to.
But his attempt is not very successful, and has
been ably refuted by Osann. {Allgem. Sckulzeilung
for 1833, No. 140, &c.) 4. Bios ttjs 'EAA(£5oy,
was the most important among the works of Dicae-
archus, and contained an account of the geographical
position, the history, and the moral and religious
condition of Greece. It contsiined, in short, all the
information necessary to obtain a full knowledge
of the Greeks, their life, and their manners. It
was probably subdivided into sections ; so that
when we read of works of Dicaearchus irepJ ;uou-
aiKr\s, irepl ijlou(Tikwv aywvwv^ irtpl Aiovva-taKwv
dyciuwv, and the like, we have probably to consider
them only as portions of the great work, Bjos rrjs
'EAActSos. It is impossible to make out the plan
of the work in detail with any accuracy : the at-
tempt, however, has been made by Marx. (Creu-
zer's Meletem. iii. 4, p. 173, &c.) We know that
the work consisted of three books, of which the
first contained the history and a geographical de-
scription of Greece, so as to form a sort of intro-
duction to the whole work. The second gave
an account of the condition of the several Greek
states ; and the third, of the private and domestic
life, the theatres, games, religion, &c. of the Greeks.
Of the second book a considerable fragment is still
extant ; but in its present form it cannot be consi-
dered the work of Dicaearchus himself, but it is a
portion of an abridgment which some one made of
the Bi'os TTJs 'EAAaSos. To this class of writings
we may also refer — 5. 'H hs Tpocpwviov KardSaais,
a work which consisted of several books, and, as
we may infer from the fragments quoted from it,
contained an account of the degenerate and licen-
tious proceedings of the priests in the cave of Tro-
phonius. (Cic. ad Ait. vi. 2, xiii. 31 ; Athen. xiii.
p. 594, xiv. p. 641.) The geographical works of
Dicaearchus were, according to Strabo (ii. p. 104),
censured in many respects by Polybius; and Strabo
himself (iii. p. 170) is dissatisfied with his descrip-
tions of western and northern Europe, which coun-
tries Dicaearchus had never visited. Of a political
nature was — 6. TpiiroAiTiKSs (Athen. iv. p. 141;
Cic. ad Att. xiii. 32), a work which has been the
subject of nuich dispute. Passow, in a programme
(Breslau, 1829), endeavoured to establish the opi-
nion that it was a reply to Anaximenes's TpiKapavos
or TpiTToAiTiKos, in wiiich the Lacedaemonians,
Athenians, and Thebans, had been calumniated.
Buttmann thought it to have been a comparison of
the constitutions of Pellene(Pallene), Corinth, and
Athens (comp. Cic. ad Att. ii. 2), and that Dicae-
archus inflicted severe censure upon those states
for their corrupt morals and their vicious constitu-
tions. A third opinion is maintained by Osann
(/. c p. 8, &c.), who taking his stand on a passage
in Pliotius {Bibl. Cod. 37) where an itbos AiKcuap-
X^kSv of a state is mentioned as a combination of
the three forms of government, the democratical,
aristocratical, and raonarchicxil, infers that Dicaear-
chus in his T^tTToAtTiKo'j, explained the nature of
that mixed constitution, and illustrated it by the
example of Sparta. This opinion is greatly sup-
ported by the contents of the fragments. Osaun
goes even so far as to think that the discussion ou
politics in the sixth book of Polybius is bused upon

1002

DICE.

the Tpnro\iTiK6s of Dicaearchus. Cicero Intended
to make use of tliis work, which seems to have
been written in the form of a dialogue, for his
treatise de Gloria. {Ad Alt. xiii. 30.) Among his
philosophical works may be mentioned — 7. Aeo-gta-
Koj, in three books, which derived its name from
the fact that the scene of the philosophical dialogue
was laid at Mytilene in Lesbos. In it Dicaearchus
endeavoured to prove that the soul was mortal.
(Cic. Tu^c. i. 31.) Cicero (ad AtL xiii. 12) when
speaking of a work irepl ^vxv^^ probably means
the Af(T§iaKoi, Another philosophical work, —
8. KopivdiuKoi, which likewise consisted of three
books, was a sort of supplement to the former.
(Cic. 'fuse. i. 10.) It is probably the same work
as the one which Cicero, in another passage (de
OjK ii. 5), calls " de Interitu Hominum." Some
other works, such as IIoAiTeja ^vapriaTuv (Suid.),
'OAuMTTi/cos dycSv or x6yos (Athen. xiv. p. 620),
Uavadi]vaiK6s (Schol. ad Aristojih. Vesp. 564), and
several others, seem to have been merely chapters
of the Bt'os T^s 'EAA.a'5os. A work irepi ttjs ev
'lAt'fitf Bvaias (Athen. xiii. p. 603) seems to have
referred to the sacrifice which Alexander the Great
performed at Ilium. The work ^ai^pov vfpKTawv
has no foundation except a false reading in Ci-
cero (ad Att. xiii. 39), which has been corrected
by Petersen in his Phaedri Epicurei Fragm. p. 11.
There are lastly some other works which are of a
grammatical nature, and are usually believed to
have been the productions of our philosopher, viz.
Tlfpl 'AXKaiov (Athen. xi. pp. 40'0, 479, xv. pp.
666, 668), and vvodeaeis ruv EvpiviSov koI 2o^o-
K\eovs fjLvduiu (Sext. Empir. adv. Geometr. p. 310),
but may have been the works of Dicaearchus, a
gnimm.arian of Lacedaemon, who, according to
Suidas, was a disciple of Aristarchus, and seems
to be alluded to in Apollonius. (De Pronom. p.
320.) A valuable dissertation on the writings of
Dicaearchus is contained in Osann (/. c. p. 1, &c.),
and the. fragments have been collected .ind accom-
panied by a very interesting discussion by Maxi-
niil. Fuhr, Dieaearchi Alessenii quae supersunt
comjmsUa, editu et illustrata^ Darmstadt, 1841, 4to.

2. Of Tarentum, is mentioned by lamblichus
(de Vit. Pytliatu 36) among the celebrated Pytha-
gorean philo8oj)her9. Some writers have been
inclined to attribute to hira the iSfot which are
mentioned among the works of the Peripatetic
Dicaearchus. (See Fuhr, /. c, p. 43, &c.) [L. S.]

DICAEOCLES (l^iKawK\r\s\ a writer of
Cnidos, whose essays (Siarpi^ai) are referred to by
Athenaeus. (xi. p."508, f.) [E. E.]

DICAEO'GENES(AtKajo76J/T?s),aGrecian tragic
and dithyrambic poet, of whom nothing is known
except a few titles of his dramas. One of these,
ihe Cypria^ is supposed by some to have been not
a tragedy, but a cyclic epic poem. (Suid. s. v. ;
Aristot. Poet. 16, with Ritter's iiotc^ p. 199; Fa-
bric. Bibl. Grave, ii. p. 295.) [P. S.]

DICAEUS (A'lKaios), a son of Poseidon, from
whom Dicaea, a town in Thrace, is said to have de-
rived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. v. A'lKaia.) [L. S.]

DICE (AiKT?), the personification of justice, was,
according to Hesiod (llieog. 901), a daughter of
Zeus and Themis, and the sister of Eunomia and
Eirene. She was considered as one of the Horae ;
she watched the deeds of man, and approached the
throne of Zeus with lamentations whenever a judge
violated justice. (Hesiod. 0/j. 239, &c.) She was
the eneuiy of all ftilsehood, and the protectress of a

DICTYS CRETENSIS.
wise administration of justice (Orph. Hymn. 42,
61); and Hesychia, that is, tranquillity of mind, was
her daughter. (Pind. Pyth. viii. I; comp. Apollod.
i. 3. $ I ; Hygin. Fab. 183; Diod. v. 72.) She
is frequently called the attendant or councillor
(TTctpeSpos or \vvilpos) of Zeus. (Soph. Oed. Col.
1377 ; Plut. Alex. 52 ; Arrian, Anah. iv. 9 ; Orph.
Hymn. 61. 2.) In the tragedians, Dice appears
as a divinity who severely punishes all wrong,
watches over the maintenance of justice, and
pierces the hearts of the unjust with the sword
made for her by Aesa. (Aeschyl. Choeph. 639,
&c.) In this capacity she is closely connected
with the Erinnyes (Aeschyl. Eum. 510), though
her business is not only to punish injustice, but
also to reward virtue. (Aeschyl. Again. 773.)
The idea of Dice as justice personified is most per-
fectly developed in the dramas of Sophocles and
Euripides. She was represented on the chest of
Cypselus as a handsome goddess, dragging Adicia
(Injustice) with one hand, while in the other she
held a staff with which she beat her. (Paus. v. 18 ;
comp. Eurip. Hippolyt. 1172.) [L. S.]

DI'CETAS (Anceras), a Theban, was sent by
his countrymen to Q. Marcius Philippus and the
other Roman commissioners at Chalcis (li. c. 171)
to excuse the conduct of their state in having
allied itself with Perseus. He went reluctantly,
as being still an adherent to the Macedonian cause,
for which he was accused at Chalcis, together with
Neon and Ismenias, by the Theban exiles of the
Roman party. Ismenias and he were thrown into
prison, and there put an end to their own lives.
(Polyb. xx\ni. 1, 2: Liv. xHi. 38, 43, 44.) [E. E.]

DICON (A'lKtcv)^ the son of Callimbrotns, was
victor in the foot-race five times in the Pythian
games, thrice in the Isthmian, four times in the
Nemean. and at Olympia once in the boys' foot-
race, and twice in the men's : he was therefore a
ircpioSoviKTis. His statues at Olympia were equal
in number to his victories. He was a native of
Caulonia, an Achaean colony in Italy; but after
all his victories, except the first, he caused himself,
for a sum of money, to be proclaimed as a Syra-
cusan. One of his Olympic victories was in the
99th Olympiad, B.C. 384. (Paus. vi. 3. §5; AnlL
Grace, iv. p. 142, No. 120, ed. Jacobs, Anth. Pal.
xiii. 15 ; Krause, Olymp. p. 271, Gymn. u. Agon.
ii. p. 755.) ^ [P.S.]

DICTAEUS (AiKTa7os), a surname of Zeus,
derived from mount Dicte in the eastern part of
Crete. Zeus Dictaeus had a temple at Prasus, on
the banks of the river Pothereus. (Strab. x. p.
478.) [L. S.]

DICTE (AtKTTj), a nymph from Avhom mount
Dicte in Crete was said to have I'eceived its name.
She was beloved and pursued by Minos, but she
threw herself into the sea, where she was caught
up and saved in the nets (Siktvov) of fishermen.
Minos then desisted from pursuing her, and ordered
the district to be called the Dictaean. (Serv. ad
Acn. iii. 171 ; comp. Britomartis.) [L. S.J

DICTYNNA. [Britomartis.]

DICTYS (Ai/cTus), the name of three mythical
personages. (Ov. Met. iii. 614, xii. 335 ; Apol-
lod. i. 9. ^ 6.) [L. S.]

DICTYS CRETENSIS. The grammarians
and other writers who belong to the decline of the
Roman empire, misled probably by the figments of
tlie Alexandrian sophists, believed that various per-
sons who flourished at the time of the Trojan war.

DTCTYS CRETENSIS.

h;ul conunitti'd to writing, in prose and vorsp, ro-
. nrds of tlic principiU events, and that HonuT liad
('I'rived from these sources the materials for his
|)oem. In this number was included Dictys of
(>ete, a follower of Idome!ieus, and his name is
attached to a narnttive in I^atin prose, divided in-
to six books, entitled " Dictys Cretensis de IJello
'I'roiano," or perhaps more siccurately, " Ephemeris
IJelli Trojani," professing to be a journal of the
leading events of the contest. To tliis is prefixed
an introduction or prologue containing an account
of the preservation and discovery of the work.
We are here told that it was composed by Dictys
of Gnossus at the joint request of Idomeneus and
Meriones, and was inscrilied in Phoenician charac-
ters on tablets of lime wood or paper made from
tile bark. The author having returned to Crete
in his old age, gave orders with his dying breath
that his book should be buried in the same grave
with himself, and accordingly the MS. was enclos-
ed in a chest of tin, and deposited in his tomb.
There it remained undisturbed for ages, when in
the thirteenth year of Nero's reign, the sepulchre
was burst open by a terrible earthquake, the coffer
was exposed to view, and observed by some shep-
herds, who, having ascertained that it did not, as
they had at first hoped, contain a treasure, con-
veyed it to their master Eupraxis (or Eupraxides),
who in his turn presented it to Rutilius Rufus,
the Roman governor of the province, by whom
both Eupraxis and the casket were despatched to
the emperor. Nero, upon learning that the letters
were Phoenician, summoned to his presence men
skilled in that language, by whom the contents
were explained. The whole having been trans-
lated into Greek, was deposited in one of the pub-
lic libraries, and Eupraxis was dismissed loaded
with rewards.

This introduction is followed by a letter ad-
dressed by a Q. Septimius Romanus to a Q. Arca-
dius Rufus, in which the writer, after giving the
8ubt>tance of the above tale, with a few variations,
informs his friend, that the volume having fallen
into his hands, he had been induced, for his own
amusement and the instruction of others, to con-
vert the whole, with some condensations, into the
Latin tongue. It is worth remarking, that the
author of the introduction supposes the original
MS. of Dictys to have been written in the Phoe-
nician huiguage, while Septimius expressly asserts,
that the characters alone were Phoenician and the
language Greek. AVe may add to this account,
that the writers of the Byzantine period, such as
Joannes Malelas, Constjmtinus Porphyrogenitus,
Georgius Cedrenus, Constantinus Manasses, Jo-
annes and Isaacus Tzetzes, with others, quote
largely from this Dictys as an author of the highest
and most unquestionable .luthority, and lie cer-
tainly was known as early Jis the age of Aelian.

The piece itself contains a history of the Trojan
war from the birth of Paris, down to the death of
Ulysses. The compiler not unfrequently differs
widely from Homer, adding many particulars, and
recording many events of which we find no trace
elsewhere. Most of these, although old traditions
and legends ai'e obviously mingled with fictions of
a later date, were probably derived from the bards
of the epic cycle; but the whole narrative is care-
fully pragmalised, that is, all miraculous events
and supernatural agency are entirely excluded.
In style Septiinius evidently strives hiird to imi-

DICTYS CRETENSIS.

1003

tate the ancient models, especially Sallust, and
occasionally not without success, although both in
tone and phraseology we detect a close resemblance
to the style of Appuleius and Aulus Gellius.

In the absence of all positive evidence, a wide
field is thrown open for coj)jecture with regard to
the re.ll author of this work, the period at which
it was actually composed, and the circumstances
under which it was given to the world. Setting
aside its alleged origin and discovery as quite un-
worthy of credit, many questions present them-
selves. Have we any proof that there ever was a
Greek original at all ? If there was a Greek com-
pilation on the same subject, are there sufficient
grounds for believing that what we now possess
was derived from it? Is it not more probable
that the Latin chronicle was the archetype, or, at
all events, independent, and that the introduction
and prefatory epistle were deliberate forgeries,
devised for the purpose of attracting attention and
securing respect in days of ignorance and credu-
lity? Again, if we admit that this is really a
translation from a Greek original, at what epoch
and in what manner did that original first appear ?
Is the story of the presentation to Nero a pure
fabrication ? Are Septimius and Arcadius real
personages? If they are, to what era do they
belong ? To these inquiries, which have been an-
swered by different critics in most contradictory-
terms, we reply: 1. It is cerUtin that a Greek
history of the Trojan war bearing the name of
Dictys was in circulation among the Byzantines
named above, by some of whom, who had no
knowledge of Latin, the ipsissima verba are cited.

2. It is impossible to read the Latin Dictys with-
out feeling convinced that it is a translation. The
Graecisms are numerous and palpable, so that ny
one who examines the examples adduced by Peri-
zouius can entertain any doubt upon this head.

3. It is a translation, fairly executed, of the narra-
tive used by the Byzantines. This is proved by-
its close correspondence with the fragments found
in Malelas and others, while the want of absolute
identity in particular passages is fully explained
by the assumption that it was not a full and literal
but a compressed and modified version. 4. These
facts being established, we have no reasonable
grounds for rejecting the epistle of Septimius to
Arcadius as spurious ; but so common were these
names under the empire, that it is impossible to
fix with any degree of certainty upon the indivi-
duals indicated. Hence, while the date of the
letter is placed by some as early as the middle of
the second century, Perizonius refers it to the time
of Diocletian, while others bring it down as low as
Constantine, or even a century later. 5. Lastly,
among the multitude of hypotheses proposed with
reference to the origin of the work, one is so inge-
nious, that it deserves to be rescued from oblivion.
It is a matter of history that Nero made his mad
progress through Achaia in the thirteenth year of
his reign, and that Crete was actually ravaged by
an eai-thquake at that very period. Hence Peri-
zonius supposes that Eupraxis, a wily islander,
well aware of the passion displayed by the emperor
for everything Greek, and more especially of his
love for the tale of Troy, forged this production
under the name of his countryman, Dictys, with
regard to whom traditions may have been current,
caused it to be transcribed into Phoenician charac-
ters, as beai'ing tlie closest resembkince to the

1004

DICTYS CRETENSIS.

Cadraeian letters first employed by the Hellenes,
and finally, availing himself of the happy accident
of the earthquake, announced the discovery in a
manner which could scarcely fail to excite the most
intense curiosity. According to these views, we
may suppose the introduction to have been attached
to the Greek copy by the first editor or transcriber,
and to have been altogether independent of the
Latin letter of Septimius ; and this idea is con-
firmed by the circumstance, that some MSS. con-
tain the introduction only, while others omit the
introduction and insert the letter. Those who
wish to obtiiin full information upon the above and
all other topics connected with the subject, will
find the whole evidence stated and discussed in
the admirable dissertation of Perizonius, first
printed in the edition of Smids, Amst. 1702, and
inserted in almost all subsequent editions, and in
the introduction of Dederich, the most recent com-
mentsitor.

The compilations ascribed to Dictys and Dares
[Darks], although destitute of any intrinsic value,
are of considerable importance in the history of
modern litemture, since they are the chief foun-
tains from which the legends of Greece first
flowed into the romances of the middle ages, and
then mingled with the popular tales and ballads of
England, France, and Germany. The Tale of
Troy, according to Dunlop, in his History of Fic-
tion, was first versified by Bernoit de Saint More,
an Anglo-Norman minstrel, who lived in the reign
of our second Henry, and borrowed his ground-
work of events from Dictys and Dares. This
metrical essay seems in its turn to have served as
a foundation for the famous chronicle of Guide
dalle Colonne of Messina, a celebrated poet and
lawyer of tlie 1 3th century, who published a ro-
mance in Latin prose upon the siege of Troy,
including also the Argonautic expedition and the
war of the Seven against Thebes. Li this strange
medley, the history, mythology, and manners of
tlie West and of the East, of the Greeks in the
heroic age, and of the Arabian invaders of Chris-
tendom, are mingled in the most fantastic confu-
sion. The compound was, however, well suited to
the taste of that epoch, for it was received with
unbounded enthusiasm, and speedily translated
into many European languages. From that time
forward the most illustrious houses eagerly strove
to trace their pedigree from the Trojan line, and
the monkish chroniclers began to refer the origin
of the various states whose fortunes they recorded
to the arrival of some Trojan colony.

Under these circumstances, we need not feel
surprised that Dictys Cretensis was among the
earliest works which exercised the skill of the first
typographers. That which is usually recognized
as the editio princeps is a 4to. in Gothic characters,
containing 68 leaves of 27 lines to the page, and is
believed to have issued from the press of Ul. Zell
at Cologne, about 1470. Another very ancient
edition in Roman characters, containing 58 leaves
of 28 lines to the pnge, belongs to Italy, and was
probably printed at Venice not long after the for-
mer. Of more modem impressions the best are
those of Mercerus, 12mo., Paris, 1618, reprinted
at Amst. r2mo. 1630, containing anew recension
of the text from two MSS. not before collated ; of
Anna Tanaq. Fabri fil. in usuni Delpliini, 4to.,
Paris, 1680 ; and of Lud. Smids, in 4to. and 8vo.,
Amst. 1702, which held the first place uiitil it was

DIDIUS.

superseded by that of Dederich, 8vo. Bonn, 1835,
which is very far superior to any other, comprising
a great mass of valuable matter collected by Orelli,
among which will be found collations of two very
old and important MSS., one belonging to St. Gall
and the other to Berne. (In addition to the dis-
sertations of Perizonius and Dederich, see Wop-
kens, Adversaria Critica in Dicti/7i, and the re-
marks of Hildebrand in Jahn's JaJirb.f'ur Fhilol.
xxiii. 3, p. 278, &c.) [W. R.]

DIDAS, a Macedonian, governor of Paeonia for
Philip v., was employed by Perseus to insinuate
himself into the confidence of his younger brother,
Demetrius, for the purpose of betraying him. When
Demetrius, aware that he was suspected by his
father, determined to take refuge with the Ro-
mans, Didas gave information of the design to
Perseus, who used it as a handle for accusing his
brother to the king. Philip, having resolved to
put Demetrius to death, employed Didas as his
instrument, and he removed the prince by poison
B.C. 181. He is afterwards mentioned as com-
manding the Paeonian forces for Perseus in his
war with the Romans, b. c. 171. (Liv. xl. 21 —
24, xlii. 51, 58.) [E. E.]

DI'DIA GENS, plebeian, is not mentioned un-
til the latter period of the republic, whence Cicero
( pro Muren. 8) calls the Didii iiovi Imnines. The
only member of it who obtained the consulship
was T. Didius in B. c. 98. In the time of the re-
public no Didius bore a cognomen. [L. S.]

DI'DIUS. 1. T. Didius, probably the author
of the sumptuaria lex Didia, which was passed
eighteen years after the lex Fannia, that is, in n. c.
143 (Macrob. Sat. ii. 13), in which year T. Didius
seems to have been tribune of the people. The
lex Didia differed from the Fannia in as much as
the former was made binding upon all Italy, where-
as the latter had no power except in the city of
Rome. There is a coin belonging to one T. Didius,
which shews on the reverse two male figures, the one
dressed, holding a shield in the left and a whip or
vine in the right hand. The other figure is naked,
but likewise armed, and under these figures we

read T, Deidi. It is usually supposed that this
coin refers to our T. Didius, and Pighius {Annal.
ii. p. 492) conjectures with some probability, that
T. Didius, some years after his tribuneship, about
about B. c. 1 38, was sent as praetor against the
revolted slaves in Sicily. If this be correct, tlie
figures on the coin may perhaps have reference to
it. (Morell. Thesaur. p. 151 ; Eckhel, Dodrin.
Num. V. p. 201.)

2. T. Didius, a son of No. 1, repulsed, accord-
ing to Florus (iii. 4 ; comp. Rufus, Brev. 9, and
Ammian. Marcell. xxvii. 4, where we read M.
Didius instead of T. Didius), the Scordiscans who
had invaded the Roman province of Macedonia,
and triumphed over them. (Cic. in Fison. 25.)
According to the narrative of Florus, this victory
was gained soon or immediately after the defeat of
the consul C. Cato, in B. c. 1 1 4, and was followed
by the victories of M. Liviuii Drusus and M. Mi-

DIDIUS.
nncius Rufus. It has, therefore, been Riipposed
tlwit Jit the time of Cato's defeat, B. r. 114, T.
Didiiis was praetor of Illyricum, and that in this
capacity he repelled the Scordiscans, who, after
haviiic: defeated Cato, ranged over Macedonia,
But this supposition is not without its difficulties,
for in the first place, we know of no war in Illyri-
cum at that time which might have required the
presence of a praetor, and in the second phvce, it
would be rather strange to find that T. Didius,
who was praetor h. c. 114, did not obtain the con-
sulship till 15 years later, especially as he had
gained a victory and a triumph in his praetorship,
whereas the ordinary interval between the praetor-
ship and consulship is only the space of two years.
According to Cicero (1. c), T. Didius triumphed
ejs Macedonia, and he had therefore had the ad-
ministration of Macedonia and not of Illyricum ;
moreover, Florus's account of the time of the victory
of Didius over the Scordiscans is erroneous, for we
learn from the Chronicle of Eusebius (clxx.2), that
the victory of Didius over the Scordiscans took
place the year after the fifth consulship of C.
Marius, that is, in b. c. 100, and consequently 14
years later than the narrative of Floras would lead
us to suppose. This also leaves us the usual in-
terval of two 3'ear8 between the praetorship and
the consulship, which Didius had in B. c. 98 with
Q. Caecilius Metellus. In this year the two con-
suls carried the lex Caecilia Didia. (Schol. Bob.
ltd Cic. pro Sext. p. 310; Cic. pro Dom. 16, 20,
pro Sext. 64, Philip, v. 3.) Subsequently Didius
obtained the proconsulship of Spain, and in B. c.
93 he celebrated a triumph over the Celtiberians.
( Fast. Triumph. ; Cic. pro Plane. 25.) Respect-
ing his proconsulship of Spain, we learn from Ap-
pian (HLsp. 99, &c.), that he cut to pieces nearly
20,000 Vaccaeans, transplanted the inhabitants of
Termesus, conquered Colenda after a siege of nine
months, and destroyed a colony of robbers by
enticing them into his camp and then ordering
them to be cut down. (Comp. Frontin. Slrat. i. 8.
§ 5, ii. 10. § 1.) According to Sallust (ap. Gell.
ii. 27 ; comp. Plut. Sertor. 3) Sertorius served in
Spain as military tribune under Didius. Didius
also took part in the Marsic war, which soon after
broke out, and he fell in a battle which was fought
in the spring of b. c. 89. (Appian, D. C. i. 40;
Veil. Pat. ii. 16; Ov. Fast. vi. 567, &c.) Accord-
ing to a passage in Plutarch {Sertor. 12), Didius
was beaten and slain, ten years later, by Sertorius
in Spain, but the reading in that passage is wrong,
and instead of A/Sjoi', or as some read it ^'i8iov,
we ought to read ^ov4>ihiov. (Ruhnken, ad Veil.
Pat. ii. 16.) There is a coin figured on p. 602, b.,
which refers to our T. Didius : the reverse shews a
portico with a double row of pillars, and bears the
inscription T. Dim. Imp. Vil. Pub. From this
we see, that T. Didius received the title of impera-
tor in Spain (Sallust. /. c), and that after his re-
turn to Rome he restored or embellished the
villa publica in the Campus Martins. The obverse
shews the head of Concordia, her name, and that
of P. Fonteius Capito, who strack the coin, and on
it commemorated an act of the life of Didius, with
whose family, as we may infer from the image of
Concordia, Fonteius Capito was connected by mar-
riage. (Eckhel, Doctr. Num. v. p. 130.)

3. T. Didius, perhaps a son of No. 2, wjis tri-
bune of the people, in B. c. do, with L. Aurelius
Cotta. In the disputes arising from the accusation

DIDIUS.

1005

which one of their colleagues brought against Q,
Caepio, Didius and Cotta were driven by force
from the tribunal. (Cic. de Orat. ii. 47 ; comp.
CorrA, No. 8.)

4. C. Didius, a legate of C. Julius Caesar, who
sent him, in B. c. 46, to Spain against Cn. Pom-
peius. In the neighbourhood of Carteia he gained
a naval victory over Q. Attius Vanis, and in the
year following he set out from Gades with a fleet
in pursuit of Cn. Pompeius, who had taken to
flight. Pompeius was compelled to land, and
Didius took or burnt his ships. Didius himself
likewise landed, and after Pompeius had been
killed by Caesennius Lento, Didius was attacked
by the Lusitanian soldiers of Pompeius, and fell
under their strokes. (Dion Cass, xliii. 14, 31, 40 ;
Bell. Hisp. 37, 40.)

5. Q. Didius, was governor of Syria in b. c. 31,
a post to which he had probably been appointed
by M. Antony; but, after the battle of Actium, he
deserted Antony, and prevailed upon the Arabs to
bum the fleet which Antony had built in the Ara-
bian gulf. (Dion Cass. Ii. 7.) [L.S.]

M. DI'DIUS SA'LVIUS JULIA'NUS, af-
terwards named M. Didius Com mod us Severus
JuMANUS, the successor of Pertinax, was the son
of Petronius Didius Severas and Clara Aemilia,
the grandson or great-grandson of Salvius Julianus,
so celebrated as a jurisconsult under Hadrian.
Educated by Domitia Lucilla, the mother of M.
Aurelius, by her interest he was appointed at a
very early age to the vigintivirate, the first step
towards public distinction. He then held in suc-
cession the offices of quaestor, aedile, and praetor,
was nominated first to the command of a legion in
Germanj'-, afterwards to the government of Belgica,
and in recompense for his skill and gallantry in
repressing an insurrection among the Chauci, a
tribe dwelling on the Elbe, was raised to the con-
sulship. He further distinguished himself in a
campaign against the Catti, raled Dalmatia and
Lower Germany, and was placed at the head of
the commissariat in Italj'. About this period he
was charged with having conspired against the life
of Commodus, but had the good fortune to be ac-
quitted, and to witness the punishment of hia
accuser. Bithynia was next consigned to his
charge ; he was consul for the second time in A. D.
179, along with Pertinax, whom he succeeded in
the proconsulate of Africa, from whence he was
recalled to Rome and chosen praefectus vigilum.

Upon the death of Pertinax, the Praetorian as-
sassins publicly announced that they would bestow
the purple on the man who would pay the highest
price. Flavins Sulpicianus, praefect of the city,
father-in-law of the murdered emperor, being at
that moment in the camp, to which he had been
despatched for the purpose of soothing the troops,
proceeded at once to make liberal propos;\ls, when
Julianus, having been roused from a banquet by
his wife and daughter, arrived in all haste, and
being unable to gain admission, stood before the
gate, and with a loud voice contended for the
prize. The bidding went on briskly for a while, the
soldiers reporting by turns to each of the two com-
petitors, the one within the fortifications, the other
outside the rampart, the sum tendered by his
rival. At length, Sulpicianus having promised a
donative of twenty thousand sesterces a head, the
tiirone was about to be knocked down to him,
when Julianus, no longer adding a small amount,

1006

DIDIUS.

shouted that he would give twenty-five thousand.
The guards thereupon closed with the offers of
JuHaiuis, threw open their gates, saluted hira by
the name of Commodus, and proclaimed him em-
peror. The senate was compelled to ratify the
election. But the populace, after the first confu-
sion had subsided, did not tamely submit to the
dishonour brought upon the state. Whenever the
prince appeared in public he was saluted with
groans, imprecations, and shouts of " robber and
parricide." The mob endeavoured to obstruct his
progress to the Capitol, and even ventured to assail
him with stones. This state of public feeling
having become known, Pescennius Niger in Syria,
Septiraius Sevenis in Illyria, and Clodius Albinns
in Britain, each having three legions under his
command, refused to acknowledge the authority of
Julianus, who for a time made vigorous eflForts to
maintain his power. Severus, the nearest and
therefore most dangerous foe, was declared a pub-
lic enemy ; deputies were sent from the senate to
persuade the soldiers to abandon him ; a new
general was nominated to supersede him, and a
centurion despatched to take his life. The prae-
torians, long strangers to active military operations,
were marched into the Campus Martius, regulariy
drilled, and exercised in the construction of fortifi-
cations and field works. Severus, however, hav-
ing secured Albinus by declaring him Caesar, ad-
vanced steadily towards the city, made himself
master of the fleet at Ravenna, defeated Tullius
Crispinus, the praetorian praefect, who had been
sent forward to arrest his progress, and gained
over to his party the ambassadors commissioned to
seduce his troops. On the other hand, the prae-
torians, destitute of discipline, and sunk in de-
bauchery and sloth, were alike incapable of oflfer-
ing any effectual resistance to an invader, and
indisposed to submit to restraint. Matters being
in this desperate stiite, Julianus now attempted
negotiation, and offered to share the empire with
his rival. But Sevenis turned a deaf ear to these
overtures, and still pressed forwards, all Italy de-
claring for him as he advanced. At last the prae-
torians, having received assurances that they should
suffer no punishment, provided they would give
up the actual murderers of Pertinax and offer no
resistance, suddenly seized upon the ringleaders of
the late conspiracy, and reported what they had
done to Silius Mcssala, the consul, by whom tlie
senate was hastily summoned and informed of
these proceedings. Forthwith a fonnal decree was
passed proclaiming Severus emperor, awarding
divine honours to Pertinax, and denouncing death
to Julianus, who, deserted by all except one
of his praefects and his son-in-law, Repentinus,
was slain in the palace by a common soldier in
the 61st year of his age and the third month of
his reign.

Niebuhr, in his lectures on Roman history pub-
lished by Dr. Schmitz, treats the common account
that, after the death of Pertinax, the praetorians
otfered the imperial dignity for sale to the highest
bidder, as a sad exaggeration or misrepresentation,
and declares, that he is unable to believe that Sul-
picianus and Julianus bid against one another, as
at an auction. With all respect for his opinion,
no event in ancient history rests upon surer evi-
dence. Setting aside the testimony of Herodian,
Capitolinus, and Spartianus, we have given the
narrative of that strange exliibition almost in tiie

DIDO.

words of Dion Cassius, who was not only in Rome
at the period in question, but actually attended the
meeting of the senate held on the very night when
the bargain was concluded. We cannot suppose
that he was ignorant of the real facts of the case.
We cannot imagine any motive which could induce
him to fabricate a circumstantial and improbable
falsehood. (Dion Cass, Ixxiii. 1 1 — 17; Spartian.
Did. Julian.; Capitolin. Pertin., sub fin., ii. 6. § 9,
7. § 4; Eutrop. viii. 9; Victor, Goes, xix.; Zosim.
i- 7.) [W. R.]

DIDIUS GALLUS. [Gallus.]

DIDIUS SCAEVA. [Scaeva.]

DIDO (AiSw), also called Elissa, which is pro-
babl)'- her more genuine name in the eastern tradi-
tions, was a Phoenician princess, and the reputed
founder of Carthage, The substance of her story
is given by Justin (xviii. 4, &c.), which has been
embellished and variously modified by other writ-
ers, especially by Virgil, who has used the story
very freely, to suit the purposes of his poem. (See
especially books i. and iv.) We give the story
as related by Justin, and refer to the other
writers where they present any diflFerences. After
the death of the Tyrian king, Mutgo (comp, Jo-
seph, c. Apion. i, 1 8, where he is called Matgenus ;
Ser%', adAen. i. 343, 642, who calls him Methres ;
others again call him Belus or Agenor), the people
gave the government to his son, Pygmalion ; and
his daughter Dido or Elissa married her uncle,
Acerbas (Virg, Acfi. i. 343, calls him Sichaeus,
and Servius, on this passage, Sicharbas), a priest
of Heracles, which was the highest office in the
state next to that of king; Acerbas possessed ex-
tmordinary treasures, which he kept secret, but a
report of them reached Pygmalion, and led him to
murder his uncle, (Comp. Virg. Aen. i. 349, &c.,
where Sichaeus is murdered at an altar ; whereas
J. Malalas, p. 162, &c., cd. Bonn, and Kustath. ml
Dionys. Pericg. 195, represent the murder as hav-
ing taken place during a journey, or during the
chase.) Hereupon, Dido, who according to Virgil
and others was informed of her husband's murder
in a dream, pretended that, in order to forget her
grief, she would in future live with her brother
Pygmalion, while in secret she made all prepam-
tions for quitting her country. The servants whom
Pygmalion sent to assist her in the change of her
residence were gained over by her, and having
further induced some noble Tyrians, who were
dissatisfied with Pygmalion's rule, to join her, she
secretly sailed away in search of a new home.
The party first landed in the island of Cyprus,
where their number was increased by a priest of
Zeus, who joined them with his wife and children,
and by their canying off by force eighty maidens
to provide the emigrants with wives. In the mean
time, Pygmalion, who had heard of the flight of
Dido, prepared to set out in pursuit of her; but he
was prevented by the entreaties of his mother and
by the threats of the gods(Serv,ao?yie«, i. 363, gives
a different account of the escape of Dido); and she
thus safely landed in a bay on the coast of Africa.
Here she purchased (according to Serv. ad Aen.
i. 367, and Eustath. /.c, of king liiarbas) as much
land as might be covered with the hide of a bull j
but she ordered the hide to be cut up into the
thinnest possible stripes, and with them she sur-
rounded a great extent of country, which she called
Byrsa, from fivpcra, i. e. the hide of a bull, (Comp.
Vi)g, Aen, i. 367; Servius, ad he. and ad iv. 670;

DIDO.

Silius lUil. Pim. i, 25 ; Appian, Pan. 1.) TIic
nunihor of strangers who flocked to the new colony
from the noighbonring districts, for the sake of
commerce and profit, soon raised ll)e place to a
town community. The kinsmen of the new colo-
nists, especially the inhabitants of Utica, supported
and encouraged them (Procop. ^e//. Vumlal. ii. 10);
and Dido, with the consent of the Libyans, and
xmder the promise of paying them an annual tri-
bute, built the town of Carthage. In laying the
foundations of the city, the head of a bull was
found, and afterwards the head of a horse, which
was a still more favourable sign. (Virg.ylew. i. 443,
with Servius's note; Sil. Ital. Pun. ii. 410, &c.)
As the new town soon rose to a high degree of
power and prosperity, king Hiarbas or Jarbas, who
beg<in to be jealous of it, summoned ten of the
noblest Carthaginians to his court, and asked for
the hand of Dido, threatening them with a war in
case of his demand being refused. The deputies,
who on their return dreaded to inform their queen
of this demand, at first told her that Hiarbas wish-
ed to have somebody who might instruct him and
his Libyans in the manners of civilized life ; and
when they expressed a doubt as to whether any-
body would be willing to live among barbarians,
Dido censured them, and declared that every citi-
zen ought to be ready to sacrifice everything, even
life itself, if he could thereby render a service to
his country. This declaration roused the courage
of the ten deputies, and they now told her what
Hiarbas demanded of her. The queen was thus
caught by the law which she herself had laid down.
She lamented her fate, and perpetually uttered the
name of her late husband, Acerbas ; but at length
she answered, that she would go whithersoever the
fate of her new city might call her. She took
three months to prepare herself, and after the lapse
of that time, she erected a funeral pile at the ex-
treme end of the city : she sacrificed many animals
under the pretence of endeavouring to soothe the
spirit of Acerbas before celebrating her new nup-
tials. She then took a sword into her hand, and
having ascended the pile, she said to the people
that she was going to her husband, as they desired,
and then she plunged the sword into her breast,
and died. (Comp, Serv. odAen.'x. 340, iv. 36, 335,
674.) So long as Carthage existed, Dido was
worshipped there as a divinity, (Sil. Ital. Pun. i,
81, &c.) With regard to the time at which Dido
is said to have founded Carthage, the statements
of the ancients differ greatly. According to Ser-
vius {ad Am. iv. 459), it took place 40 years be-
fore the foundation of Rome, that is, in b. c. 794 ;
according to Velleius Patcrculus (i. 6), it w'as 05
3'ears, and according to Justin (xviii. 6) and Oro-
sius (iv. 6), 72 years, before the building of Rome.
Josephus (c. Apion. i. 18 ; comp. Syncellus, p. 143)
places it 143 years and eight months after the
buildijig of the temple of Solomon, that is, B. c.
861; while Euscbius {C/iron. n. 971, ap. Synccll.
p. 345 ; comp. Chron. n. 1003) places the event
1 33 years after the taking of Troy, that is, in B. c.
1 025 ; and Philistus placed it even 37 or 50 years
before the taking of Troy. (Euseb. Chron. n. 798 ;
Syncell. p. 324; Appian, Pun. 1.) In the story
constructed by Virgil in his Aeneid, he makes Dido,
probably after the example of Naevius, a contem-
porary of Aeneas, with whom she falls in love on
his arrival in Africa. As her love was not re-
turned, and Aeneas hastened to seek the new home

DIDYMUS.

loor

which the gods had promised him. Dido in despair
destroyed herself (»n a funenU pile. The anachro-
nism which Virgil thus commits is noticed by
several ancient writers. (Serv. ad Aen. iv. 459,
682, V. 4; Macrob. Sat. v. 17, vi. 2 ; Auson.
Epigr.WW.) [L. S.]

DIDYMARCHUS (A.Si^/iiopxos), is mentioned
by Antoninus Liberalis (23) as the author of a
work on Metiimorphoses, of which the third book
is there quoted. [L. S.]

DIDYMUS (At'Su/xoj). 1. A celebrated Alex-
andrian grammarian of the time of Cicero and the
emperor Augustus. He was a disciple or rather a
follower of the school of Aristarchus('Apj<rTopxf'«5'.
Lehrs, de Aristarchi stud. Homer, p. 18, &c.), and
is said to have been the son of a dealer in salt fish.
He was the teacher of Apion, Heracleides Ponticus,
and other eminent men of the time. He is com-
monly distinguished from other grammarians of
the name of Didymus by the surname xaXKkvTipos^
which he is said to have received from his indefa-
tigable and unwearied application to study. But
he also bore the nickname of fii6\io\ddas, for,
owing to the multitude of his writings, it is said it
often happened to him that he forgot what he had
stated, and thus in later productions contradicted
what he had said in earlier ones. Such contradic-
tions happen the more easily the more a writer
confines himself to the mere business of compiling ;
and this seems to have been the case to a very
great extent with Didymus, as we may infer from
the extraordinary number of his works, even if it
were not otherwise attested. The sum total of his
works is stated by Athenaeus (iv. p. 139) to have
been 3,500, and by Seneca {Ep. 88) 4000. (Comp.
Quintil. i. 9. § 19.) In this calculation, however,
single books or rolls seem to be counted as separate
works,orelsemany of them must have been very sm:dl
treatises. The most interesting among his produc-
tions, all of which are lost, would have been those
in which he treated on the Homeric poems, the
criticism and interpretation of which formed the
most prominent portion of his literary pursuits. The
greater part of what we now possess under the
name of the minor Scholia on Homer, which were
at one time considered the work of Didymus, is
taken from the several works which Didymus
wrotQ upon Homer. Among them was one on the
Homeric text as constituted by Aristarchus (irepl
Tijs 'AptaTcipxov Stopduaews)^ a work which would
be of great importance to us, as he entered into
the detail of the criticisms of Aristarchus, and re-
vised and corrected the text which the latter had
established. But the studies of Didymus were
not confined to Homer, for he wrote also commen-
taries on many other poets ai,id prose writers of
the classical times of Greece. We have mention
of works of his on the lyric poets, and especially
on liacchylides (Theophyl. Ep. 8 ; Ammon. s. v.
NrjpeiSts) and Pindar, and the better and greater
part of our scholia on Pindar is taken from the
commentary of Didymus. (Bockh, Pracf. ad Schol.
Pi7id. p. xvii. &c.) The same is the case with the
extant scholia on Sophocles. (Richter, de Aeschyli.,
Sophodis^ et Euripidis inierpretibus Gruedsy p. 106,
&c.) In the scholia on Aristophanes, too, Didy-
mus is often referred to, and we further know that
he wrote commentaries on Euripides, Ion, Phryni-
chus (Athen. ix. p. 371), Cnilinus (Hesych. s. v.
KopaaKis; Athen. xi. p. 501), Menander (EtymoL
Gud. p. 338. 25), and others. The Greek orators.

1008

DIDYMUS.

Demosthenes, Tsaeus, Hyperides, DeinarcliUR, and
others, were likewise commented upon by l)k\y-
mus. Besides these numerous commentaries, we
have mention of a work on the phraseolog3' of the
tragic poets {irepi rpaywSovfieuTjs Xe^eus), of which
the 28th book is quoted. (Macrob. Sat v. 18;
Harpocrat. s. v. ^ripa\oi<p€7i>.) A similar work
(Aelts KwuiKT^) was written by him on the phrase-
ology of the comic poets, and Hesychius made
great use of it, as he himself attests in the epistle
to Eulogius. (Comp. Etymol. M. p. 492. 53;
Schol. ad ApoUon. Rhod. i. 1139, iv. 10.58.) A
third work of the same class was on words of am-
biguous or uncertain meaning, and consisted of at
letist seven books; and a fourth treated on false
or corrupt expressions. He further published a
collection of Greek proverbs, in thirteen books
(irpos Toi)s irepi irapoifxiuv tri/vTCTaxt^Tos), from
which is tikcn the greater part of the proverbs
contained in the collection of Zenobius. (Schneide-
win. Corpus Faroemingr. Graec. i. p. xiv.) A work
on the laws of Solon is mentioned by Plutarch
{Sol. 1 ) under the title ir(p\ twu d^6va)v "ZoKwvos.
DidjTnus appears to have been acquainted even
with Roman literature, for he wrote a work in six
books against Cicero's treatise ''de Re Pnblica,"
(Ammian. Marcell. xxii. 16), which afterwards
induced Suetonius to write against Didymus.
(Suid. s. V. TpayKvWos.) Didymus stands at the
close of the period in which a comprehensive and
independent study of Greek literature prevailed,
and he himself must be regarded as the father of
the scholiasts who were satisfied with compiling or
abridging the works of their predecessors.

In the collection of the Geoponica there are va-
rious extracts bearing the name of Didymus, from
which it might be inferred that he wrote on agri-
culture or botany ; but it is altogether uncertain
whether those extracts belong to cur Alexandrian
grammarian, or to some other writer of the same
n.ame. It is very probable that, with Suidas, we
ought to distinguish from our grammarian a natu-
ralist Didvmus, who possibly may be the same as
the one who wrote a commentary on Hippocrates,
and a treatise on stones and different kinds of
wood {trepl ^lapyuapuv Koi iravroiuv ^uAcoi'), a
treatise which has been edited by A. Mai as an
appendix to the fragments of the Iliad. (Milan,
1819, fol.) See Grafenhan, Gesch. der Kiass.
PMlol. im Alterthum^ i. p. 405, &c.

2. An Alexandrian grammarian, commonly call-
ed the younger (d reoy): he taught at Rome, and
wrote, according to Suidas (s. i\ Aidvixos), vi6av<i^
iTfpl SpO(yypa<pias, and many other excellent works.
In a preceding article, however, Suidas attributes
the tridava (iriOavuu Koi (ro<pi(rfxdTwv Autrets) in
two books to one Didymus Areius, an Academic
philosopher, who lived at Rome in the time of
Nero. (Comp. Eiiseb. Praep. Evang. xi. 23 ; Eu-
doc. p. 1 35.)

3. With the praenomen Claudius, a Greek gram-
marian, who, according to Suidas (s. r. Ai5u/ios),
wrote upon the mistakes committed by Thucydides
against analogy, and a work on Analogy among
the Romans. He further made an epitome of the
works of Heracleon, and some other works. A
fragment of his epitome is preserved in Stobaeus.
{Serin. 101 ; comp. Lersch, Die Sprachphihs. der
Altcn,^^. 74, 143, &c.)

4. Of Alexandria, lived in the fourth century
of the Christian era, and must be distinguished

DIDYMUS.

from Didymus the monk, who is spoken of by So-
crates. {Hist. Ecdes. iv. 33.) At the age of four
years, and before he had learnt to read, he became
blind ; but this calamity created in him an invin-
cible thirst after knowledge, and b}^ intense appli-
cation he succeeded in becoming not only a distin-
guished grammarian, rhetorician, dialectician, ma-
thematician, musician, astronomer, and philosopher
(Socrat. iv. 25; Sozom. iii. 15; Rufin. xi. 7;
Theodoret. iv. 29; Nicephor, ix. 17), but also in
acquiring a most extensive knowledge of sacred
literature. He devoted himself to the service of
the church, and was no less distinguished for the
exemplary purity of his conduct than for his learn-
ing and acquirements. In A. D. 392, when Hiero-
nj'mus wrote his work on illustrious ecclesiastical
authors, Didj-rnus was still alive, and professor of
theology at Alexandria. He died in a. d. 396 at
the age of eighty-five. As professor of theology he
was at the head of the school of the Catechumeni,
and the most distinguished personages of that pe-
riod, such as Hieronymus, Rufinus, Palladius,
Ambrosius, Evagrius, and Isidorus, are mentioned
Jimong his pupils. Didymus was the author of a
great number of theological works, but most of
them are lost. The following are still extant : —
1. "Liber de Spiritu Sancto." The Greek original
is lost, but we possess a Latin translation made by
Hieronymus, about a. d. 386, which is printed
among the works of Hieronymus. Although the
author as well as the translator intended it to be
one book (Hieronym. Catal. 109), yet Marcianaeus
in his edition of Hieronjnnus has divided it into
three books. The Avork is mentioned by St. Au-
gustin {Quaest. in Exod. ii. 25), and Nicephonis
(ix. 17). Separate editions of it were published
at Cologne, 1531,8vo., and abetter one by Fuchte,
Helmstadt, 1614, 8 vo. 2. "Breves Enarrationes
in Epistolas Canonicjis." This work is likewise
extant only in a Latin translation, and was first
printed in the Cologne edition of the first work.
It is contained also in all the collections of the
works of the fathers. The Latin translation is the
work of Epiphanius, and was made at the request
of Cassiodorus. (Cassiod. de Institut. Divin. 8.)

3. " Liber ad versus Manichaeos." This work ap-
pears to be incomplete, since Damascenus {Parallel.
p. 507) quotes a passage from it which is now not
to be found in it. It was first printed in a Latin
version by F. Turrianus in Possevin's Apparatus
Sand, ad Calc. Lit. D., Venice, 1603, and at Co-
logne in 1608. It was reprinted in some of the
Collections of the Fathers, until at last Combefisius
in his "Auctarium novissimum " (ii. p. 21, &c.)
published the Greek original. (Paris, 1672, fol.)

4. riepi Tpiddos. This work was fonnerly believed
to be lost, but J. A. Mingarelli discovered a MS.
of it, and published it with a Latin version at
Bologna, 1769, fol. A list of the lost works of
Didymus is given by Fabric. BibL Graec. ix. p.
273, &c. ; compare Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 205 ;
Guericke, de Scliola Alexandr. ii. p. 332, &c. [L.S.]

DI'DYMUS (AiSu^os), a Greek medical writer
who lived perhaps in the third century after Christ,
as he is quoted by Aetius (tetrab. ii. serm. ii. c. 15,
p. 256) and Alexander Trallianus (Z>e Med. vii.
13, p. 235), by whom he is called (TocpuTaTos.
He may perhaps be the native of Alexandria who
is mentioned by Suidas as having written fifteen
books on Agi-iculture, and who is frequently quoted
in the collection of writers called Geoponici (lib. i.

DIGTTIUS.

c 5, li. n, 14, 17, 2(), &c., ed. Niclas.). Ilia writ-
ings would seem to have been extant in the seven-
teenth century, or at least they were supposed to
be so, as Salinasius expected to receive a MS. of
his work de Plaiitis from Italy. {Life pre/iavd to
his Letters, i^. [id.) [W.A.G.]

DIESPITEK. [Jupiter.]

DIEUCHES (Ajeux^s), a Greek physician, who
lived probably in the fourth century b. c, and be-
lonc^ed to the medical sect of the Doj^matici. (Ga-
len, de Fen. Sect. adv. Erasistr. c.5, vol. xi. p. 163 ;
coinp. Id. de. Siinplic. Medimm. Temper, ac Facidt.
vi. prooem. vol. xi. p. 795, de Meth. Med. i. .'i,
vii. 3, vol. X. pp. 28, 462, Comment, in Hippocr.
^de Nat. Horn:' ii. 6, vol. xv. p. 136.) He was
tutor to Numenius of Ilcraclea (Athen. i. p. 5.
$ 8), and is sevenil times quoted by Pliny. (//. N.
XX. 15, 33, 73, xxiii. 29, xxiv, 92.) He wrote
some medical works, of which nothing but a
few fragments remain. (Ruf. Ephes., ed. Matthaei ;
XXI Vet. Medic. Grace. Opusc. ed. Matthaei ;
C. G. Kiihn, Additam. ad Elench. Medic. Vet. a
J.J. Faftric. exhibit. fasc.xiii. p. 6.) [W. A. G.]

DIEU'CHIDAS {Ai€vxiSas\ of Megara, a
Greek historian who wrote a history of Megara
(MeyapiKa), which consisted of at least five books.
(Clem. Alex. Strom, i. p. 141, vi. p. 267; Diog.
Laert. i. 57; Comp. Harpocrat. .«. v. dyviSs.) The
age of Dieuchidas is unknown, but his work is
frequently referred to by the ancients, and his
name often appears in a corrupt form. (Schol. ad
Apollon. Rhod. i. 118,517, where his name is
AipTjxiSas ; Steph. Byz. s. v. :S.K'i.p<pai ; Athen. vi.
p. 262 ; Harpocrat. s. v. Tepavia ; Schol. ad Find.
Nem. ix. 30; Plut. Lye. 2, in the last two passages
AtfuTHX'Sas ; Schol. ac? J rts/opA.Fesp. 870; Eudoc.
p. 286, where the name is Dirychias.) [L. S.]

SEX. DIGI'TIUS. 1. An Italian, who served
as a marine (socitis navalis) under the great P.
Com. Scipio Africanus. After the taking of New
Carthage in B.C. 210, Sex. Digitius and Q. Tre-
bellius were rewarded by Scipio with the corona
muralis, for the two men disputed as to which of
them had first scaled the walls of the place. ( Liv.
xxvi. 48.) It must be supposed that Digitius
was further rewarded for his bravery with the
lloman franchise ; for his son, or perhaps he him-
self, is mentioned as praetor in B. c. 194.

2. It is uncertain whether he is a son of the
Digitius who served in Spain under Scipio, or
whether he is identical with him, though the for-
mer is more probable. He was praetor in b. c.
1 94, and obtained southern Spain as his province.
After the departure of M. Cato, several of the
Spanish tribes again revolted, and Digitius had to
fight many battles against them, in most of which
he was so unsuccessful, that at the termination of
his office his forces were reduced to half of their
original number. In B. c. 190 he was appointed
legate by the consxil L. Com. Scipio Asiaticus ;
and, conjointly with two others, he was com-
missioned to collect a fleet at Bmndusium from
all parts of the coast. In b. c. 174 he was one of
the ambassadors sent to Macedonia, and in the
year following he was sent to Apulia to purchase
provisions for the fleet and the army. (Liv. xxxv.
1, 2, xxxvii. 4, xli. 22, xlii. 27 ; Oros. iv. 22,
where he is erroneously called Publius.) The
military tribune. Sex. Digitius, who is mentioned
by Livy (xliii. 11) about the same time, is probably
a son of our Sex. Digitius. [L. S.]

DTOCLEIDES.

1009

DII'TREPIIES (Aurpifvs, Thuc. vii. 29),
probably distinct from the Diotrephes of Thuc. yiii.
6"4, was cntmstod, B. c. 41.*}, with the charge of
carrying liome the Thracian mercenaries who ar-
rived at Athens too late to sail for Syracuse with
Demosthenes, and wore, to save expense, at once
dismissed. He made on the way descents upon
Boeotia at Tanagra, and at Mycalessus, the latter
of which places he surprised, and gave up to the
savage butchery of his barbarians. Boeotian forces
ciime up with them, however, in their retreat to
the ships, and cut down a considerable number.
Diitrophes himself not improbably fell. Pausanias
(i. 23. §§ 2, 3) saw a statue of him at Athens,
representing him as pierced with arrows ; and an
inscription containing his name, which was doubt-
less cut on the basement of this statue, has been
recently discovered at Athens, and is given on
p. 890, a. This Diitrephes is probably the same
as the Diitrephes mentioned by Aristophanes
{Aves, 798, 1440), satirized in one place as a leader
of the fashion of chariot-driving ; in another as a
forward upstart, who had advanced himself, if the
Scholiast understood the joke, to military office by
the trade of basket-making. The date of " the
Birds," B. c. 414, would be rather a confimiation
of the identity of the two. [A. H. C]

DI'LLIUS APONIA'NUS. [Aponianus.]
DI'LLIUS VO'CULA. [Vocula.]
DINDYME'NE {Aivdvui^ur] or Aip5vfi4u7}), a
sumame of Cybele, derived either from mount
Dindymus in Phrygia, where a temple was believed
to have been built to her by the Argonauts (Apol-
lon. Rhod. i. 985, with the Schol. ; Strab. xii. p.
575 ; Callim. Epir/r. 42 ; Horat. Carm. i. 16. 5 ;
Catull. 63, 91 ; Serv. ad Aen. ix. 617), or from
Dindyme, the wife of Maeon and mother of Cybele.
(Diod. iii. 58.) [L. S.]

DINON. [Deinon.]

DIOCLEIDES (AjofcXeiSTjs), an Athenian, who,
when the people were highly excited about the
mutilation of the Hermae, B. c. 415, and ready to
credit any information whatever, came forward and
told the following story to the council : — Private
business having taken him from home on the night
on which the busts were defaced, he had seen
about 300 men enter the orchestra of the theatre,
and was able by the light of the full moon to ob-
serve their features perfectly. At the time he had
no idea of the purpose of their assembling, but the
next day he heard of the affair of the Hermae, and
taxed some of the 300 with it. They bribed him
to secresy by the promise of two talents, which
they afterwards refused to pay, and he had there-
fore come to give information. This story was
implicitly believed at the time, and a number of
persons mentioned as guilty by Diocleides were
imprisoned, while the informer himself received a
crown of honour and a public entertainment in the
Prytaneium. Soon afterwards, however, Ando-
cides (who with several of his relations was .among
the prisoners) came forward with his version of
the matter, which contradicted that of Diocleides.
It was also remembered that the moon was not
visible on the night on which the latter professed
to have marked by its light the faces of the ac-
cused. He was driven, therefore, to confess that
his evidence was false, and he added (which was,
perhaps, equally false), that he had been suborned
to give it by two men named Alcibiades and Ami-
antus. Both of these sought Bafety by flight, aud

3t

1010

DIOCLES.

Diocleides was put to death. (Andoc. de Myst.
pp. 6—9 ; Thuc. \\. 60 ; Phryn. ap. Plut. Ale.
20 ; Diod. xiii. 2.) [E. E.]

DIOCLEIDES (AjokXciStjs), of Abdera, is
mentioned in Athenaeus (for this seems to be the
meaning of the passage) as having admirably de-
scribed the famous engine called "RXitroKis (the
City-taker), which was made by Epimachus the
Athenian for Demetrius Poliorcetes at the siege of
Rhodes. (Ath. v. p. 206, d. ; Diod. xx. 91;
Wesseling, ad loc. ; Plut. Demetr. 21 ; Vitruv. x.
22.) [E. E.]

DI'OCLES (AiofcA7}s),the son of Orsilochus and
father of Crethon and Orsilochus, was a king of
Phere. (Horn. //. v. 540, &c., Od. iii. 488; Paus.
iii. 30. § 2.) ^ [L. S.]

DI'OCLES (AiokA^s), a Syracusan, celebrated
for his code of laws. No mention of his name oc-
curs in Thucydides, but according to Diodorus he
was the proposer of the decree for putting to death
the Athenian generals Demosthenes and Nicias.
(Diod. xiii. 19.) He is called by Diodonis upon
this occasion the most eminent of the demagogues
at Syracuse, and appears to have been at this time
the leader of the popular or democratic party, in
opposition to Hermocrates. The next year (b. c.
412), if the chronolog}' of Diodorus be correct, a
democratic revolution took place, and Diocles was
appointed with several others to frame and establish
a new code of laws. In this he took so prominent
a part, that he threw his colleagues quite into the
shade, and the code was ever after known as that
of Diocles. We know nothing of its details, but
it is praised by Diodorus for its conciseness of
style, and the care with which it distinguished
different offences and assigned to each its peculiar
penalty. The best proof of its merit is, that it
continued to be followed as a civil code not only
at Syracuse, but in many others of the Sicilian
cities, until the island was subjected to the Roman
law. (Diod. xiii. 35.)

The banishment of Hermocrates and his party
(b. c. 410 ; see Xen. Hell. i. 1. $ 27) must have
left Diocles undisputed leader of the commonwealth.
The next year he commanded the forces sent by
Syracuse and the other cities of Sicily to the relief
of Himera, besieged by Hannibal, the son of Cisco.
He was, however, unable to avert its fate, and
withdrew from the city, carrying off as many as
possible of the inhabitants, but in such haste that
he did not stay to bury those of his troops who
had fallen in battle. (Diod. xiii. 59— 61.) This
circumstance probably gave rise to discontent at
Syracuse, which was increased when Hermocrates,
having returned to Sicily and obtained some suc-
cesses against the Carthaginians, sent back the
bones of those who had perished at Himera with
the highest honours. The revulsion of feeling thus
excited led to the banishment of Diocles, B. c. 408.
(Diod. xiii. 63, 75.) It does not appear whether
he was afterwards recalled, and we are at a loss to
connect with the subsequent revolutions of Syra-
cuse the strange story told by Diodorus, that he
stabbed himself with his own sword, to shew his
respect for one of his laws, which he had thought-
lessly infringed by coming armed into the place
of assembly. (Diod. xiii. 33.) A story almost
precisely similar is, however, told by the same
author (xii. 19) of Charondas [Charondas],
which renders it at least very doubtful as regard-
ing Diocles. Yet it is probable that he must have

DIOCLES.

died about this time, as we find no mention of his
name in the civil dissensions which led to the
elevation of Dionysius. (Hubmann, Dtokles Gesetz-
geber der Syrakusier, Amberg, 1842.) [E. H. B.]

DI'OCLES {AlokKtjs). 1. A brave Athenian, who
lived in exile at Megara. Once in a battle he pro-
tected with his shield a youth whom he loved, but
he lost his own life in consequence. The Mega-
rians rewarded the gallant man with the honours
of a hero, and instituted the festival of the Dio-
cleia, which they celebrated in the spring of every
year. (Theocrit. xii. 27, &c. ; Aristoph. Acham.
774; Plut. Thes. 10; Did. of Ant s.v. Ai6K\eia.)

2. The name of three wealthy Sicilians who were
robbed by Verres and his satellites. (Cic. in Voir.
iii. 56, 40, V. 7, iv. 16.) [L. S.]

DI'OCLES {AioK\i)s\ literary. 1. Of Athen&
See below.

2. Of Cnidus, a Platonic philosopher, who is
mentioned as the author of AiaTpi€al, from which
a fragment is quoted in Eusebius. {Praep. Evang.
xiv. p. 731.)

3. A Greek grammarian, who wrote upon the
Homeric poems, and is mentioned in the Venetian
Scholia (««?//. xiii. 103) along with Dionysius Th rax,
Aristarchus, and Chaeris on the subject of Greek
accents. A dream of his is related by Artemi-
dorus. {Omir. iv. 72.)

4. Of Magnesia, was the author of a work
entitled fTridpofiri tSu <pL\o(r6<pwu, and of a second
on the lives of philosophers (Trepl jsluv (pi\oa6(potv)^
of both of which Diogenes Laertius appears to
have made great use. (ii. 82, vi. 12, 13, 20, 3(»,
87, 91, 99, 103, vii. 48, 162, 166, 179, 181, ix.
61, 65, X. 12.)

5. Of Peparethus, the earliest Greek historian,
who wrote about the foundation of Rome, and
whom Q. Fabius Pictor is said to have followed in a
great many points. (Plut. Horn. 3, 8 ; Fest. s. v.
Romam.) How long he lived before the time of
Fabius Pictor, is unknown. Whether he is the
same as the author of a work on heroes {irfpl
"flpwtiiv (TvvTayfia), which is mentioned by Plutarch
{Quacst. Grace. 40), and of a history of Persia
(ncpo-zKo), which is quoted hy 3 ose^\m%{ Ant. J itd.
X. 1 1 . § 1 ), is likewise uncertain, and it may be
that the last two works belong to Diocles of
Rhodes, whose work on Aetolia (A<TwAt/co) is
referred to by Plutarch. {De Flum. 22.)

6. Of Sybaris, a Pythagorean philosopher
(Iamb. Vit. Pyth. 36), who must be distinguished
from another Pythagorean, Diocles of Phlius, who
is mentioned by lamblichus {Vit. Pythag. 35) as
one of the most zealous followers of Pythagoras.
The latter Diocles was still alive in the time of
Aristoxenus (Diog. Laert. viii. 46), but further
particulars are not known about him. [L. S.]

DI'OCLES {AioK\ijs), of Athens, or, according
to others, of Phlius, and perhaps in fact a Phliasian
by birth and an Athenian by citizenship, was a
comic poet of the old comedy, contemporary with
Sannyrion and Philyllius. (Suid. s. v.) The fol-
lowing plays of his are mentioned by Suidas and
Eudocia (p. 132), and are frequently quoted by the
grammarians : Ba/cxot, ©cIAotto, Ku/cA wires (by
others ascribed to Callias), MeAtxTOt. The @vi(nt}S
and "OviipoL, which are only mentioned by Suidas
and Eudocia, are suspicious titles. He seems to
have been an elegant poet. (Meineke, Frag. Com,
Graec. i. pp. 251-253, n. pp. 838-841.) [P.S.]

DI'OCLES {AioK\r}s), a geometer of unknown

DTOCLES.

drito, who wrote vepl trvpiojv, according to Eutooius
who has cited from that book {Comm. in ,Sph. ft
CjfcL Archinu lib. ii. prop, v.) his method of divid-
ing a sphere by a phine in a given ratio. liiit
he is l>etter known by another extract which Ku-
tocius {Op. Cit. lib. ii. prop, ii.) has preserved,
giving his mode of solving the problem of two
mean proportionals by aid of a curve, which has
since been called the cissovl, and is too well known
to geometers to need description, [A. De M.]

DrOCLES CARYSTIUS (Ajo/c^tj? o Kapurr-
Tios), a very celebnited Greek physician, was born
at Carystus in Euboea, and lived in the fourth
century B.C., not long after the time of Hippocrates,
to whom Pliny says he was next in age and fame.
{IT. N. xxvi. 6.) lie belonged to the medical sect
of the Dogmatici (Gal. de Aliment. Facult. i. 1, vol.
vi. p. 455), and wrote several medical works, of
which only the titles and some fragments remain,
preserved by Galen, Caelius Aurelianus, Oribasius,
and other ancient writers. The longest of these is
a letter to king Antigonus, entitled 'Eirto-roA.?)
Upo(pv\aKTiKri, " A Letter on Preserving Health,"
which is inserted by Paulus Aegineta at the end
of the first book of his medical work, and which,
if genuine, wa» probably addressed to Antigonus
Gonatas, king of Macedonia, who died B. c. 239,
at the age of eighty, after a reign of forty-four
years. It resembles in its subject matter several
other similar letters ascribed to Hippocrates
(see Ermerins, Anecd. Med. Graeca, praef. p.
xiv.), and treats of the diet fitted for the differ-
ent seasons of the year. It is published in the
various editions of Paulus Aegineta, and also in
several other works : e. g. in Greek in Matthaei's
edition of Rufus Ephesius, Mosquae, 1806, 8vo.;
in Greek and Latin in the twelfth volume of the
old edition of Fabricius, Dillioth. Graeca ; and in
Mich. Neander's Syllogae Fhysicae., Lips. 1591,
8vo. ; and in Latin with Alexander Trallianus, Ba-
sil. 1541, fol; and Meletius, Venet. 1552, 4to. &c.
There is also a German translation by Hieronymus
Rock, in J. Dryander's PruciicirbucJdein, Frank-
fort, 1551, Bvo. Some persons have attributed to
Diocles the honour of first explaining the difference
between the veins and arteries ; but this does not
seem to be correct, nor is any great discovery con-
nected with his name. Further information re-
specting him may be found in the different histories
of medicine, and also in Fabricius, Bihlioth. Graeca,
vol. xii. p. 584, ed. vet. ; A. Rivinus, Programma
de Diocle Carystio,, Lips. 1655, 4to.; C. G. Gruner,
liibliothek der Alien Aerzte, Leipz. 1781, 8vo. vol.
ii. p. 605 ; C G. Kiihn, Opuscida Acad^m. Med. et
riulolog. Lips. 1 827, Bvo. vol. ii. p. 87. In these
works are quoted most of the passages in ancient
authors referring to Diocles ; he is also mentioned
by Soranus, de Arte Obsteir. pp. 15, 16, 67, 99,
124, 210, 257, 265; and in Cramer's ^««(y/. Graeca
Paris, vol. i. p. 394, and vol. iv. p. 196. [W. A.G.]

DI'OCLES, JULIUS ('lowAios Aio/cXtjs), of
Carystus, the author of four epigrams in the Greek
Anthology. (Brunck, ylna/. ii. 182; Jacobs, ii.
167.) His name implies that he was a Greek,
and had obtained the Roman civitas. Reiske sup-
posed him to be the same person as the rhetorician
Diocles of Carystus, who is often mentioned by
i>eneca. Others suppose him to be the same as
the physician. The name of the poet himself is
variously written in the titles to his epigrams.
(Jacobs, xiii. 882, 883.) [P. «•]

DIOCLETIANUS.

101!

DTOCLETIA'NUS VALF/RIUS, was bom
near Salona in Dalmatia, in the ye.ar a. d. 245, of
most obscure parentage; his father, according to
the accounts commonly received, which are, how-
ever, evidently hostile, having been a freedman
and provincial scribe, while the future emperor
himself was indebted for liberty to a senator
Anulinus. Were this last statement true ho must
have been bom while his parent was a slave ; but
this is impossible, for, as Niebuhr has pointed out,
the Roman law, even as it stood at that period,
would have prevented the son from being enlisted
in the legion. From his mother, Doclea, or
Dioclea, who received her designation from the
village where she dwelt, he inherited the appella-
tion of Docks or Diocles, which, after his assump-
tion of the purple, was Latinized and expanded
into the more majestic and sonorous Diocletianus,
and attached as a cognomen to the high patrician
name of Valerius. Having entered the army he
served with high reputation, passed through vari-
ous subordinate grades, was appointed to most im-
portant commands under Probus and Aurelian, in
process of time was elevated to the rank of consul
sufFectus, followed Cams to the Persian war, and,
after the death of that emperor on the banks of the
Tigris [Carus], remained attached to the court dur-
ing the retreat in the honourable capacity of chief
captain of the palace guards {doinestici). When
the fate of Numerianus became known, the troops
who had met in solemn assembly at Chalcedon, for
the purpose of nominating a successor, declared
with one voice that the man most worthy of the
sovereign power was Diocletian, who, having ac-
cepted the preferred dignity, signalized his acces-
sion by slaying with his own hands Arrius Aper
praefect of the praetorians, who was arraigned of
the murder of the deceased prince, his son-in-law
[Numerianus]. The proceedings upon this
occasion were characterised by an intemperate
haste, which gave plausibility to the report, that
the avenger of Numerian, notwithstanding his
solemn protestations of innocence and disinter-
ested zeal, was less eager to satisfy the demands
of justice than to avert suspicion from himself and
to remove a fonnidable rival, especially since he
did not scruple to confess that he had long anxi-
ously sought to fulfil a prophecy delivered to him
in early youth by a Gaulish Druidess, that he
should mount a throne as soon as he had slain the
wild-boar (Aper). These events took place in the
course of the year 284, known in chronology as
the era of Diocletian, or the era of the martyrs, an
epoch long employed in the calculations of eccle-
siastical writers, and still in use among Coptic
Christians. After the ceremonies of installation
had been completed at Nicomedeia, it became neces-
sary to take the field forthwith against Carinus,
who was hastening towards Asia at the head of a
numerous and well-disciplined army. The oppos-
ing armies met near Margus in upper Moesia, and,
after an obstinate straggle, victory declared for the
hardy veterans of the Western legions ; but while
Carinus was hotly pursuing the flying foe he was
slain by his own officers [Carinus]. His troops,
left without a leader, fraternized with their late
enemies, Diocletian was acknowledged by the
conjoined armies, and no one appeared prepared to
dispute his claims. The conqueror used his victory
with praiseworthy and politic moderation. There
were no proscriptions, no confiscations, no banish*

3x2

I0I3

DTOCLETIANUS.

ments. Nearly the whole of the ministers and
attendants of the deceased monarch were pennitted
to retain their offices, and even tlie praetorian
praefect Aristobulus was continued in his com-
mand. There was little prospect, however, of a
peaceful reign. In addition to the insubordinate
spirit which prevailed xmiversally among the
soldiery, who had been accustomed for a long
series of years to create and dethrone their rulers
according to the suggestions of interest, passion, or
caprice, the empire was threatened in the West by
a formidable insurrection of the Bagaudae under
Aelianus and Amandiis [Aelianus], in the East
by the Persians, and in the North by the turbu-
lent movements of the wild tribes upon the Danube.
Feeling himself unable to cope single-handed with

80 many difficulties, Diocletian resolved to assume
a colleague who should enjoy, nominally at least,
equal rank and power with himself, and relieve
him from the burden of undertaking in person
distant wars. His choice fell upon the brave
and experienced, but rough and unlettered sol-
dier Maximianus [Maximianus Hkrculius],
whom he invested with the title of Augustus, at
Nicomedeia, in 286. At the same time the asso-
ciated rulers adopted respectively the epithets of
Jovius and Heradius^ either from some super-
stitious motive, or, according to the explanation of
one of the panegyrists, in order to declare to the
world that while the elder possessed supreme
wisdom to devise and direct, the younger could
exert irresistible might in the execution of all
projects.

The new emperor hastened to quell, by his
presence, the disturbances in Gaul, and succeeded
without difficulty in chastising the rebellious boors.
But this achievement was but a poor consolation
for the loss of Britain, and the glorj' of the two
Augusti was dimmed by their forced acquiescence
in the insolent usurpation of Carausius. [Carau-

81 us.]

Meanwhile, dangers which threatened the very
existence of the Roman dominion became daily
more imminent. The Egyptians, ever factious,
had now risen in open insurrection, and their
leader, Achilleus, had made himself master of
Alexandria ; the savage Blemmyes were ravaging
the upper valley of the Nile ; Julianus had as-
sumed imperial ornaments at Carthage ; a confed-
eracy of five rude but warlike clans of Atlas,
known as the Quinqwflcntanae (or Quinquegentiani),
was spreading terror throughout the more peaceful
districts of Africa ; Tiridates, again expelled from
Armenia, had been compelled once more to seek
refuge in the Roman court ; and Narses having
crossed the Tigris, had recovered Mesopotamia, and
openly announced his determination to re-unite
all Asia under the sway of Persia ; while the Ger-
mans, Goths, and Sarmatians were ready to pour
down upon any unguarded point of the long line
of frontier stretching from the mouths of the Rhine
to the Euxine. In this emergency, in order that
a vigorous resistance might be opposed to these
numerous and formidable attacks in quarters of the
world so distant from each other, and that the
loyalty of the generals commanding all the great
armies might be firmly secured, Diocletian resolved
to introduce a new system of government. It was
determined that, in addition to the two Augusti,
there should be two Caesars also, that the whole
empire should be divided among these four poten-

DIOCLETIANUS.

tates^ a certain fixed and definite portion being
assigned to each, within which, in the .absence of
the rest, his jurisdiction should be absolute. All,
however, being considered as colleagues working
together for the accomplishment of the same object,
the decrees of one were to be binding upon the
rest ; and while each Caesar was, in a certain de-
gree, subordinate to the Augusti, the three junior
members of this mighty partnership were required
distinctly to recognise Diocletian as the head and
guide of the whole. Accordingly, on the 1st of
March 292, Constantius Chlorus and Galerius
were proclaimed Caesars at Nicomedeia, and to knit
more firmly the connecting bonds, they were both
called upon to repudiate their wives ; upon which
the former received in marriage Theodora, the
step-daughter of Maximian ; the latter Valeria, the
daughter of Diocletian. In the partition of the pro-
vinces the two younger princes were appointed to the
posts of greatest labour and hazard. To Constan-
tius were assigned Britain, Gaul, and Spain, the
chief seat of government being fixed at Treves ; to
Galerius were intrusted Illyricum, and the whole
line of the Danube, with Sirraium for a capital ;
Maximian resided at Milan, as governor of Italy and
Africa, together with Sicily and the islands of the
Tyrrhenian Sea ; while Diocletian retained Thrace,
Eg}'pt, Syria, and Asia in his own hands, and
established his court at Nicomedeia. The immediate
results of this arrangement were most auspicious.
Maximianus routed the Mauritanian hordes, and
drove them back to their mountain fastnesses,
while Julian being defeated perished by his own
hands ; Diocletian invested Alexandria, which was
captured after a siege of eight months, and many
thousands of the seditious citizens were slain,
Busiris and Coptos were levelled with the ground,
and all Egj'pt, struck with terror by the success
and severity of the emperor, sank into abject submis-
sion. In Gaul an invading host of the Alemanni
was repulsed with great slaughter after an obstinate
resistance, Boulogne, the naval arsenal of Carausius,
was forced to surrender, and the usurper having
soon after been murdered by his chosen friend and
minister, Allectus, the troops of Constantius ef-
fected a landing in Britain in two divisions, and the
whole island was speedily recovered, after it had
been dismembered from the empire for a space of
nearly ten years. In the East the struggle was
more severe ; but the victor}', although deferred for
a while, was even more complete and more glorious.
Galerius, who had quitted his own province to
prosecute this war, sustained in his first campaign,
a terrible defeat in the plains of Carrhae. The
shattered armj-, however, was speedily recruited by
large drafts from the veterans of Illyria, Moesia-
and Dacia, and the Roman general, taught caution
by experience, advanced warily through the moun-
tains of Armenia, carefully avoiding the open coun-
try where cavalry might act with advantage. Per-
severing steadily in this course, he at length, with
25,000 men, fell unexpectedly upon the careless
and confident foe. They were complete!}' routed,
and the harem of Narses, who commanded in per-
son and escaped with great difficulty, fell into the
bands of the conquerors. The full fruits of this vic-
tory were secured by the wise policy of Diocletian,
who resolved to seize the opportunity of oflfering a
peace by which he might receive a moderate but
certain advantage. A treaty was concluded, by
which the independence of Armenia was guarau-

DIOCLETIANUS.

teed, and all Mesopotamia, together with five pro-
vinces beyond the Tigris and the coninuind of the
defiles of Caucasus, were ceded to tlie Romans. For
forty years the conditions of this compact were
observed with good faith, and the repose of the
Eiist remained undisturbed.

The long series of brilliant achievements, by
which the barbarians had been driven back from
every frontier, were completed when Diocletian
entered upon the twentieth year of his reign, and
the games common at each decennial period were
combined with a triumph the most gorgeous which
Rome had witnessed since the days of Aurelian.

But neither the mind nor the body of Diocle-
tian, who was now fifty-nine years old, was able
any longer to support the unceasing anxiety and
toil to which he was exposed. On his journey to
Nicomedeia he was attacked by an illness, from
%vhich, after protracted suffering, he scarcely escaped
with life, and, even when immediate danger was
past, found himself so exhausted and depressed,
that he resolved to abdicate the purple. This re-
solution seems to have been soon formed, and it
was speedily executed. On the 1st of May, a. d.
305, in a plain three miles from the city where he
had first assumed the purple, in the presence of the
army and the people, he solemnly divested himself
of his royal robes. A similar scene was enacted on
the same day at Milan by his reluctant colleague.
Constantius Chlorus and Galerius being now, ac-
cording to the principles of the new constitution,
raised to the dignity of Augusti, Flavius Severus
and Maximinus Daza were created Caesars. Dio-
cletian returned to his native Dalmatia, and passed
the remaining eight years of his life near Salona in
philosophic retirement, devoted to rural pleasures
and the cultivation of his garden. Aurelius Victor
has preserved the well-known anecdote, that when
solicited at a subsequent period, by the ambitious
and discontented Maximian, to resume the honours
which he had voluntarily resigned, his reply was,
" Would you could see the vegetables planted by
my hands at Salona, you would then never think
of urging such an attempt." His death took place
at the age of sixty-seven. The story in the Epitome
of Victor, that he put himself to death in order to
escape the violence which he apprehended from
Constantine and Licinius, seems to be unsupported
by external evidence or internal probability.

Although little doubt can be entertained with
regard to the general accuracy of the leading facts
enumerated in the above outline, the greatest con-
fusion and embarrassment prevail with regard to
the more minute details of this reign and the chro-
nological arrangement of the events. Medals af-
ford little or no aid, the biographies of the Au-
gustan historians end with Carinus, no contem-
porary record has been preserved, and those por-
tions of Ammianus Marcellinus and Zosimus
which must have been devoted to this epoch have
disappeared from their works, purposely omitted
or destroyed, as some have imagined, by Christian
transcribers, who were determined if possible to
prevent any flattering picture of their persecutor or
jiny clironicle of his glories from being transmitted
to posterity. Hence we are thrown entirely upon
the meagre and unsatisfactory corapendiums of Eu-
tropius, the Victors, and Festus ; the vague and
lying hyperboles of the panegyrists, and the avow-
edly hostile declamations of the author of the work,
De Alorlibus Persecuiorum [CakciliusJ, and other

DIOCLETIANUS.

I0I3

writers of the same stamp. Hence, from source*
80 scanty and so impure, it is extremely difficult to
derive such knowledge as may enable us to form a
just conception of the real character of this remark'
able man.

It is certain that he revolutionized the whole
political system of the empire, and introduced a
scheme of government, afterwards fully carried out
and perfected by Constantine, as much at variance
with that pursued by his predecessors as the power
exercised by Octavianus and those who followed
him differed from the authority of the constitu-
tional magistrates of the republic. The object of
this new and important change, and the means by
which it was sought to attain that object, may be
explained in a few words. The grand object was
to protect the person of the sovereign from vio-
lence, and to insure a regular legitimate succession,
thus putting an end to the rebellions and civil
wars, by which the world had been torn to pieces
ever since the extinction, in Nero, of the Julian
blood. To accomplish what was sought, it was
necessary to guard against insubordination among
the powerful bodies of troops maintained on the
more exposed frontiers, against mutiny among the
praetorians at home, and against the faint spark of
free and independent feeling among the senate and
populace of Rome. Little was to be apprehended
from the soldiery at a distance, unless led on by
some favourite general ; hence, by placing at the
head of the four great armies four commanders all
directly interested in preserving the existing order of
things, it was believed that one great source of danger
was removed, while two of these being marked out
as heirs apparent to the throne long before their
actual accession, it seemed probable that on the
death of the Augusti they would advance to the
higher grade as a matter of course, without ques-
tion or commotion, their places being supplied by
two new Caesars. Jealousies might undoubtedly
arise, but these were guarded against by rendering
each of the four jurisdictions as distinct and ab-
solute as possible, while it was imagined that an
attempt on the part of any one member of the
confederacy to render himself supreme, would
certainly be checked at once by the cordial combi-
nation of the remaining three, in self-defence. It
was resolved to treat the praetorians with little
ceremony ; but, to prevent any outbreak, which
despair might have rendered formidable, they were
gradually dispersed, and then deprived of their
privileges, while their former duties were dis-
charged by the Jovian and Herculian battalions
from Illyria, who were firm in their allegiance to
their native princes. The degradation of Rome
by the removal of the court, and the creation of
four new capitals, was a death-blow to the in-
fluence of the Senate, and led quickly to the de-
struction of all old patriotic associations. Nor was
less care and forethought bestowed on matters ap-
parently trivial. The robe of cloth of gold, the
slippers of silk dyed in purple, and embroidered
with gems, the regal diadem wreathed around the
brow, the titles of Lord and Master and God, the
lowly prostrations, and the thousand intricacies of
complicated etiquette which fenced round the im-
perial presence, were all attributed by short-sighted
observers to the insolent pride of a Dalmatian slave
intoxicated with unlooked-for prosperity, but were
in reality part and parcel of a sjigacious and well
meditated plau, which sought to encircle tlie person

1014

DIOCLETIANUS.

of the sovereign with a sort of sacred and myste-
rious grandeur.

Passing over the military skill of Diocletian, we
can scarcely refuse to acknowledge that the man
who formed the scheme of reconstructing a great
empire, and executed his plan within so brief a
space of time, must have combined a bold and
capacious intellect with singular prudence and
practical dexterity. That his plans were such as
a profound statesman would approve may fairly be
questioned, for it needed but little knowledge of
human nature to foresee, that the ingenious but
complicated machine would never work with
smoothness after the regulating hand of the
inventor was withdrawn ; and, accordingly, his
death was the signal for a succession of furious
struggles among the rival Caesars and Augusti,
which did not terminate until the whole empire
was reunited under Constantine. Still the great
social change was accomplished ; a new order of
things was introduced which detennined the rela-
tion between the sovereign and the subject, until
the final downfall of the Roman sway, upon prin-
ciples not before recognized in the Western world,
and which to this day exercise no small influence
upon the political condition of Europe.

One of the worst effects, in the first instance, of
the revolution, was the vast increase of the public
expenditure, caused by the necessity of supporting
two imperial and two vice-regal courts upon a
scale of oriental splendour, and by the magnificent
edifices reared by the vanity or policy of the
different rulers for the embellishment of their
capitals or favoiuite residences. The amount of
revenue required could be raised only by increased
taxation, and we find that all classes of the com-
munity complained bitterly of the merciless exac-
tions to which they were exposed. Yet, on the
whole, Diocletian was by no means indifferent to
the comfort and prosperity of his people. Various
monopolies were abolished, trade was encouraged,
a disposition was manifested to advance merit and
to repress corruption in every department. The
views entertained upon subjects connected with
political economy are well illustrated by the singular
edict lately discovered at Stratoniceia, by Colonel
Leake, fixing the wages of labourers and artizans,
together with the maximum price, throughout the
world, of all the necessaries and commodities of
life. It is not possible to avoid being struck by the
change wrought upon the general aspect of public
affairs during the years, not many in number, which
elapsed between the accession and abdication of
Diocletian. He found the empire weak and shat-
tered, threatened with immediate dissolution, from
intestine discord and external violence. He left it
strong and compact, at peace within, and triumph-
ant abroad, stretching from the Tigris to the Nile,
from the shores of Holland to the Euxine.

By far the worst feature of this reign was the
terrible persecution of the Christians. The con-
duct of the prince upon this occasion is the more
remarkable, because we are at first sight imable to
detect any motive which could have induced him
to permit such atrocities, and one of the most
marked features in his character was his earnest
avoidance of harsh measures. The history of the
affair seems briefly this : The pagans of the old
school had formed a close alliance with the scep-
tical philosophers, and both perceived that the
time was now arrived for a desperate struggle

DIODORUS.

which must finally establish or destroy their su-
premacy. This faction found an organ in the
relentless Galerius, stimulated partly by his own
passions, but especially by the fanaticism of his
mother, who was notorious for her devotion to
some of the wildest and most revolting rites of
Eastern superstition. As the health of Diocletian
declined, his mind sunk in some degree under the
pressure of disease, while the influence of his
associate Augustus became every day more strong.
At length, after repeated and most urgent repre-
sentations, Galerius succeeded in extorting from
his colle.igue — for even the most hostile accounts
admit that the consent of Diocletian was given
with the greatest reluctance — the first edict which,
although stem and tyrannical in its ordinances,
positively forbad all personal violence. But when
the proclamation was torn down by an indignant
believer, and when this act of contumacy was
followed by a conflagration in the palace, occurring
under the most suspicious circumstances, and
unhesitatingly ascribed by Galerius to the Chris-
tians, the emperor considered that the grand prin-
ciple for which he had been so strenuously con-
tending, the supreme majesty and inviolability of
the royal person, was openly assailed, and thus
was persuaded without further resistance to give
his assent to those sanguinary decrees which for
years deluged the world with innocent blood.
It is not improbable that the intellects of Diocle-
tian were seriously affected, and that his malady
may have amounted to absolute insanity. (Aurel.
Victor, de Goes. 39, Epit. 39 ; Eutrop. ix. 13, &c.;
Zonar. xii. 31.) [W. R.]

COIN OF DIOCLETIANUS.

DIO'CORUS or DIO'SCORUS (Atrf/copos or
Ai6aKopos), a commentator on the orations of De-
mosthenes. (Ulpian, ad Dem.Phii. iv. init.) [L.S.]

DIODO'RUS (A«)5«pos), historical. 1. A
commander of Amphipolis in the reign of king Per-
seus of Macedonia. When the report of the king's
defeat at Pella reached Amphipolis, and Diodorus
feared lest the 2000 Thracians who were stationed
as garrison at Amphipolis should revolt and plun-
der the place, he induced them by a cunning
stratagem to leave the town and go to Emathia,
where they might obtain rich plunder. After they
had left the town, and crossed the river Strymon,
he closed the gates, and Perseus soon after took
refuge there. (Liv. xliv. 44.)

2. The tutor of Demetrius. When Demetrius
was kept in captivity at Rome, Diodorus came to
him from Syria, and persuaded him that he would,
be received with open arms by the people of Syria
if he would but escape and make his appearance
among them. Demetrius readily listened to him,
and sent him to Syria to prepare everything and
to explore the disposition of the people. (Polyb.
xxxi. 20, 21.) [L. S.]

DIODO'RUS (Aio5«pos),literary. 1. Of Adra-
MVTTiUM, a rhetorician and Academic philosopher.
He lived at the time of Mithridates, under whom

DIODORUS.

he commanded an anny. In order to please the
king, he caused all the senators of liis native place
to be massacred. He afterwards accompanied
Mithridates to Pontus, and, after the fall of the
king, Diodonis received the punishment for his
cnielty. Charges were brought against him at
Adramyttium, and as he felt that he could not
clear himself, he starved himself to death in des-
pair. (Strab. xiii. p. 614.)

2. Of Alexandria, sumamed Valerius PoUio,
was a son of Pollio and a disciple of Telecles. He
wrote, according to Suidas (s. v. UuXiwv) and Eu-
docia (p. 136), a work entitled i^T^yqa-is ruu
^riTovfievwv irapd to7s I (>riTop<riv^ and another
'Attj/ct) Aefis. He lived in the time of the em-
peror Hadrian, and is perhaps the same as the
Theodorua who is mentioned by Athenaeus (xiv.
p. 646, comp. XV. pp. 677, 678J 691; Phot. Bibl.
Cod. 149) as the author of ^AttikoI r\a(T(rcu.

3. Of Antioch, an ecclesiastical writer who
lived during the latter part of the fourth century
after Christ, and belonged to a noble family. Dur-
ing the time that he was a presbyter and archi-
mandrita at Antioch, he exerted himself much in
introducing a better discipline among the monks,
and also wrote several works, which shewed that
he was a man of extensive acquirements. When
Meletius, the bishop of Antioch, was sent into
exile in the reign of the emperor Valens, Diodonis
too had to suffer for a time ; but he continued to
exert himself in what he thought the good cause,
and frequently preached to his flock in the open
fields in the neighbourhood of Antioch. In A. D.
378 Meletius was allowed to return to his see,
and one of his first acts was to make Diodorus
bishop of Tarsus. In A. D. 381 Diodorus attended
the council of Constantinople, at which the general
superintendence of the Eastern churches was en-
trusted to him and Pelagius of Laodiceia. (Socrat.
V. 8.) How long he held his bishopric, and in
what year he died, are questions which cannot be
answered with certainty, though his death appears
to have occurred previous to a. d. 394, in which
y^ear his successor, Phalereus, was present at a
council at Constantinople. Diodorus was a man of
great learning (Facund. iv. 2) ; but some of his
writings were not considered quite orthodox, and
are said to have favoured the views which were
afterwards promulgated by his disciple, Nestorius.
His style is praised by Photius {Bibl. Cod. 223,
where he is called Theodoras) for its purity and
simplicity. Respecting his life, see Tillemont,
Hist, des Emp. viii. p. 558, &c., and p. 802, &c.,
ed. Paris.

Diodorus was the author of a numerous series of
works, all of which are now lost, at least in their
original language, for many are said to be still ex-
tant in Syriac versions. The following deserve to
be noticed : 1 . Kord fl/jLap/xemriSy in 8 books or
53 chapters, was written against the theories of
the astrologers, heretics, Bardesanes, and others.
The whole work is said to be still extant in Syriac,
and considerable Excerpta from it are preserved in
Photius. (/. c.) 2. A work against Photinus,
Malchion, Sabellius, Marcellus, and Ancyranus.
(TheodoreL de Haeret. Fab. ii. in fin.) 3. A work
against the Pagans and their idols (Facund. iv. 2),
which is perhaps the same as the Korci TlKaruivos
■Ktpi bfov Koi ^f&v. (Hieronym. Ca<u<. 119.) 4.
XpoviKdv Siop9ovfx6vov rd fTcpaXfta EvafSiov rod
nafi<pi\ov TTfpi Tulj' xpovu^i that is, on chrouolo-

DIODORUS. 1015

gical errors committed by Eusebius. (Suid. s. v.
Aiodcapos.) 5. Ufpl roO (h &f6s iv TpidSi, wom
directed against the Arians or Eunomians, and is
Niid to be still extint in Syriac. 6. Upos TpaTjo-
yov K((pd\aia, (Facund. iv. 2.) 7. Ufpl Trjs 'Itt-
ndpxov (T<palpas. This Hipparchus is the Bithy-
nian of whom Pliny {H. N. ii. 26) speaks. 8.
Tlepl irpovoiaSf or on Providence, is said to exist
still in Syriac. 9. Upds Ev<pp6viov <pi\6ao<pov,
in the form of a dialogue. (IJasil. Epist. 167;
Facund. iv. 2.) 10. Korel Vlavixaiuv^ in 24 books,
of which some account is given by Photius. {DM.
Cod. 85 ; comp. Theodoret. i. in fin.) The work
is believed to be extant in Syriac. 11. Ilepl tou
dylov vvetifmTos. (Phot. Bibl. Cod. 102 ; Leontius,
de Seciis, pp. 448.) 12. Upos toi)s Suvoixrtao'Tds,
a work directed against the ApoUinaristae. Some
fragments of the first book are preserved in Leon-
tius. {Bibl. Pair. ix. p. 704, ed. Lugdun.) This
work, which is still extant in Syriac, seems to
have been the principal cause of Diodorus being
looked upon as heretical ; for the Nestorians
appealed to it in support of their tenets, and Cy-
rillus wrote against it. 13. A commentary on
most of the books of the Old and New Testament.
This was one of his principal works, and in his in-
terpretation of the Scriptures he rejected the alle-
gorical explanation, and adhered to the literal
meaning of the text. (Suidas, I. c. ; Socrat. vi. 2 ;
Sozonien. viii. 2; Hieronym. Caial. 119.) The
work is frequently referred to by ecclesiastical
writers, and many fragments of it have thus been
preserved. (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 217, ed. London ;
Fabric. Bibl. Gr. iv. p. 380, ix. p. 277, &c.)

4. Of AscALON, a Greek grammarian, who
wrote a work on the poet Antiphanes. {Ufpl 'Airri-
(pdvovs Kal TTJs TTopa to'is veurepois (jmttvtjs ;
Athen. xiv. p. 662.)

5. Of AsPENDUS, a Pythagorean philosopher,
who probably lived after the time of Plato, and
must have been still alive in 01. 1 04, for he was
an acquaintance of Stratonicus, the musician, who
lived at the court of Ptolemy Lagi.' Diodorus is
said to have adopted the Cynic mode of living,
(lamblich. Vit. Fythag. 36; Athen. iv. p. 163;
Bentley, PMar. p. 62, ed. London, 1777.)

6. Sumamed Cronus, a son of Ameinias of
lasus in Caria, lived at the court of Alexan-
dria in the reign of Ptolemy Soter, who is said
to have given him the surname of Cronus on
account of his inability to solve at once some
dialectic problem proposed by Stilpo, when the
two philosophers were dining with the king.
Diodorus is said to have taken that disgrace so
much to heart, that after his return from the re-
past, and writing a treatise on the problem,
he died in despair. (Diog. Laert. ii. 111.) Ac-
cording to an account in Strabo (xiv. p. 658,
xvii. p. 838), Diodorus himself adopted the surname
of Cronus from his teacher, Apollonius Cronus.
Further particulars respecting his life are not
known. He belonged to the Megaric school of
philosophy, and was the fourth in the succession
of the heads of that school. He was particulaily
celebrated for his great dialectic skill, for which
he is called 6 SioK^ktikos^ or SiaAeKTjKWTOTos.
(Strab. /. c; Sext. Empir. adv. Gram. i. p. 310 ;
Plin. //. N. \u. 54.) This epithet afterwards
assumed the chjiracter of a surname, and de-
scended even to his five daughters, who were like*
wise distinguished as dialecticians. Respecting

1016

DIODORUS.

the doctrines of Diodorus we possess only frag-
mentary information, and not even the titles of
his works are known. It appears, however, cer-
tain that it was he who fully developed the
dialectic art of the Megarics, which so fre-
quently degenerated into mere shallow sophistry.
(Cic. Acad. ii. 24, 47.) He seems to have been
much occupied with the theory of proof and of
hypothetical propositions. In the same manner as
he rejected in logic the divisibility of the funda-
mental notion, he also maintained, in his physical
doctrines, that space was indivisible, and conse-
quently that motion was a thing impossible. He
further denied the coming into existence and all
multiplicity both in time and in space; but he
considered the things that fill up space as one
wliole composed of an infinite number of indivisible
particles. In this latter respect he approached the
atomistic doctrines of Democritus and Dijigoras.
In regard to things possible, he maintained that
only those things are possible which actually are or
will be ; possible was, further, with him identical
with necessary ; hence everything which is not
going to be cannot be, and all that is, or is going
to be, is necessary ; so that the future is as certain
and defined as the past. This theory approached
the doctrine of fate maintained by the Stoics,
and Chrysippus is sai^ to have written a work,
"Kfpl hvvarwv, against the views of Diodorus.
(Diog. Laert. vii. 191 ; Cic. de Fato, 6, 7. 9, ad
Fam. ix. 4.) He made use of the false syllogism
called Sorites, and is said to have invented two
others of the same kind, viz. the iyKCKaXv/xnevos
and the Kf/wTivTjs xSyos. (Diog. Laert. ii. 111.)
Language was, with him, as with Aristotle, the
result of an agreement of men among themselves.
(Lerscb, Sprachphilos. der Alt. i. p. 42; Deycks,
de Mcgaricoruin Dodrina, p. 64, &c.)

7. Of Croton, a Pythagorean philosopher, who
is otherwise unknown. (lamblich. Vit. Pytkig. 35.)

8. Of Elaea, is quoted as the author of elegies
by Parthenius {Erot. 15), who relates from him a
Btory about Daphne.

9. Of Ephesus, is mentioned by Diogenes
LaertiuB (viii. 70) as the author of a work on the
life and philosophy of Anaximander,

10. Sumamed Periegetes, was probably a na-
tive of Athens, and wrote on topographical and
geographical subjects. He lived at the time of and
after Alexander the Great ; for it is clear, from
some fragments of his works, that he wrote at the
time when Athens had only twelve phylae, that is,
previous to b. c. 308 ; and Athenaeus (xiii. p. 521 )
states, that Diodorus was acquainted with the
rhetorician Anaximenes. We know only of two
works of Diodorus Periegetes, viz. 1. Uepl Sij/j-uv,
which is frequently quoted by Harpocration and
Stephanus of Byzantium, and from which a consi-
derable number of statements are preserved in con-
sequence. 2. Ilepl nvritmTwv, or on monuments.
(Plut. Thenmt. 32, comp. TItes. 36, Cim. 16, Vit.
JX Oral. p. 849 ; Athen. xiii. p. 591.) It is not

le that he may also be the author of a

work on Miletus (irepl VliXrirov (TvyypayLixa., Schol.
ad Plut. Menex. p. 380 ; comp. Preller, Polemon.
Fragvu p. 170, &c)

11. Of Priknk, is mentioned as a writer upon
agriculture, but is otherwise unknown. (V'arro, de
R. fi. i.\i Columella, i. 1 ; Plin. //. A^ Elench.
lib. XV. xvii. &:c.)

12. The Sicilian, usually called Diodorus

DIODORUS.
SicuLUS, was a contemporary of Caesar and Au-
gustus. (Suid. s. t\ Aiodupos; Euseb. C/iro7i. ad
Ann. 1 967.) He was born in the town of Agyriura
in Sicilj', where he became acquainted with the
Latin language through the great intercourse be-
tween the Romans and Sicilians. Respecting his
life we know no more than what he himself tells
us (i. 4). He seems to have made it the business
of his life to write an universal history from the
earliest down to his o^vn time. With this object
in view, he travelled over a great part of Europe
and Asia to gain a more accurate knowledge of
nations and countries than he could obtain from
previous historians and geographers. For a long
time he lived at Rome, and tliere also he made
large collections of materials for his work by study-
ing the ancient docmnents. He stjites, that he
spent thirty years upon his work, which period
probably includes the time he spent in travelling
and collecting materials. As it embraced the his-
tory of all ages and countries, and thus supplied
the place, as it were, of a whole library, he called
it BiSKiodT^KT), or, as Eusebius {Praep. Evang. i. 6)
says, BiS\LoQr\Kt\ iaro^iici^. The time at which
he wrote his history may be determined pretty
accurately from internal evidence : he not only
mentions Caesar's invasion of Britain and his
crossing the Rhine, but also his death and apo-
theosis (i. 4, iv. 19, V. 21,25): he further states
(i. 44, comp. 83), that he was in Egypt in 01. 190,
that is, a c. 20 ; and ScaWger {Animadv. ad Euaeb.
p. 15()) has made it highl}' probable that Diodorus
wrote his work after the year B. c. 8, when Augus-
tus corrected the calendar and introduced the in-
tercalation every fourth year.

The whole work of Diodorus consisted of forty
books, and embraced the period from the earliest
mythical ages down to the beginning of J. Caesar's
GuUic wars. Diodorus himself further mentions,
that the work was divided into three great sec-
tions. The first, which consisted of the first six
books, contains the history of the mythical times
previous to the Trojan war. The first books of
this section treat of the mythuses of foreign coun-
tries, and the latter books of those of the Greeks.
The second section consisted of eleven books, which
contained the history from the Trojan war down
to the death of Alexander the Great ; and the third
section, which contained the remaining 23 books,
treated of the history from the death of Alexander
down to the beginning of Caesar's Gallic wars.
Of this great work considerable portions are now
lost. The first five books, which contain the early
history of the Eastern nations, the Egyptians,
Aethiopians, and Greeks, are extant entire; the
sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth books are
lost; but from the eleventh down to the twentieth
the work is complete again, and contains the his-
tory from the second Persian war, b. c. 480, down
to the year b. c. 302. The remaining portion of
the work is lost, with the exception of a consider-
able number of fragments and the Excerpta, -which
are preserved partly in Photius (Bllil. Cod.. 244),
who gives extracts from books 31, 32, 33, 36, 37,
38, and 40, and partly in the Eclogae made at the
command of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, from
which they have successively been published by
H. Stephens, Fulv. Ursnms, Valesius, and A. Mai.
{Collect. Nova Script, ii. p. 1, &c., p. 568, &c.)
The work of Diodorus is constructed upon the pkin
of annals, and the events of each year are placed

DTODORUS.
by the side of one another without any intcnial
connexion. In composing his Bibliotheca, Diodorus
made use, independent of his own observations, of
all sources which were accessible to him ; and had
ho exercised any criticism or judgment, or rather
liad he possessed any critical powers, his work
might have been of incalculable value to the stu-
dt'ut of history. But Diodorus did nothing
but collect that which he found in his different
authorities : he thus jumbled together history,
niythus, and fiction ; he frequently misunderstood
or mutilated his authorities, and not seldom con-
tradicts in one passage what he has stated in an-
other. The absence of criticism is manifest through-
out the work, which is in fact devoid of all the
higher requisites of a history. But notwithstand-
ing all these drawbacks, the extant portion of this
great compilation is to us of the highest importance,
on account of the great mass of materials which are
there collected from a number of writers whose
works have perished. Diodonis frequently men-
tions his authorities, and in most cases he has
undoubtedly preserved the substance of his prede-
cessors. (See Heyne, de FontUms et Auctorib.
Hist. Diodoi-i, in the Commentat. Societ. Gotting.
vols. V. and vii., and reprinted in the Bipont edi-
tion of Diodorus, vol. i. p. xix. &c., which also
contains a minute account of the plan of the
history by J. N. Eyring, p. cv., &c.) The
style of Diodorus is on the whole clear and lucid,
but not always equal, which may be owing to the
different character of the works he used or abridg-
ed. His diction holds the middle between the
archaic or refined Attic, and the vulgar Greek
which was spoken in his time. (Phot. Bibl. Cod.
70.)

The work of Diodorus was first published in
Latin translations of separate parts, until Vine,
Opsopaeus published the Greek text of books 16-
20, Basel, 1539, 4to., which was followed by H.
Stephens's edition of books 1-5 and 11-20, with
the excerpta of Photius, Paris, 1559, fol. The
next important edition is that of N. Rhodomannus
(Hanover, 1604, fol.), which contains a Latin
translation. The great edition of P. Wesseling,
with an extensive and very valuable commentary,
as well as the Eclogae of Constantine Porphyroge-
iiitus, as far as they were then known, appeared at
Amsterdam, 1746, 2 vols. fol. This edition was
reprinted, with some additions, at Bipont (1793,
&c.) in 11 vols. 8vo. The best modern edition is
that of L. Dindorf, Leipzig, 1828, 6 vols. 8vo.
The new fragments discovered and published by
A. Mai were edited, with many improvements, in
a separate volume by L. Dindorf, Leipzig, 1828,
8vo. Wesseling's edition and the Bipont reprint
of it contiiin 65 Latin letters attributed to Diodo-
rus. They had first been published in Italian in
Pietro Carrera's Storia di Calana, 1639, fol., and
were then printed in a Latin version by Abraham
Preiger in Burmann's Tliesaur. Antig. SicU. vol. x.
and in the old edition of Fabr. BiU. Gr. vol. xiv.
p. 229, &c. The Greek original of these letters
has never been seen by any one, and there can be
little doubt but that these letters are a forgery
made after the revival of letters. (Fabr. BibL Gr.
iv. p. 373, &c.)

13. OfSiNOPE. See below.

14. Of Syracuse, is mentioned by Pliny (f/. A^.
Elench. lib. iii. and v.) among the authorities he
consulted on geographical subjects.

DIODOKUS.

1017

15. Of T^u.sus (Hosych. s. v. AiaySpas), a
grammarian who is mentioned by Atheniieus (xi.
p. 479) as the author ot yKwaaai 'IraAj/caf, and of
a work irpos AvK6<ppopa (xi. p. 478). He appears
to be the same as the Diodorus referred to in two
other passages of Athenaeus (xi. p. 501, xiv. p. 642).
It may also be that he is the same as the gramma-
rian whom Eustathius describes as a disciple ot
follower of Aristophanes of Byzantium. (Villoison,
Proleg. ad Horn. II. p. 29.)

16. Sumamed Trvphon, lived about A. D. 278,
and is described by Epiphanius {de Mens, ac Po7id.
20) as a good man and of wonderful piety. He
was presbyter in the village of Diodoris and a
friend of bishop Archelaus. When Manes took
refuge in his house, he was at first kindly received ;
but when Diodorus was informed, by a letter of
Archelaus, of the heresies of Manes, and when he
began to see through the cunning of the heretic,
he had a disputation with him, in which he is said
triumphantly to have refuted his errors. (Phot.
Bill. Cod. 85.) A letter of Archelaus to Diodorus
is still extant, and printed in Valesius's edition of
Socrates, p. 200.

17. Of Tyre, a Peripatetic philosopher, a disci-
ple and follower of Critolaus, whom he succeeded
as the head of the Peripatetic school at Athens.
He was still alive and active there in b. c. 110,
when L. Crassus, during his quaestorship of Mace-
donia, visited Athens. Cicero denies to him the
character of a genuine Peripatetic, because it was
one of his ethical maxims, that the greatest good
consisted in a combination of virtue with the ab-
sence of pain, whereby a reconciliation between
the Stoics and Epicm-eans was attempted. (Cic.
de Oral. i. 11, Tusc. v. 30, de Fin. ii. 6, 11, iv. 18,
V. 5, 8, 25, Acad. ii. 42 ; Clem. Alex. Strom, i.
p. 301, ii. p. 415.)

There are some more persons of the name of
Diodorus, concerning whom nothing of interest is
known. See the list of them in Fabric. Bibl. Gr.
iv. p. 378, &c. [L. S.]

DIODO'RUS (Ai6dwpos\ of Sinope, an Athe-
nian comic poet of the middle comedy, is mentioned
in an inscription (Bockh, i. p. 354), which fixes
his date at the archonship of Diotimus (b. c. 354—
353), when he exhibited two plays, entitled Ne/cpos
and MaivS/xevos., Aristomachus being his actor.
Suidas {s. V.) quotes Athenaeus as mentioning his
Av\t)t pis in the tenth book of the Deipnosophistae,
.and his 'EttikXtjpos and Uavrryvpia-rai in the twelfth
book. The actual quotations made in our copies
of Athenaeus are from the AvArjrpis (x. p. 431, c.)
and a long passage from the 'EniKKrjpos (vi. pp.
235, e., 239, b., not xii.), but of the UavrjyvpKTTui
there is no mention in Athenaeus. A play under
that title is ascribed to Baton or to Plato. There
is another fragment from Diodonis in Stobaeus.
(Sejvn. Ixxii. 1.) In another passage of Stobaeus
(Semi. cxxv. 8) the common reading, AiovvatoSy
should be retained. (Meineke, Frag. Com. Graec
i. pp. 418, 419, iii. pp. 543—546.) [P. S.]

DIODO'RUS ZONAS (AioSwpos Zccms) and
DIODO'RUS the Younger, both of Sardis, and
of the same family, were rhetoricians and epigram-
matists. The elder was distinguished in the Mith-
ridatic war. Strabo (xiii. pp. 627. 628) says, that
he engaged in many contests on behalf of Asia,
and when Mithridates invaded that province, Zo-
nas was accused of inciting the cities to revolt
from him, but was acquitted iu consequence of the

1018

DIODORUS.

defence which he made. Strabo adds, that the
younger Diodonis, who was his own friend, com-
posed historical writings, lyrics, and other poems,
which were written in an antique style (tvp
dpxcuav •ypa<\)iiv e/xcpaiuom-a t/cavoJs). The epi-
grams of the Diodori, of which there are several,
were included by Philip of Thessalonica in his
collection, and they now form a part of the Greek
Anthology. (Brunck, Anal. ii. 80, 185; Jacobs,
ii. 67, 170.) There is considerable difficulty in
assigning each of the epigrams to its proper author,
and probably some of them belong to a third Dio-
donis, a grammarian of Tarsus, who is also men-
tioned by Strabo (xiv. p. 675), and as it seems, by
other ancient writers. (Jacobs, xiii. 883, 884 ;
Fabric. BM. Grace, iv. pp. 380, 472, vi. pp. 363,
364.) [P.S.]

DIODO'RUS, comes and magister scriniorum,
one of the commissioners appointed by Theodosius
the younger, in A. D. 435, to compile the Theodo-
sian code. Theodosius originally intended that, as
an historical monument for the use of the learned,
there should be compiled a general code of consti-
tutions, supplementary to the Gregorian and Her-
mogenian codes. These three codes taken together
were inttmded to comprise all the general consti-
tutions of the emperors, not such only as were in
actual force, but such also as were superseded
or had become obsolete. In order, however, that
in case of conflict, the re.ider might be able to dis-
tinguish the more modern enactment, which was
to prevail over the more ancient one, the arrange-
ment under e.ach subject was to be chronological,
and dates were to be carefully added. From this
general code, with the help of the works and opi-
nions of jurists, was to be formed a select code, ex-
cluding every thing not in force and containing the
whole body of practical law. In A. D. 429, nine com-
missioners were appointed, charged with the task
of compiling, first, the general historical, and then,
the select practicd code. The nine named were
Antiochus, ex-quaestor and praefect ; another Anti-
oclius, quaestor palatii ; Theodorus, Eudicius, Eu-
sobius, Joannes, Comazon, Eubulus, and Apelles.
This plan was not carried into execution. Theo-
dosius changed his purpose, and contented himself
with projecting a single code, which should contain
imperial constitutions only, without admixture of
the jus civile of the jurists, or, as an English lawyer
would express it, which should exhibit a consolida-
tion of the sialutort/, but not of the common or un-
written law. For the changed plan sixteen com-
missioners were named in a. d. 435, who were
directed to dispose chronologically under the same
title those constitutions, or parts of constitutions,
which were connected in subject ; and were em-
powered to remove what was superfluous, to add
what was necessarj', to change what was doubtful by
substituting what was clear, and to correct what was
inconsistent. The sixteen named were Antiochus,
praefectorius and consularis ; Eubulns, Maximinus,
Sperantius, Martyrius, Alipius, Sebastianus, Apol-
lodorus, Theodorus, Oron, Maximus, Epigenius,
Diodonis, Procopius, Erotius, Neuterius. It will
be observed that only three, (namely, Antiochus,
Theodorus, and Eubulus) who belonged to the first
commission were nominated upon the second.
In the constitution concerning the authority of the
Theodosian code, ei^'lit only of the sixteen named
upon the second commission are signalized as having
been actively employed in the composition of the

DIODOTUS.

code. These eight are Antiochus, Maximinus^
Martyrius, Sperantius, AppoUodorus, Theodorus,
Epigenius, and Procopius. (Cod. Theod. 1, tit, 1,
s. 5, ib. s. 6. § 2 ; Const de Tlteod. Cod. Atwt.
§ 7.) [J. T. G.]

DIODO'RUS (Aw'Swpos), a Greek physician,
who must have lived some time in or before tho
first century after Christ, as he is quoted by Pliny.
{H. N. xxix. 39.) He may perhaps be the same
person who is said by Galen {de Meth. Med. ii. 7,
vol. X. p. 142) to have belonged to the medical
sect of the Empirici, and whose medical formulae
he several times quotes. {De Compos. Medicam,
sec. LocoSf V. 3, vol. xii. p. 834 ; x. 3, vol. xiii.
p. 361.) [W.A.G.]

DIODO'RUS, artists. 1. A silversmith, on
whose silver image of a sleeping satyr there is an
epigram by Plato in the Greek Anthology. {A?ith.
Flan. iv. 12, 248.) The idea contained in the
epigram is applied by Pliny to a similar work of
Stratonicus.

2. A worthless painter, who is ridiculed in an
epigram. {Anih. Pal. xi. 2\'d.) [P. S.]

DIO'DOTUS {Ai6SoTos), the son of Eucrates
(possibly, but not probably, the flax-seller of that
name who is said to have preceded Cleon in influence
with the Athenians), is only known as the orator
who in the two discussions on the punishment to be
inflicted on Mytilene (b, c. 427), took the most pro-
minent part against Cleon's sanguinary motion.
(Thuc. iii. 41.) The substance of his speech on
the second day we may suppose ourselves to have
in the Language of Thucydides (iii. 42 — 48). The
expressions of his opponent lead us to take him for
one of the rising class of professional orators, the
earliest produce of the labours of the Sophists. If
so, he is a singularly favourable specimen. Of his
eloquence we cannot judge ; but if, in other points,
Thucydides represents him fairly, he certiiinly on
this occasion displayed the ingenuity of the Sophists,
the tact of the practised debater, and soundness of
view of the statesman, in the service of a cause
that deserved and needed them all. He cautiously
shifts the argument from the justice to the policy
of the measure. Feelings of humanity were
already excited ; the people only wished a justi-
fication for indulging them. This he finds them
in the certainty that revolt at any risk would be
ventured ; severities could not check, and would
surely make it more obstinately persevered in ;
and in the exceeding inexpediency of confounding,
by indiscriminate slaughter, their friends, the de-
mocratic party, with those who would in any case
be their enemies, — a suggestion probably, at that
time, far from obvious. To his skill we must as-
cribe the revocation of the preceding day's vote
in Cleon's favour, and the preservation of My-
tilene from massacre, and Athens from a great
crime. [A. H. C]

DIO'DOTUS {AiodoTos) I., King of Bactria,
and founder of the Bactrian monarchy, which con-
tinued to subsist under a Greek dynasty for above
one hundred and fifty years. This prince as well
as his successor is called by Justin, Theodotus, but
the form Diodotus, which occurs in Strabo (xi. p.
515) seems to have been that used by Trogus Pom-
peius (Prol. Trogi Pompeii, lib. xli.), is con-
firmed by the evidence of an -unique gold coin now
in the museum at Paris. (See Wilson, Ariana., p.
219.)

Both the period and circumstances of the esta-

mODOTUS.

hlishment of his power in Biictria are vor}' nncrr-
tJiin. It seems clear, however, that he was at first
satrap or governor of that province, under the
Syrian monarchy, and that he took advantage of
his sovereign's being engaged in wars in distant
parts of his dominions to declare himself inde-
pendent The remote and secluded position of his
territories, and the revolt of the Parthians under
Arsaces, almost immediately afterwards, appear to
have prevented any attempt on the part of the
Syrian monarch to reduce him again to subjection.
At a later period, when Seleucus Callinicus under-
took his expedition against Parthia, he appears to
have entered into alliance with Diodotus, and may
perhaps have confirmed him in the possession of
his sovereignty, to secure his co-operation against
Tiridates. Diodotus, however, died apparently just
about this time. (Justin, xli. 4; Strab. xi. p. 515;
compare Wilson's A riana, pp. 2 1 5 — 2 1 9 ; Droysen's
Helknismus, ii. pp. 325, 412, 760 ; Raoul Rochette
Jour7i. des Savaiis, Oct. 1835.)

With regard to the date of the revolt of Dio-
dotus, it appears from Strabo and Justin to have
preceded that of Arsaces in Parthia, and may there-
fore be referred with much probability to the latter
part of the reign of Antiochus II. in Syria, B. c.
2() 1—246. [See Arsaces, p. 354, a.] The date
usually received is 256 B. c, but any such precise
determination rests only on mere conjecture.

Concerning the Bactrian kings in general see
Bayer, Historia Regni Graecorum Bactriani, 4to.
Petrop. 1738 ; Lassen, Zur GeschicUe der Griechis-
chen und Indo-Shftisdien Konige in Baktrien^ 8vo.
Bonn, 1838 ; Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 4to.
Lond. 1841. [E.H.B.]

DIO'DOTUS II., the son and successor of the
preceding, is called by Justin Theodotus, as well
as his father. According to th.at author, he aban-
doned his father's policy, and concluded a treaty
with the king of Parthia, Tiridates, by which he
joined him against Seleucus Callinicus. (Justin,
xli. 4.) The total defeat of the Syrian king pro-
bably secured the independence of Bactria, as well
as that of Parthia ; but we know nothing more of
the history of Diodotus. The commencement of
his reign may be dated somewhere about 240 B. c.
(Wilson's Ariana, p. 21 7.) [E. H. B.]

DIO'DOTUS (AjoSoToi), literary. 1. Of Ery-
THRAE, was, according to Athenacus (x. p. 434),
the author of ecpTHJ-epiSes 'AAe|ai'5pou, from which
we may infer that he was a contemporary of Alex-
ander the Great.

2. AGreek grammarian, who, according to Dio-
genes Laertius(ix. 15), commented on the writings
of Heracleitus.

3. A Peripatetic philosopher, of Sidon, is
mentioned only by Strabo (xvi. p. 757).

4. Sumamed Petronius, was the atithor of
Anthologumena and other works. He is often re-
ferred to by Pliny, and is the same as the physi-
cian mentioned below.

5. A Stoic philosopher, who lived for many
j'ears at Rome in the house of Cicero, who had
known him from his childhood, and always enter-
tiiined great love and respect for him. He in-
structed Cicero, and trained and exercised his
intellectual powers, especially in dialectics. In his
later years, Diodotus became blind, but he never-
theless continued to occupy himself with literary
pursuits and with teaching geometry. He died in
Cicero's house, in b. c. 59, and left to his friend

DIOGENES. 1019

a property of about 100,000 sesterces. (Cic. ad.
Fain. ix. 4, xiii. 16, de Nat. Dear. i. 3, Brut. 90,
Acad. ii. 36, Tusc. v. 39, ad Att. ii. 20.) [L. S.]

DIO'DOTUS (AjJSotos), artists. 1. A statu-
ary, to whom Sti-abo (ix. p. 396, c.) ascribes the
Iliiamnusian Nemesis of Agoracritus. There is
no other mention of him.

2. A sculptor of Nicomedeia, the son of Boethus,
made, with his brother Menodotus, a statue of
Hercules. (Winckelmann, IferAe, vi. p.38.) [P.S.J

DIO'DOTUS (AjoSotos), a Greek physician,
who is called by Pliny (//. N. xx. 32) Petronius
Diodotus, though it is not unlikely that (as Fabri-
cius conjectures) we should read Petronim et Dio-
dotus, as Petronius is distinguished from Diodotus
by Dioscorides {De Mat. Med. praef. p. 2), and
S. Epiphanius. (Adv. Ilaeres. i. 1. 3, p. 3, ed.
Colon. 1682.) He must have lived some time in
or before the first century after Christ, and wrote
a work on botany. [ W. A. G.]

DI'OGAS {Ai6yas), an iatrolipta (see Diet, of
Ant. s. v.), who lived in the first or second century
after Christ, mentioned by Galen {de Compos. Me-
dicam. sec. Locos, vii. 5, vol. xii. p. i04) as having
used a medicine of Antonius Musa. [ W. A. G.J

DIOGENEIA {Aioy4v€ia), the name of two
mythical beings. (Paus. i. 38. § 3 ; ApoUod. iii.
15. § 1.) [L. S.J

DIO'GENES (Aioyii^-ns), historical. 1. An
Acarnanian. When Popillius in B. c. 170 went as
ambassador to the Aetolians, and several states-
men were of opinion that Roman garrisons should
be stationed in Acsimania, Diogenes opposed their
advice, and succeeded in inducing Popillius not to
send any soldiers into Acamania. (Polyb. xxviii. 5.)

2. A son of Archelaus, the general of Mithri-
dates, who fell in the battle of Chaeroneia, which
his father lost against Sulla. (Appian, Mithrid. 49.)

3. A Carthaginian, who succeeded Hasdrubal
in the command of a place called Nepheris, in
Africa, where he was attacked by Scipio Africanua
the Younger, who however left Laelius to continue
the attack, while he himself marched against Car-
thage. However, Scipio soon returned, and after
a siege of twenty-two days, the place was taken :
70,000 persons are said to have been killed on
that spot, and this victory of Scipio was the first
great step towards the taking of Carthage, which
had been supplied with provisions from Nepheris.
The capture of the place, moreover, broke the cou-
rage of the Africans, who still espoused the cause
of Carthage. (Appian, /-'««. 126.)

4. A person sent by Orofernes, together with
Timotheus, as ambassador to Rome in b. c. 161, to
carry to Rome a golden crown, and to renew the
friendship and alliance with the Romans. The
principal object of the ambassadors, however, was
to support the accusation which was brought against
Ariarathes ; and Diogenes and his coadjutor, Mil-
tiades, succeeded in their plan, and lies and calum-
nies gained the victory, as there was no one ta
undertake the defence of Ariarathes. (Polyb»
xxxii. 20.)

5. Praefect of Susiana in the reign of Antio-
chus the Great. During the rebellion of Molo he
defended the arx of Susa while the city itself was
tJiken by the rebel. Molo ceased pushing his con-
quest further, and leaving a besieging corps behind
him, he returned to Seleuceia. Wlien the insurrec-
tion was at length put down by Antiochus, Dio-
genes obtained the command of tlie militai-y forces

1020

DIOGENES.

stationed in Media. In b.c. 210, when Antiochus
pursued Arsaces II. into Hyrcania, Diogenes was
appointed commander of the vanguard, and distin-
guished himself during the march. (Polyb. v. 46,
48, 54, X. 29, 30.) [L. S.]

DIO'GENES (Ato76Vijs), literarj-. 1. With
the praenomen Antonius, the author of a Greek
romance, whom some critics have placed soon after
the time of Alexander, while others, and with
more probability, have placed him in the second or
third century after Christ His age was unknowii
even to Photius, who has preserved (Chd. 166) an
outline of his romance. It consisted of twenty-
four books, was written in the form of a dialogue
about travels, and bore the title of Td vvep QovK-qv
dvtara. (Comp. Porphyr. Vit. Pi/thag. 10.) It is
highly praised by Photius for the cle^iniess and
gracefulness of its descriptions. The epitome pre-
served by Photius is printed also in the " Corpus
Eroticcrum Graecorum," vol. i. edited by Passow.

2. Of Apollonia. See below.

3. Sumamed the Babylonian, a Stoic philoso-
pher. He was a native of Seleuceia in Babylonia,
from which he derived his suniame in order to
distinguish him from other philosophers of the
name of Diogenes. He was educated at Athens
under the auspices of Chrysippus, and succeeded
Zeno of Tarsus as the head of the Stoic school at
Atheng. The most memorable event of his life is
the part he took in the embassy which the Athe-
nians sent to Rome in B. c. 155, and which con-
sisted of the three philosophers, Diogenes, Came-
ades, and Critolaus. These three philosophers,
during their stay at Rome, delivered their epideictic
speeches at first in numerous private assemblies,
and afterwards also in the senate. Diogenes
pleased his audience chiefly by his sober and tem-
perate mode of speaking. (Gell. vii. 14 ; Cic.
Acad. ii. 45 ; comp. Carnkades and Critolaus.)
According to Lucian(il/acTo6. 20), Diogenes died at
the age of 88 ; and as, in Cicero's Cato Major {7 \
Diogenes is spoken of as deceased, he must have
died previous to b. c.151. Diogenes, who is called
a great Stoic {inagnus et yravis Stoicus, Cic. de Off.
iii. 12), seems to have closely followed the views
of his master, Chrysippus, especially on subjects of
dialectics, in which Diogenes is even said to have
instructed Cameades. (Cic. Acad. ii. 30, de Oral.
ii. 38.) He was the author of several works,
of which, however, little more than the titles is
known. 1. A«aA€*cTt/ci) rex^'Tj. (Diog. Laert. vii.
51.) 2. On Divination. (Cic. de Divin. i. 3, ii. 43.)
3. On the goddess Athena, whose birth he, like
Chrysippus, explained by physiological principles.
(Cic. de Nat. Deor. i. 15.) 4. Uepl tov rijs ^vxrjs
i^yT^jxoviKov. (Galen.) 5. UffA (puyTJs (Diog. Laert.
vii. 55), which seems to have treated on the philo-
sophy of language. 6. Uepl ciryevelas, or on aris-
tocracy of birth, in several books. (Athen. iv. p.
168.) 7. Tlepl vo/jLwv^ likewise in several books,
the first of which is quoted in Athenaeus (xii. p.
526 ; comp. Cic. de Leg. iii. 5, where Dio is a false
reading for Dioyenes). There are several passages
in Cicero from which we may infer that Diogenes
wrote on other subjects also, such as on Duty, on
the Highest Good, and the like, but the titles of
those works are unknowTi. (Cic. de Off. iii. 12, 13,
23, de Fin. iii 10, 15 ; comp. C. F. Thiery, Dis-
tcrtatio de Diogene Bahylonio^ Lovanii, 1830, p.
17-, &c., and Pars poster, p. 30, &c.)

4. The CvNic philosopher. See below.

DIOGENES.

There were two other Cynic philosophers of this

name, one in the reign of Vespasian (Dion Cass.

xlvi. 15), and the other in the reign of Julian,

who praises him in one of his Epistles (35, p.410)

5. Of CyzICUS. [DlOGENIANUS.]

6. The author of a work on Persia, of which
the first book is quoted by Clemens of Alexandria.
{Protrept.^.lO.) It is uncertain whether he is
the same as the Diogenes who is mentioned by
Parthenius (^Erot. 6) as the author of a work on
Pallene.

7. Laertius. See below.

8. Oenomaus. See below.

9. A Phoenician, a Peripatetic philosopher,
who lived in the time of Simplicius. (Suid. s. v.
irpecr€€is.) Whether he is the same as Diogenes
of Abila in Phoenicia, whom Suidas and Stephanus
Byzantius {s.v." P^SiXa) call a distinguished sophist,
cannot be ascertained.

10. A Phrygian, is described as an atheist,
but is otherwise unknown. (Aelian, V, H. ii. 31 ;
comp. Eustath. ad Horn. Od. iii. 381.)

11. Of Ptolemais in Egypt, a Stoic philoso-
pher, who made ethics the basis of his philosophy.
(Diog. Laert. vii. 41.)

12. Of Rhodes, a Greek grammarian, who
used to hold disputations at Rhodes every seventh
day. Tiberius once wanted to hear him ; but as
it was not the usual day for disputing, the gram-
marian bade him come again on the seventh day.
Afterwards Diogenes came to Rome, and when he
asked pennission to pay his homage, the emperor
did not admit him, but requested him to come
again after the lapse of seven years. (Suet. Tiber.
32.)

13. Of Seleuceia, an Epicurean philosopher,
who has frequently been confounded with Diogenes
the Babylonian, who was likewise a native of Se-
leuceia. He lived at the court of Syria, and on
terms of intimacy with king Alexander, the suppo-
sititious son of Antiochus Epiphanes. But he
was put to death soon after the accession of Antio-
chus Theus, in b. c. 142. (Athen. v. p. 211.)

14. Of SiCYON, is mentioned by Diogenes Laer-
tius (vi. 81) as the author of a work on Pelopon-
nesus.

15. Of Smyrna, an Eleatic philosopher, who
was a disciple of Metrodorus and Protagoras.
(Clem. Alex. Strom, i, p. 301.)

1 6. Of Tarsus, an Epicurean philosopher, who
is described by Strabo (xiv. p. 675) as a person
clever in composing extempore tragedies. He was
the author of several works, which, however, are
lost. Among them are mentioned : 1. 'EiriAe/cTot
o-xo^«'i which was probably a collection of essays
or dissertations on philosophical subjects. (Diog.
Laert. x. 26, with Menage's note.) 2. An abridge-
ment of the Ethics of Epicurus (eTriTOjuv) twv 'Ettj-
Kovpov i^diKwv fTjTTj/AOTWj'), of which Diogeucs
Laertius (x. 118) quotes the 12th book. 3. Ilepl
iroirjTiKwv ^r}TT]fxdru}v, that is, on poetical problems,
which he endeavoured to solve, and which seem to
have had especial reference to the Homeric poems.
(Diog. Laert. vi. 81.) Further particulars are not
known about him, though Gassendi (de Vit. Epicur.
ii. 6) represents him as a disciple of Demetrius the
Laconian.

There are several more literary persons of the
name of Diogenes, concerning A/hom nothing is
known. A list of them is given by Thiery, /. c.
p. d1, &c. [L. S.J

DIOGENES.

T)TO GENES APOLLONIA'TES (£itoyhvs 6
ATToAAcovjrfTTjs), an eminent natural philosopher,
who lived in the fifth century n. c. lie was a
native of ApoUonia in Crete, his father's name was
ApoUothemis, and he was a pupil of Anaximenes.
Nothing is known of the events of his life, except
that he was once at Athens, and there got into
trouble from some unknown cause, which is con-
jectured to have been the supposition that his philo-
sophical opinions were dangerous to the religion of
the sUite. (Diog. Laert. ix. § 57.) He wrote a
work in the Ionic dialect, entitled Uepl 4>uo-ea)S,
" On Nature," which consisted of at least two
books, and in wliich he appears to have treated of
physical science in the largest sense of the words.
Of this work only a fcAV short fragments remain,
preserved by Aristotle, Diogenes Laertius, and
Simplicius. The longest of these is that which is
inserted by Aristotle in the third book of his His-
tory of Animals, and which contains an interesting
description of the origin and distribution of the
veins. The following is the account of his philoso-
phical opinions given by Diogenes Laertius : — " He
maintained that air was the primal element of all
things ; that there was an infinite number of
worlds, and an infinite void ; that air, densified
and rarificd, produced the different members of the
universe ; that nothing was produced from nothing,
or W.1S reduced to nothing ; that the earth was
round, supported in the middle, and had received
its shape from the whirling round of the warm
vapours, and its concretion and hardening from
cold." The last paragraph, which is extremely ob-
scure in the original, has been translated according
to Panzerbeiter's explanation, not as being entirely
satisfactory, but as being the best that has hitherto
been proposed. Diogenes also imputed to air an
intellectual energy, though without recognizing any
distinction between mind and matter. The frag-
ments of Diogenes have been collected and pub-
lished, with those of Anaxagoras, by Schom, Bonn,
1})29, 8vo ; and alone by Panzerbeiter, Lips. 1830,
IJvo, with a copious dissertation on his philosophy.
Further information concerning him may be found
in Harles's edition of Fabricii, Biblioth. Grueca^ vol.
ii. ; Bayle's Did. I/uit. et Crit. ; Schleiermacher, in
the Memoirs of the Berlin Academy for 1815 ; and
in thedifferentHistoriesof Philosophy. Somenotices
of his date by Mr. Clinton are given in an article
**0n the 'Early Ionic Philosophers," in the first vo-
lume of the Philological Museum. [ W. A. 0.]

DIO'GENES (Aw76j/7js), a Cynic of Sinope in
Pontus, bom about B. c. 412. His father was a
banker named Icesias or Icetas, who was convicted
of some swindling transaction, in consequence of
which Diogenes quitted Sinope and went to Athens.
His youth is said to have been spent in dissolute
extravagance ; but at Athens his attention was
arrested by the character of Antisthenes, who at
first drove him away, as he did all others who
offered themselves as his pupils. [Antisthenes,]
Diogenes, however, could not be prevented from
attending him even by blows, but told hira that
he would find no stick hard enough to keep him
away. Antisthenes at last relented, and his pupil
soon plunged into the most fnmtic excesses of
austerity and moroseness, and into practices not
unlike those of the modern Ti-appisls, or Indian
gymnosophists. In summer he used to roll in hot
s;»nd, and in winter to embrace statues covered
with snow ; he wore coarse clothing, lived on the

DIOGENES.

102i

plainest food, and sometimes on raw meat (comp.
Julian, Orat. vi.), slept in porticoes or in the street,
and finally, according to the common story, took
»ip his residence in a tub belonging to the Metroum,
or temple of the Mother of the Gods. The truth
of this hitter tale has, however, been reasonably
disputed. The chief direct authorities for it are
Seneca {Ep. 99), Lucian {Quomodo Comer. Hid.
ii. p. 364), Diogenes Laertius (vi. 23), and the
incidental allusion to it in Juvenal (xiv. 308, &c.),
who says, Alexander testa ridit in ilia magnum
Juibitatorem, and Dolia nmii ncm ardent Cynici.
Besides these, Aristophanes {Equit. 789), speaks
of the Athenian poor as living, during the stress of
the Peloponnesian war, in cellars, tubs {TriQaKvai%\
and similar dwellings. To these arguments is op-
posed the fact, that Plutarch, Arrian, Cicero, and
Valerius Maximus, though they speak of Diogenes
basking in the sun, do not allude at all to the
tub; but more particularly that Epictetus (a/>.
Arrian. iii. 24), in giving a long and careful account
of his mode of life, says nothing about it. The
great combatants on this subject in modem times
are, against the tub, Heumann {Ad. Philosoph. vol.
ii. p. 58), and for it, Hase, Avhose dissertation de
DoHari Hahitatione Dioge7iis Cynici., was published
by his rival. {Paecil. vol. i. lib. iv. p. 586.) The
story of the tub goes on to say that the Athenians
voted the repair of this earthenware habitation
when it was broken by a mischievous urchin.
Lucian, in telling this anecdote, appeals to certain
spurious epistles, falsely attributed to Diogenes.
In spite of his strange eccentricities, Diogenes ap-
pears to have been much respected at Athens, and
to have been privileged to rebuke anything of
which he disapproved with the utmost possible
licence of expression. He seems to have ridiculed
and despised all intellectual pursuits which did
not directly and obviously tend to some immediate
practical good. He abused literary men for read-
ing about the evils of Ulysses, and neglecting their
own ; musicians for stringing the lyre harmoniously
while they left their minds discordant; men of
science for troubling themselves about the moon
and stars, while they neglected what lay immedi-
ately before them ; orators for learning to say
what was right, but not to practise it. Various
sarcastic sayings of the same kind are handed
down as his, generally shewing that unwise con-
tempt for the common opinions and pursuits of
men, which is so unlikely to reform them.

The removal of Diogenes from Athens was the
result of a voyage to Aegina, in the course of
which the ship was taken by pirates, and Diogenes
carried to Crete to be sold as a slave. Here when
he was asked what business he understood, he
answered " How to command men," and he begged
to be sold to some one who needed a niler. Such
a purchaser was found in the person of Xeniades
of Corinth, over whom he acquired such unbounded
influence, that he soon received from liim his free-
dom, was entmsted with the care of his children,
and passed his old age in his house. During his
residence among them his celebrated interview
with Alexander the Great is said to have taken
place. The conversation between them is reported
to have begun by the king's saying, '• I am Alex-
ander the Great," to which the philosopher replied,
*^'And I am Diogenes the Cynic." Alexander
then jisked whether he could oblige him in any
way, and received no answer except ** Yes, you

1022

DIOGENES.

can stand out of the sunshine." Consideruig, how-
ever, that this must have happened soon after
Alexander's accession, and before his Persian ex-
pedition, he could not have called himself theGreaU
which title was not conferred on him till he had
gained his Eastern victories, after which he never
returned to Greece. These considerations, with
others, are sufficient to banish this anecdote, to-
gether with that of the tub, from the domain of
history ; and, considering what rich materials so
peculiar a person as Diogenes must have afforded
for amusing stories, we need not wonder if a few
have come down to us of somewhat doubtful genu-
ineness. We are told, however, that Alexander
admired Diogenes so much that he said, " If I were
not Alexander, I should wish to be Diogenes."
(Plut Alex, c, 14.) Some say, that after Dio-
genes became a resident at Corinth, he still spent
every winter at Athens, and he is also accused
of various scandalous offences, but of these there
is no proof; and the whole beiiring of tradition
about him shews that, though a strange fanatic,
he was a m.in of great excellence of life, and pro-
bably of real kindness, since Xeniades compared
his arrival to the entrance of a good genius into
his house.

With regard to the philosophy of Diogenes there
is little to say, as he was utterly without any sci-
entific object whatever. His system, if it deserve
the name, was purely practical, and consisted
merely in teaching men to dispense with the sim-
plest and most necessary wants (Diog. Laert. vi.
70) ; and his whole style of te.iching was a kind
of caricature upon that of Socrates, whom he imi-
tated in imparting instruction to persons whom he
casuall}' met, and with a still more supreme con-
tempt for time, place, and circumstances. Hence
he was sometimes called "the mad Socrates." He
did not commit his opinions to writing, and there-
fore those attributed to him cannot be certainly
relied on. The most peculiar, if correctly stated,
was, that all minds are air, exactly alike, and com-
posed of similar particles, but that in the irrational
animals and in idiots, they are hindered from pro-
perly developing themselves by the arrangement
.and various humours of their bodies. ( Plut. I'lac.
Phil. v. 20.) This resembles the Ionic doctrine,
and has been referred by Brucker {Hist. Crit. Phil.
ii. 2. 1. §21) to Diogenes of Apollonia. The
statement in Suidas, that Diogenes was once called
Cleon, is probably a false reading for Kvwv. He
died at the age of nearly ninety, B. c. 323, in the
same year that Epicurus came to Athens to circu-
late opinions the exact opposite to his. It was
also the year of Alexander's death, and as Plu-
tarch tells us {St/mpos. viii. 717), both died on the
same day. If so, this was probably the 6th of
Thargelion. (Clinton, F. H. vol. ii.; Ritter, Gesch.
dcr Philosophies vii. 1,4.) [G. E. L. C]

DIO'GENES LAE'RTIUS(Ai07ij'7js dhaiprios
or Aacfyricvs, sometimes also Aa4pTios Aioyevrjs),
the author of a sort of history of philosophy, which
alone has brought his name down to posterity.
The surname, Laertius, was derived according to
some from the Roman family Avhich bore the cog-
nomen Laertius, and one of the members of which
is supposed to have been the patron of an ancestor
of Diogenes. But it is more probable that he re-
ceived it from the town of Laerte in Cilicia, which
seems to have been his native place. (Fabric. Bi/>1.
Graec. v. p. 564, note). A modern critic (Ranke,

DIOGENES.
dc Lex. Ilesycli. p. 59, &c. 61, &c.) supposes that his
real name was Diogenianus, and that he was the
same as the Diogenianus of Cyzicus, who is men-
tioned by Suidas. This supposition is founded on
apassjige of Tzetzes, (CM.iii. 61,) in which Dio-
genes Laertius is mentioned under the name of Dio-
genianus. (Vossius, de Hist. Graec. p. 263, ed.
Westermann.) We have no information whatever
respecting his life, his studies, or his age. Plu-
tarch, Sextus Empiricus and Saturninus are the
latest writers he quotes, and he accordingly seems
to have lived towards the close of the second cen-
tury after Christ Others, however, assign to him
a still later date, and place him in the time of Alex-
ander Severus and his successors, or even as late
as the time of Constantine. His work consists of
ten books {^i\6ao(poi filot, in Phot. BiU. Cod. cxxi ;
(pi\6<TO(pos l(TT6pia in Steph. Byz,, <xo(pi(rTa>v fiioi
in Eiistath) and is called in MSS. by the long title
of irepl ^luf, hoffxcLTUv kou aTrocpBe'yfxdTwv twu
iv ({H\o(To<pla (vSoKifjL-qa-avTwv, According to some
allusions which occur in it, he wrote it for a
lady of rank (iii. 47, x. 29), who occupied herself
with philosophy, especially with the study of Plato.
According to some this lady was Arria, the philoso-
phical friend of Galen ( Theriac. ad Pison. 3), and
according to others Julia Domna, the wife of the
Emperor Sevenis. (Menage, I. c. ad Prooem. p. 1 ;
Th. Reinesius, Var. Lect. ii. 12.) The dedication,
however and the prooemium are lost, so that no-
thing can be said with certainty.

The plan of the work is as follows : He begins
with an introduction concerning the origin and the
earliest history of philosophy, in which he refutes
the opinion of those who did not seek for the first
beginnings of philosophy in Greece itself, but among
the barbfirians. He then divides the philosophy of
the Greeks into the Ionic — which commences with
Anaxiniaiider and ends with Cleitomachus, Chrysip-
pus, and Theophrastus — and the Italian, which was
founded by Pythagoras, and ends with Epicurus.
He reckons the Socratic school, with its various ra-
mifications, as a part of the Ionic philosophy, of
which he treats in the first seven books. The
Eleatics, with Heracleitus and the Sceptics, are in-
cluded in the Italian philosophy, which occupies
the eighth and ninth books. Epicui-us and his phi-
losophy, lastly, are treated of in the tenth book with
particular minuteness, which has led some writers to
the belief that Diogenes himself was an Epicurean.
Considering the loss of all the numerous and com-
prehensive works of the ancients, in which the his-
tory of philosophers and of philosophy was treated of
either as a whole or in separate portions, and a
greatnumber of which Diogenes himself had before
him, the compilation of Diogenes is of incalculable
value to us as a source of information concerning the
history of Greek philosophy. About forty writers
on the lives and doctrines of the Greek philoso-
phers are mentioned in his work, and in all two
hundred and eleven authors are cited whose works
he made use of. His work has for a long time
been the foundation of most modern histories
of ancient philosophy ; and the works of Brucker
and Stanley, as far as the early history of philo-
sophy is concerned, are little more than transla-
tions, and sometimes amplifications, of Diogenes
Laertius. The work of Diogenes contains a
rich store of living features, which serve to illus-
trate the private life of the Greeks, and a con-
siderable number of fragments of works which are

DIOGENES.

lost. Montaigne (Essais^ ii, 10) therefore justly
wislicd, that we had a dozen Lai-rtiuses, or that his
work were more complete and better arranged. One
must indeed confess, that he made bad use of the
enormous quantity of materials which he had at his
connnand in writing his work, and that he was un-
equal to the task of writing a history of Greek phi-
losophy. His work is in reality nothing but a com-
pilation of the most heterogeneous, and often di-
rectly contradictory, accounts, put together without
plan, criticism, or connexion. Even some early
scholars, such as H. Stephens, considered these bio-
graphies of the philosophers to be anything but
worthy of the philosophers. His object evidently
was to furnish a book which was to amuse its read-
ers by piquant anecdotes, for he had no conception
of the value and dignity of philosophy, or of the
greatness of the men whose lives he described. The
traces of carelessness and mistakes are very nume-
rous ; much in the work is confused, and there is
much also that is quite absurd ; and as far as phi-
losophy itself is concerned, Diogenes very frequently
did not know what he was talking about, when he
abridged the theories of the philosophers.

The love of scandal and anecdotes, which had
arisen from petty views of men and things, at a
time when all political freedom was gone, and
among a people which had become demoralized,
had crept into literature also, and such compila-
tions as those of Phlcgon, Ptolemaeus Chennus,
Athenaeus, Aelian, and Diogenes Laertius display
this taste of a decaying literature. All the defects
of such a period, however, are so glaring in the
work of Diogenes, that in order to rescue the com-
mon sense of the writer, critics have had recourse
to the hypothesis, that the present work is a muti-
lated abridgment of the original production of
Diogenes. (J. G. Schneider in F. A. Wolfs Lit.
Anal. iii. p. 227.) Gualtenis Burlaeus, who lived
at the close of the 13th century, wrote a work
" De Vita et Moribus Philosophorum," in which he
principally used Diogenes. Now Burlaeus makes
many statements, and quotes sayings of the philo-
sophers, which seem to be derived from no other
source than Diogenes, and yet are not to be found
in our present text. Burlaeus, moreover, gives us
several valuable various readings, a better order
and plan, and several accounts which in his work
are minute and complete, but which are abridged in
Diogenes in a manner which renders them unintel-
ligible. From these circumstances Schneider infers,
that Burlaeus had a more complete copy of Dio-
genes. But the hope of discovering a more com-
plete MS. has not been realized as j'et.

The work of Diogenes became first known
in western Europe through a Latin translation
made by Ambrosius, a pupil of Chrysoloras, which,
however, is rather a free paraphrase than a
translation. It was printed after Ambrosius's death.
(Rome, before A. d. 1475 ; reprinted Venice, 1475 ;
Brixen, 1485 ; Venice, 1493 ; and Antwerp, 1566.)
Of the Greek text only some portions were then
printed in the editions of Aristotle, Theophrastus,
Plato, and Xenophon. The first complete edition
is that of Basel, 1533, 4to., ap. Frobenium. It was
followed by that of H. Stephens, with notes,
which, however, extend only to the ninth book,
Paris, 1570, and of Isaac Casaubon, with notes,
1594. Stephens's edition, with the addition of
Hesychius Milesius, de Vila Illiistr. Philos. ap-
peared again at Colon. Allobrog. 1515. Then fol-

DIOOENES.

1023

lowed the editions of Th. Aldobrandinus (Rome,
1594, fol.), corrected by a collation of new MSS.,
and of J. Pearson with a new Latin translation
(London, 1664, fol,), which contains the valuable
commentary of Menage, and the notes of the earlier
commentators. All these editions were surpassed
in some respects by that of Meibom (Amsterd.
1692, 2 vols.4to.), but the text is here treated care-
lessly, and altered by conjectures. This edition was
badly reprinted in the editions of Longolius (1739
and 1759), in which only the preface of Longolius
is of value. The best modem edition is that of
H. G. Hubner, Leipzig, 2 vols. 8vo. 1828 —
1831. The text is here greatly improved, and
accompanied by short critical notes. In 1831,
the commentaries of Menage, Casaubon, and
others, were printed in 2 vols. 8vo. uniformly with
Hubner's edition. (Comp. P. Gassendi, Animadv.
in X lihrum Diog. Latrt.^ Lugdun. 1649, 3 vols,
fol. 3rd edition, Lugdun. 1675 ; I. Bossius, Com-
inentationes La'crtianae, Rome, 1788, 4to. ; S. Bat-
tier, Observat. in Diog. La'trt. in the Mas. Helvet.
XV. p. 32, &c. ; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. v. p. 564.)

Diogenes seems to have taken the lists of the
writings of his philosophers from Hermippus and
Alexandrian authors. (Stahr, Aristot. ii. p. 68 ;
Brandis, in the Rhein. Mus. i. 3, p. 249 ; Tren-
delenburg, ad Aristot. de Anim. p. 123.) Besides
the work on Greek philosophers, Diogenes Laer-
tius also composed other works, to which he him-
self (ii. Qb) refers with the words ws iu <5t\Xois
elpifiKafj.ev. The epigrams, many of which are in-
terspersed in his biographies, and with reference
to which Tzetzes {Chil. iii. 61) calls him an epi-
grammatic poet, were collected in a separate work,
and divided into several books. (Diog. Laert. i.
39, 63, where the first book is quoted.) It bore
the title t) irdixfieTpos, but, unfortunately, these
poetical attempts, so far as they are extant, shew
the same deficiencies as the history of philosophy,
and the vanity with which he quotes them, does
not give us a favourable notion of his taste. (G.
H. Klippel, de Diogenis La'trfii Vita, Scriptis atque
Auctoritaie, Gbttingen, 1831, 4to.) [A. S.]

DIO'GENES OENO'MAUS, a tragic poet,
who is said to have begun to exhibit at Athens
in B. c. 404. Of his tragedies only a few titles re-
main, namely, ©uc'o-ttjs, 'Ax'AAeus, 'EAevtj, 'Hpa-
K\r)s, MrjSeia, OlSivovs^ Xpvaiinros, 2€/xe\7j; and
it is remarkable that all of these, except the last,
are ascribed by Diogenes Laertius to Diogenes the
Cynic, (vi. 80, or 73.) Others ascribe them to
Philiscus of Aegina, a friend of Diogenes the Cjmic
(Menagius, ad Diog. La'trt. Z. c), and others to
Pasiphaon. Melanthius in Plutarch ((/e^i«i.i-'o<'/.
4, p. 41, d.) complains of the obscurity of a certain
Diogenes. Aelian {V. H. iii. 30, k. A. vi. 1)
mentions a tragic poet Diogenes, who seems, how-
ever, to be a different person from either Diogenes
the Cynic or Diogenes Oenomaiis. (Suid. s. v. ;
Ath. xiv. p. 636, a. ; Fabric. BU)l. Graee. ii.
p. 295.) [P. S.]

DIO'GENES (AioyevTts), a Greek physician
who must have lived in or before the first century
after Christ, as he is quoted by Celsus. (De Medic,
V. 19, 27, pp. 90, 104.) Some of his medical for-
mulae are preserved by Celsus (I.e.), Galen {de
Compos. iMedicam. sec. Locos, iii. 3, vol. xii. p. 686;
ix. 7, vol. xiii. p. 313), and Aetius (i. 3. 109, p.
1 35 ). He is probably not the same person with any
of the other individujils of this name. [ W. A. G.J

1024 DIOGNETUS.

DIO'GENES, artists. 1. A painter of some
note, who lived in the time of Demetrius Polior-
cetes. (Plin. xxxv. 11, s. 40. § 42.)

2. Of Athens, a sculptor, who decorated the
Pantheon of Agrippa with some Caryatids, which
were greatly admired, and with statues in the pe-
diment, which were no less admirable, but which
were not so well seen, on account of their position.
It is very difficult to determine in what position
the Car)-atids stood. Pliny says, " in columiiis.''''
(Plin. xxxvi. 5, s. 4. Ul.) ^ [P. S.]

DIOGENIA'NUS {£^ioyiVfiav6s\ a gramma-
rian of Cyzicus, who is also called Diogenes
(Suid. s. V. Ato7eKjjy), whence some have ventured
upon the conjecture, that he is the same person as
Diogenes Laertiiis, which seems to be supported
by the fact, that Tzetzes {Chil. iii. 61) calls the
latter Diogenianus ; but all is uncertain and mere
conjecture. Diogenianus of Cyzicus is called by
Suidas the author of works on the seven islands of
his native country, on the alphabet, on poetry, and
other subjects. It cannot be determined whether
the Diogenianus mentioned by Plutarch {St/mpos.
viii. 1 ), or the one from whom Eusebius {Praep.
Evang. iv. 3; comp. Theodoret. Thcrap. x. p. 138)
quotes a fragment on the futility of oracles, is the
same as the grammarian of Cyzicus or not. (Bern-
hardy, ad Suui. i. p. 1378.) [L. S.]

DIOGEN I A'N US ( A<07€V€ia»'(Is or AJ076i'(a>/rfs)
of Heracleia on the Pontus, a distinguished gram-
marian, who flourished in the reign of Hadrian.
Suidas enumerates the following works of his :
1. Ae^ets iravToSairdi Kard. aroixf^ov, in five books,
being an abridgement of the Lexicon of Pamphilus.
[Pamphilus.] 2. An Anthology of epigrams,
Tav ZuTTvpluvoi iwiypafifjMTuv dvd6\oyiov ; and
several geographical works. Suidas is not certiiin
whether he was a native of the Pontic Ileraclcia,
or whether he was not the same person as the
physician Diogenianus of Heracleia Albace in Caria.
Nothing is known of the contents or arrangement
of his Anthology. His Lexicon seems to have
been much used by Suidas and Hesychius : and
indeed some suppose the Lexicon of Hesychius to
have been almost entirely taken from that of Dio-
genianus. A portion of it is still extant, containing
a collection of proverbs, under the title Uapoifilai
Si}fxeo^€is ix TTJs Aioyfviavov avvayojyTJs. Tlie
work is in alphabetical order, and contains 775
proverbs. It was first printed by Schottus, with
the proverbs of Zenobius and Suidas, in his irapoi-
fiial 'EAA.7jvi/ca/, Antv. 1(512, 4to. Better editions
have been published by Gaisford, in his Paroemio-
praphi Graeci, Oxon. 1836, and by Leutsch and
Schneidewinn in their Corpus Paroemiogr. Gi-aec.
There are passages in this work, which, unless
they are interpolations, would point to a later date
than that assigned by Suidas. {¥ahnc. Bill. Grace.
▼. p. 109 ; Jacobs, Anth. Graec vi. Proleg. p. xlvi.;
Leutsch and Schneid. Praef. p. xxvii.) [P. S.]

DIOGENIA'NUS, FU'LVIUS, a consular
under Macrinus remarkable for his imprudent free-
dom of speech. The passage in Dion Cassius
which contained some particulars with regard to
this personage is extremely defective. He may
be the same with the Fulvius who was praefect of
the city when Elagabalus was slain, and who pe-
rished in the massacre which followed that event.
(Dion Cass. Ixxviii. 36, Ixxix. 21.) [W. R.]

DIOGNE'TUS {AL6yvnTos). 1. Admiral of An-
tiochus the Great, was commissioned, in B. c. 222,

DIOMEDES.

to convey to Seleuceia, on the Tigris, Laodice. the
intended wife of Antiochus and daughter of Mithri-
dates IV., king of Pontus. (Polyb. v. 43 ; comp.
Clinton, F. H. iii. pp. 315, 424.) He commanded
the fleet of Antiochus in his war with Ptolemy IV.
(Philopator) for the possession of Coele-Syria, and
did him good and efi'ectual sen'ice. (Polyb. v. 59
60, 62, 68—70.)

2. A general of the Erythrean forces which aided
Miletus in a war with the Naxians. Being entnisted
with the command of a fort for the anno3-ance of
Naxos, he fell in love with Polycrita, a Naxian pn-
soner, and married her. Through her means tlie
Naxians became masters of the fort in question. At
the capture of it she saved her husband's life, but
died herselfof joyat the honours heaped on her by
her countrjTnen. There are other editions of the
stor\', varying slightly in the details. (Plut. de.
Mill. Virt. s. V. UoKuKpirr] ; Polyaen. viii. 36 ;
Parthen. Erot. 9.)

3. A man who measured distances in his marches
for Alexander the Great, and wrote a work on the
subject. He is mentioned by Pliny in conjunction
withBAKTON. (Plin. //. N.vl 17.) [E. E.]

DIOGNE'TUS, artists. 1. An engineer, who
aided the Rhodians in their resistance to Demetrius
Poliorcetes. (Vitruv. x. 21, or 16. § 3, Schneider.)

2. A painter, who instructed the emperor M.
Antoninus in his art. (Capitolin. Anton. 4, and
Salmasius's note.) [P. S.]

DIOME'DE (Aio^rfSTj), a daughter of Phorbas
of Lemnos, was beloved by Achilles. (Hom. II.
ix. 665 ; Eusbith. ad Hom. p. 596, and Diet. Cret.
ii. 19, where her name appears in the poetical form
of A(o/ii7Seta.) There are three other mythical
beings of this name. (ApoUod. iii. 10. § 3 ; Hy-
gin. Fah. 97 ; comp. Deion.) [L. S.]

DIOME'DES (A.omtjStjs). 1. A son of Tydeus
and Deipyle, the husband of Aegialeia, and the
successor of Adrastus in the kingdom of Argos,
though he was descended from an Aetolian family.
(ApoUod. i. 8. § 5, &c.) The Homeric tradition
about him is as follows : — His father Tydeus fell
in the expedition against Thebes, while Diomedes
was yet a boy (//. vi. 222) ; but he himself after-
wards was one of the Epigoni who took Thebes. {II.
iv. 405; comp. Pans. ii. 20. § 4.) Diomedes went
to Troy with Sthenelus and Euryalus, carrying
with him in eighty ships warriors from Argos,
Tiryns, Hermione, Asine, Troezene, Eionae, Epi-
daurus, Aegina, and Mases. (ii. 559, &c.) In the
army of the Greeks before Troy, Diomedes was,
next to Achilles, the bravest among the heroes ;
and, like Achilles and Odysseus, he enjoyed the
special protection of Athena, who assisted him in
all dangerous moments, (v. 826, vi. 98, x. 240,
xi. 312; comp. Virg. Aen. i. 96.) He fought
with the most distinguished among the Trojans,
such as Hector and Aeneias (viii. 110, &c., v.
310, &c.), and even with the gods who espoused
the cause of the Trojans. He thus wounded
Aphrodite, and drove her from the field of battle (v.
335, 440), and Ares himself was likewise wounded
by him. (v. 837.) Diomedes was wounded by
Pandareus, whom, however, he afterwards slew
with many other Trojans, (v. 97, &c.) In the
attack of the Trojans on the Greek camp, he and
Odysseus oflfered a brave resistance, but Diomedes
was wounded and returned to the ships, (xi. 320,
&c.) He wore a cuirass made by Hephaestus, but
sometuues also a lion's skin. (viii. 195, x. 177.)

DIOMEDES.

At the funeral games of Patroclus he conquered in
the chariot- race, and received a woman and a tri-
pod as his prize, (xxiii. 373, &c.) He also con-
quered the Telamonian Ajax in single combat,
and won the sword which Achilles had offered as
the prize, (xxiii. 811, &c.) He is described in
the Iliad in general as brave in war and wise in
council (ix. 53), in battle furious like a mountain
torrent, and the terror of the Trojans, whom he
chases before him, as a lion chases goats, (v. 87,
xi. 382.) He is strong like a god (v. 884), and
the Trojan women during their sacrifice to Athena
pray to her to break his spear and to make him
fall. (vi. 306.) He himself knows no fear, and
refuses his consent when Agamemnon proposes to
take to flight, and he declares that, if all flee, he
and his friend Sthenelus will stay and fight till
Troy shall fall. (ix. 32, &c., comp. vii. 398, viii.
151; Philostr. Her. 4.)

The story of Diomedes, like those of other heroes
of the Trojan time, has received various additions
and embellishments from the hands of later writers,
of which we shall notice the principal ones. After the
expedition of the Epigoni he is mentioned among the
suitors of Helen (Hygin. Fab. 81 ; Apollod. iii. 10.
$ 8), and his love of Helen induced him to join
the Greeks in their expedition against Troy with
30 ships. (Hygin. Fab. .97.) Being a relative of
Thersites, who was slain by Achilles, he did not
permit the body of the Amazon Penthesileia to be
honourably buried, but dragged her by the feet
into the river Scamander. f Tzetz. ad Lyeoph. 993 ;
Diet. Cret. iv. 3.) Philoctetes was persuaded by
Diomedes and Odysseus to join the Greeks against
Troy. (Soph. Philod. 570, &c. ; Hygin. Fab. 102.)
Diomedes conspired with Odysseus against Pala-
medes, and under the pretence of having discovered
a hidden treasure, they let him down into a well
and there stoned him to death. (Diet. Cret. ii. 15 ;
comp. Paus. x. 31. § 1.) After the death of
Paris, Diomedes and Odysseus were sent into the
city of Troy to negotiate for peace (Diet. Cret. v.
4), but he was afterwards one of the Greeks con-
cealed in the wooden horse. (Hygin. Fab. 108.)
When he and Odysseus had arrived in the arx of
Troy by a subterraneous passage, they slew the
guards and carried away the palladium (Virg. Aen.
ii. 163), as it was believed that Ilium could not be
taken so long as the palladium was within its
walls. When, during the night, the two heroes
were returning to the camp with their precious
booty, and Odysseus was walking behind him,
Diomedes saw by the shadow of his companion
that he was drawing his sword in order to kill
him, and thus to secure to himself alone the honour
of having taken the palladium. Diomedes, how-
ever, turned round, seized the sword of Odysseus,
tied his hands, and thus drove him along before
him to the camp. (Eustath. ad Horn. p. 822.)
Diomedes, according to some, carried the palladium
with him to Argos, where it remained until
Ergiaeus, one of his descendants, took it away with
the assistance of the Laconian Leagrus, who con-
veyed it to Sparta. (Plat. Quaest. Graec. 48.) Ac-
cording to others, Diomedes was robbed of the
palladium by Demophon in Attica, where he land-
ed one night on his return from Troy, without
knowing where he was. (Paus. ii. 28. § 9.) A
third tradition stated, that Diomedes restored the
palladium and the remains of Anchises to Aeneias,
because he was informed by an oracle, that he

DIOMEDES.

1025

shoold be exposed to unceasing sufferings unless he
restored the sacred image to the Trojans. (Serv.
ad Aen. ii. 166, iii. 407, iv, 427, v. 81.)

On his return from Troy, he had like other
heroes to suffer much from the enmity of Aphro-
dite, but Athena still continued to protect him.
He Avas first thrown by a storm on the coast of
Lycia, where he was to be sacrificed to Ares by
king Lycus; but Callirrhoe, the king's daughter,
took pity upon him, and assisted him in escaping.
(Plut. ParaM. Gr. et Rom. 23.) On his arrival in
Argos he met with an evil reception which had
been prepared for him either by Aphrodite or
Nauplius, for his wife Aegialeia was living in adul-
tery with Hippolytus, or according to others, with
Cometes or Cyllabarus. (Diet. Cret. vi. 2 ; Tzetz.
ad Lyeoph. 609 ; Serv. ad Aen. viii. 9.) He there-
fore quitted Argos either of his own accord, or he
was expelled by the adulterers (Tzetz. ad Lye
602), and went to Aetolia. His going to Aetolia
and the subsequent recovery of Argos are placed in
some traditions immediately after the war of the
Epigoni, and Diomedes is said to have gone with
Alcmaeon to assist his grandfather Oeneus in Aeto-
lia against his enemies. During the absence of
Diomedes, Agamemnon took possession of Argos ;
but when the expedition against Troy was resolved
upon, Agamemnon from fear invited Diomedes and
Alcmaeon back to Argos, and asked them to take
part in the projected expedition. Diomedes alone
accepted the proposal, and thus recovered Argos.
(Strab. vii. p. 325, x. p. 462 ; comp. Hygin. Fab.
175 ; Apollod. i. 8. $ 6 ; Paus. ii. 25. $ 2.) Accord-
ing to another set of traditions, Diomedes did not
go to Aetolia till after his return from Troy, when
he was expelled from Argos, and it is said that he
went first to Corinth ; but being informed there of
the distress of Oeneus, he hastened to Aetolia to
assist him. Diomedes conquered and slew the
enemies of his grandfather, and then took up his
residence in Aetolia. (Diet. Cret. vi. 2.) Other
writers make him attempt to return to Argos, but
on his way home a storm threw him on the coast
of Daunia in Italy. Daunus, the king of the
country, received him kindly, and solicited his
assistance in a war against the Messapians. He
promised in return to give him a tract of land and
the hand of his daughter Euippe. Diomedes de-
feated the Messapians, and distributed their terri-
tory among the Dorians who had accompanied him
In Italy Diomedes gave up his hostility against the
Trojans, and even assisted them against Turnus.
(Paus. i. 11; Serv. ad Aen. viii. 9.) He died in
Daunia at an advanced age, and was buried in one
of the islands off cape Garganus, which were called
after him the Diomedean islands. Subsequently,
when Daunus too had died, the Dorians were con-
quered by the Illyrians, but were metamorphosed
by Zeus into birds. (Anton. Lib. 37 ; comp. Tzetz.
ad Lye. 602, 618.) According to Tzetzes, Dio-
medes was murdered by Daunus, whereas according
to others he returned to Argos, or disappeared in
one of the Diomedean islands, or in the country of
the Heneti. (Strab. vi. p. 284.) A number of
towns in the eastern part of Italy, such as Bene-
ventum, Aequunituticum, Argos Hippion (after-
wards Argyripa or Arpi), Venusia or Aphro-
disia, Canusiura, Venafrum, Salapia, Spina, Sipus,
Garganum, and Brundusium, were believed to
have been founded by Diomedes. (Serv. ad Aen
viii. 9, xi. 246 ; Strab. vi. pp. 283, 284 ; Pliii.

3 u

1026

DIOMEDES.

H. N. iii. 20 ; Justin, xii. 2.) The worship and
Bervice of gods and heroes was spread by Diomedes
far and wide : in and near Argos he caused temples
of Athena to he built (Plut. de Flum. 18; Pans,
ii. 24. $ 2) ; his ai-mour was preserved in a temple
of Athena at Luceria in Apulia, and a gold chain
of his was shewn in a temple of Artemis in Peuce-
tia. At Troezene he had founded a temple of Apollo
Epibaterius, and instituted the Pythian games
there. He himself was subsequently worshipped
as a divine being, especially in Itily, where statues
of him existed at Argyripa, Metapontum, Thurii,
and other places. (Schol. ad Find. Nem. x. 12;
Scylax, Peripl. p. 6 ; comp. Strab. v. p. 214, &c.)
There are traces in Greece also of the worship
of Diomedes, for it is said that he was placed
among the gods together with the Dioscuri,
and that Athena conferred upon him the immor-
tality wliich had been intended for his father
Tydeus. It has been conjectured that Diomedes
is an ancient Pelasgian name of some divinity, who
was afterwards confounded with the hero Diomedes,
80 that the worship of the god was transferred to
the hero. (Biickh, Eiplicat. ad Find. Nem. x.
p. 463.) Diomedes was represented in a painting
on the acropolis of Athens in the act of carrying
away the Palladium from Troy (Paus. i. 22. § C),
and Polygnotus had painted him in the Lesche at
Delphi, (x. 25. § 2, 1 0. § 2.) Comp. Brandstater,
Die Gesch. des Aetol. Land. p. 76, &c.

2. A son of the great Diomedes by Euippe, the
daughter of Daunus. (Anton. Lib. 37.)

3. A son of Ares and Cyrene, was king of the
Bistones in Thrace, and was killed by Heracles on
account of his mares, which he fed with human
flesh. (ApoUod. ii. 5. § 8 ; Diod. iv. 15; Serv.
ad Aen. i. 756.) Hyginus {Fab. 250) calls him a
son of Atlas by his own daughter Asteria. [L. S.]

DIOME'DES (AiomtjStjs), a Greek grammaxian,
who wrote a commentary or scholia on the gram-
mar of Dionysius Thrax, of which a few fragments
are still extant. (Villoison, Anecd. pp. 99, 126,
172, 183, 186; Bekker, Anecd. ii.) He seems
also to have written on Homer, for an opinion of
his on Homer is refuted by the Venetian Scholiast
on Homer (ad II. ii. 252). [L. S.]

DIOME DES, the author of a grammatical trea-
tise " De Oratione et Partibus Orationis et Vario
Genere Metrorum libri III." We are entirely
ignorant of his histoiy, but since he is frequently
quoted by Priscian {e.g. lib. ix. pp. 861, 870, lib.
X. 879, 889, 892), he must have lived before the
commencement of the 6th century. The work is
dedicated to a certain Athanasius, of whom we
know nothing whatsoever. It is remarked else-
where [Charisius], that a close correspondence
may be detected between the above work and
many passages in the Institutiones Grammaticae
of Charisius, and the same remark applies to
Maximus Victorinus.

Diomedes was first published in a collection of
Latin Grammarians printed at Venice by Nic.
Jenson, about 1476. It is to be found in the
Grammaticae Latinae Auctores Antiqui of Puts-
chius, 4to. Hanov. 1605, pp. 170 — 527. For cri-
tical emendations, consult Scioppius, Suspect. Led.
and Reitvens, CoUecta7iea Liiteraria, Leyden, 1815.
See also Osann, Beitr'dge zur GriecL u. Rom. Lit.
(7eAcA. ii. p. 331. [W.R.]

DIOME'DES, ST. (Aio^tISt/s), a physician,
saint, and martyr, was born at Tai'sus in Cilicia,

DIOMEDON.

of Christian parents. He lived at Tarsus for some
time, and practised as a physician, but afterwards,
removed to Nicaea in Bithynia, where he conti-
nued till his death. We are told that he practised
with great success, and used to endeavour, wlien-
ever he had an opportunity, to convert his patients
to Christianity. For his efforts in this cause he
was ordered to be brought before the emperor Dio-
cletian, who at that time happened to be at Nico-
medeia in Bithynia, but died on his way thither,
about the beginning of the fourth century after
Christ. A church was built at Constantino-
ple in his honour by Constantino the Great,
which was afterwards adorned and beautified by
the emperor Basil I. in the ninth century. He is
commemorated by the Romish and Greek churches
on the 16th of August. {Ada Sand.; Bzovius,
Nome7idator Sandorum Frofessione Medicorum ,
Carpzovius, de J\f edicts ab Ecclesia pro Sujictis ha-
hitis; Menolog. Graecorum.) [W. A. G.]

DIO'MEDON ( Aio/ueSwi/ ), an Athenian com-
mander during the Peloponnesian war, came out
early in the campaign of b. c. 412, the first after
the Syracusan disaster, with a supply of 16 ships
for the defence of Ionia. Chios and Miletus were
already in revolt, and the Chians presently
proceeded to attempt its extension to Lesbos.
Diomedon, who had captured on his first arrival
four Chian ships, was soon after joined by Leon
with ten from Athens, and the two commanders
with a squadron of 25 ships now sailed for Lesbos.
They recovered Mytilene at once, defeating the
Chian detachment in the harbour ; and by this
blow were enabled to drive out the enemy and
secure the whole island, a service of the highest
importance. They also regained Clazomenae, and
from Lesbos and the neighbouring coast carried on
a successful warfare against Chios. (Thuc. viii.
19 — 24.) In this service it seems likely they
were permanently engaged until the occasion, in
the following winter, when we find them, on the
recommendation of Peisander, who with his oligar-
chical friends was then working for the recall of
Alcibiades, placed in the cliief command of the fleet
at Samos, superseding Phrynichus and Scironides.
After acting against Rhodes, now in revolt, tliey
remained, apparently, during the period of inaction
at the commencement of the season of b. c. 411,
subordinate to Peisander, then at Samos. Hither-
to he had trusted them : their appointment had
been perhaps the result of their successful opera-
tions in Lesbos and Chios, and of a neutrality in
party-matters : perhaps they had joined in his plan
for the sake of the recall of Alcibiades, and now
that this project was given up, they drew back, and
saw moreover, as practical men, that the overthrow
of democracy would be the signal for universal revolt
to Sparta : Thucydides says that they were in-
fluenced by the honours they received from the
democracy. For whatever reason, they now, on
Peisander's departure, entered into communication
with Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus, and, acting
under their direction, crushed the oligarchical con-
spiracy among the Samians, and on hearing that
the government of the Four Hundred was estab-
lished in Athens, raised the standard of indepen-
dent democracy in the army, and recalled Alcibiades.
(viii. 54, 55, 73.)

Henceforth for some time they are not named,
though they pretty certainly were among the com-
manders of tlie centre in the battle of Cynossenia,

DION.

and during the whole period of the command of Al-
cibiudes were probably in active service. When
after the battle of Notium, b. c. 407, he was dis-
graced, they were among the ten generals appointed
in his room. Diomedon in tliis command was
employed at a disUince from the main fleet ; and
when Callicratidas chased Conon into Mytilene, on
the infoi-mation, perhaps, of the galley which made
its escape to the Hellespont, he sailed for Lesbos,
and lost 10 out of 1*2 ships in attempting to
join his besieged colleague. In the subsequent
glorious victory of Arginusae, he was among the
commanders. So was he also among those unhappy
six who returned to Athens and fell victims to the
mysterious intrigues of the oligarchical party and
the wild credulity of the people. It was in his
behalf and that of Pericles, that his friend Eurypto-
lemus made the attempt, so nearly successful, to
put off the trial. According to the account given
in his speech, Diomedon, after the engagement,
when the commanders met, had given the advice
to form in single file and pick up the castaways ;
and after Theramenes and Thrasybulus had been
prevented by the storm from effecting their com-
mission to the same purpose, he with Pericles had
dissuaded his colleagues from naming those officers
and this commission in their despatch, for fear of
their incurring the displeasure which thus in the
end fell on the generals themselves. (Xenoph.
HeU. I 5. § 16, 6. §§ 22, 29, 7. §§ 1, 16, 17,
29.) Diodorus, who hitherto had not mentioned
his name, here relates that Diomedon, a man of
great military skill, and distinguished for justice
.and other virtues, when sentence had been passed
and he and the rest were now to be led to execu-
tion, came forward and bade the people be mindful
to perform, as he and his colleagues could not, the
vows which before the engagement they had made
to the gods. (Diod. xiii. 102.) [A. H. C]

DIO'MILUS (Ai(5^t\os), an Andrian refugee,
probably of military reputation, placed by the Sy-
racusans at the head of a force of 600 picked men
ill the spring of b. c. 414. He fell in the first ex-
ercise of his command, when the Athenians made
their landing at Epipolae, in endeavouring to dis-
lodge them from Euryelus. (Thuc. vi. 9Q.) [A. H. C]

Dl'OMUS {Alo/xos), a son of Colyttus, a fa-
vourite and attendant of Heracles, from whom the
Attic demos of Diomeia was believed to have deriv-
ed its name. (Steph. Byz. s. w. Kwoaapycs,
AiSfieia.) [L. S.]

DrOMUS (Aio/ios), a Sicilian shepherd, who
is said to have invented bucolic poetr}', and was
mentioned as such in two poems of Epicharmus.
(Athen. xiv. p. G19.) [L. S.]

DION, a king in Laconia and husband of Iphi-
tea, the daughter of Prognaus. Apollo, who had
been kindly received by Iphitea, rewarded her by
conferring upon her three daughters, Orphe, Lyco,
and Carj'a, the gift of prophecy, on condition, how-
over, that they should not betray the gods nor
search after forbidden things. Afterwards Diony-
sus also came to the house of Dion ; he was not
only well received, like Apollo, but won the love
of Carya, and therefore soon paid Dion a second
visit, under the pretext of consecrating a temple,
which the king had erected to him. Orphe and
Lyco, however, guarded their sister, and when
Dionysus had reminded them, in vain, of the com-
mand of Apollo, they were seized with raging mad-
ness, and having gone to the heights of Taygetus,

DION.

1027

they were metamorphosed into rocks. Carj'a, the
beloved of Dionysus, was changed into a nut tree,
and the Lacedaemonians, on being informed of it by
Artemis, dedicated a temple to Artemis Caryatis.
(Serv. ad Vira. Ed. viii. 30 ; Caryatis.) [L. S.]

DION (AUtfv), a Syracusan, son of Hipparinus.
His father had been from the first a constant
friend and supporter of the elder Dionysius, who
had subsequently married his daughter Aristo-
mache. These circumstances naturally brought
Dion into friendly relations with Dionysius, and
the latter having conceived a high opinion of his
character and abilities, treated him with the
greatest distinction, and employed him in many
services of the utmost trust and confidence. Among
others he sent him on an embassy to the Carthagi-
nians, by whom he was received with the greatest
distinction. ( Plut. Dion^ '6—5 ; Com. Nep. Dion^
1.) Dion also married, during the lifetime of her
father, Arete, the daughter of Dionysius by Aris-
tomache. Of this close connexion and favour with
the tyrant he seems to have .ivailed himself to
amass great wealth, so that on the death of Diony-
sius he offered to equip and maintain 50 triremes
at his own cost to assist in the war against Car-
thage. (Plut. Dion^ 6.) He made no opposition
to the succession of the younger Dionysius to all
his father's power, but his near relationship to the
sons of the latter by his wife Aristomache, as well
as his dangerous pre-eminence in wealth and in-
fluence, rendered him an object of suspicion and
jealousy to the youthful tyrant, to whom he also
made himself personally disagreeable by the
austerity of his manners. Dion appears to have
been naturally a man of a proud and stern charac-
ter, and having become an ardent disciple of Plato
when that philosopher visited Syracuse in the reign
of the elder Dionysius, he carried to excess the
austerity of a philosopher, and viewed with undis-
guised contempt the debaucheries and dissolute
pleasures of his nephew. From these he endea-
voured to withdraw him by persuading him to
mvite Plato a second time to Syracuse ; but the
philosopher, though received at first with the ut-
most distinction, failed in obtaining a permanent
hold on the mind of Dionysius ; and the intrigues
of the opposite party, headed by Philistus, were
successful in procuring the banishment of Dion.
(Plut. Diem, 7-14 ; Com. Nep. Dion, 3, 4 ; Diod.
xvi. 6.) The circumstances attending this are
variously reported, but it seems to have been at
first merely an honourable txile, and he was
allowed to receive the produce of his vast wealth.
According to Plutarch, he retired to Athens, where
he lived in habitual intercourse with Plato and his
disciples, at times also visiting the other cities of
Greece, and displaying his magnificence on all
public occasions. But Plato having failed in pro-
curing his recall (for which purpose he had a third
time visited Syracuse), and Dionysius having at
length confiscated his property and compelled his
wife to marry another person, he finally determined
on attempting the expulsion of the tyrant by force.
(Plut. Dion, 15—21 ; P8eud.-Plat. Epist. 6 ; but
compare Diod. xvi. 6.)

His knowledge of the general unpopularity of
Dionysius and the disaffection of his subjects
encouraged him to undertake this with forces
apparently very insufficient Very few of the
numerous Syracusan exiles then in Greece could
be induced to join him, and he sailed from Zacyn*

3u2

1028

DION.

thus with only two merchant ships and less than
1000 mercenary troops. The absence of Dionysius
and of his chief supporter Philistus, who were
both in Italy at the time, favoured his enterprise ;
he landed at Minoa in the Carthaginian territory,
and being speedily joined by volunteers from all
parts, advanced without opposition to Syracuse,
which he entered in triumph, the whole city being
abandoned by the forces of Dionysius, except the
citadel on the island. (Diod. xvi. 9, 10; Plut.
Dtow, 22 — 28.) Dion and his brother Megacles
were now appointed by the Syracusans generals-in-
chief, and they proceeded to invest the citadel.
Dionysius meanwhile returned, but having failed
in a sally from the island, his overtures for peace
being rejected, and Philistus, on whom he mainly
depended, having been defeated and slain in a sea-
fight, he detennined to quit the city, and sailed
away to Italy, leaving his son Apollocrates with a
mercenary force in charge of the citadel, (b. c. 356.)
But dissensions now broke out among the be-
siegers : Heracleides, who had lately arrived from
the Peloponnese with a reinforcement of triremes,
and had been appointed commander of the Syra-
cusan fleet, sought to undermine the power of
Dion ; and the latter, whose mercenary troops were
discontented for want of pay, withdrew with them
to Leon tin i. The disasters of the Syracusans,
however, arising from the incapacity of their new
leaders, soon led to the recall of Dion, who was
appointed sole general autocrator. Not long after,
Apollocrates was compelled by famine to surren-
der the citadel. (Diod. xvi. 11—13, 16—20;
Plut. Dion, 29—50.)

Dion was now sole master of Syracuse : whether
he intended, as he was accused by his enemies, to
retain the sovereign power in his own hands, or to
establish an oligarchy with the assistance of the
Corinthians, as asserted by Plutarch, we have no
means of judging ; but his government seems to
have been virtually despotic enough. He caused
his chief opponent, Heracleides, to be put to death,
and confiscated the property of his adversaries ;
but these measures only aggravated the discontent,
which seems to have spread even to his own im-
mediate followers. One of them, Callippus, an
Athenian who had accompanied him from Greece,
was induced by his increasing unpopularity to form
a conspiracy against him, and having gained over
some of his Zacynthian guards, caused him to be
assassinated in his own house, B. c. 353. (Plut.
Dion, 52—57; C(jm. Nep. Dion, ^—9; Diod.
xvi. 31.) According to Cornelius Nepos, he was
about 55 years old at the time of his death.

There can be no doubt that the character of
Dion has been immoderately praised by some an-
cient writers, especially by Plutarch. It is admitted
even by his admirers that he was a man of a harsh
and unyielding disposition, qualities which would
easily degenerate into despotism when he found
himself at the head of affairs. Even if he was
sincere in the first instance in his intention of re-
storing liberty to Syracuse, he seems. to have after-
wards abandoned the idea, and there can be little
doubt that the complaints of the people, that they
had only exchanged one tyrant for another, were
well founded. (Plutarch, Dion ; comp. TimoL c.
P. Aemil, 2 ; Athen. xi. p. 508, e.) [E. H. B.]

DION {Aiojv). 1 . Of Alexandria, an Academic
philosopher and a friend of Antiochus. He was
sent by his fellow-citizens as ambassador to Rome, ,

DION.

to complain of the conduct of their king, Ptolemy
Auletes. On his arrival at Rome he was poisoned
by the king's secret agents, and the strongest sus-
picion of the murder fell upon M. Caelius. (Cic.
Acad. iv. 4, pro Gael. 10, 21; Strab. xvii. p. 796.)

2. Of Alexandria, apparently a writer on pro-
verbs, who is mentioned by Zenobius (v. 54) and
Apostolius. (xix. 24 ; comp. Suid. s. v. to Mwvos
ypv ; Apostol. XV. 3 ; Suid. s. v. ou8e 'Hpo»c\7Js ;
Schneidewin, Corp. Paroemiogr. i. pp. 119, 142.)

3. Of Chios, a flute player, who is said to have
been the first who played the Bacchic spondee on
the flute. (Athen. xiv. p. 638.) It may be that
he is the same as Dion, the avKoiroL6s, who is
mentioned by Varro. {Fragm. p. 198, ed. Bipont.)

4. Of Colophon, is mentioned by Varro {de R.
R. i. 1), Columella (i. 1), and Pliny among the
Greek writers on agriculture ; but he is otherwise
unknown.

5. Of Halesa in Sicily. Through the favour of
Q. Metellus, he obtained the Roman franchise and
the name of Q. Metellus Dion. His son had a
large fortune left him, which incited the avarice of
Verres, who annoyed him in various ways, and
robbed him of his property. Dion is described as
a very honest and trustworthy man. (Cic. in Verr.
i. 10, ii. 7, 8.)

6. Of Pergamus, is mentioned as the accuser of
Polemocrates. (Cic. pro Place. 30.) A few more
persons of the name of Dion are enume^dted by
Reimanis. {De Vii.,^c., CassiiDion. §2.) [L, S.]

DION CA'SSIUS COCCEIA'NUS, the cele-
brated historian of Rome. He probably derived
the gentile name of Cassius from one of his ances-
tors, who, on receiving the Roman franchise, had
been adopted into the Cassia gens ; for his father,
Cassius Apronianus, had already bome it. He ap-
pears to have adopted the cognomen of Cocceianug
from Dion Chrysostomus Cocceianus, the orator,
who, according to Reimarus, was his grandfather
on his mother's side. Dion Cassius Cocceianus, or
as he is more commonly called Dion Cassius, was
bom, about a. d. 155, at Nicaea in Bithynia. He
was educated with great care, and was trained in
the rhetorical schools of the time, and in the study
of the classical writers of ancient Greece. Aftej
the completion of his literary studies, he appears
to have accompanied his father to Cilicia, of which
he had the administration, and after his father's
death, about A. n. 1 80, he went to Rome ; so that
he arrived there either in the last year of the reign
of M. Aurelius, or in the first of that of Commodus.
He had then attained the senatorial age of twenty-
five, and was raised to the rank of a Roman sena-
tor; but he did not obtain any honours under
Commodus, except the aedileship and quaestorship,
and it was not till a. d. 193, in the reign of Perti-
nax, that he gained the office of praetor. During
the thirteen years of the reign of Commodus, Dion
Cassius remained at Rome, and devoted his time
partly to pleading in the courts of justice, and thus
assisting his friends, and partly in collecting mate-
rials for a history of Commodus, of whose actions he
was a constant eye-witness. After the fall of this
emperor, Dion, with the other senators, voted for
the elevation of Pertinax, A. d. 193, who was his
friend, and who immediately promoted him to the
praetorship, which however he did not enter upon
till the year following, the first of the reign of Septi-
mius Sevenis. During the short reign of Pertinax
Dion Cassius enjoyed the emperor's friendship, and

DION.

conducted himself on all occasions as nn upright
and virtuous man. The accession of Septiniius
Sevenis raised great hopes in Dion of being further
promoted ; but these hopes were not realized, not-
withstiinding the favour which Severus shewed him
in the beginning of his reign. Soon after the acces-
sion of Severus, Dion wrote a work on the dreams
and prodigies which had announced the elevation
of this emperor, and which he presented to Severus,
who thanked him for it in a long epistle. The
night after he had received this epistle, Dion was
called upon in a dream to write the history of his
own time, which induced him to work out the ma-
terials he had already collected for a history of
Commodus. A similar dream or vision afterwards
led him to write the history of Septimius Severus
and Caracalla. When the history of Commodus
was completed, Dion read it to the emperor, who
received it with so much approbation, that Dion
was encouraged to write a history of Rome from
the earliest times, and to insert in it what he had
already written about the reign of Commodus.
The next ten years, therefore, were spent in mak-
ing the preparatory studies and collecting materials,
and twelve years more, during the greater part of
which he lived in quiet retirement at Capua, were
employed in composing the work. It was his inten-
tion to carry the history as far down as possible, and
to add an account of the reigns of the emperors suc-
ceeding Severus, so far as he might witness them.
Reimarus conceives that Dion began collecting his
materials in a. d. 201, and that after the death of
Severus, in A. d. 211, he commenced the composi-
tion of his work, which would thus have been
completed in a. d. 222.

The reason why Severus did not promote Dion
is probably owing to the emperor's change of opi-
nion respecting Commodus ; for, during the latter
pirt of his reign, he admired Commodus as much
as he had before detested him ; and what Dion had
written about him could not be satisfactory to an
admirer of the tyrant. Dion thus remained in
Italy for many years, without any new dignity
being conferred upon him. In the reign of Cara-
calla it became customary for a select number of
senators to accompany the emperor in his expedi-
tions and travels, and Dion was one of them.
He bitterly complains of having been com-
pelled in consequence to spend immense sums of
money, and not only to witness the tyrant's dis-
graceful conduct, but to some extent to be an
accomplice in it. In the company of the emperor,
Dion thus visited Nicomedeia ; but he does not
appear to have gone any further ; for of the
subsequent events in Asia and Egypt he does not
speak as an eye-witness, but only appeals to re-
ports. Macrinus, however, appears to have again
called him to Asia, and to have entrusted to him
the administration of the free cities of Pergamus
and Smyrna, which had shortly before revolted.
Dion went to this post about a. d. 218, and seems
to have remained there for about three years, on
account of the various points which had to be set-
tled. At the expiration of his office, however, he
did not return to Rome, but went to Nicaea in
Bithynia. On his arrival there he was taker, ill,
but notwithstanding was raised, during his ab-
sence, to the consulship, either a. d. 219 or 220.
After this he obtained the proconsulship of Africa,
which, however, cannot have been earlier than
A D. 224. After his return to Italy, he was sent.

DION.

1029

in A. D. 22<), as legate to Dnlmatia, and the year
after to Pannonia. In the latter province he re-
stored strict discipline among the troops; and on his
return to Rome, the praetorians began to fear lest
he should use his influence for the purpose of inter-
fering with their conduct likewise, and in order to
prevent this, they demanded of the emperor Alex-
ander Severus to put him to death. But the em-
peror not only disregarded their clamour, but raised
Dion, A. D. 229, to his second consulship, in which
Alexander himself was his colleague. Alexander
also conferred other distinctions upon him, and
undertook out of his own purse to defray the ex-
penses which the dignity of consul demanded of
Dion. However, as Dion could not feel safe at
Rome under these circumstances, the emperor re-
quested him to take up his residence somewhere in
Italy at a distance from the city. After the expira-
tion of his consulship, Dion returned to Rome, and
spent some time with the emperor in Campania ;
but he appears at length to have become tired of
the precarious life at Rome, and under the pretext
of suffering from a bad foot, he asked and obtained
permission to return to his native place, and there
to spend the remainder of his life in quiet retire-
ment. At Nicaea Dion completed his history, and
there he also died. The time of his death is un-
known. Respecting his family nothing is recorded,
except that in two passages he just mentions his
wife and children ; and it may be that the Dion
Cassius whom we find consul in A. D. 291 was a
grandson of our historian. The account we have
here given of the life of Dion Cassius is derived
from scattered passages of his own work, and from
a short article in Suidas.

The following list contains the works which are
attributed by the ancients to Dion Cassius : 1. The
work on dreams and prodigies, which we men-
tioned above, is lost. Dion had probably written
it only to please the emperor, and he seems after-
wards to have regretted its publication ; for, al-
though he is otherwise rather credidous and fond
of relating prodigies, yet in his history he mentions
those which have reference to Septimius Severus
only very cursorily. 2. The history of the reign of
Commodus, which he afterwards incorporated in
his history of Rome. 3. On the reign of the em-
peror Trajan. This work is mentioned only by
Suidas ; and, if it really was a distinct work,
the substance of it was incorporated in his Roman
history. 4. A history of Persia is likewise men-
tioned only by Suidas, but is probably a mistake,
and Suidas confounds Dion with Deinon, who is
known to have written a work on Persia. 5. *Ev6-
5ta, that is. Itineraries, is mentioned by Suidas ;
but it is very doubtful whether it was a work of
Dion Cassius, or of his grandfather, Dion Chrysos-
tomus, whose extensive travels may have led him
to write such a work. 6. A life of Arrian is
altogether unknown, except through the mention
of Suidas. 7. Getica is attributed to Dion Cassius
by Suidas, Jomandes, and Freculphus ; while
from Philostratus ( Vit. Soph. i. 7) we might infer,
that Dion Chrysostomus was its author. 8. The
History of Rome ('Pw/noiKT) tVTopjo), the great
work of Dion Cassius, consisted of 80 books, and
was further divided into decads, like Livy's Roman
history. It embraced the whole history of Rome
from the earliest times, that is, from the landing of
Aeneas in Italy down to a. d. 229, the year in
which Dion quitted Italy and returned to Nicaea.

1030

DION,

The excerpta, which A. Mai has published from a
Vatican MS., and which belonged to a work contain-
ing the history from the time of Valerian down to
the time of Constantine the Great, bear indeed the
name of Dion Cassius, but are in all probability-
taken from the work of a Christian writer, who
continued the work of Dion, and A. Mai is in-
clined to think that this continuation was the work
of Joannes Antiochenus. Dion Cassius himself
(Ixxii. 18) intimates, that he treated the history of
republican Rome briefly, but that he endeavoured
to give a more minute and detailed account of
those events of which he had himself been an eye-
witness. Unfortunately, only a comparatively
small portion of this work has come down to us
entire. Of the first thirty 'four books we possess
only fragments, and the Excerpta, which Ursinus,
Valesius, and A. Mai have successively published
from the collections made by the command of Con-
stantine Porphyrogenitus. A few more fragments
have recently been published by F. Haase {Dionis
Cassii librorum deperditorum Fragmenta, Bonn,
1840, 8vo.), who found them in a Paris MS. It
must further be observed, that Zonaras, in liis
Annals, chiefly, though not solely, followed the
authority of Dion Cassius, so that, to some ex-
tent, his Annals may be regarded as an epi-
tome of Dion Cassius. There is a considerable
fragment commonly considered as a part of the
35th book, which however more probably belongs
to the 36th, and from this book onward to the 54th
the work is extant complete, and embraces the
history from the wars of Lucullus and Cn. Pompey
against Mithridatcs, down to the death of Agrippa,
B. c. 10. The subsequent books, from 55 to GO,
have not come to us in their original form, for there
are several passages quoted from these books which
are not now to be found in them ; and we there-
fore have in all probability only an abridgment
made by some one either before or after the
time of Xiphilinus. From book 61 to 80 we have
only the abridgment made by Xiphilinus in the
eleventh century, and some other epitomes which
were probably made bj' the same person who epi-
tomized the portion from the 55th to the 60th
book. A considerable fragment of the Tlst book
was found by A. Mai in a Latin translation in
the Vatican library, of which a German version
was published anonymously (Braunschweig, 1832,
8vo,); but its genuineness is not quite established.
Another important fragment of the 7oth book was
discovered by J. Morelli, and printed first at Bas-
sano, and afterwards (1800) at Paris, in folio,
uniform with Reimarus's edition of Dion Cassius.

Notwithstanding these great losses, we possess
a sufficient portion of the work to enable us to
form a correct estimate of its value. It contains
an abundance of materials for the later history of
the republic and for a considerable period of the
empire, for some portions of which it is our only
source of information. In the first of the fragments
published by A. Mai, Dion distinctly states, that
he had read nearly everj'thing which had been
written on the history of Rome, and that he did
not, like a mere compiler, put together what he
found in other writers, but that he weighed his
authorities, and exercised his judgment in selecting
what he thought fit for a place in his work. This
assertion of the author himself is perfectly justified
by the nature and character of his historj^ for it is
manifest everywhere that he had acquired a tho-

DION.

rough knowledge of his subject, and that his no-
tions of Roman life and Roman institutions were
far more correct than those of some of his pre-
decessors, siich as Dionysius of Halicamassns.
Whenever he is led into error, it is generally
owing to his not having access to authentic
sources, and to his being obliged to satisfy him-
self with secondary ones. It must also be borne
in mind, as Dion himself observes (liii. 19), that
the history of the empire presented much more
difficulties to the historian than that of the re-
public. In those parts in which he relates contem-
porary events, his work forms a sort of medium
between real history and mere memoirs of the
emperors. His object was to give a record as com-
plete and as accurate as possible of all the impor-
tant events ; but his work is not on that account
a dry chronological catalogue of events, for he en-
deavours, like Thucydides, Polybius, and Tacitus,
to trace the events to their causes, and to make ns
see the motives of men's actions. In his endea-
vours to make us see the connexions of occurrences
he sometimes even neglects the chronological order,
like his great models. But with all these excel-
lences, Dion Cassius is the equal neither of Thucy-
dides nor of Tacitus, though we may admit that his
faults are to a great extent rather those of his age
than of his individual character as an historian.
He had been trained in the schools of the rhetori-
cians, and the consequences of it .ire visible in his
history, which is not free from a rhetorical tinge,
especially in the speeches which are introduced in
it. They may not be pure inventions, and may
have an historical groundwork, but their form is
rhetorical ; though we must o^vn that they are
among the best rhetorical productions of the time.
In the formation of his style he appears to have
endeavoured to imitate the classic writers of ancient
Greece ; but his language is nevertheless full of pe-
culiarities, barbarisms, and Latinisms, probably the
consequence of his long residence in Italy; and the
praise which Photius {Dibl. Cod. 71) bestows upon
him for the clearness of his style, must be greatly
modified, for it is often harsh and heavy, and Dion
seems to have written as he spoke, without any
attempt at elegance or refinement. (See the excel-
lent essay of Reimarus, De Vita et Scriptis Cassii
Dionis, appended to his edition ; R. Wilmans, De
Fontibus et Audoritate Dionis Cassii, Berlin, 1835,
8vo. ; Schlosser, in a dissertation prefixed to Lo-
renz's German translation of Dion, Jena, 1826, 3
vols. 8vo. ; and the brief but admirable character-
istic of Dion by Niebuhr in his " Lectures on Roman
Hist." edited by Dr. Schmitz, i. pp. 72—78.)

The work of Dion Cassius was first published
in a Latin translation by N. Leonicenus, Venice,
1526; and the first edition of the Greek original
is that of R. Stephens (Paris, 1548, fol.), which
contains from book 35 to 60. H. Stephens then
gave a new edition with a Latin translation by
Xylander. (Geneva, 1591, fol.) The epitome of
Xiphilinus from book 60 to 80 was first printed
in the edition of Leunclavius. (Frankfurt, 1592,
and Hanau, 1606, fol.) After the fragments and
eclogae collected by Ursinus and Valesius had
been published, J. A. Fabricius formed the plan of
preparing a complete and comprehensive edition
of Dion Cassius; but his death prevented the
completion of his plan, which was carried out by
his son-in-law, H. S. Reimarus, who published his
edition at Hamburg, 1750 — 52, in 2 vols. foL

DION.

The Greek text is not much improved in this edi-
tion, but the commentary and the indexes are of
very great value. The Latin transktion which it
contains is made up of those of Xylandcr and
Leunchivius. A more recent edition is that of
Sturz, in 9 vols. (Leipzig, 1824, 8vo.), the ninth
volume of which (published in 1B43) contains the
** Excerpta Vaticana," which had first been disco-
vered and published by A. Mai. (Script. Vet, Nov.
Collect, ii. p. 1 35, See, p. 527, &c.) [L. S.]

DION CHRYSO'STOMUS, that is, Dion the
golden-mouthed, a surname which he owed to his
great talents as an orator. He bore also the sur-
name Cocceianus {FVm. Epid. x. 85,86), which he
derived from the emperor Cocceius Nerva, with
whom he was connected by intimate friendship.
(Orat. xlv. p. 513.) Dion Chrysostomus was bom
at Pnisa in BithjTiia, about the middle of the first
century of our era, and belonged to a distinguished
equestrian family. Reimarus has rendered it very
probable that a daughter of his was the mother of
Dion Cassius, the historian. His father, Pasicrates,
seems to have bestowed great care on his son
Dion's education and the early training of his
mind ; but he appears to have acquired part of his
knowledge in travels, for we know that he visited
Egypt at an early period of his life. At first he
occupied himself in his native place, where he held
important offices, with the composition of speeches
and other rhetorico-sophistical essays, but on per-
ceiving the futility of such pursuits he abandoned
them, and devoted himself with great zeal to the
study of philosophy : he did not, however, confine
himself to any particular sect or school, nor did he
give himself up to any profound speculations, his
object being rather to apply the doctrines of phi-
losophy to the purposes of practical life, and more
especially to the administration of public affairs,
and thus to bring about a better state of things.
The Stoic and Platonic philosophies, however, ap-
pear to have had the greatest charms for him.
Notwithstanding these useful and peaceful pur-
suits, he was looked upon in his native place with
suspicion and hostility {Orat. xlvi. p. 212, &c.),
which induced him to go to Rome. Here he drew
upon himself the hatred of Domitian, who had so
great an aversion to pliilosophers, that by a senatus-
consultum all were expelled from Rome and Italy,
and Dion found himself obliged to quit Rome in se-
cret. {Orat. xlvi. p. 21 5, xiii. p. 4 1 8.) On the ad-
vice of the Delphic oracle, it is said, he put on the
attire of a beggar, and with nothing in his pocket
but a copy of Plato's Phaedon and Demosthenes's
oration on the Embassy, he undertook a journey to
the countries in the north and east of the Roman
empire. He thus visited Thrace, Mysia, Scythia,
and the country of the Getae, and owing to the
power and wisdom of his orations, he met everj'-
where with a kindly reception, and did much
good. {Orat. xxxvi. p. 74; comp. xiii. p. 418.)
In A. D. 96^ when Domitian was murdered, Dion
used his influence with the army stationed on the
frontier in favour of his friend Nerva, and seems
to have returned to Rome immediately after his
accession. {Orat. xlv. p. 202.) Nerva's successor,
Trajan, entertained the highest esteem for Dion,
and shewed him the most marked favour, for he is
said to have often visited him, and even to have
allowed him to ride by his side in his golden tri-
umphal car. Hsiving thus received the most ample
satisfaction for the unjust treatment he had ex-

DION. 1031

poricnccd before, he returned to Prusa about a. d.
100. Rut the petty spirit he found prevailing
there, which was jealous of his merits and distinc-
tions, and attributed his good actions to impure
motives {Orat. 1. p. 254, &c.), soon disgusted him
with his fellow-citizens, and he again went to Rome.
Trajan continued to treat him with the greatest
distinction : his kindly disposition gained him
many eminent friends, such as Apollonius of
Tyana and Euphrates of Tyre, and his oratory the
admiration of all. In this manner he spent his
last years, and died at Rome about A. d. 11 7.

Dion Chrysostomus is one of the most eminent
among the Greek rhetoricians and sophists. This
is the opinion not only of the ancients who have
written about him, such as Philostratus, Synesius,
and Photius, but it is also confirmed by the eighty
orations of his which are still extant, and which
were the only ones known in the time of Pho-
tius, who, however, enumerates them in a some-
what different order from that in which they now
stand. These orations are for the most part the
productions of his later years, and there are very few,
if any, among them that can with certainty be at-
tributed to the early period of his life. They are
more like essays on political, moral, and philoso-
phical subjects than real orations, of which they
have only the form. We find among them Ao'7ot
TTfpl fia(ri\elas or X6yoi ^aaiKiKoi, four orations
addressed to Trajan on the virtues of a sovereign ;
Aioyevrjs ^ irepl rvpavplSos, on the troubles to
which men expose themselves by deserting the
path of nature, and on the difficulties which a so-
vereign has to encounter ; essays on slavery and
freedom ; on the means of attaining eminence as an
orator ; further, political discourses addressed to
various towns which he sometimes praises and
sometimes blames, but always with great modera-
tion and wisdom ; on subjects of ethics and prac-
tical philosophy, which he treats in a popular
and attractive manner ; and lastly, orations on
mythical subjects and show-speeches. Besides these
eighty orations we have fragments of fifteen others.
Suidas, in enumerating the works of Dion Cassius,
mentions one on the Getae, which Casaubon was
inclined to attribute to Dion Chrj-sostomus, on ac-
count of a passage in Philostratus ( Fi<. Soph. i. 7),
who says, " how fit Dion (^Chrysostomus) was for
writing history, is evident from his Getica." There
are extant also five letters under the name of Dion,
and addressed to one Rufus. They are published
in Boissonade's Ad Marini Vit. Prod. p. 85, &c.,
and some critics are inclined to consider them as
productions of Dion Chrysostomus. All the extant
orations of Dion are distinguished for their refined
and elegant style ; the author most successfully imi-
tated the classic writers of Greece, such as Plato, De-
mosthenes, H^'perides, and Aeschines. His ardent
study of those models, combined with his own emi-
nent talents, his firm and pleasing voice, and his
skill in extempore speaking, raised him at once
above all contemporary rhetoricians. His style is
throughout clear, and, generally speaking, free from
artificial embellishment, though he is not always
able to escape from the influence of the Asiatic
school of rhetoric. His sentences are often inter-
nipted by the insertion of parenthetical clauses, and
his prooemia are frequently too long in proportion
to the other parts of his discourses. ** Dion Chry-
sostomus," says Niebuhr {Lecturer oh Horn. Hist.
ii. p. 263, ed. Schmitz), " was an author of uii-

1032

DIONYSIADES.

common talent, and it is much to be regretted that
he belonged to the rhetoricians of that unfortunate
age. It makes one sad to see him waste his bril-
liant oratorical powers on insignificant subjects.
Some of his works are written in an excellent and
beautiful language, which is pure Attic Greek and
without affectation : it is clear that he had made
the classical language of Athens his own, and he
handled it as a master. He appears in all he wrote
as a man of an amiable character, and free from
the vanity of the ordinary rhetoricians, though one
perceives the silent consciousness of his powers. He
was an unaffected Platonic philosopher, and lived
with his whole soul in Athens, which was to him a
world, and which made him forget Rome, its em-
peror, and everything else. All this forms a very
charming feature in his character. Whenever he
touches upon the actual state cf things in which he
lived, he shews his master-mind. He was the first
writer after Tiberius that greatly contributed to-
wards the revival of Greek literature." (Comp.
Philostratus, FU. Soph. i. 7 ; Photius, BiU. Cod.
209 ; Synesius, Aiuv ^ irepl rijs Kar* aurcJ)/ Sior
ywyiji ; Suid. s. v. AtW ; Westermann, Gesck. d.
Giiech. Beredis. $ 87, &c., and Beilage x. p. 317,
&c. ; Emperius, de Ejcilio Dionis Cluisostomi^ Braun-
schweig, 1840, 8vo.)

Passing over the editions of separate orations of
Dion Chrysostomus, we mention only those which
contain all of them. The first was edited by D.
Paravisinus at Milan (1476, 4to.), and was fol-
lowed by that of Aldus Manutius. (Venice, 1551,
8vo.) The next edition of importiince is that of
CI. Morel (Paris, 1601), which was reprinted in
1623 with a Latin translation of Naogeorgius and
notes by Morel. A very good critical edition is
that of Reiske, Leipzig, 1 784, 2 vols. 8vo. The
first volume of a new critical edition by Emperius
appeared in 1844. [L. S.]

DIONAEA (Ajwi/om), a metronymic form of
Dione, and applied to her daughter Aphrodite.
(Orph. /ir^. 1320 ; Virg. Aen. iii. 19.) The name
is filso applied as an epithet to things which were
sacred to her, such as the dove. (Stat. SUv. iii. 5.
80.) ^ [L. S.]

DIO'NE (AtojfTj), a female Titan, a daughter of
Oceanus andTethys (Hesiod. 77/ccn^. 353), and, ac-
cording to others, of Uranus and Ge, or of Aether
and Ge. (Hygin. Fab. Praef. ; Apollod. i. 1. $ 3.)
She was beloved by Zeus, by whom she became the
mother of Aphrodite. (Apollod. i. 3. § i. ; Hom. //.
V. 370, &c.) When Aphrodite was wounded by
Diomedes, Dione received her daughter in Olympus,
and pronounced the threat respecting the punish-
ment of Diomedes. (Hom. //. v. 405.) Dione was
present, with other divinities, at the birth of Apollo
and Artemis in Delos. (Hom. Hymn, in Del. 93.)
At the foot of Lepreon, on the western coast of Pe-
loponnesus, there was a grove sacred to her (Strab.
viii. p. 346), and in other places she was worshipped
in the temples of Zeus. (Strab. vii. p. 329.) In
some traditions she is called the mother of Diony-
sus. (Schol. ad Find. Fyth. iii. 177 ; Hesych. s. v.
BcLKxov Aiwvns.) There are three more mythical
personages of this name, (Apollod. i. 2. § 7 ; Hygin.
Fab. 83 ; Pherecyd. p. 115, ed. Sturz.) [L. S.]

DION Y'SI ADES or DION Y'SIDES(Aioj/yo-£-
dBris, Aiovva-iSTjs). 1. Of Mallus in Cilicia, a tragic
poet, of whom nothing more is known. (Suid. s. v.)

2. Of Tarsus, a tragic poet, was, according to
Strabo (xiv. p. 675), the best of the poets in the

DIONYSIUS.

" Tragic Pleiad " of the Alexandrian grammarians.
(Fabric, ii. p. 296.) [P. S.]

DIONY'SICLES (Aiovv(TiK\iis\ a statuary of
Miletus, who made the statue of Democrates of
Tenedos, a victor in wrestling at Olympia. (Pans,
vi. 17. §1.) [P. S.]

DIONYSIDO'RUS(Atoi/i;(rf5opos), an Alex-
andrian grammarian of the school of Aristarchus,
is quoted in the Venetian scholia on the Iliad (ii.
Ill), and probably wrote on the Homeric poems.
(Villoison, Froleff. ad II. p. 30.) [L. S.]

DIONYSIODO'RUS. 1. A statuary and worker
in silver, and a disciple of Critias. (Plin. xxxiv. 8.
s. 19. §25.)

2. Of Colophon, a painter of some note. ( Plin.
XXXV. 11. 8. 40. §42.) [P.S.]

DIONY'SIUS (A/oj/ifo-tos), tyrant of Hkrac-
LEiA on the Euxine. He was a son of Clearchus,
who had assumed the tyranny in his native place,
and was succeeded by his son Timotheus. After
the death of the latter, Dionysius succeeded in the
tyranny, about the time of the battle of Chaeroneia,
B. c. 338. After the destruction of the Persian
empire by Alexander the Great, Dionysius at-
tempted to extend his dominions in Asia. In the
meantime, some of the citizens of Heracleia, who
had been driven into exile by their tyrants, ap-
plied to Alexander to restore the republican go-
vernment at Heracleia, but Dionysius, with the
assistance of Alexander's sister, Cleopatra, con-
trived to prevent any steps being taken to that
effect. But still he does not appear to have felt
very safe in his position, as we may conjecture
from the extreme delight with which he received
the news of Alexander's death, in consequence of
which he erected a statue of ivdvjxla., that is, joy
or peace of mind. The exiled Heracleans now ap-
plied to Perdiccas, against whom Dionysius endea-
voured to secure himself by joining his enemies.
Dionysius therefore married Amastris, the former
wife of Craterus, who secured to him considerable
advantages. A friendship with Antigonus was
formed by assisting him in his war against Asan-
der, and Ptolemy, the nephew of Antigonus, mar-
ried Dionysius's daughter by his first wife. Dio-
nysius thus remained in the undisturbed possession
of the tyranny for many years. In b. c. 306,
when the surviving generals of Alexander assumed
the title of kings, Dionysius followed their example,
but he died soon after. He was an unusually fat
man, which increased at length to such a degree
that he could take no food, which was therefore
introduced into his stomach by artificial means.
At last, however, he was choked by his own fat.
He is said to have been the mildest and justest of
all the tyrants that had ever lived. He was suc-
ceeded by his son Zathras, and, after the death of
the latter, by his second son Clearchus II. The
death of Dionysius must have taken place in B. c
306 or 305, as, according to Diodorus, he died at
the age of bo^ and after a reign of 32 years, for

COLN OF DIONYSIUS OF HERACLEIA.

DIONYSIUS.
which others say 33 years. (Diod. xvi. 80, xx.
70; Athen. xii. p. 549; Aeliiin, V. 11. ix. 13;
Memnon, ap. Phot. Cod. 224.) [L. S.]

DIONY'SIUS {£i.iovx)ffios) the Elder, tyrant
of SVRACUSB, must have been born in B. c. 431 or
430, as we sire told that he was twenty-five years
old when he first obtained the sovereignty of Sy-
racuse. (Cic Tunc. V. 20.) We know nothing of
his family, but that his father's name was llermo-
crates, and that he was bom in a private but not
low station, so that he received an excellent edu-
cation, and began life in the capacity of a clerk in
a public office. (Cic. Tusc. v. 20, 22 ; Diod. xiii.
yi, 96, xiv. 66 ; Isocr. PhUip. § 73 ; Dem. c. Lept.
§ 141, p. 506 ; Polyaen. Strateg. y. 2. § 2.) He
appears to have early taken part in the political
dissensions which agitated Syracuse after the de-
struction of the great Athenian armament, and hav-
ing joined in the attempt of Hermocrates, the
leader of the aristocnitical party, to effect by force
his restoration from exile, was so severely wounded
as to be left for dead upon the spot. (Diod. xiii.
75.) We next hear of him as serving with dis-
tinction in the great war against the Carthaginians,
who had invaded Sicily under Hannibal, the son
of Cisco, and successively reduced and destroyed
Selinus, Hiraera, and Agrigentum. These disas-
ters, and especially the failure of the Syracusan
general, Daphnaeus, to relieve Agrigentum, had
created a general spirit of discontent and alarm,
both at Syracuse and among the allies, of which
Dionysius skilfully availed himself. He came for-
ward'in the popular assembly as the accuser of the
unsuccessful commanders, and, being supported by
Philistus, the historian, and Hipparinus, men of
wealth and influence, he succeeded in procuring a
decree for deposing the existing generals, and ap-
pointing others in their stead, among whom was
J)iony8ius himself. (Diod. xiii. 91, 92; Aristot.
PolU. V, 5, 6.) His efforts seem from this time to
have been directed towards supplanting his new
colleagues and obtaining the sole direction of af-
fairs. He persuaded the Syracusans to recall the
exiles, most of whom were probably partizans of
Hermocrates, and would readily admit him as their
leader, and secretly accused his colleagues in the
command of holding intelligence with the enemy.
Being soon after sent to Gela with the separate
command of a body of auxiliaries, he there carried
on similar intrigues, and when he thought that he
had sufficiently secured to himself the favour both
of the people of Gela and of his own troops, he
returned abruptly to Syracuse, and brought before
the assembled people distinct charges of corruption
and treachery against his brother generals. These
found ready belief, and it was determined to depose
all the others and appoint Dionysius sole general,
with full powers. (Diod. xiii. 92—94.) This
was in the spring of the year B. c. 405, the first
appointment of Dionysius as one of the genei-aJs
having been in Dec. 40(). Comp. Clinton, F. H. ii.
p. 82; Diod. /.c; Dionys. vii. 1.) According to
Plutarch, indeed, Hipparinus, who is represented
by Aristotle {Polit. v. 6) as lending his aid to pro-
cure the elevation of Dionysius, was at first ap-
pointed his colleague in the chief command (Plut
JHotiy 3) ; but, if this be not a mistake, his autho-
rity could have been little more than nominal, as
he plays no part in the subsequent tninsactions.

The position of general autocrator by no means
implied in itself the exercise of sovereign power, but

DIONYSIUS.

1033

the measures of Dionysius soon rendered it such ;
and we may date from this period the commencement
of his reign, or tyranny, which continued without
interruption for 38 years. His first step was to pro-
cure, on the ground of an attempt on his life, whether
real or pretended, the appointment of a body-guard,
which he speedily increased to the number of 1000
men: at the same time he induced the Syracusans
to double the pay of all the troops, and took every
means to ingratiate himself with the mercen{^rie»,
taking care to repLice those officers who were un-
favourable to him by creatures of his own. By his
marriage with the daughter of Hermocrates he
secured to himself the support of all the remaining
partizans of that leader, and he now found himself
strong enough to procure the condemnation and
execution of Daphnaeus and Demarchus, the heads
of the opposite party. (Diod. xiii. 95, 96.)

His first operations in the war against the Car-
thaginians were, however, unsuccessful. Having
advanced with a large army to the relief of Gela,
then besieged by Himilco, he was defeated, and
deemed it prudent to retire, taking with him the
inhabitants both of Gela itself and the neighbour-
ing Caniarina. This reverse gave a severe shock
to his popularity, of which his enemies at Syracuse
availed themselves to attempt to overthrow his
power. For a moment they were masters of the
city, but Dionysius disconcerted their plans by the
suddenness of his return, and compelled them to
quit the city, though not until his unfortunate wife
had fallen a victim to their cruelty. (Diod. xiii.
108—113, xiv. 44 ; Plut, Dion, 3.) He soon after-
wards gladly accepted the overtures of the Cartha-
ginian general Himilco, whose army had suffered
greatly from a pestilence, and concluded peace with
Carthage b. c. 405. (Diod. xiii. 114.)

He was now able to devote his whole attention
to strengthening and consolidating his power at
home. He converted the island of Ortygia into a
strong fortress, in which he took up his own resi-
dence, and allowed no one but his own immediate
dependents to dwell; and while he courted the
favour of the populace by assigning them lands and
houses, he augmented their numbers by admitting
many aliens and newly-freed slaves to the rights of
citizenship. These measures naturally gave um-
brage to the higher class of citizens who formed
the heavy-armed infantry, and they took advantage
of an expedition on which he led them against the
Sicelians to break out into open revolt. They were
instantly joined by the exiles who had established
themselves at Aetna, and Dionysius was compelled
to take refuge in the isknd which he had so re-
cently fortified. From this danger, however, he
managed to extricate himself by the aid of a body
of Campanian mercenaries, seconded by the dissen-
sions which broke out among his enemies. Some
of these submitted to him on favourable terras ; the
rest retired to Aetna. (Diod. xiv. 7 — 9.) From
this time his authority at Syracuse appears to have
been undisputed. He soon after took adv;uitage
of the harvest time to disarm those citizens whom
he had still cause to fear, and reduced the fortress
of Aetna, which had been the stronghold of the
exiles disaffected to his government. (lb. cc. 10,

His arms were next directed against the Chalci-
dian cities of Sicily. Naxos, Catana, and Leon-
tini, successively fell into his power, either by
force or treachery. The inhabitants were eithez

1034

DIONYSIUS.

sold as slaves or compelled to migrate to Syracuse.
Naxos was utterly destroyed, and Catana occupied
by a colony of Campanian mercenaries, B. c.
403. (Diod. xiv. 14, 15.) For several years after
this he appears to have been occupied in strengthen-
ing his power and in preparations for renewing the
war with Carthage. Among these may be reckoned
the great works which he at this time erected, —
the docks adapted for the reception of several hun-
dred ^hips, and the wall of 30 stadia in length, en-
closing the whole extent of the Epipolae, the magni-
ficence of which is attested by its existing remains
at the present day. (Diod. xiv. 18,42; Smith's
Sicily^ p. 167.)

It was not till b. c. 397 that Dionysius con-
sidered himself sufficiently strong, or his prepara-
tions enough advanced, to declare war against Car-
thage. He hfvd in the mean time assembled a
large army of auxiliary and mercenary troops, and
a fleet of two hundred ships, remarkable for the
number of quadriremes and quinqueremes which
were seen in it for the first time. The Cartha-
ginians had been greatly weakened by the ravages
of a pestilence in Africa, and were unprepared for
war. Dionysius was immediately joined not only
by the Greeks of Gela, Agrigentum, Ilimera, and
S'Jinus, which had become tributary to Carthage
by the late treaty of 405, but by the Sicelians of
the interior, and even the Sicanians, in general the
firm allies of Carthage. He thus advanced without
opposition from one end of Sicily to the other, and
laid siege to Motya, one of the chief strongholds of
the Carthaginians, which fell into his power after
a long and desperate resistance, prolonged till near
the close of the summer. Segesta, however, suc-
cessfully resisted his efforts, and the next year
(n. c. 396) the arrival of a great Carthaginian
armament under Himilco changed the face of
aflairs. Motya was quickly recovered ; the Sica-
nians and Sicelians abandoned the S3Tacusan al-
liance for that of the enemy, and Himilco advanced
unopposed as far as Messaiia, which he carried by
assault, and utterly destroyed. The Syracusan
fleet under Leptines, the brother of Dionysius, was
tot;illy defeated ; and the latter, not daring to risk
a battle, withdrew with his land forces, and shut
himself up within the walls of Syracuse. Aban-
doned by the other Sicilian Greeks, and besieged
by the Carthaginians both by sea and land, his
situation appeared to be desperate. It is even said
that he was on the point of giving up all for lost,
and making his escape, but was deterred by one of
his friends observing, " that sovereign power was
an honourable winding-sheet." (Isocrat. Archi-
dam. § 49 ; Aelian. V. H. iv. 8 ; but compare
Diod. xiv. 8.) A pestilence shortly after broke
out in the Carthaginian camp, which a second time
proved the salvation of Syracuse. Dionysius ably
availed himself of the state of weakness to which
the enemy was thus reduced, and by a sudden
attack both by sea and land, defeated the Cartha-
ginian army, and burnt great part of their fleet.
Still he was glad to consent to a secret capitulation,
by which the Carthaginians themselves were allowed
to depart unmolested, abandoning both their allies
and foreign mercenaries, who, thus left without a
leader, were quickly dispersed. (Diod. xiv. 41
-76.)

No pe.ice was concluded with Carthage upon
this occasion ; but the effects of their late disastrous
expedition, and the revolt of their subjects in

DIONYSIUS.
Africa, prevented the Carthaginians from renewing
hostilities against Syracuse until the summer of
393, when Mago, who had succeeded Himilco in
the command, having renewed the alliance with
the Sicelians, advanced towards Messana, but was
defeated by Dionysius near Abacaenum. The next
year (b. c. 392) he marched against the Syracusan
territory with a much greater force ; but Dionysius
having secured the alliance of Agyris, tyrant of
Agyrium, was enabled to cut off the supplies of the
enemy, and thus reduced them to such distress,
that Mago was compelled to treat for peace. The
Sj'racusans also were weary of the war, and a
treaty was concluded, by which the Carthaginians
abandoned their Sicelian allies, and Dionysius be-
came master of Tauromenium: in other respects,
both parties remained nearly as before. (Diod.
xiv. 90, 95, m.)

This treaty left Dionysius at leisure to continue
the ambitious projects in which he had previously
engaged against the Greek cities in Italy. Already,
before the Carthaginian war, he had secured the
alliance of the Locrians by marrying Doris, the
daughter of one of their principal citizens. Rhe-
gium, on the contrary, had been uniformly hostile
to him, and was the chief place of refuge of the
Syracusan exiles. (Diod. xiv. 40.) Hence
Dionysius established at Messana, after its destruc-
tion by Himilco, a colony of citizens from Locri
and its kindred city of Medama, to be a stronghold
against Rhegium. (xiv. 78.) His designs in this
quarter attracted so much attention, that the prin-
cipal Greek cities in Italy, which were at the same ■
time hard pressed by the Lucanians of the interior, m
concluded a league for their common defence at l
once against the barbarians and Dionysius. The
latter retaliated by entering into alliance with the
Lucanians, and sending a fleet to their assistance
under his brother Leptines, b. c. 390. (xiv. 91,
100 — 102.) The next year he gained a decisive
victory over the combined forces of the Italian
Greeks at the river Helorus ; and this success was
followed by the reduction of Caulonia, Hipponium,
and finally, after a siege protracted for nearly
eleven months, of Rhegium itself, B. c. 387. (xiv.
1 03—108, 1 1 1.) The inhabitants of the conquered
cities were for the most part removed to Syracuse,
and their territory given up to the Locrians.

Dionysius was now at the summit of his great-
ness, and during the twenty years that elapsed
from this period to his death, possessed an amount
of power and influence far exceeding those enjoyed
by any other Greek before the time of Alexander.
In Sicily he held undisputed rule over the eastern
half of the island, while the principal cities of the
interior and those along the north coast, as far as
Cephaloedium, were either subject to him, or held
by his close and dependent allies, (xiv. 78, QG.)
In Italy it is difficult to estimate the precise ex-
tent of his influence: direct dominion he had ap-
parently none. But his allies, the Locrians, were
masters of the whole southern extremity of the
peninsula, and his powerful fleets gave him the
command both of the Tyrrhenian and Adriatic
seas. In the former he repressed the piracies of
the Etruscans, and, under pretence of retaliation,
led a fleet of 60 triremes against them, with which
he took the town of P\'rgi, the port of Caere, and
plundered its wealthy temple of Matuta. (DioA
XV. 14 ; Strab. v. p. 226 ; Pseud.-Aristot. Oeconom^
ii, 2.) On this occasion he is also said to have

DIONYSIUS.

nssaiU'd Corsica (Strab. /. c), b»it probably did not
form any permanont cstabliahnient there. The
Boveri'ignty of the Adriatic Bcems to have been a
favourite ol)ject of his ambition. He endeavoured
to secure it by establishing a colony on the island
of Lissa, or, according to other accounts, at Lissus
in Kpcirus (comp. Scymn. Chius, 1. 412; Diod.
xv. 13, 14), where he kept up a considerable navsU
force, and another at Adria in Picenum. ( Etyra.
Magn. s. 1'., ABplas.) Ancona too was probably
founded by him at the same time. (Plin. H. N.
iii. l.'i; Strab. v. p. 241 ; Arnold's 7^»i^, vol. i.
p. 437.) With the same view he sent a squadron
to assist the Lacedaemonians in preventing the
Athenians from establishing themselves at Corcyra,
n. c. 373. (Xen. Hell. vi. 2. §§ 4, 33.) The ex-
tent of his commerci.al relations may be inferred
from his importing horses for his chariots from the
Venetian tribes at the head of the Adriatic. (Strab.
V. p. 212.) As early as b. c. 402 he is mentioned
as sending large supplies of corn to relieve a scarcity
at Rome. (Liv. iv. 52 ; Niebuhr, Rom. Hist. ii.
p. 5f)4.) At the same time he took every oppor-
tunity of extending his relations with foreign
powers, and strengthening himself by alliances.
Thus we find him assisting the Illynans against
their neighbours the Molossians (Diod. xiv. 13),
and concluding a treaty with the Gauls, who had
lately made their appearance in Italy, and who
continued from this time to furnish a considerable
part of his mercenary troops. (Justin, xx. 5 ; Xen.
flell. xil 1. ^^ 20,31.) In Greece itself he cultivated
the friendship of the Lacedaemonians, to whose
support he had been greatly indebted in the earlier
days of his rule (Diod. xiv. 10, 70); and among
the last acts of his reign was the sending an
auxiliary force in two successive years to support
them against the increasing power of the Thebans.
(Xen. Hell. vii. 1. ^$ 20, 28; Diod. xv. 70.)
He also conciliated, but by what means we know
not, the favour of the Athenians, so that they be-
stowed upon him the freedom of their city. (Epist.
Philipp. ap. Dem. p. 176, ed. Bekk.)

The peace with Carthage did not remain unin-
ternipted during the whole of this period, but the
wars were not of any great importance, and are
not known to us in detail. In B. c. 383 the in-
trigues of Dionysius with the subject allies of Car-
thage led to a renewal of hostilities. Two great
battles, the sites of both of which are uncertain,
decided the fortune of the war. In the first Diony-
sius was completely victorious, and Mago, the Car-
thaginian general, fell ; but in the second the
Syracusans were defeated with great slaughter.
Peace was concluded soon after, by which the river
Halycus was fixed as the boundary of the two
powers. (Diod. xv. 15 — 17.) Dionysius seems
to have been again the aggressor in a fresh war
which broke out in b, c. 368, and in which he a
second time advanced with his army to the extreme
western point of Sicilj', and laid siege to Lily-
baeum. Hostilities were however suspended on
the approach of winter, and before they could be
resumed Dionysius died at Syracuse, b. c. 367. His
last illness is said to have been brought on by ex-
cessive feasting ; but according to some accounts,
his death was hastened by his medical attendants,
in order to secure the succession for his son.
(Diod. XV. 74 ; Plut. Z>io«, 6 ; Corn. Nep. Dioji, 2.)
After the death of his first wife, Dionysius had
married almost exactly at the same time — some

DIONYSIUS.

1035

said oven on the same day — Doris, a Locrian of
distinguished birth, and Aristom.-iche, a Syracusan,
the daughter of his old patron and supporter Hip-
parinua. (Diod. xiv. 44 ; Plut. Z>«m, 3.) By the
former he had three children, of which the eldest
■was his successor, Dionysius. Aristomache bore
him two sons, Ilipparinus and Nyweus, and two
daughters, Sophrosyne and Arete. (Plut. Dion, 6 ;
Com. Nep. IHon, 1 ; Athen. x. pp. 435 — 6.)

The character of Dionysius has been drawn in
the blackest colours by many ancient writers ; he
appears indeed to have become a sort of type of a
tyrant, in its worst sense, and it is probable that
many of the anecdotes of him related by Cicero,
Aelian, Polyaenus, and other later writers, are
grossly exaggerated ; but the very circumstJince
that he was so regarded in opposition to Gelon and
others of the older tyrants (see Plut. Diow, 5) is in
itself a proof that the opprobrium was not alto-
gether undeserved. He was undoubtedly a man
of great energy and activity of mind, as well as
great personal courage ; but he was altogether un-
scrupulous in the means which he employed to
attain his ends, and had no thought beyond his
own personal aggrandizement. Thus while he
boasted that he left to his son an empire held to-
gether with bonds of iron (Plut. Dion, 7), he
exhausted his subjects by excessive taxation, and
was obliged to have recourse to every kind of ex-
pedient to amass money. ( Aristot. Pol. v. 1 1 ;
Pseud.- Aristot. Oeconom. ii. 2. The statements of
the latter must be received with caution, but they
are conclusive as to the general fact.) Diodorus
tells us that, when his power became firmly esta-
blished, he abated much of his former severity (xiv.
45), and he gave a signal instance of clemency in
his treatment of the Italian Greeks who had fallen
into his power at the battle of the Helorus. (Diod.
xiv. 105.) But it is probable that the long pos-
session of absolute power had an injurious effect
upon his character, and much apparent inconsist-
ency may be accounted for in this manner. In his
latter years he became extremely suspicious, and
apprehensive of treachery even from his nearest
friends, and is said to have adopted the most ex-
cessive precautions to guard against it. Many of
these stories have however an air of great exagge-
ration. (Cic. Tusc. v. 20 ; Plut. Dion. 9.)

Though his government was oppressive in a
financial point of view, Dionysius seems to have
contributed much to the greatness of Syracuse it-
self, both by increasing the population with the
inhabitants removed from many conquered cities,
and by adorning it with splendid temples and other
public edifices, so as to render it unquestionably
the greatest of all Greek cities. (Diod. xv. 13;
Isocrat. Pancgyr. § 145.) At the same time he
displayed his magnificence by sending splendid
deputations to the Olympic games, and rich pre-
sents both to Olympia and Delphi. (Diod. xiv..
109, xvi. 57.) , Nor was he without literary am-
bition. In the midst of his political and military
cares he devoted himself assiduously to poetry, and
not only caused his poems to be publicly recited at
the Olympic games, but repeatedly contended for
the prize of tragedy at Athens. Here he several
times obtained the second and third prizes ; and,
, finally, just before his death, bore away the first
prize at the Lenaea, with a play cjilled "The Ran-
som of Hector." These honours seem to prove
that his poetry could not have been altogether »a

1036

DIONYSIUS.

contemptible as it is represented b}' later writers ;
but only the titles of some of his dramas and a few
detached lines are preserved to us. He is especially
blamed for the use of far-fetched and unusual ex-
pressions. (Diod. xiv. 109 ; xv. 74 ; Tzetz. C7«7.
V. 178 — 185; Cic. Tusc. v. 22; Lucian, adv. In-
doctum. ^ 13 ; Holladius, ap. Pliotium. p. 532, b.
ed. Bekk.) Some fragments of his tragedies will
be found in Stobaeus {FlorUeg. 38, 2 ; 38, 6 ; 49, 9 ;
98, 30 ; ] 05, 2 ; 125, 8 ; Eclogue, i. 4, 19) and in
Athenaeus. (ix. p. 401, f.)

In accordance with the same spirit we find him
seeking the society of men distinguished in litera-
ture and philosophy, entertaining the poet Philoxe-
ims at his table, patronizing the Pythagorean
philosophers, who were at this time numerous in
Italy and Sicily, and inviting Plato to Syracuse.
He however soon after sent the latter away from
Sicily in disgrace ; and though the story of his
having caused him to be sold as a slave, as well as
that of his having sent Philoxenus to the stone
quarries for ridiculing his bad verses, are probably
gross exaggerations, they may well have been so
far founded in fact, that his intercourse with these
persons was interrupted by some sudden burst of
capricious violence. (Diod. xv. 6, 7; Plut. Dion, 5;
Lucian, a</». Indod. § 15; Tzetz. ChU. v. 152, &c;
but compare Athen. i. p. 6, f.) He is also
said to have avenged himself upon Plato in a more
legitimate manner by writing a play against him.
(Tzetz. ChU. v. 182—185.)

The history of Dionysius was written by his
friend and contemporary Philistus, as well as by
Ephorus and Timaeus ; but none of these authors
ure now extant. Diodorus is our chief, indeed
almost our sole, authority for the events of his
reign. An excellent review of his government and
chjiracter is given in Arnold's History of Rome.
(Vol. i. c. 21.) Mitford's elaborate account of his
reign is rather an apology than a historj', and is
very inaccurate as well as partid. [K. H. B.]

DION Y'SIUS (Atoi'uo-joj) the Younger, tyrant
of Syracuse, son of the preceding, succeeded his
father in the possession of supreme power at Syra-
cuse, B. c. 367. Something like the fonn of a po-
pular election, or at least the confirmation of his
power by the people, appears to have been thought
necessary ; but it could have been merely nominal,
as the amount of his mercenary force and the forti-
fications of the citadel secured him the virtual so-
vereignty. (Diod. XV. 74.) Dionysius was at this
time under thirty years of age : he had been
brought up at his father's court in idleness and
luxurj', and studiously precluded from taking any
part in public affairs. (Plut. Dion, 9.) The con-
sequences of this education were quickly manifested
as soon as he ascended the throne : the ascendanc}'^
which Dion, and through his means Plato, obtained
for a time over his mind was undermined by flat-
terers and the companions of his pleasures, who
persuaded him to give himself up to the most un-
bounded dissipation. Of the public events of his
reign, which lasted between eleven and twelve
years (Diod. xv. 73 ; Clinton, F. H. ii. p. 268),
we have very little information : he seems to have
succeeded to his father's influence in the south of
Italy as well as to his dominion in Sicily, and to
have followed up his views in regard to the Adria-
tic, for which end he founded two cities in Apulia.
We also find him sending a third auxiliary force
to the assistiuice of the Lacedaemouians. (Xen.

DIONYSIUS.
Hell. vii. 4. § 12.) But his character was peaceful
and indolent ; he hastened to conclude by a treaty
the war with the Carthaginians, in which he found
himself engaged on his accession ; and the only
other war that he undertook was one against the
Lucanians, probably in defence of his Italian
allies, which he also quickly brought to a close.
(Diod. xvi. 5.) Philistus, the historian, who, after
having been one of his father's chief supporters,
had been subsequently banished by him, enjoyed
the highest place in the confidence of the younger
Dionysius, and appears to have been charged with
the conduct of all his military enterprises. Notwith-
standing his advanced age, he is represented as
rather encouraging than repressing the excesses of
Dionysius, and joining with the party who sought
to overthrow the power of Dion, and ultimately
succeeded in driving him into exile. The banish-
ment of Dion contributed to render Dionysius un-
popular among the Syracusans, who began also to
despise him for his indolent and dissolute life, as
well as for his habitual drunkenness. Yet his
court seems to have been at this time a great place
of resort for philosophers and men of letters : be-
sides Plato, whom he induced by the most urgent
entreaties to pay him a second visit, Aristippus of
Cyrene, Eudoxus of Cnidus, Speusippus, and
others, are stated to have spent some time with
him at Syracuse ; and he cultivated a friendly in-
tercourse with Archytas and the Pythagoreans of
Magna Graecia. (Plut. Dion, 18-20; Diog. Laert.
iii. 21, 23 ; Aelian, V. H. iv. 18, vii. 17; Pseud.-
Plat. Epist. 6.) Much doubt indeed attaches to
all the stories related by Plut<irch and other late
writers concerning the intercourse of Plato with
Dionysius, but they can hardly have been altoge-
ther destitute of foundation.

Dionysius was absent from Syracuse at the time
that Dion landed in Sicily : the news of that event
and of the sudden defection of the Syracusans
reached him at Caulonia, and he instantly returned
to Syracuse, where the citadel still held out for
him. But his attempts at negotiation having prov-
ed abortive, the sallies of his troops having been re-
pulsed, and the fleet which Philistus had brought
to his succour having been defeated, he despaired
of success, and sailed away to Italy with his most
valuable property, leaving the citadel of Syracuse
in charge of his son, Apollocrates, B. c. 356. (Diod.
xvi. 11—13, 16, 17; Plut. Dion, 26—37.)

Dionysius now repaired to Locri, the native city
of his mother, Doris, where he was received in the
most friendly manner by the inhabitants — a confi-
dence of which he availed himself to occupy the
citadel with an armed force, and thus to establish
himself as tyrant of the city. This position he
continued to hold for several years, during which
period he is said to have treated the inhabitants
with the utmost cruelt}% at the same time that he
indulged in the most extravagant licentiousness.
(Justin, xxi. 2, 3 ; Clearch. ap. Athen. xii. p. 541 ;
Strab. vi. p. 259; Aristot. Pol. v. 7.) Meanwhile
the revolutions which had taken place at Syracuse
seem to have prepared the way for his return.
The history of these is very imperfectly known to
us : but, after the death of Dion, one tyrant fol-
lowed another with great rapidity. Callippus, the
murderer of Dion, was in his turn driven from the
city by Hipparinus (son of the elder Dionysius by
Aristomache, and therefore nephew of Dion), who
reigned but two years : another of Dion's nephews,

DIONYSIUS.

Nysacus, subsequently obtained the supreme power,
nnd was in possession of it when Dionysius pre-
sented himself before Syracuse with a fleet, and
became master of the city by treachery. Accord-
ing to PluUirch, this took place in the tenth year
after his expulsion, B. c. 340". (Diod. xvi. 31,
3f) ; Justin, xxi. 3 ; Athen. xi. p. 500 ; Plut.
Timol. 1.) The Locrians meanwhile took advan-
tage of his .absence to revolt against him : they
drove out the garrison which he had left, and
wreaked their vengeance in the most cruel manner
on his wife and daughters. (Strab. vi. p. '260 ; Cle-
arch. ap. AOien. xii. p. 541.) Dionysius was not
however able to reestablish himself firmly in his
former power. Most of the other cities of Sicily
had shaken off the yoke of Syracuse, and were
governed severally by petty tyrants : one of these,
Hicet<is, who had established himself at Leontini,
afforded a rallying point to the disaffected Syra-
cusans, with whom he joined in making war on
Dionysius, and succeeded in gaining possession of
the greater part of the city, and blockading the
tyrant anew in the fortress on the island. It was
in this state of things that Timoleon arrived in
Sicily. His anns were not indeed directed in the
first instance against Dionysius, but against Hice-
tas and his Carthaginian allies ; but his rapid suc-
cesses and the general respect entertained for his
character induced Dionj'sius, who was still block-
aded in the citadel, and appears to have abandoned
all hope of ultimate success, to treat with him ra-
ther than the opposite party. He accordingly sur-
rendered the fortress of Ortygia into the hands of
Timoleon, on condition of being allowed to depart
in safety to Corinth, b. c. 343. (Diod. xvi. 65-70;
Plut. Tiind. 8 — 13.) Here he spent the remainder
of his life in a private condition, and is said to
have frequented low company, and sunk gradually
into a very degraded and abject state. According
to some writers, he was reduced to support himself
by keeping a school ; others say, that he became
one of the attendants on the rites of Cybele, a set
of mendicant priests of the lowest class. His weak
and voluptuous character render these stories by
no means improbable, although it seems certain
that he was in the first instance allowed to take
with him a considerable portion of his wealth, and
must have occupied an honourable position, as we
find him admitted to familiar intercourse with Phi-
lip of Macedon. Some anecdotes are preserved of
him that indicate a ready wit and considerable
shrewdness of observation. (Plut. Timol. 14, 15 ;
Justin, xxi. 5 ; Clearch. ap. Athen. xii. p. 541 :
Aelian, V. H. vi. 12 ; Cic. Tusc. iii, 12.)

There are no authentic coins of either of the
two Dionysii : probably the republican forms were
Btill so far retained, notwithstanding their virtual
despotism, that all coins struck under their rule
bore the name of the city only. According to
Miiller (Arch'dol. d. Kunst. p. 128), the splendid
silver coins, of the weight of ten drachms, com-
monly known as Syracusan medallions, belong for

DIONYSIUS.

1037

the most part to the period of their two reigns.
Certain Punic coins, one of which is represented
in the annexed cut, arc commonly ascribed to the
younger Dionysius, but only on the authority of
Goltzius (a noted falsifier of coins and their in-
scriptions), who has published a similar coin with
the name AI0NT2I0T. [E. H. B.]

DIONY'SIUS, PAPI'RIUS, praefectus an-
nonae under Commodus. Having procured by his
intrigues the destruction of the favourite Cleander
[Clkander], he himself soon after fell a victim
to the cruelty of the tyrant. (Dion Cass. Ixxii,
13,14.) [W. R.]

DIONY'SIUS ( Aioi/uo-ws ), literary. The
nimiber of persons of this name in the history of
Greek literature is very great. Meursius was the
first that collected a list of them and added some
account of each (Gronov, Tliesaur. Ant. Graec. x.
p. 577, &c.) ; his list has been still further in-
creased by lonsius {Hist. Philos. Script, iii. 6,
p. 42, &c.), and by Fabricius {Bill. Gr. iv. p. 405),
so that at present upwards of one hundred persons
of the name of Dionysius are known. The list
given by Suidas is full of the utmost confusion.
The following list contains all, with the exception
of those mentioned in an isolated passage merely.

1. Aelius Dionysius, a Greek rhetorician of
Halicamassus, who lived in the time of the em-
peror Hadrian. He was a very skilful musician,
and wrote several works on music and its history.
(Suid. s. V. AiovvaiGs.) It is commonly supposed
that he was a descendant of the elder Dionysius of
Halicamassus, the author of the Roman Archaeo-
logy. Respecting his life nothing further is known.
The following works, which are now lost, are attri-
buted to him by the ancients : 1 . A Dictionary of
Attic words ('ATT*/cd 6v6ixara) in five books, dedi-
cated to one Scymnus. Photius {BiU. Cod. 152)
speaks in high terms of its usefulness, and states,
that Aelius Dionysius himself made two editions
of it, the second of which was a great improvement
upon the first. Both editions appear to have ex-
isted in the time of Photius. It seems to have
been owing to this work that Aelius Dionysius
was called sometimes by the surname of Atticista.
Meursius was of opinion that our Dionysius was
the author of the work Ttepi aKXWav I>i)jx6.twv koX
eyKKivofxivuv Ae'lewj', which was published by
Aldus Manu tins (Venice, 1496) in the volume en-
titled " Horti Adonidis ;" but there is no evidence
for this supposition. (Comp. Schol. Venet. ad Iliad.
XV. 705; Villoison, Prolegom. ad Horn. II. p. xxix.)
2. A history of Music {fiovaiKif icnopla) in 36
books, with accounts of citharoedi, auletae, and
poets of all kinds. (Suid. /. c.) 3. "PvQfxiK^ viro/j.-
K»ijiiOTO, in 24 books. (Suid. I. c.) 4. Mova-iKrjs woi-
Sei'o 1^ SiOTpj^oj, in 22 books. (Suid. I. c.) 5. A
work in five books on what Plato had said about
music in his iroAiTc/o. (Suid. /. c; Eudoc. p. 131.)

2. Bishop of Alexandria, was probably a
native of the same city. He was born of pagan
parents, who were persons of rank and influence.
He studied the doctrines of the various philoso-
phical sects, and this led him at last to embrace
Christianity. Origen, who was one of his teachers,
had probably great influence upon this step of his
pupil. After having been a presbyter for some
time, he succeeded, about A. D. 232, Heraclas as
the head of the theological school at Alexandria,
and after the death of Heraclas. who had been
Kiised to the bishopric of Alexandria, Dionywua

1038

DIONYSIUS.

succeeded him in the see, a. d. 247. During the
persecution of the Christians by Decius, Dionysius
was seized by the soldiers and carried to Taposiris,
a small town between Alexandria and Can opus,
probably with a view of putting him to death there.
But he escaped from captivity in a manner which
he himself describes very minutely {ap. Euseb.
Hist. Ecd-. vi. 40). He had, however, to suffer
still more severely in a. d. 257, during the perse-
cution which the emperor Valerian instituted
against the Christians. Dionysius made an open
confession of his faith before the emperor's praefect
Aemilianus, and was exiled in consequence to
Cephro, a desert district of Libya, whither he was
compelled to proceed forthwith, although he was
severely ill at the time. After an exile of three
years, an edict of Gallienus in favour of the Chris-
tians enabled him to return to Alexandria, where
henceforth he was extremely zealous in combating
heretical opinions. In his attacks against Sabellius
he was carried so far by his zeal, that he uttered
things which were themselves incompatible with
the orthodox faith ; but when he was taken to ac-
count by Dionysius, bishop of Rome, who convoked
a s}Tiod for the purpose, he readily owned that he
liad acted rashly and inconsiderately. In a. d. 265
he was invited to a synod at Antioch, to dispute
with Paulas of Samosata, but being prevented from
going thither by old age and infirmity, he wrote a
letter to the synod on the subject of the contro-
versy to be discussed, and soon after, in the same
year, he died, after having occupied the see of
Alexandria for a period of seventeen years. The
church of Rome regards Dionysius as a saint, and
celebrates his memory on the 18th of October.
We leani from Epiphanes {Haeres. 69), that at
Alexandria a church was dedicated to him. Dio-
nysius wrote a considerable number of theological
works, consisting partly of treatises and partly of
epistles addressed to the heads of churches and to
communities, but all that is left us of them consists
of fragments preserved in Eusebius and others.
A complete list of his works is given by Cave,
from which we mention only the most import-
ant. 1. On Promises, in two books, was di-
rected against Nepos, and two considerable frag-
ments of it are still extant. (Euseb. H. E. in.
28, vii. 24.) 2. A work addressed to Dionysius,
bishop of Rome, in four books or epistles, against
Sabellius. Dionysius here excused the hasty
assertions of which he himself had been guilty in
attacking Sabellius. A great number of fragments
and extracts of it are preserved in the writings of
Athanasius and Basilius. 3. A work addressed
to Timotheus, " On Nature," of which extracts
are preserved in Eusebius. {Praep. Evang. xiv.
23, 27.) Of his Epistles also numerous fx-agments
are extant in the works of Eusebius. All that is
extant of Dionysius, is collected in Gallandi's DM.
Pair. iii. p. 481, &c., and in the separate collection
by Simon de Magistris, Rome, 1796, foL (Cave,
Hist. Lit. i. p. 95, &c.)

3. Of Alexandria, a son of Glaucus, a Greek
grammarian, who flourished from the time of Nero
to that of Trajan. He was secretary and librarian
to the emperors in whose reign he lived, and was
also employed in embassies. He was the teacher
of the grammarian Parthenius, and a pupil of the
philosopher Chaeremon, whom he also succeeded
at Alexandria, (Athen. xi. p. 501 ; Suid. s. v.
Liovvaios ; Eudoc. p. 133.) |

DIONYSIUS.

4. Of Antioch, a sophist, who seems to have
been a Christian, and to be the same person as tlie
one to whom the nineteenth letter of Aeneas of
Gaza is addressed. Pie himself is the reputed
author of 46 letters, which are still extant. A
Latin version of them was first printed by G.
Cognatus, in his " Epistolae Laconicae," Basel,
1554, r2mo., and afterwards in J. Buchler's
" Thesaurus Epist. Lacon.," 1606, 12mo. The
Greek original was first edited by H. Stephens, in
his Collection of Greek Epistles, Paris, 1577, 8vo,
Meursius is inclined to attribute these Epistles to
Dionysius of Miletus, without, however, assigning
any reason for it

5. Sumamed Areiopageita, an Athenian, who
is called by Suidas a most eminent man, who rose
to the height of Greek erudition. He is said to
have first studied at Athens, and afterwards at
Heliopolis in Eg3'pt. When he observed in Egypt
the eclipse of the sun, which occurred during the
crucifixion of Jesus Christ, he is said to have ex-
claimed, " either God himself is suffering, or he
sympathises with some one who is suffering." On
his return to Athens he was made one of the
council of the Areiopagus, whence he derives his
surname. About a. d. 50, when St. Paul preached
at Athens, Dionysius became a Christian {The
Acts, xvii. 34), and it is said that he was not only
the first bishop of Athens, but that he was installed
in that office by St. Paul himself. (Euseb. //. E.
iii. 4, iv. 23 ; Suidas.) He is further said to have
died the death of a martyr under most cruel tor-
tures. Whether Dionysius Areiopageita ever wrote
anything, is highly uncertain ; but there exists
under his name a number of works of a mystico-
Christian nature, which contain ample evidence
that they are the productions of some Neo-
Platonist, and can scarcely have been written
before the fifth or sixth century of our era. With-
out entering upon any detail about those works,
which would be out of place here, we need only
remark, that they exercised a very great in-
fluence upon the formation and development of
Christianity in the middle ages. At the time of
the Carlovingian emperors, those works were in-
troduced into western Europe in a Latin transla-
tion made by Scotus Erigena, and gave the first
impulse to that mystic and scholastic theology
which afterwards maintained itself for centuiies.
(Fabric. BibL Gr. vii. p. 7, &c. ; Bilhr, Gesch. der
Rom. Lit. im Karoliiig. Zeiialler, § 187.)

6. A son of Arkius, the teacher and friend of
Augustus, who also profited by his intercourse
with the sons of Areius, Dionysius, and Nicanor.
(Sueton. Aug. 89; comp. Areius.)

7. Sumamed Ascalaphus, seems to have
written an exegesis of the Theodoris, a melic poem
on Eros. (Etym. M. s. v. Aiofvaios ; Athen. xi.
p. 475.)

8. Of Argos, seems to have been an historian,
as he is quoted by Clemens of Alexandria {Strom.
I. p. 139) respecting the time at which Troy was
taken. (Comp. Schol. ad Pifid. Nein. ii. 1.)

9. Of Athens, is quoted by the Scholiast on
ApoUonius Rhodius (ii. 279) as the author of a
work entitled KvricTiiSy that is, on conception or
birth, which is also mentioned in the Etymologicum
Magnum (s. v. YlpoiKovvTnaos), where, however, the
reading KTriaaiv should be corrected into Kinjaea-iy,
and not into KTicrecriv, as Sylburg proposes.

10. A frccdman of Atticus, whose full name

DIONYSIUS.

therefore was T. Pomponius Dionysiiw. Both
Cicero and Atticus were very much attached to
him. (Cic. ad Alt. iv. 8, ll/l3, 15.)

11. A native of Bithynia, a dialectic or Mega-
ric philosopher, who was the teacher of Thcodorus
the atheist. (Strab. xii. p. 566 ; Diog. Laert. ii.
98.)

12. Of Byzantium, appears to have lived before
the time of the emperor Severus, that is, before
A. D. 197, and is mentioned by Stephanus of By-
zantium (s. V. Xpva6iro\is) and Suidas as tlie
author of an dvdirKovs BoairSpov. Suidas further
calls him an epic poet, and stiites that he also wrote
on the species of poetry called bpiivoi. Some writers
have believed that our Dionysius of Byzantium is
the same as the one whose Periegesis is still extant,
but this opinion is without foundation, and based
only on the opinion of Suidas. The dydvAovs
BocnrSpov seems to have existed complete down to
the 16th century, for P. Gyllius in his work on
the Thracian Bosporus gave a considerable portion
of it in a Latin translation. G. J. Vossius ob-
tained a copy of a fragment of it, which his son
Isjuic had taken at Florence, and that fragment,
which is now the only part of the Anaplus known
to us, is printed in Du Cange's Constantinopolis
Christiana, in Hudson's Gcocfr. Minor, vol, iii.,
and in Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. iv. p. 664, note 1.
(Comp. Bemhardy in his edition of Dionys. Perieg.
p. 492.)

13. Dionysius Cassius. [Cassius, p. 626.]

14. Dionysius Cato. [Cato, p. 634.]

15. Of Chalcis, a Greek historian, who lived
before the Christian era. He wrote a work on
the foundation of towns {Krians) in five books,
which is frequently referred to by the ancients.
A considerable number of fragments of the work
have thus been preserved, but its author is other-
wise unknown. (Marcian. Heracl. Peripl. p. 5;
Suid. s. V. Xa\Kt5iKT} ; Harpocrat. s. v. '\i<paunla
aud'Hpoioi' Tctxos ; SchoL ad Apollon.Rhod. i. 558,
1024, iv.264, adAristoph. Nub. S97; Dionys.Hal.
A. Ji. i. 72 ; Strab. xii. p. 566 ; Plut. de Malign.
Herod. 22 ; Scymnus, 115; Clem. Alex. Strom, i.
p. 144; Zenob. Proverb, v. 64; Apostol. xviii.
25 ; Photius, s. w. IIpa^iStKTj, TiKfxiaiis ; Eudoc.
p. 438. )

1 6. Sumamed Chalcus (d XoAk-ous), an ancient
Attic poet and orator, who derived his surname
from his having advised the Athenians to coin
brass money for the purpose of facilitating traffic.
(Athen. xv. p. 669.) Of his oratory we know
nothing ; but his poems, chiefly elegies, are often
referred to and quoted. (Plut. Nic. 5 ; Aristot.
Met. iii. 2 ; Athen. xv. pp. 668, 702, x. p. 443,
xiii. p. 602.) The fragments extant refer chiefly
to symposiac subjects. Aristotle censures him for
his bad metaphors, and in the fragments extant we
still perceive a great fondness of raising the im-
portance of common things by means of far-fetched
images and allegories. The time at which he lived
is accurately determined by the statement of
Plutarch, that Nicias had in his house a highly
accomplished man of the name of Hieron, who
gave himself out to be a son of Dionysius Chalcus,
the leader of the Attic colony to Thurii in ludy,
which was founded in B. c. 444. (Comp. Phot,
s. t\ QovpiofxdvT€is, where we have probably to
read x^^*? instead of x'^^'^'^et.) It is true, that
other writers mention different persons as the
leaders of tluit colony to Thurii, but Dionysius may

DIONYSIUS.

1039

certainly have been one of them. (Osann, Ddtr'dge
z. (Jrieih. u. Rom. Lit. i. p. 79, &c. ; W'elckcr, in
the Wu-in. Mm. for 1836, p. 440, &c. ; Bergk,
Poet. Lyr. Grace, p. 432, &c., where the fragments
of Dionysius are collected.)

17. Of CuARAX, in Susiana on the Arabian gulf,
lived in the time of Augustus, who sent him to
the east that he might record all the exploits of his
grandson on his Parthian and Arabian expedition.
(Plin. //. N. vi. 31.)

18. A slave of Cickro, and a person of con-
siderable literary attainments, for which reason
Cicero employed him to instruct his son Marcus,
and was greatly attached to him. Cicero praises
hira in sevend passages for his attachment, learn-
ing, and honesty, and appears to have rewarded
his virtues by emancipating him. At a later
period, however, he complains of his want of grati-
tude, and at last he felt obliged to dismiss him,
though he very much regretted the loss of so able
a teacher. Subsequently, however, the parties be-
came reconciled. (Cic. ad Ait. iv. 15, 17, 18, v.
3, ix. 3, 12, 15, vi. 1, 2, vii. 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 18,
26, viii. 4, 5, 10, x. 2, xiii. 2, 33, ad Fam. xii.
24, 30.) A son of this Dionysius is mentioned by
Seneca. {Controv. i. 4.)

19. A slave of Cicero, who employed him as
reader and librarian ; but Dionysius robbed his
master of several books, and then escaped to Illy-
ricum. (Cic. ad Att. ix. 3, ad Fam. v. 9, 10, 11,
13, xiiL 77.)

20. Of Colophon, forged conjointly with Zo-
pyrus some works which they published under
the name of Menippus, the Cynic. (Diog. Laert.
vi. 100; Schol. ad Aristoph. Av. 1299.)

21. Of Corinth, an epic poet, who wrote some
metrical works, such as Advice for Life (uTroflrJ/cat),
on Causes (aTrto ; Suid. s. v. Aiovvaios; Plut. Amat.
17), and Meteorologica. In prose he wrote a
commentary on Hesiod. Suidas also mentions a
periegesis of the earth, but this is in all probability
the production of a different person, Dionysius Pe-
ricgetes. (Eudoc. p. 132.) Some also believe that
he was the author of a metrical work, AiBiku, which
was likewise the work of a different person. (Bern-
hardy, in his edit, of Dionys. Perieg. p. 492, &c.)

22. Bishop of Corinth in the latter half of the
second centuiy after Christ, distinguished himself
among the prelates of his time by his piety, his
eloquence, and the holiness of his life. He not
only watched with the greatest care over his own
diocese, but shewed a deep interest in the welfare
of other communities and provinces, to which he
addressed admonitory epistles. He died the death
of a martyr, about a. d. 178. None of his nume-
rous epistles is now extant, but a list of them is
preserved in Eusebius (//. E. iv. 23) and Hiero-
nymus {de Sci-ipt. 27), and a few fragments of
them are extant in Eusebius (ii. 25, iv. 23). In
one of them Dionysius complains that during his
lifetime some of his epistles had been interpolated
by heretics for the purpose of supporting their own
views. (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 44.)

23. An Epicurean philosopher, who succeeded
Polystratus as the head of the Epicurean school at
Athens. He himself was succeeded by Basilides,
and must therefore have lived about B. c 200.
(Diog. Laert. x. 25.) Brucker confounds him with
the Stoic sumamed d /xtraOeixevos, who afterward a
abandoned the Stoics and went over to the Cyre-
naics. (Diog. Laert. vii. 4.)

1040 DIONYSIUS

24. A Greek grammarian, who instructed
Plato when a boy in the elements of grammar-
(Diog. Laert iii. 5 ; Appuleius, de Dogmat. Plat. i.
2 ; Olympiod. Vit. Plat. p. 6, ed. Fischer.) He is
probably the same person as the Dionysius who is
mentioned in the beginning of Plato's dialogue
'Epao-raf.

25. Of Halicarnassus, the most celebrated
among the ancient writers of the name of Diony-
sius. He was the sou of one Alexander of Hali-
carnassus, and was bom, according to the calcula-
tion of Dodwell, between B. c. 78 and 54. Strabo
(xiv. p. GbQ) calls him his own contemporary. His
death took place soon after B. c. 7, the year in
which he completed and published his great work
on the history of Rome. Respecting his parents
and education we know nothing, nor any thing
about his position in his native pLice before he
emigrated to Rome ; though some have inferred
from his work on rhetoric, that he enjoyed a great
reputation at Halicarnassus. All that we know
for certain is, the information which he himself
gives us in the introduction to his history of
Rome (i. 7), and a few more particulars which
we may glean from his other works. Accord-
ing to his own account, he went to Italy im-
mediately after the termination of the civil wars,
about the middle of 01. 1 87, that is, B. c. 29.
Henceforth he remained at Rome, and the twenty-
two years which followed his arrival at Rome
were mainly spent by him in making himself ac-
quainted with the Latin language and literature,
and in collecting materials for his great work
on Roman history, called Archaeologia, We
may assume that, like other rhetoricians of the
time, he had commenced his career as a teacher
of rhetoric at Halicarnassus; and his works bear
strong evidence of his having been similarly
occupied at Rome. {De Conip. Vei-b. 20, RJietor.
10.) There he lived on terms of friendship with
many distinguished men, such as Q. Aelius Tu-
bero, and the rhetorician Caecilius ; and it is not
improbable that he may have received the Roman
franchise, but his Roman name is not mentioned
anywhere. Respecting the little we know about
Dionysius, see F. Matthii, de Dionysui Halic.,
Wittenberg, 1779, 4to.; DodweW, de Aetate Dioni/s.
in Reiske's edition of Dionysius, vol. i. p. xlvi. &c.;
and more especially C. J. Weismann, de Dionysii
Hidic. Vita et Script.^ Rinteln, 1837, 4to., and
Busse, de Dionys. Hal. Vita et Inyenio, Berlin,
1841, 4to.

All the works of Dionysius, some of which are
completely lost, must be divided into two classes :
the first contains his rhetorical and critical treatises,
all of which probably belong to an earlier period of
his life — perhaps to the first years of his residence
at Rome — than his historical works, which consti-
tute the second class.

a. Rhetorical and Critical Works. — All the pro-
ductions of this class shew that Dionysius was not
only a rhetorician of the first order, but also a most
excellent critic in the highest and best sense of the
term. They abound in the most exquisite remarks
and criticisms on the works of the classical writers
of Greece, although, at the same time, they are not
without their faults, among which we may notice
his hypercritical severity. But we have to remem-
ber that they were the productions of an early age,
in which the want of a sound philosophy and of a
comprehensive knowledge, and a partiality for or

DIONYSIUS.

j against certain writers led him to express opinions
which at a maturer age he undoubtedly regretted.
Still, however this may be. he always evinces a
well-founded contempt for the shallow sophistries
of ordinary rhetoricians, and strives instead to
make rhetoric something practically useful, and
by his criticisms to contribute towards elevating
and ennobling the minds of his readers. The fol-
lowing works of this class are still extant :' 1. Tex'''?
p-qTOfjiKri^ addressed to one Echecrates. The pre-
sent condition of this work is by no means calcu-
lated to give us a correct idea of his merits and of
his views on the subject of rhetoric. It consists
of twelve, or according to another division, of ele-
ven chapters, which have no internal coimexion
whatever, and have the appearance of being put
together merely by accident. The treatise is there-
fore generally looked upon as a collection of rheto-
rical essays by dilferent authors, some of which
are genuine productions of Dionysius, who is ex-
pressly stated by Quintilian (iii. 1. § 16) to have
written a manual of rhetoric. Schott, the last
learned editor of this work, divides it into four
sections. Chap. 1 to 7, with the exclusion of the
6th, which is certainly spurious, may be entitled
iTfpi Train)yvpLKciy, and contains some incoherent
comments upon epideictic oratory, which are any-
thing but in accordance with the known views of
Dionysius as developed in other treatises ; in addi-
tion to which, Nicostratus, a rhetorician of the age
of Aelius Aristeides, is mentioned in chap. 2. Chap-
ters 8 and 9, Trepl e(rx'7MaTitr/tie'i'«i/, treat on the
same subject, and chap. 8 may be the production .
of Dionysius; whereas the 9th certainly belongs to J
a late rhetorician. Chapter 10, irepl ruv 4p yueAe'- ^
rais irKtuxixiXovjxkvwv^ is a very valuable treatise,
and probably the work of Dionysius. The 1 1 th
chapter is only a further development of the 10th,
just as the 9th chapter is of the 8th. The rex^n
prfTopiici^ is edited separately with very valuable
prolegomena and notes by H. A. Schott, Leipzig,
1804, 8vo. 2. Ufpl (TvvOfa^ws dvofidrup, ad-
dressed to Rufus Melitius, the son of a friend of
Dionysius, was probably written in the first year
or years of his residence at Rome, and at all events
previous to any of the other works still extant. It
is, however, notwithstanding this, one of high ex-
cellence. In it the author treats of oratorical power,
and on the combination of words according to
the diflferent species and styles of oratory. There
are two verj-^ good separate editions of this treatise,
one by G. H. Schaefer (Leipzig, 1809, 8vo), and
the o-Jier by F. G oiler (Jena, 1815, 8vo), in which
the text is considerably improved from MSS.
3. Ufpl fiifiri<T€ws, addressed to a Greek of the
name of Demetrius. Its proper title appears to
have been virouP7iiJ.aTi(riJ.ol irtpl ttjs fjnix-qatus,
(Dionys. Jud. de Thucyd. 1, Efid. ad Pomp. 3.)
The work as a whole is lost, and what we possess
under the title of ru'V apxaiav Kpiais is probably
nothing but a sort of epitome containing charac-
teristics of poets, from Homer down to Euripides,
of some historians, such as Herodotus, Thucy-
dides, Philistus, Xenophon, and Theopompus,
and lastly, of some philosophers and orators. This
epitome is printed separately in Frotscher's edi-
tion of the tenth book of Quintilian (Leipzig,
1826, p. 271, &c. ), who mainly follows the
opinions of Dionysius. 4. ITepi tuv apx^'dtjov prfTO'
pwv viroiJ.vr]ixaTi(TiJ.oi, addressed to Ammaeus, con*
tains criticisms on the most eminent Greek orators

DIONYSIUS.

nnrt historians, and tlie author points out their ex-
cellences as well as their defects, with a view to
promote a wise imitation of the clasMc models, and
thus to preserve a pure taste in those hranches of
literature. The work originally consisted of six
pections, of which we now possess only the first
three, on Lysias, Isocrates and Isaeus. The other
sections treated of Demosthenes, Ilyperides, and
Aeschines; but we have only the first part of the
fourth section, which treats of the oratorical power
of Demosthenes, and his superiority over other
orators. This part is known under the title xepl
XdcriKris Aiinoa04yovs SejfOTTjTot, which has be-
come current ever since the time of Sylburg, though
it is not found in any MS. The beginning ^of
the treatise is mutilated, and the concluding part
of it is entirely wanting. Whether Dionysius
actually wrote on Ilyperides and Aeschines, is not
knojR'n ; for in these, as in other instances, he may
have intended and promised to write what he could
not afterwards fulfil either from want of leisure or
inclination. There is a very excellent German
translation of the part relating to Demosthenes,
-with a valuable dissertation on Dionysius as an
aesthetic critic, by A. G. Becker. (Wolfenbiittel
and Leipzig, 1829, 8vo.) 5. A treatise addressed
to Ammaeus, entitled 'EniaToKri itpos 'Afj-fxaToy
TFpdrr}, which title, however, does not occur in
MSS., and instead of irpciT-n it ought to be called
*-iri(rToA7) SevTfpa. This treatise or epistle, in
•which the author shews that most of the orations of
Demosthenes had been delivered before Aristotle
wrote his Rhetoric, and that consequently Demos-
thenes had derived no instruction from Aristotle, is
of great importance for the history and criticism of
the works of Demosthenes. 6. 'ETrjo-ToA?) irpvs
TvaTov TlofJLinqiov^ was written by Dionysius with
a view to justify the nnfovourable opinion which
he had expressed upon Plato, and which Pompeius
had censured. The latter part of this treatise is
much mutilated, and did not perhaps originally
belong to it See Vitus Loers, de Dionys. Hal
judicio de Platonis oratione et genere dicendi^ Treves,
1840, 4to. 7. Uepi rov QouKv^iSov x«pa/cT7jpos
KOi Twc Kovnuv rov airyypaipeuis tSiw.uaTOJi', was
written by Dionysius at the request of his friend
Q. Aelius Tubero, for the purpose of explaining
more minutely what he had written on Thucydides.
As Dionysius in this work looks at the great his-
torian from his rhetorical point of view, his judg-
ment is often unjust and incorrect. 8. Utpl twv
TOW &ovKvhiSov iSiw/xdruv, is addressed to Am-
maeus. The last three treatises are printed in a
very good edition by C. G. Krliger under the title
Dionysii Historiograpkica^ i. e. Epislolae ad Cn.
Pomp., Q. Ael. Tuber, et Animaeum, Halle, 1823,
8vo. The last of the writings of -this class still
extant is — 9. Affvapx^s^ <'i very valuable treatise on
the life and orations of Deinarchus. Besides these
works Dionysius himself mentions some others,
a few of which are lost, while others were perhaps
never written ; though at the time he mentioned
them, Dionysius undoubtedly intended to compose
them. Among the fonner we may mention xopa«T7j-
pes rwv dpnoviouv (Dionys. de Compos. Verb. 11), of
which a few fragn)ents are still extant, and Upayixa-
rda inrip ttjs ■iTo\triKrjs <pi\o<To<pias irpos Touy Ka-
TaTpfX"*^"* avTTjs dSiKoos. (Dionys. t^W.rfc Thtiryd.
2.) A few other works, such as "on the orations
nnjuBtly attributed to Lysias" {Lys. 1 4), " on the
tropical expressions in Plato and Demosthenes"

DIONYSIUS.

1041

(Pan. 32), and ir«p\ rifs iKXoyrjs riv Svondrwv
{de Com/i. Vcrlk 1 ), were probai)ly never written,
as no ancient writer besides Dionysius himself
makes any mention of them. The work ir«pl ipfj^ri-
vflas, which is extant under the name of Demetrius
Phalcreus, is attributed by some to Dionysius o{
Ilalicarnassus; but there is no evidence for this
hypothesis, any more than there is for ascribing
to him the $ios 'On^pov which is printed in Gale's
0]}iiscula Mylholf/gira.

b. Historical Works. — In this class of compositions,
to which Dionysius appears to have devoted his later
years, he was less successful than in his critical and
rhetorical essays, inasmuch as we everywhere find
the rhetorician gaining the ascendancy over the his-
torian. The following historical works of his are
known : 1. Xpovoi or xpoviKd. (Clem. A\tx.8irom.
i. p. 320; Suid. s. v. Aiovvaios; Dionys. A. H. i. 74.)
This woik, which is lost, probably contained chro-
nological investigations, though not concerning
Roman history. Photius {Bibl. Cod. 84) mentions
an abridgment (auroipis) in five books, and Stepha-
nus of Byzantmra (». rr. ''ApiKfia and KopioAAo)
quotes the same under the name of emToixilj. This
abridgment, in all probability of the xp^^'^'^i was
undoubtedly the work of a late grammarian, air''
not, as some have thought, of Dionysius himself.
The great historical work of Dionysius, of which
we still possess a considerable portion, is ^
2. 'Pw/zaiV?) 'ApxatoKoyia^ which Photius {Bibl.
Cod. 83) styles laropiKol Xoyoi. It consisted of
twenty books, and contained the history of Rome
from the earliest or mythical times down to the
year B. c. 264, in which the history of PoJybius
begins with the Punic wars. The first nir.c books
alone are complete ; of the tenth and eleventh we
have only the greater part; and of the remaining
nine we possess nothing but fragments .ind extracts,
which were contained in the collections made at the
command of the emperor Constantine Porphyroge-
nitus, and were first published by A. Mai from a
MS. in the library of Milan (1816, 4to.), and re-
printed at Frankfurt, 1817, 8vo. Mai at first be-
lieved that these extracts were the abridgment of
which Photius (Bibl. Cod. 8i) speaks; but thip
opinion met with such strong opposition from
Ciampi {Biblioth. Hal. viii. p. 225, &c.), Visconti
(Journal des Savans, for June, 1817), and Struve
( Ueber die von Mai aufgefund St'ucke des Dionys.
von Halic. Konigsberg, 1820, 8vo.), that Mai,
when he reprinted the extracts in his Script. Vet.
Nora Collectio (ii. p. 475, &c., ed. Rome, 1827),
felt obliged in his preface (p. xvii.) to recant his
former opinion, and to agree with his critics in ad-
mitting that the extracts were remnants of the ex-
tracts of Constantine Porphyrogenitus from the
'PutuaiK-fj 'Apxato\oyia. Respecting their value, see
Niehuhr, Hist, of Home, ii. p. 419, note 916, iii.
p. 52.4, note 934, Lectures on Rom. Hist. i. p. 47.
Dionysius treated the early history of Rome with
a minuteness which raises a suspicion as to his
judgment on historical and mythical matters,
and the eleven books extant do not carry the
history beyond the year B. c. 441, so that the
eleventh book breaks off very soon after the de-
ceraviral legislation. This peculiar minuteness in
the early history, however, was in a great mea-
sure the consequence of the object he had pro-
posed to himself, and which, as he himself states,
was to remove the erroneous notions which the
Greeks entertained with regard to Rome's great-

3a

1042

DIONYSIUS.

ness, and to shew that Rome had not become great
by accident or mere good fortune, bat by the A'ir-
tue and wisdom of the Romans themselves. With
this object in view, he discusses most carefully
everything relating to the constitution, the religion,
the history, laws, and private life of the Romans ;
and his work is for this reason one of the greatest
importance to the student of Roman history, at
least so far as the substance of his discussions is
concerned. But the manner in which he dealt
with his materials cannot always be approved of :
he is unable to draw a clear distinction between a
mere mythus and history; and where he perceives
inconsistencies in the former, he attempts, by a
rationalistic mode of proceeding, to reduce it to
what appears to him sober history. It is however
a groundless assertion, which some critics have
made, that Dionysius invented facts, and thus
introduced direct forgeries into history. He had,
moreover, no clear notions about the early consti-
tution of Rome, and was led astray by the nature
of the institutions which he saw in his own day ;
and he thus transferred to the early times the no-
tions which he had derived from the actual state
of things — a process by which he bwame involved
in inextricable difficulties and contradictions. The
numerous speeches which he introduces in his
work are indeed written with great artistic skill,
but they nevertheless shew too manifestly that
Dionysius was a rhetorician, not an historian,
and still less a statesman. He used all the
authors who had written before him on the early
history of Rome, but he did not always exercise a
proper discretion in choosing his guides, and we
often find him following authorities of an inferior
class in preference to better and sounder ones.
Notwithstanding all this, however, Dionysius con-
tains an inexhaustible treasure of materials for
those who know how to make use of them. The
style of Dionysius is very good, and, with a few
exceptions, his language may be called perfectly
pure. See Ph. F. Schulin, de IHcmys. Hal, Hisio-
rico, praecipuo Historiae Juins Fonte, Heidelberg,
1821, 4to. ; An Inquiry into the Credit due to Dio-
nys. of Hal. as a Critic and Historian, in the Class.
Journ. vol. xxxiv. ; Kriiger, Praefat. ad Historio(jr.
p. xii. ; Niebuhr, Lectures on tJie Hist, of Rome, i.
pp. 46—53, ed. Schmitz.

The first work of Dionysius which appeared in
print was his Archaeologia, in a Latin transLition
by Lapus Biragus (Treviso, 1480), from a very
good Roman MS. New editions of this transla-
tion, with corrections by Glareanus, appeared at
Basel, 1532 and 1549; whereupon R. Stephens
first edited the Greek original, Paris, 1546, foL,
together with some of the rhetoriciil works. The
first complete edition of the Archaeologia and the
rhetorical works together, is that of Fr. Sylburg,
Frankfurt, 1586, 2 vols. fol. (reprinted at Leipzig,
1691, 2 vols, fol.) Another reprint, with the intro-
duction of a few alterations, was edited by Hudson,
(Oxford, 1 704, 2 vols, fol.) which however is a very
inferior performance. A new and much improved
edition, though with many bad and arbitrarj' emen-
dations, was made by J. J. Reiske, (Leipzig, 1774,
&c.) in 6 vols. 8vo., the last of which was edited
by Moms. All the rhetorical works, with the excep-
tion of the r^x^ pT)TopiK-fi and the Trepi avvQea^ws
ouo/xdrtDV, were edited by E. Gros, (Paris, 1826,
&c.) in 3 vols. 8vo. (Fabric. Bi/)l. Graec. iv. p. 382,
&.C. ; Westermann, Gesc/i. d. Griech. Bcredts. § 88.)

DIONYSIUS.

26. Of Heliopolis in Egypt, is mentioned by
Artemidorus (Oneir. ii. 71) as the author of a
work on dreams.

27. Of Heracleia, a son of Theophantus. In
early life he was a disciple of Heracleides, Alexinus,
and Menedemus, and afterwards also of Zeno the
Stoic, who appears to have induced him to adopt
the philosophy of the porch. At a later time he
was afflicted with a disease of the eyes, or with a
nervous complaint, and the unbearable pains which
it caused him led him to abandon the Stoic philo-
sophy, and to join the Eleatics, whose doctrine,
that 7j5oK»{ and the absence of pain was the liighest
good, had more charms for him than the austere
etlycs of the Stoa. This renunciation of his former
philosophical creed drew upon him the nickname of
fxeTaOifxevos, i. e. the renegade. During the time
that he was a Stoic, he is praised for his modesty,
abstinence, and moderation, but afterwards we find
him described as a person greatly given to sensual
pleasures. He died in his eightieth year of volun-
tary starvation. Diogenes Laertius mentions a
series of works of Dionysius, all of which, how-
ever, are lost, and Cicero censures him for having
mixed up verses with his prose, and for his want
of elegance and refinement. (Diog. Laert. vii.
166, 167, V. 92; Athen. vii. p. 281, x. p. 437;
Lucian, Ji is A ecus. 20 ; Censorin. 15 ; Cic. Acad.
ii. 22, de Fin. v. 31, Tuscicl ii. 11, 35, iii. 9.)

28. A disciple of Heracleitus, is mentioned
by Diogenes Laertius (ix. 15) as the author of a
commentary on the works of his master.

29. An Historian, who seems to have lived in
the later period of the Roman empire, and is
quoted by Jomandes. (De Reh. Get. 19.)

30. Sumamed Iambus, that is, the iambic poet,
is mentioned by Suidas (s. v. 'Api(rTocpdur}s) among
the teachers of Aristophanes of Byzantium, from
which we may infer the time at which he lived.
Clemens Alexandrinus (Siroin. v. p. 674) quotes
an hexameter verse of his, and according to Athe-
naeus (vii. p. 284), he also wrote a work on
dialects. Plutarch (de Mus. 15) quotes him as an
authority on harmony, from which it has been in-
ferred that he is the author of a work on tlie
history of music, of which Stephanus of Byzantium
(s. r. 'TSpei'a) quotes the 23rd book.

31. Of Magnesia, a distinguished rhetorician,
who taught his art in Asia between the years B. c.
79 and 77, at the time when Cicero, then in his
29th year, visited the east. Cicero on his excur-
sions in Asia was accompanied by Dionysius,
Aeschylus of Cnidus, and Xcnocles of Adramyt-
tium, who were then the most eminent rhetoricians
in Asia. (Cic. Brut. 91 ; Plut. Cic. 4.)

32. Of ^Miletus, one of the earliest Greek his-
torians, and according to Suidas (s. v. 'EKaraTos),
a contemporary of Hecataeus, that is, he lived
about B. c. 520 ; he must, however, to judge from
the titles of his works, have survived b. c. 485,
the year in which Dareius died. Dionysius of
Miletus wrote a history of Dareius Hystaspis in
five books. Suidas further attributes to him a
work entitled to li^rd Aape7ov in five books, and
also a Avork nepcriAca, in the Ionic dialect. Whether
they were actually three distinct works, or whether
the two last were the same, and only a continua-
tion of the first, cannot be ascertained on account
of the inextricable confusion which prevails in tlie
articles Aiovvtrios of Suidas, in consequence of
which our Dionysius has often been confounded with

J

DIONYSIUS.

Dionysius of Mytilenp. Snidas ascribes to the Mile-
itian, "Troica," in thrt'e books **Mythica," an ** His-
torical Cycle," in «evi'n l)Ooks and a ** Perirgesis
of the whole world," all of which, however, pro-
bably belong to ditferent authors. (Nilzach, Hvtt.
JHotneri, i. p. 88 ; llornhardy, in his edition of
Dumifti. Perieff. p. 498, &c,, and ad Suidnm, i.
p. 1395; Ix)beck,^^/aop/i.ii. p.990,&c; Welcker,
Der Epiache Ci/ctit.s p. 75, &c.)

33. Of Miletus, a sophist of the time of the
emperor Hadrian. He was a pupil of Isaeiis the
Assyrian, and distinguished for the elegance of
his orations. He was greatly honoured by the
cities of Asia, and more especially by the empe-
ror Hadrian, who made him pniefect of a con-
siderable province, raised him to the rank of a
Roman eques, and assigned to him a place in the
museum of Alexandria. Notwithstanding these
distinctions, Dionysius remained a modest and un-
assuming person. At one time of his life he
taught rhetoric at Lesbos, but he died at Ephesus
at an advanced age, and was buried in the market-
place of Ephesus, where a monument was erected
to him. Philostratus has preserved a few speci-
mens of his oratory. ( Vit. Soph. i. 20. § 2,
c. 22 ; Dion Cass. Ixix. 3 ; Eudoc. p. 130 ; Suidas.)

34. Of Mytilenk, was surnamed Scytobra-
chion, and seems to have lived shortly before the
time of Cicero, if we may believe the report that
he instructed M. Antoniiis Gnipho at Alexandria
(Suet, de Illustr. Gram. 7), for Suetonius expresses
a doubt as to its correctness for chronological
rejisons. Artemon (a/). J//t€«. xii. p. 415) states,
that Dionysius Scytobracliion was the author of
the historical work which was commonly attri-
buted to the ancient historian X an thus of Lydia,
who lived about b. c. 480. From this it has been
inferred, that our Dionysius must have lived at a
much earlier time. But if we conceive that Dio-
nysius may have made a revision of the work of
Xanthus, it does not follow that he must needs
have lived very near the age of Xanthus. Suidas
attributes to hira a metrical work, the expedition
of Dionysus and Athena (t} Aionicrou Koi 'Ad7}vds
arpariay, and a prose work on the Argonauts in
six books, addressed to Parmenon. He was pro-
bably also the author of the historic Cycle,
which Suidas attributes to Dionysius of Miletus.
The Argonautica is often referred to by the
Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, who likewise
several times confounds the Mytilenean with the
Milesian (i. 1298, ii. 207, 1144, iii. 200,242,
iv. 119, 223, 228, 1153), and this work was also
consulted by Diodorus Siculus. (iii. 52, 66.) See
Bemhardy, ad Dionys. Perieij. p. 490 ; Welcker,
Der Ep. Cyclus^ p. 87.

35. A writer on J\|/opTi;Tj«a, who is men-
tioned by Athenaeus (vii. p. 326, xi. p. 516).

36. Of Pergamts, surnamed Atticus, a rheto-
rician, who is characterized by Strabo (xiii. p.625)
as a clever sophist, an historian, and logographer,
that is, a writer of orations. He was a pupil of
Apollodorus, the rhetorician, who is mentioned
among the teachers of Augustus. (Comp. Senec.
Controv. i. 1.) Weiske {ad lAinyin. p. 218) con-
siders him to be the author of the work irepl vy^ovs
commonly attributed to Longinus; but there is
very little, if anything, to support this view.
(Westermann, Gesch. d. Griech. Beredls. § 98,
note 9.)

37. Of Phaselis, is mentioned in the scholia on

DIONYSIUS.

104.)

Pindar, and was probably a grammarian who wrote
on Pindar. The anonymous author of the liff? of
Nicander speaks of two works of his, viz. **on the
Poetry of Antimachus," and ** on Poets." (Sthol.
ad Find. Nem. xi. p. 787, ed. Hfyne ; ad PyUi.
iL 1.)

38. Surnamed Pbrixgktrs, from his being the
author of a irtpti^yriffif t^j yijs, in hexameter
verse, which is still extant. Respecting the age
and country of this Dionysius the most different
opinions have been entertained, though all critics
are agreed in placing him after the Christian era,
or in the time of the Roman emperors, as must
indeed be necessarily inferred from passages of
the Periegesis itself, such as v. 355, where the
author speaks of his divoKT€s, that is, his sovereigns,
which can only apply to the emperors. But the
question as to which emperor or emperors Diony-
sius there alludes, has been answered in the most
different ways : some writers have placed Diony-
sius in the reign of Augustus, others in that of
Nero, and others again under M. Aurelius and
L. Verus, or under Septimius Severus and his sons.
Eustathius, his commentator, was himself in doubt
about the age of his author. But these uncertain-
ties have been removed by Bemhardy, the last
editor of Dionysius, who has made it highly pro-
bable, partly from the names of countries and na-
tions mentioned in the Periegesis, partly from the
mention of the Huns in v. 730, and partly from
the general character of the poem, that its author
must have lived either in the latter part of the
third, or in the beginning of the fourth, century of
our era. With regard to his native country, Sui-
das infers from the enthusiastic manner in which
Dionysius speaks of the river Rhebas (793, &c),
that he was bom at Byzantium, or somewhere in
its neighbourhood; but Eustathius (a</ w. 7) and
the Scholiast (ad v. 8) expressly call him an Afri-
can, and these authorities certainly seem to deserve
more credit than the mere inference of Suidas.
The Periegesis of Dionysius contains a description
of the whole earth, so far as it was known in his
time, in hexameter verse, and the author appears
chiefly to follow the views of Eratosthenes. It is
written in a terse and neat style, and enjoyed a
high degree of popularity in ancient times, as we
may infer from the fact, that two translations or
paraphrases of it were made by Romans, one by
Rufus Festus Avienus [Avienus], and the other
by the grammarian Priscian. [Priscianus.] Eu-
stathius wrote a very valuable commentary upon
it, which is still extant, and we further possess a
Greek paraphrase and scholia. The first edition
of the Periegesis appeared at Fermni, 1512, 4to ,
with a Latin translation. A. Manutius printed it
at Venice, 1513, 8vo., together with Pindar, Cal-
limachus, and Lycophron. H. Stephens incorpo-
rated it in his " Poetae PrincipesHcroiciCarminis,"
Paris, 1566, fol. One of the most useful among
the subsequent editions is that of Edw. Thwaites,
Oxford, 1697. 8vo., with the commentarj' of Eus-
tathius, the Greek scholia and paraphrase. It is
also printed in the fourth volume of Hudson's
Geoi^r. Minor. 1712, 8vo., from which it was re-
printed separately, Oxford, 1710 and 1717, 8vo.
But all the previous editions are superseded by
that of G. Bemhardy (Leipzig, 1828, 8vo.), which
forms vol. i. of a contemplated collection of the
minor Greek geographers ; it is accompanied by a
very excellent and learned dissertation and the

3x2

1044 DIONYSIUS.

ancient commentators. Besides the Periegesis,
Eustathius states that other works also were at-
tributed to our Dionysius, viz. Atflwo, dpvidiKci,
and fiacraapiKOL. Concerning the first, compare the
Scholiast on v, 714 ; Maxim, ad Dionys. Areopag.
de Myst. Tlieol. 2 ; and Bemhardy (l. c), p. 502.
Respecting the opvidiKa, which some attribute to
Dionysius of Philadelphia, see Bemhardy, p. 503.
The iScwro-aptKo, which means the same as Aioi'i;-
(riaKd (Suid. s. r. ^.anripixos) is very often quoted
by Stephanus of Byzantium. (See Bemhardy, pp.
507, &c. and 515.)

39. Bishop of Rome, is called a Xoyios re koI
bav/idaios dvrip by his contemporar}', Dionysius,
bishop of Alexandria. (Ap. Euseb. H. E. vii. 7.)
He is believed to have been a Greek by birth, and
after having been a presbyter, he was made bishop
of Rome in a. d. 259, and retained this high dig-
nity for ten years, till a. d. 269. During his
administration of the Roman diocese, some bishops
brought before him charges against Dionysius, bi-
shop of Alexandria, for being guilty of heretical
opinions in his controversies with Sabellius, The
bisliop of Rome therefore convoked a synod, and
with its consent he declared, in a letter to the
accused, that he was guilty of heresies, and gave
hira a gentle reprimand. A fragment of this letter
is preserved in Athanasius {de Decrct. Synod. Ni-
caen. p. 421), and it was this letter which induced
Dionysius of Alexandria to write his work against
Sabellius, which was addressed to the bishop of
Rome. (Cave, m^t. Lit. i. p. 97.)

40. Sumamed Scvtobrachion. See No. 34.

41. Of SiDON, a Cireek grammarian, who is some-
times simply called Sidonius, (Schol, Venct. ad
Horn. II. i. 424, xiv. 40.) lie seems to have lived
shortly after the time of Aristarchus, and to have
founded a school of his own. (Schol. ad II. i. 8.)
He is frequently referred to in the Venetian Scholia,
and also by EustJithius on Homer, as one of tlie
critical commentators of the poet. (Comp. Varro,
de L. L. X. 10, ed. MiiUer ; Villoison, Proley. ad
Horn, II. p. xxix.)

42. Of SiNOPK. See below.

43. A Stoic philosopher, against whom Clny-
sippus wrote a work, but who is otherwise un-
known. (Diog. Laiirt. vi. 43; Eudoc. p. 138.)

44. Sumamed Thrax, or the Thracian, a cele-
brated Greek grammarian, who unquestionably
derived his surname from the fact of his father
Teres being a Tiimcian (Suidas) ; and it is absurd
to believe, with the author of the Etymologicum
Magnum (p. 277. 53), that he received it from his
rougli voice or any other circumstance. He him-
self was, according to some, a native of Alexandria
(Suidas), and, according to others, of Byzantium ;
but he is also called a Rhodian, because at one
time he resided at Rhodes, and gave instmctions
there (Sti-ab. xiv. p. 655 ; Athen. xi. p. 489), and
it was at Rhodes that Tyrannion was among the
pupils of Dionysius. Dionysius also staid for some
time at Rome, where he was engaged in teaching,
about B. c. 80. Further particulars about his life
are not known. He was the author of numerous
grammatical works, manuals, and commentaries.
We possess under his name a tcx^tj ypa/xfiaTtiai,
a small work, which however became the basis of
all subsequent grammars, and was a standard book
m grammar schools for many centuries. Under
such circumstances we cannot wonder that, in the
course of time, such a work was much interpolated,

DIONYSIUS.

sometimes abridged, and sometimes extended or
otherwise modified. The form therefore, iu which
it has come down to us, is not the original one,
and hence its great difference in the different MSS.
It was first printed in Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. iv. p. 20
of the old edition. Villoison {Anecd. ii. 99) then
added some excerpta and scholia from a Venetian
MS., together with which the grammar was after-
wards printed in Fabricius, BM. Gr. vi. p. 31 1
of Harles's edition, and somewhat better in Bekker's
Anccdota, ii. p. 627, &c. It is remarkable that an
Amienian translation of this grammar, which has
recently come to light, and was probably made in
the fourth or fifth century of our era, is more com-
plete than the Greek original, having five addi-
tional chapters. This translation, wliich was
published by Cirbied in the iMemoires et Disser-
tations sur Ics AntujuUes mttionalcs et tlratiyeres,
1824, 8vo., vol. vi., has increased the doubts
about the genuineness of our Greek text ; but it
would be going too far to consider it, with Giittling,
{Frucf. ud Tlieculos. Gram. p. v. &c.; comp. Lersch,
die Sprachphilos. dcr Altai., ii. p. 64, &;c.) as a mere
compilation made by some Byzantine grammarian
at a very late period. The groundwork of what
we have is unquestionably the production of Dio-
nj'sius Thrax. The interpolations mentioned above
appear to liave been introduced at a very early
time, and it was probably owing to them that some
of the ancient commentators of the grammar found
in it things which could not have been written by
a disciple of Aristarchus, and that therefore they
doubted its geimineness. Dionysius did much
also for the explanation and criticism of Homer, as
may be inferred from the quotations in the Vene-
tian Scholia {ad Hum. It. ii. 262, ix. 460, xii. 20,
xiii. 103, XV. 86, 741, xviii. 207, xxiv. 110), and
Eustathius. {Ad Horn, pp.854, 869, 1040, 1299.)
He does not, however, appear to have written a
regular commentary, but to have inserted his re-
marks on Homer in several other works, such as
that against Cnites, and the irepi ■noaoTriTwv.
(Schol. Ven. ad Horn. IL ii. 3.) In some MSS.
there exists a treatise irepX rovov irepKrircopLevuv^
which has been wrongly attributed to our gram-
marian : it is, further, more than doubtful whetlier
he wrote a conmientary on Euripides, as has been
inferred from a quotation of the Scholiast on that
poet. His chief merit consists in the impulse he
gave to the study of systematic grammar, and in
what he did for a correct understanding of Homer.
The Etymol. M. contains several examples of his
etymological, prosodical, and exegetical attemjUs.
(pp. 308. 18, 747. 20, 365. 20.) Dionysius is also
mentioned as the author of /licActoi and of a work
on Rhodes. (Steph. Byz. «. v. Tapaos ; comp.
Grafenhan, Gesch. der Klass. Vhilol. i. p. 402, &c.)

45. A son or disciple of Tryphon, a Greek
grammarian, who lived about B. c. 50. (Steph.
Byz. s. i'.^Oa, Myp/Jij/oCis, &c.) He was the author
of a work Tre/^i ouofj.dTut', which consisted of at
least eleven books, and is often referred to by Ste-
phanus of Byzantium and Harpocration. (Comp.
Athen. vi. p. 255, xi, p. 503, xiv. p. 641.) [L. S.]

DIONY'SIUS (Aioi/ucrtoyjjof SixoPE, an Athe-
nian comic poet of the middle comedy. (Athen. xi.
pp. 467, d., 497, c, xiv. p. 615, e. ; Schol. Hom.
//. xi. 515.) He appears, from indications in the
fragments of his plays, to have been younger than
Archestratus, tc have flourished about the same
time as Nicostratus, the son of Aristophanes, and

DIONYSIUS.

to have HvpJ till the establishment of the Macedo-
nian supremacy in Greece. We have the titles
and some fragments of his 'AKovri^ofitfos (Ath.
xiv. p. 664^ d.), which appears to have been trans-
lated by Naevius, 0t(Tno<p6poi (a long passage in
Athen. ix. p. 404, e.), 'Ontiyvnoi (Athen. viii, p. 381,
c, xiv. p. b'1.5, e.), Ai)uJs (Schol. Horn. //. xi. 515 ;
Eustath. p. 859. 49), 2<iJ{"ow<ro or iMrtipa (Athen.
xi. pp. 4e)7, d., 497, d. ; Stob. Serm. cxxv. 8.)
Meursius and Fabricius are wrong in assigning the
Ta^tdpXax to Dionysius. It belongs to Ei'POLIS.
(Meineke, Frag. Com. Grace, i. pp. 419, 420, iii.
pp. 547—555.] [P. S.]

DION Y'SITJS, artists. 1. Of Argos, a statuarj',
who was employed together with Glaucus in mak-
ing the works which Smicythus dedicated at Olym-
pia. This fixes the artist's time ; for Smicythus
succeeded Anaxilas as tyrant of Rhegium in B. c.
476. The works executed by Dionysius were sta-
tues of Contest ('A7av) carrying d\Tripfs (Diet,
of Ant. s. v.), of Dionysius, of Orpheus, and of
Zeus without a beard. (Paus. r. 26. §§ 3 — 6.)
He also made a horse and charioteer in bronze,
which were among the works dedicated at Olympia
by Pbormis of Maenalus, the contemporary of Ge-
lon and Iliero. (Paus. v. 27. § 1.)

2. A sculptor, who made the stiitue of Hera
which Octavian afterwards placed in the portico of
Octavia. (Plin. xxxvi. 5, s. 4. § 10.) Junius takes
this artist to be the same as the former, but Sillig
argues, that in the time of the elder Dionysius the
art of sculpturing marble was not brought to suffi-
cient perfection to allow us to ascribe one of its
masterpieces to him.

3. Of Colophon, a painter, contemporary with
Polygnotus of Thasos, whose works he imitated in
their accuracy, expression (Traflos), manner {^6os),
in the treatment of the form, in the delicacy of the
drapery, and in every other respect except in gran-
deur. (Aelian. F. // iv. 3.) Plutarch (TimoL 36)
speaks of his works as having strength and tone,
but as forced and laboured. Aristotle (J'oi't. '})
says that Polygnotus painted the likenesses of men
better than the originals, Pauson made them worse,
and Dionysius just like them (o/jloIovs). It seems
from this that the pictures of Dionysius were defi-
cient in the ideal. It was no doubt for this rea-
son that Dionysius was called Anthropogruphits^
like Dkmetrius. It is true that Pliny, from
whom we learn the fact, gives a different reason,
namely, that Dionysius was so called because he
painted only men, and not landscapes (xxxy. 10.
s. 37); but this is only one case out of many in
which Pliny's ignorance of art has caused him to
give a false interpretation of a true fact. Sillig
applies this passage to the later Dionysius (No. 4),
but without any good reason.

4. A painter, who flourished at Rome at the
same time as Sopolis and Lala of Cyzicus, about
B.C. 84. Pliny says of him and Sopolis, that they
were the most renowned painters of that age, except
Lala, and that their works filled the picture gal-
leries (XXXV. 11, 8. 40. § 43). [P. S.]

DION Y'SIUS (Ajoi/uffios), the name of several
physicians and surgeons, whom it is sometimes
difficult to distinguish with certainty.

1. A native of Akgak (but of whicli place of
this name does not appear), who must have lived
in or before the ninth century after Christ, as he
is quoted by Photius {Diblioth. §§ 185, 211, pp.
129, 168, ed. Bekker), but how much earlier he

DIONYSIUS.

1045

lived is unrertain. It is not known whether bo
was himself a physician, but he wrote a work en-
titled AifTTi/cuca, in which he discussed various
medical qttestions. It consisted of one hundred
chapters, the heads of which have been preserved
by Photius, and shew that he wrote both in favour
of each proposition, and also against it. The title
of his book has l)een supposed to allude to his
teaching his readers to argue on both sides of a
question, and thus to catch their hearers, as it
were, in a net.

2. A native of CvRTUS {Kv(n6s) in Kgypt, who
was mentioned by Herennius Philo in his lost His-
tory of Medicine. Stephanas Byzantinus(».c. Kv/>-
ros) calls him iiaffJinos larpSs. His date is uncer-
tain, but if (as Meursius conjectures) he is the
same person who is quoted by Caelius Aurelianus
(De Morb. Cliron. ii. 13, p. 416), he may be sup-
posed to have lived in the third century B. c.
(Meursius, Dionysius, ^c. in Opera, vol. v.)

3. A native of Miletus, in Caria, must have
lived in or before the second century after Christ,
as he is quoted by Galen, who has preserved some
of his medical fommlae. {De Compos. Medicam.
sec. Locos, iv. 7, vol. xii. p. 741; De Antiii. ii. 11,
vol. xiv. p. 171.) He may perhaps be the same
person who is mentioned by Galen without any
distinguishing epithet. (De Compos. Medicam. sec.
Locos, iv. 8, yol. xii, p. 760.)

4. Son of OxYMACHUS, appears to have written
some anatomical work, which is mentioned by
Rufus Ephesius. {De Apjw/l. Part. Corp. Hum.
p. 42.) He was either a contemporary or prede-
cessor of Eudemus, and therefore lived probably in
the fourth or third century b. c.

5. Of Samos, whose medical formulae are quot-
ed by Galen (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. iv.
13, vol. xiii. p. 745), is supposed by Meursius
(/. c.) to be the same person as the son of Muso-
nius ; but, as Kiihn observes (Addiiam. ad Elench.
Afedicor. Vet. a Fabricio in '"' Biblioih. Graeca^''^
ecchib. fascic. xiv, p. 7), from no other reason, than
because both are said to have been natives of Sa-
mos (nor is even this quite certain), whereas from
the writings of the son of Musonius there is no
ground for believing him to have been a physician,
or even a collector of medical prescriptions.

6. Sallustius Dionysius, is quoted by Pliny
(H. N. xxxii. 26), and therefore must have lived
in or before the first century after Christ

7. Cassius Dionysius. [Cassius, p. 626.]

8. Dionysius, a surgeon, quoted by Scribonius
Largus (Compos. Medicam. c. 212, ed. Riiod.),
who lived probably at or before the beginning of
the Christian era.

9. A physician, who was a contemporary of
Galen in the second century after Christ, and is
mentioned as attending the son of Caecilianus, to
whom Galen wrote a letter full of medical advice,
which is still extant. (Galen, Pro Puero Epilept.
ConsiL, in Opera, vol, xi, p, 357.)

10. A fellow-pupil of Heracleides of Tarentum,
who nmst have lived probably in the third century
B, c, and one of whose medical formulae is quoted
by Galen. (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, v. 3,
vol. xii. p, 835,)

11. A physician who belonged to the medical
sect of the Methodici, and who lived probably in
the first century b, c. (Galen, de Meth. Med. i. 7,
vol. X. p. 53 ; Introd. c. 4, vol. xiv. p. 684.)

12. The physician mentioned by Galen (Cornr

1046

DIONYSUS.

tncnt. in Hippocr. ''^Apkor.^'' iv. 69, vol. xvil. pt. ii.
p. 751) as a commentator on the Aphorisms of
Hippocrates, must have lived in or before the se-
cond century after Christ, but cannot certainly be
identified with any other physician of that name.

13. A physician whose medical formulae are
mentioned by Celsus {De Med. vi. 6. 4 ; 1 8. 9,
pp. 119, 136), must have lived in or before the
first century after Christ, and may perhaps be the
same person as No. 3, or 8.

14. A physician at Rome in the fifth century
after Christ, who was also in deacon's orders, and
a man of great piety. When Rome was taken by
Alaric, A. D. 410, Dionysius was carried away pri-
soner, but was treated with great kindness, on
account of his virtues and his medical skill. An
epitaph on him in Latin elegiac verse is to be
found in Baronius, Annal. Ecdes. ad ann. 410,
§41. [W.A.G.]

D I ON Y SOCLES (Aiovuo-okXtjs), of Tralles, is
mentioned by Strabo (xiv. p. 649) among the dis-
tinguished rhetoricians of that city. He was pro-
bably a pupil of Apollodonis of Pergamus, and
consequently lived shortly before or at the time of
Strabo. [L. S.]

DIONYSODO'RUS {^lowaohoipoi). 1. A
Boeotian, who is mentioned by Diodorus Siculus
(xv. 95) as the author of a history of Greece,
which came down as far as the reign of Philip of
Macedonia, the father of Alexander the Great It
is usually supposed that he is tlie same person as
the Dionysodonis in Diogenes Laertius (ii, 42),
who denied that the paeiin which went by the
name of Socrates, was the production of the
philosopher. (Comp. Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i.
917.) It is uncertain also whether he is the au-
thor of a work on rivers (irtpl iroTafiuv, Schol. ad
Eurip. Hijtpijl. r2'2), and of another entitled rd
"Kopa rots TpaytfSols TJ/taprrj/i^i/a, which is quoted
by a Scholiast, (Ad Eurip. Rlies. 604.)

2, A Greek rhetorician, who is introduced in
Lucian''s Symposium (c. 6). Another person of
the same name is mentioned, in the beginning of
Plato's dialogue " Euthydemus," as a brother of
Eutliydemus. (Comp. Xenoph. Tl/iewor. iii. 1. § 1,)

3. Of Troezene, a Greek grammarian, who is
referred to by Plutarch {AnU. 1) and in the work
of ApoUonius Dyscolus "on Pronouns." [L. S,]

DIONYSODO'RUS (Awj/uadSwps), a geome-
ter of Cydnus, whose mode of cutting a sphere by
a plane in a given ratio is preserved by Eutocius,
in his comment on book ii. prop, 5, of the sphere
and cylinder of Archimedes. A species of conical
sun-dial is attributed to him, and Pliny (//. N. ii.
109) says, that he had an inscription placed on his
tomb, addressed to the world above, stating that
he had been to the centre of the earth and found
it 42 thousand stadia distant. Pliny calls this a
striking instance of Greek vanity ; but, as Weidler
remarks, it is as near a guess .-is any that was made
for a long time afterwards. (Weidler, Hist. Astron.
p. 1 33 ; Heilbronner, in verb.) [A. Dk M.]

DIONYSODORUS. [Moschion.]

DIONYSO'DOTUS {Aiouvaohuros), a lyric
poet of Lacedaeraon, who is mentioned along with
Alcman, and whose paeans were very popular at
SparUu (Athen. xv. p. 678.) [L, S.]

DION Y'SUS (Aiowo-osor Aieyi'u<ros),the youth-
ful, beautiful, but effeminate god of wine. He is also
called both by Greeksand Romans Bacchus (BaK^os),
that is, the noisy or riotous god, which was origi-

DIONYSUS.

nally a mere epithet or surname of Dionysus, but
does not occur till after the time of Herodotus. Ac-
cording to the common tradition, Dionysus was the
son of Zeus and Semele, the daughter of Cadmus of
Thebes (Horn. Hymn. vi. 56 ; Eurip. Bacch. init. ;
Apollod. iii. 4. § 3); whereas others describe him as
a son of Zeus by Demeter, lo, Dione, or Arge.
(Diod. iii. 62, 74; Schol. ad Find. Pyth. iii. 177 ;
Plut. de Flum. 16.) Diodorus (iii. 67) further men-
tions a tradition, according to which he was a son
of Amnion and Amaltheia, and that Ammon, from
fear of Rhea, carried the child to a cave in the
neighbourhood of mount Nysa, in a lonely island
formed by the river Triton. Ammon there en-
tnisted the child to Nysa, the daughter of Aristaeus,
and Athena likewise undertook to protect the boy.
Others again represent him as a son of Zeus by Per-
sephone or Iris, or describe him simply as a son of
Lethe, or of Indus. (Diod. iv. 4; Plut. Sympos.
vii. 5 ; Philostr. Vit. Apollon. ii. 9.) The same
diversity of opinions prevails in regard to the na-
tive place of the god, which in the common tradi-
tion is Thebes, while in others we find India,
Libya, Crete, Dracanum in Saraos, Naxos, Elis,
Eleutherae, or Teos, mentioned as his birthplace.
(Hom. Hymn, xxv, 8 ; Diod. iii. ^b., v, 75 ; Nonnus,
Dionys. ix. 6 ; Theocrit. xxvi, 33.) It is owing to
this diversity in the traditions that ancient writers
were driven to the supposition that there were ori-
ginally several divinities which were afterwards
identified under the one name of Dionysus. Cicero
{de Nat. Deor. iii. 23) distinguishes five Dionysi,
and Diodorus (iii. 63, &c.) three.

The common story, which makes Dionysus a son
of Semele by Zeus, runs as follows : lleni, jealous of
Semele, visited her in the disguise of a friend, or an
old woman, and persuaded her to request Zeus to
appear to her in the same glory and majesty in
which he was accustomed to approach his own wife
Hera. When all entreaties to desist from this re-
quest were fruitless, Zeus at length complied, and
appeared to her in thunder and lightning. Semele
was terrified and overpowered by the sight, and
being seized by the fire, she gave premature birth
to a child. Zeus, or according to others, Hermes
(Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1137) saved the child from the
flames : it was sewed up in the thigh of Zeus, and
thus came to maturity. Various epithets which are
given to the god refer to that occurrence, such as
irvpfyiv/iSy lxT}poppa<pi^s, pt]poTpa<pris and iynigena.
(Strab. xiii. p. 628 ; Diod. iv. 5 ; Eurip. Bacch.
295 ; Eustath. ad Hom. p. 310 ; Ov. Met. iv. 11.)
After the birth of Dionysus, Zeus entrusted him
to Hermes, or, according to others, to Persephone
or Rhea (Orph. Hymn. xlv. 6 ; Steph. Byz. s. v.
Mdaravpa), who took the child to Ino and Athamas
at Orchomenos, and persuaded them to bring him
up as a girl. Hera was now urged on by her jea-
lousy to throw liio and Athamas into a state of
madness, and Zeus, in order to save his child,
changed him into a ram, and carried him to the
nymphs of mount Nysa, who brought him up in a
cave, and were afterwards rewarded for it by Zeus,
by being placed as Hyades among the stars. (Hygin.
Fill. 182; Theon, ad A rat. Fhaen. 177; comp.

HVADES.)

The inhabitants of Brasiae, in Laconia, ac-
cording to Pausanias (iii. 24. $ 3), told a different
story about the birth of Dionysus. When Cadniua
heard, the}' said, that Semele was mother of a son
by Zeus, he put her and her child into a chest, and

DIONYSUS.

threw It into the sen. The che«t wm cnrried by the
wind and waves to the coast of nrasiae. Seinelc
■was found d(Md, and was soleinnly buried, but Dio-
nysus was brought up by I no, who happened at the
time to be at Brasiae. Tlie plain of Hrasiae was,
for this reason, afterwards called the garden of Dio-
nysus.

The traditions about the education of Dionysus,
as well as about the personages who undertook it,
differ as much as those about his parentage and
birthplace. Besides the nymphs of mount Nysa
in Thrace, the muses, Lydae, Rissarae, Macetae,
Mimallones (Eustath. ad Horn. pp. 982, 1816), the
njTnph Nysa (Diod.iii. 69), and the nymphs Phi-
lia, Coronis, and Cleis, in Naxos, whither the child
Dionysus was said to have been carried by Zeus
(Diod. iv.52), are named as the beings to whom the
care of his infancy was entrusted. Mj'stis, more-
over, is said to have instructed him in the mysteries
(Nonn. Dionys. xiii. 140), and Hippa, on mount
Tmolus, nursed him (Orph.//^/n«.xlvii,4) ; Macris,
the daughter of Aristaeus, received him from the
hands of Hennes,and fed him with honey. (ApoUon.
Rhod. iv. 1131.) On mount Nysa, IJromie and
Bacche too are called his nurses. (Serv. ao? Virg.
Eclog. vi. 15.) Mount Nysa, from which the god
was believed to liave derived his name, was not only
in Thrace and Libya, but mountains of the same
name are found in different parts of the ancient
world where he was worshipped, and where he was
believed to have introduced the cultivation of the
vine. Hermes, however, is mixed up with most of
the stories about the infancy of Dionysus, and he
was often represented in works of art, in connexion
with the infant god. (Comp, Paus. iii. 18. § 7.)

When Dionysus had grown up, Hera threw him
also into a state of madness, in which he wandered
about through many countries of the earth. A tra-
dition in Hyginus {Poet Aslr. ii. 23) makes him go
first to the oracle of Dodona,but on his way thither
he came to a lake, which prevented his proceeding
any further. One of two asses he met there carried
him across the water, and the grateful god placed
both animals among the stars, and asses henceforth
remained sacred to Dionysus. According to the com-
mon tradition, Dionysus first wandered through
Eg}'pt, where he was hospitably received by king
Proteus. He thence proceeded through SjTia,
where he flayed Damascus alive, for opposing the
introduction of the vine, which Dionysus was
believed to have discovered (cuperT^s a^Trkhov). He
now traversed all Asia. (Strab. xv. p. 687 ; Eurip.
Bacch. 13.) When he arrived at the Euphrates, he
built a bridge to cross the river, but a tiger sent to
him by Zeus carried him across the river Tigris.
(Paus. X. 29 ; Plut. de Flum. 24.) The most famous
part of his wanderings in Asia is his expedition to
India, which is said to have lasted three, or, ac-
cording to some, even 52 years. (Diod. iii. 63, iv, 3.)
He did not in those distant regions meet with a
kindly reception everywhere, for Myrrhanus and
Deriades, with his three chiefs Blemys, Orontes,
and Oruandes, fought against him. (Steph. Byz. *. v)v.
BAeVues, Ta§os, VT^pcia^ Aa/>5aj, "Eapts, Za)3(0j,
Mo\Aoi, riocSaj, 2i3a'0 But Dionysus and the
host of Pans, Satyrs, and Bacchic women, by whom
he was accompanied, conquered his enemies, taught
the Indians the cultivation of the vine and of va-
rious fruits, and the worship of the gods ; he also
founded towns among them, gave them laws, and left
behind him pillars and monuments in the happy

DIONYSUS.

1047

land which he had thus conquered and civilized,
and the inhabitants worshipped him as a god.
(Comp. Strab. xi. p. 505 ; Arrian, Ind. 5 ; Diod.ii.
3» ; Philostr. TiV, Apollnn.u.O ; Virg. Aen. vi,80.5.)

Dionysus also visited Phrj'gia and the goddess
Cybele or Rhea, who purified him and taught him
the mysteries, which according to ApoUodorusriii. 5.
§ 1.) took place before he went to India. With the
assisUmce of his companions, he drove the Amazons
from Ephesus to Samos, and there killed a great
number of them on a spot which was, from that
occurrence, called Panaema. (Plut. Quaest. (Jr. 56.)
According to another legend, he united with the
Amazons to fight against Cronus and the Titans,
who had expelled Ammon from his dominions.
(Diod. iii. 70, &c.) He is even said to have gone
to Iberia, which, on leaving, he entrusted to the
government of Pan. (Plut. t/eF/am. 16.) On his
passage through Thrace he was ill received by
Lycurgus, king of the Edones, and leaped into
the sea to seek refuge with Thetis, whom he af-
terwards rewarded for her kind reception with a
golden urn, a present of Hephaestus. (Hom. //. vi.
135, &c., Od. xxiv. 74 ; Schol. ad Hom. II. xiii. 91.
Comp. Diod. iii. 65.) All the host of Bacchantic
women and Satyrs, who had accompanied him, were
taken prisoners by Lycurgus, but the women were
soon set free again. The country of the Edones
thereupon ceased to bear fruit, and Lycurgus became
mad and killed his own son, whom he mistook for
a vine, or, according to others (Serv. ad Aen, iii. 14)
he cut off his own legs in the belief that he was
cutting down some vines. When this was done,
his madness ceased, but the country still remained
barren, and Dionysus declared that it would re-
main so till Lycurgus died. The Edones, in despair,
took their king and put him in chains, and Dionysus
had him torn to pieces by horses. After then pro-
ceeding through Thrace without meeting with any
further resistance, he returned to Thebes, where he
compelled the women to quit their houses, and to
celebrate Bacchic festivals on mount Cithaeron, or
Parnassus. Pentheus, who then ruled at Thebes,
endeavoured to check the riotous proceedings, and
went out to the mountains to seek the Bacchic
women ; but his own mother. Agave, in her Bacchic
fury, mistook him for an animal, and tore him to
pieces. (Theocrit. Id. xxvi. ; Eurip. Bacch. 1142;
Oy.Met.m. 714, &c.)

After Dionysus had thus proved to the Thebans
that he was a god, he went to Argos. As the
people there also refused to acknowledge him, he
made the women mad to such a degree, that they
killed their own babes and devoured their flesh.
(Apollod. iii. 5. § 2.) According to another state-
ment, Dionysus with a host of women came from
the islands of the Aegean to Argos, but was con-
quered by Perseus, who slew many of the women.
(Paus. ii. 20. $ 3, 22. $ 1.) Afterwards, how-
ever, Dionysus and Perseus became reconciled, and
the Argives adopted the worship of the god, and
built temples to him. One of these was called the
temple of Dionysus Cresius, because the god was
believed to have buried on that spot Ariadne, his
beloved, who was a Cretan. (Paus. ii. 23. $ 7.)
The last feat of Dionysus was performed on a
voyage from Icaria to Naxos. He hired a ship which
belonged to Tyrrhenian pirates ; but the men, in-
stead of landing at Naxos, passed by and steered
towards Asia to sell him there. The god, how-
ever, on perceiving this, changed the mast and oars

1048

DIONYSUS.

Into serpents, and himself into a lion ; lie filled the
vessel with ivy and the sound of flutes, so that the
sailors, who were seized with madness, leaped
into the sea, where they were metamorphosed into
dolphins. (ApoUod. iii. 5. $ 3 ; Horn. Hymn. vi.
44 ; Ot. Met. iii. 582, &c.) In all his wanderings
and travels the god had rewarded those who had
received him kindly and adopted his worship : he
gave them vines and wine.

After he had thus gradually established his
divine nature throughout the world, he led his
mother out of Hades, called her Thyone, and rose
with her into Olympus. (Apollod. /. c.) The
place, where he had come forth with Semele from
Hades, Avas shewn by the Troezenians in the
temple of Artemis Soteira (Paus. ii. 31. § 2) ; the
Argives, on the other hand, said, that he had
emerged with his mother from the Alcyonian lake.
(Paus. il 37. § 5; Clem. Alex. Adm.ad Gr. p. 22.)
There is also a mystical story, that the body of
Dionysus was cut up and thrown into a cauldron
by the Titans, and that he was restored and cured
by Rhea or Demeter. (Paus. viiL 37. § 3 ; Diod.
iii 62 ; Phurnut. N. D. 28.)

Various mythological beings are described as
the offspring of Dionysus ; but among the women,
both mortiil and immortal, who won his love, none
is more famous in ancient history than Ariadne.
[Ariadne.] The extraordinary mixture of tradi-
tions which . we have here had occasion to notice,
and which might still be considerably increased,
seems evidently to be made up out of the tra-
ditions of different times and countries, referring
to analogous divinities, and transferred to the
Greek Dionysus. We may, however, remark
at once, that all traditions which have refer-
ence to a mystic worship of Dionysus, are of a
comparatively late origin, that is, they belong to
the period subsequent to that in which the Home-
ric poems were composed ; for in those poems
Dionysus does not appear as one of the great divi-
nities, and the story of his birth by Zeus and the
Bacchic orgies are not alluded to in any way :
Dionysus is there simply described as the god
who teaches man the preparation of wine, whence
he is called the " drunken god " (/iaji/J/ieros), and
the sober king Lycurgus will not, for this reason,
tolerate him in his kingdom. (Hom. //. vi. 132,
&c., Od. xviii. 406, comp. xi. 325.) As the cul-
tivation of the vine spread in Greece, the worship
of Dionysus likewise spread further ; the mystic
worship was developed by the Orphici, though it
probably originated in the transfer of Phrj'gian
and Lydian modes of worship to that of Dionysus.
After the time of Alexander's expedition to India,
the celebration of the Bacchic festivals assumed
more and more their wild and dissolute character.

As far as the nature and origin of the god Diony-
sus is concerned, he appears in all traditions as the
representative of some power of nature, whereas
Apollo is mainly an ethical deity. Dionysus is
the productive, overflowing and intoxicating power
of nature, which carries man away from his usual
quiet and sober mode of living. Wine is tlie most
natural and appropriate symbol of that power, and
it is therefore called "the fruit of Dionysus."
{Aiovvaov KafnrSs ; Pind. Frafjm. 89, ed. Btickh.)
Dion3'sus is, therefore, the god of wine, the in-
ventor and teacher of its cultivation, the giver of
joy, and the disperser of grief and sorrow. (Bac-
chyl. ap. Alhen. ii. p. 40 ; Pind. Fragm. 5 ; Eu-

DIONYSUS.

rip. Bacch. 772.) As the god of wine, he is also
both an inspired and an inspiring god, that is, a
god who has the power of revealing the future to
man by oracles. Thus, it is said, that he had as
great a share in the Delphic oracle as Apollo
(Eurip. Bacch. 300), and he himself had an oracle
in Thrace. (Paus. ix. 30. § 5.) Now, as pro-
phetic power is always combined with the healing
art, Dionysus is, like Apollo, called iarpos, or vyt-
oTTjs (Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1624), and at his
oracle of Amphicleia, in Phocis, he cured diseases
by revealing the remedies to the sufferers in their
dreams. (Paus. x. 33. §5.) Hence he is invoked
as a Seds (twttjp against raging diseases. (Soph.
Oed. Tyr. 210 ; Lycoph. 206.) The notion of his
being the cultivator and protector of the vine was
easily extended to that of his being the protector
of trees in general, which is alluded to in various
epithets and surnames given him by the poets of
antiquity (Paus. i. 31. §2, vii. 21. § 2), and he thus
comes into close connexion with Demeter. (Paus.
vii. 20. § 1 ; Pind. hthm. vii. 3 ; Theocrit. xx.
33 ; Diod. iii. 64 ; Ov. Fast. iii. 736 ; Plut. Quae^t.
Gr. 36.) This character is still further developed
in the notion of his being the promoter of civiliza-
tion, a law-giver, and a lover of peace. (Eurip.
Bacch. 420 ; Strab. x. p. 468 ; Diod. iv. 4.) As
the Greek drama had grown out of the dithyrambic
choruses at the festivals of Dionysus, he was also
regarded as the god of tragic art, and as the protec-
tor of theatres. In later times, he was worshipped
also as a S^eds x^<^*''''*» which may have arisen
from his resemblance to Demeter, or have been the
result of an amalgamation of Phrj'gian and Lydian
forms of worship with those of the ancient Greeks.
(Paus. viii. 37. § 3 ; Arnob. adv. Gent. v. 19.)
The orgiastic woi-ship of Dionysus seems to have
been first established in Thmce, and to have
thence spread southward to mounts Helicon and
Parnassus, to Thebes, Naxos, and throughout
Greece, Sicily, and Italy, though some writers
derived it from Eg}'pt. (Paus. i. 2. § 4 ; Diod.
i. 97.) Respecting his festivals and the mode of
their celebration, and especially the introduction
and suppression of his worship at Rome, see Diet,
of Ant. s. vv. Aypiwi'ia, 'AudfaTT^pia^ 'AAoia,
Aicipa, and Dionysia.

In the earliest times the Graces, or Charites,
were the companions of Dionysus (Pind. Oi. xiii.
20 ; Plut. Qiiaest. Gr. 36 ; Apollon. Rhod. ir.
424), and at Olympia he and the Charites had nn
altar in common. (Schol. ad Find. 01. v. 10 ;
Paus. V. 14 in fin.) This circumstance is of great
interest, and points out the great change wliich
took place in the course of time in the mode of liis
worship, for afterwards we find him accompanied
in his expeditions and travels by Bacchantic
women, called Lenae, Maenades, Thyiades, Mimal-
lones, Clodones, Bassarae or Bassarides, all of
whom are represented in works of art as raging
with madness or enthusiasm, in vehement motions,
their heads thrown backwards, with dishevelled
hair, and carrying in their hands thyrsus-staffs
(entwined with ivy, and headed with pine-cones),
cymbals, swords, or serpents. Sileni, Pans, sa-
tyrs, centaurs, and other beings of a like kind, are
dso the constant companions of the god. (Strab.
x. p. 468 ; Diod. iv. 4. &c. ; Catull. 64. 258 ;
Athen i. p. 33 ; Paus. i. 2. § 7.)

The temples and statues of Dionysus were very
numerous in the ancient world. Among the sa-

DIOPEITIIES.

crifices which were offered to him in the earliest
times, human sacrifices are also mentioned. ( Paus.
vii. 21. § 1 ; Porphyr. de Absiin. ii. 55.) Subse-
quently, however, this barbarous custom was sof-
tened down into a symbolic scourging, or animals
were substituted for men, as at Potniae. (Paus. viii.
23. $ 1, ix. 8. § 1.) The animal most commonly
sacrificed to Dionysus was a ram. (Virg. Georg.
ii. 380, 395 ; Os.Fiut. i. 357.) Among the things
sacred to liim, we may notice the vine, ivy, lau-
rel, and asphodel ; the dolphin, serpent, tiger, lynx,
panther, and ass ; but he hated the sight of an
owl. (Paus. viii. 39. $ 4 ; Theocrit. xxvi. 4 ;
Plut. Sympos. iii. 5; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 87 ; Virg.
Eclog. v. 30 ; Hygin. Poct, Astr. ii. 23 ; Philostr.
Imay. ii. 17 ; Vit. Apollon. iii. 40.) The earliest
images of the god were mere Ilermae with the
phallus (Paus. ix. 12. $ 3), or his hefvd only was
represented. (Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1964.) In
later works of art he appears in four different
forms : 1. As an infant handed over by Hennes to
his nurses, or fondled and played with by satyrs
and Bacchae. 2. As a manly god with a beard,
commonly called the Indian Bacchus. lie there
appears in the character of a wise and dignified
oriental monarch ; his features are expressive of
sublime tranquillity and mildness ; his beard is
long and soft, and his Lydian robes {^aaadpa)
are long and richly folded. His hair sometimes
floats down in locks, and is sometimes neatly wound
around the head, and a diadem often adorns his
forehead. 3. The youthful or so-called Theban
15acchus, was carried to ideal beauty by Praxiteles.
The form of his body is manly and with strong
outlines, but still approaches to the female form
by its softness and roundness. The expression of
the countenance is languid, and shews a kind of
dreamy longing ; the head, with a diadem, or a
wreath of vine or ivy, leans somewhat on one
Bide ; his attitude is never sublime, but easy, like
that of a man who is absorbed in sweet thouglits,
or slightly intoxicated. He is often seen leaning
on his companions, or riding on a panther, ass,
tiger, or lion. The finest statue of this kind is in
the villa Ludovisi. 4. Bacchus with horns, either
those of a ram or of a bull. This representation
occurs chiefly on coins, but never in statues.
(Welcker, Zeitschnft, p. 500, &c. ; Ilirt. Mythol.
BUderb. i.Tp. 76, Sic.) [L. S.]

DIOPEITHES {Aioireie-ns). 1. A half-fanatic,
half-impostor, who made at Athens an apparently
thriving trade of oracles. He was nmch satirized
by the comic poets, and may perhaps be identified
with the Locri.in juggler mentioned in Athenaeus.
(i. p. 20, a.) If so, he must be distinguished from
the Diopeithes of whom we read in Suidas as the
author of a law which made it a capital offence for
an inhabitant of the city to spend the night in the
Peiraeus, and who was brought to trial for an in-
voluntaiy breach of his own enactment. (Aristoph.
Eq. 1081, Vesp. 380, Av. 988 ; Schol. ttd 11. cc. ;
Meineke, Frag. Com. Gniec. i. p. 154, ii. pp. 3<J4,
583, 704 ; Suid. s. vv. Topywv, AiondOris,, Eitjt^-
Seu/xo, 'n^laOri.)

2. An Athenian general, father of the poet
Menander, was sent out to the Thracian Cherso-
nesus about B. c. 344, at the head of a body of
Athenian settlers or K\rjpovxoi. (Dem. de Chcrs.
p. 91, Phi/ipp. iii. p. 1 14 ; Pseud.- Dem. de Jfulonti.
pp. 86, 87.) Disputes having arisen about their
boundaries between these settlers and the Cardians,

DIOPHANES 10 »9

the latter were supported, but not with arms in the
first instance, by Philip of Macedon, who, when
the Athenians remonstrated, proposed that their
quarrel with Cardia should be referred to arbitra-
tion. This proposal being indignantly rejected,
Philip sent troops to the assistance of the Cardians,
and Diopeithes retaliated by ravaging the maritime
district of Thrace, which was subject to the Mace-
donians, while Philip was absent hi the interior of
the same country on his expedition against Teres
and Cersobleptes. Philip sent a letter of remon-
strance to Athens, and Diopeithes was arraigned
by the Macedonian p»rty, not only for his aggres-
sion on the king's territory, but also for the means
(unjust doubtless and violent, but common enough
with all Athenian generals at the time,) to which
he resorted for the support of his mercenaries. He
was defended by Demosthenes in the oration, still
extant, on the Chersonese, B. c. 341, and the de-
fence was successful, for he was permitted to retain
his command. After this, and probably during
the war of Philip with Byzantium (b. c. 340),
Diopeithes again invaded the Macedonian territory
in Thrace, took the towns of Crobyle and Tiristasia
and enslaved the inhabitants, and when an ambas-
sador, named Amphilochus, came to negotiate for
the release of the prisoners, he seized his person in
defiance of all international law, and compelled him
to pay nine talents for his ransom, (Arg. ad Dem.
de C/iers. ; Dem. de Cliers. passim ; Phil. Ep. ad
Ath. pp. 159, 160, 161.) The enmity of Diopei-
thes to Philip appears to have recommended him
to the favour of the king of Persia (Artaxerxea
III.), who, as we learn from Aristotle, sent him
some valuable presents, which did not arrive, how-
ever, till after his death. (Arist. Rhet. ii. 8. ^ 11;
comp. Phil. Ep. ad Ath. p. 160 ; Dem. Philipp. iii.
p. 129, in Ep. Phil. p. 153 ; Pseudo-Dem. Philipp.
iv. p. 140; Diod. xvi. 75; Arr. AnaJ). ii. 14 ;
Paus. i. 29.) [E. E.]

DIO'PHANES (AiO(^aia?$). 1. Of Mytilene,
one of the most distinguished Greek rhetoricians
of the time of the Gracchi. For reasons unknown
to us, he was obliged to quit his native place, and
went to Rome, where he instructed Tiberius Grac-
chus, and became his intimate friend. After T.
Gracchus had fallen a victim to the oligarchical
faction, Diophanes and many other friends of
Gracchus were also put to death. (Cic. Brut. 27;
Strab. xiii. p. 617 ; Plut. P. Gracch. 8, 20.) An-
other much later rhetorician of the same name oc-
curs in Porphyry's life of Plotinus.

2. Is quoted as the author of a history of Pon-
tus, in several books. (Schol. ad Apollon. lihod.
iii. 241; Eudoc. p. 31.) [L. S.]

DIO'PHANES {ALO(pajrns) a native of Nicaea,
in Bithynia, in the first century b. c, who abridged
the agricultural work of Cassius Dionysius for the
use of king Deiotarus. (Varr. De lie Rust. i. 1. 10 ;
Colum. De Re Rust. i. 1. 10 ; Plin. //. A'^. Index to
lib. viii.) His work consisted of six books, and
was afterwards further abridged by Asinius Pollio.
(Suid. s. V. Uu}\iuv.) Diophanes is quoted several
times in the Collection of Greek Writers, De Re
Rustica. [W. A. G.J

DIO'PHANES MYRINAEUS, the author of
a worthless epigram in the Greek Anthology.
(Brunck, Amd. ii. 259 ; Jacobs, ii. 236.) Jacobs
thinks, that he is a late writer, and ought not to
be identified with the Diophanes who is mentioned
by Cicero and Plutarch as the instructor of Tibe-

10.>0

DIOPHANTUS.

rius Gracchus, nor with the Diophanes whom Varro
mentions. (Jacobs, xiii. p. 886.) [P. S.]

DIOPHANTUS {Ai6<pavTos). 1. A native of
Arabia, who however lived at Athens, where he
was at the head of the sophistical school. He
was a contemporary of Proaeresius, whom he sur-
vived, and whose funeral oration he delivered in
A. D. 368. (Eunapius, DiopJtant. p. 127, &c.,
Proaeres. p. 109.)

2. An Attic orator and contemporary of Demos-
thenes, with whom he opposed the Macedonian
party. He is mentioned as one of the most emi-
nent speakers of tlie time. . (Dem. de FaJs. Leg.
pp. 368, 403, 436, c. Lcpt. p. 498 ; Harpocrat.
and Suid. s. v. t/l^Kavonros.) Reiske, in the Index
to Demosthenes, believes him to be the same as the
author of the p&ephisma mentioned by Demosthenes
{de Pais. Leg. p. 368), and also identical with the
one who, according to Diodorus (xvi. 48), assisted
the king of Persia in his Egyptian war, in B. c.
350.

3. Of Lacedaemon, is quoted by Fulgentius
{MythoL i. 1) as the author of a work on Antiqui-
ties, in fourteen books, and on the worship of the
gods. Whether he is the same as the geographer,
Diophantus, who wrote a description of the north-
ern countries (Phot. BiM. Cod. 250, p. 454, b.),
which is also quoted by Stephanus of Byz.intium
(s, V. "ASioi), or the Diophantus who wrote a work
TroKiriKa (Steph. Bys. s. v. AiSvartyoi), cannot be
decided.

4. A slave of Straton, who was manumitted by
the will of his master. (Diog. Laert. v. 63.) He
seems to be the same as the Diophantus mentioned
in the will of Lycon. (Id. v. 71.)

5. Of Syracuse, a Pythagorean philosopher, who
seems to have been an author, for his opinion on the
origin of the world is adduced by Theodoretus.
(T/ierap. iv. p. 795.) [L. S.]

DIOPHANTUS (AuiipavTos), an Athenian co-
mic poet of the new comedy. (Antiatticista, p. 115,
21 : <pfpfiv Tov olvov fTri rov yr](peiv. Aio^curros
M€ToiKitonh(f>.) [P. S.]

DIOPHANTUS (Ai6(pavT0i\ of Alexandria,
the only Greek writer on Algebra. His period is
wholly unknown, which is not to be wondered at
if we consider that he stands quite alone as to the
subject which he treated. But, looking at the im-
probability of all mention of such a writer being
omitted b)"^ Proclus and Pappus, we feel strongly in-
clined to place him towards the end of the fifth cen-
tury of our era at the earliest. If the Diophantus,
on whose astronomical work (according to Suidas)
Hj'patia wrote a commentary, and whose arith-
metic Theon mentions in his commentary on the
Almagest, be the subject of our article, he must
have lived before the fifth century : but it would
be by no means safe to assume this identity.
Abulpharagius, according to Montucla, places him
at A. D. 365. The first writer who mentions him,
(if it be not Theon) is John, patriarch of Jerusa-
lem, in his life of Johannes Damascenus, written in
the eighth century. It matters not much where
we place him, as far as Greek literature is concern-
ed : the question will only become of importance
when we have the means of investigating whether
or not he derived his algebra, or any of it, from an
Indian source. Colebrooke, as to this matter, is
content that Diophantus should be placed in the
fourth century. (See the Penny Cyclopaedia^ art.
Viija Ganita.)

DIOPHANTUS.

It is singular that, though his date is uncertain
to a couple of centuries at least, we have some rea-
son to suppose that he married at the age of 33, and
that in five years a son was bora of this mamage,
who died at the age of 42, four years before his
father: so that Diophantus lived to 84. Bachet,
his editor, found a problem proposed in verse, in an
unpublished Greek anthology, like some of those
which Diophantus himself proposed in verse, and
composed in the manner of an epitaph. The un-
known quantity is the age to which Diophantus
lived, and tne simple equation of condition to which
it leads gives, when solved, the preceding informa-
tion. But it is just as likely as not that the maker
of the epigram invented the dates.

When the manuscripts of Diophantus came to
light in the 1 6th century, it was said that there were
thirteen books of the ' Arithmetica : ' but no more
than six have ever been produced with that title ;
besides which we have one book, ' De Multangulis
Numeris,' on polygonal numbers. These books
contain a system of reasoning on numbers by the
aid of general symbols, and with some use of sjtu-
bols of operation ; so that, though the demonstra-
tions are very much conducted in words at length,
and arranged so as to remind us of Euclid, there is
no question that the work is algebraical: not a
treatise on algebra^ but an algebraical treatise on
the relations of integer numbers, and on the solu-
tion of equations of more than one variable in inte-
gers. Hence such questions obtained the name of
Diophantine, and the modern works on that pecu-
culiar branch of numerical analysis which is called
the theory of numbers, such as those of Gauss and
Legendre, would have been said, a century ago, to
be full of Diophantine ajialysis. As there are many
classical students who will not see a copy of Dio-
phantus in their lives, it may be desirable to give
one simple proposition from that writer in modem
words and symbols, annexing the algebraical phrases
from the original.

Book i. qu. 30. Having given the sum of two
numbers (20) and their product (96), required the
numbers. Observe that the square of the half sum
should be greater than the product. Let the differ-
ence of the numbers be 2y {sso\ $^) ; then the sum
being 20 (k') and the half sum 10 (J) the greater
number will be s-|-10 {reraxdoo ovv 6 fx^l^wv sov
4vds Kol fid \) and the less will be 10— s {/xo I
Aeii//6t sou eVos, which he would often write fxo \
/p. SOS d). But the product is 96 (pS-') which is also
100 — s' (p A€i\|/6i SvvdfMews juids, or p' ffi Sw d).
Hence S—'2 {YnfeTai 6 sos ijlo 0') &c.

A young algebraist of our day might hardly be
inclined to give the name of algebraical notation to
the preceding, though he might admit that there
was algebraical reasoning. But if he had consulted
the Hindu or Mahommedan writers, or Cardan,
Tartaglia, Stevinus, and the other European algebra-
ists, who preceded Vieta, he would see that he must
either give the name to the notation above exem-
plified, or refuse it to everything which preceded
the seventeenth century. Diophantus declines his
letters, just as we now speak of m th or (m-f-I) th;
and yuo is an abbreviation of uoyds or fiovdScs, as
the case may be.

The question whether Diophantus was an original
inventor, or whether he had received a hint from
India, the only country we know of which could
then have given one, is of great difficulty. We
cannot enter into it at length: the very great simi-

DIOSCORIDES.

larity of the Diopbantine and Hindu algehra (an
far as the former goes) makes it nhnost certain that
the two must have had a common origin, or have
come one from the other ; though it is clear that
Diophantus, if a borrower, has completely recast the
subject by the introduction of Euclid's form of de-
monstration. On this point we refer to the article
of the Penny Cyclopaedia already cited.

There are many paraphrases, so-called transla-
tions, and abbreviations of Diophantus, but very
few editions. Joseph Auria prepared an edition
(Gr. Lat.) of the whole, with the Scholia of the
monk Maximus Planudes on the first two books ;
but it was never printed. The first edition is that
of Xylander, Basle, 1575, folio, in Latin only, with
the Scholia and notes. The first Greek edition,
with Latin, (and original notes, the Scholia being
rejected as useless,) is that of Bachet de Meziriac,
Paris, 1G21, folio. Fermat left materials for the
second and best edition (Gr. Lat.), in which is pre-
served all that was good in Bachet, and in particu-
lar his Latin version, and most valuable comments
and additions of his own (it being peculiarly his
subject). These materials were collected by J. de
Billy, and .published by Fermat's son, Toulouse,
1670, folio. An English lady, the late Miss Abi-
gail Baruch Lousjida, whose successful cultivation
of mathematics and close attention to this writer for
many years was well known to scientific persons,
left a complete translation of Diophantus, with
notes : it has not yet been published, and we trust,
will not be lost. [A. De M.]

DIOPHANTUS or DIOPHANTES (Ai6<pavTos
or Ato</)a»'TTjs), a medical writer of Lycia (Galen,
De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos., ix. 4, vol. xiii. p.
28 1 ), several of whose medical formulae are quoted
by Galen (vol. xii. p. 845 ; xiii. 507, 805 ; xiv. 175,
181), and who must, therefore, have lived in or be-
fore the second century after Christ. [W.A. G.]

DIO'RES, a painter, who is mentioned by Varro
with Micon, the contemporary of Polygnotus, in
such a manner as to imply that he lived at the
same time. The text of the passage, however, is
80 corrupt, that the name is not made out with
certainty. (Varro, L. L. ix. 12, ed. Mliller;
Micon.) [P. S.]

DIOSCO'RIDES (Ajo(rKoprS77s). 1. A Byzan-
tine grammarian, a brother of Hipparchus and Ni-
colaus, and a disciple of Lachares at Athens. He
lived in the reign of the emperors Marcianus and
Leo. (Suid. s. v. HlkoKoms ; Eudoc. p. 309.)

2. Of Cyprus, a sceptic philosopher, and a pupil
of Timon. (Diog. Laert. ix. 114, 115.)

3. A disciple of Isocrates, who is said b)' Athe-
naeus (i. p. 1 1 ) to have interpolated the Homeric
poems. Suidas (s. V. "Oiurjpos) attributes to him
a work entitled oi Trap' 'Ofirjp^j voixoi. As he is
thus known to have been engaged in the study of
Homer, it is not improbable that he was also the
author of the irep2 rov rwv ripwuv KaQ' "Ofitjpov
fiiov, from which a fragment is quoted by Athe-
naeus (i. p. 8 ; comp. Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1270.)
The a.irofjLvr\uoi'iV(xara., mentioned by Diogenes
Laertius (i. G3) and Athenaeus (xi. p. 507), may
likewise have been his work, though everything is
uncertain. We have further mention of a work on
the constitution of Lacedaemon ascribed to Diosco-
rides (Athen. iv. p. 140; Plut. Lye. 11, Ages. 35),
and of another inpl von'iixwv (Schol. ad Aristoph.
Av. 1283; Suid. and Phot. s.v. o-tfuraATj; Eudoc.
p. 280); but whether they were the productions of

DIOSCORIDES.

1051

the pupil of Isocrates, or of the Stoic DioAcoridet
is uncertain.

4. The father of Zeno of Tarsus, the Stoic, who
succeeded Chrysippus. The hitter dedicated to
Dioscorides several of his works, as we learn from
Diogenes (vii. IfJO, 193, 198, 200,202) and Sui-
das («. V. ZtJvwv).

5. A writer on astrology, an opinion of whose
is quoted by Censorinus. (De Die Nat. 17; comp.
Varro, de L. L. Fragm. p. 369, ed. Bip<mt.) [L.8.J

DIOSCO'RIDES (AioffKoplSvi), the author of
thirty-nine epigrams in the Greek Anthology
(Bruuck, Anal. i. 493 ; Jacobs, i. 244 ; xiii. 706,
No. 142) seems, from the internal evidence of his
epigrams, to have lived in Egypt, about the time of
Ptolemy Euergetes. His epigrams are chieily upon
the great men of antiquity, especially the poet«.
One of them (No. 35) would seem, from its title in
the Vatican MS., AioaKopiSov NiKoiroAtrou, to be
the production of a later writer. The epigrams of
Dioscorides were included in the Garland of Me-
leager. (Jacobs, xiii. pp. 886, 887.) [P. S.]

DIOSCO'RIDES, artists. [Dioscurides.]
DIOSCO'RIDES {ALoaKovpiSTjs or AioaKopi-
S?js), the name of several physicians and botanical
writers, whom it is not easy to distinguish from
each other with certainty.

1. Pedacius or Pedanius (neSd/ctos orlleSdrtos)
Dioscorides, the autlior of the celebrated Treatise
on Materia Medica, that bears his name. It is
generally supposed, says Dr. Bostock, that he was a
native of Anazarba, in Cilicia Campestris, and that
he was a physician by profession. It appears pretty
evident, that he lived in the [first or] second cen-
tury of the Christian era, and as he is not mentioned
by Pliny, it has been supposed that he was a little
posterior to him. The exact age of Dioscorides has,
however, been a question of much critical discussion,
and we have nothing but conjecture which can lead
us to decide upon it. He has left behind him a
Treatise on Materia Medica, Ufpt'''T\-ns 'larpt/tTjs.
in five books, a work of great labour and research,
and which for many ages was received as a standard
production. The greater correctness of modem
science, and the new discoveries which have been
made, cause it now to be regarded rather as a work
of curiosity than of absolute utility ; but in drawing
up a history of the state and progress of medicine,
it affords a most valuable document for our infor-
mation. His treatise consists of a description of all
the articles then used in medicine, with an account
of their supposed virtues. The descriptions are
brief, and not unfrequently so little characterized as
not to enable us to ascertain with any degree of
accuracy to what they refer ; while the practical
part of his work is in a great measure empirical,
although his general principles (so far as they can
be detected) appear to be those of the Dogmatic
sect. The great importance which was for so long
a period attached to the works of Dioscorides, has
rendered them the subject of almost innumerable
commentaries and criticisms, and even some of the
most leanied of our modern naturalists have not
thought it an unworthy Uisk to attempt the illus-
tration of his Materia Medica. Upon the whole,
we must attribute to him the merit of great industry
and patient research ; and it seems but just to
ascribe a large portion of the errors and inaccuracies
into which he lias fallen, more to the imp(»rfect state
of science when he wrote, than to any defect in the
character and talents of the writer.

10.'.^

DIOSCORIDES.

His work has been compared with that of Thco-
phrastus, but this seems to be doing justice to
neither party, as the objects of the two authors
were totally different, the one writing as a scien-
tific botanist, the other merely as a herbalist ; and
accordingly we find each of these celebrated men
superior to the other in his own department.
With respect to the ancient writers on Materia
^ledica who succeeded Dioscorides, they were
generally content to quote his authority without
presuming to correct his errors or supply his defi-
ciencies. That part of his work -which relates to
the plants growing in Greece has b&^n very much
illustrated by the late Dr. John Sibthorp, who,
when he was elected one of the Radcliffe Travelling
Fellows of the University of Oxford, travelled in
Greece and the neighbouring parts for the piirpose
of collecting materials for a '' Flora Graeca." This
magnificent work was begun after his death, under
the direction of the late Sir J. E. Smith (1806),
and has been lately finished, in ten volumes folio,
by Professor Lindley. With respect to the plants
and other productions of the East mentioned by
Dioscorides, much still remains to be done towards
their illustration, and identification with the articles
met with in those countries in the present day. A
few specimens of this are given by Dr. Royle, in
his '• Essay on the Antiquity of Hindoo Medicine"
(Lond. 8vo. 1037), and probably no man in Eng-
land is more fitted to undertake the tisk than
himself.

Besides the celebrated treatise on Materia Medica,
the following works are genemlly attributed to Dios-
corides : Uipl AriKrjTr^ploDV ^api.LaKwv^ De Veiirnis ;
'nfpl'lofi6\wv, De Veiienalis Animalilms ; Tltp\ EJ-
tropiaruv 'Air\d,v re Kal ^vpderwu ^apfidnwu, Dc
, facile Parahilibus tarn Simplicilnis qiiam Compontis
Medicamenlis ; and a few smaller works, which are
considered spurious. His works first appeared in a
Latin translation (supposed to be by Petrus de
Abano) in 1 478, fol. Colle, in black letter. The first
Greek edition was published by Aldus Manutius,
Venet. 1499, fol., and is said to be very scarce. Per-
haps the most valuable edition is that by J. A. Sa-
racenus, Greek and Latin, Franoof. 1598. fol., with
n copious and learned commentary. The last edition
is that by C. Sprengel, in two vols. 8vo. Lips. 1829,
1 8;i0, in Greek and Latin, with a useful commen-
tary, forming the twenty-fifth and twenty-sixth vols,
of Klihn's Collection of the Greek Medical Writers.
The work of Dioscorides has been tmnslated .ind
published in the Italian, German, Spanish, and
French languages ; there is also an Arabic Trans-
lation, which is still in MS. in several European
libraries. For further information respecting Dios-
corides and the editions of his work, see Le Clerc,
Hist de la Med.; Haller, Diblioth.Botun.; Sprengel,
Hist, dc la Mid.; Fabric. Biblioth. Graeca; Bo-
stock's HUtnry of Medicine ; Choulant, Handbuch
der Biiclwrkunde filr die Aeltere Medicin.

2. Dioscorides Phacas {^aKas) a physician
who was one of the followers of Ilerophilus (Galen,
Gloss. Hippocr. prooem. vol, xix. p. 63), and lived
in the second or first century b. c. According to
Suidas (s. V. Aio(tk.\ who, however, confounds him
with Dioscorides of A nazarba, he lived at the court of
Cleopatra in the time of Antony, b. c. 41 — 30, and
was surnamed Phacas on account of the moles or
freckles on his face. He is probably the same phy-
sician who is mentioned by Galen ( Gloss. Hippocr.
8. V. 'IvBikSv^ vol. xix. p. 105), and Paulus Aegi- |

DIOSCIIRL

neta {De Be Med. iv. 24), as a native of Alexandria.
He wrote several medical works, which are not now
extant. (Suid. /. c. ; Erotian. Gloss. Hippocr. p. 8.)

3. Dioscorides, a Grammarian at Rome, who,
if not actually a physician, appears, at any rate, to
have given great attention to medical literature. He
lived in the beginning of the second century after
Christ, probably in the reign of Hadrian, A. d.
117 — 138, and superintended an edition of the
works of Hippocrates, which was much esteemed.
He is, however, accused by Galen of having made
considerable alterations in the text, and of changing
the old readings and modernizing the language.
He was a relation of Artemidorus Capito, another
editor of Hippocrates, and is several times quoted
by Galen. (Galen, Comment, in Hippocr. " DeNat.
Hom.''^ i. 1 ; ii. 1, vol. xv. pp. 21, 110; Comment, in
Hippocr. ^ De Humor.'''' i. prooem. vol. xvi. p. 2 ;
Comment, in HipfX}cr. ^■^Epidem. F/." i. prooem. vol.
xvii. part i. p. 795 ; Gloss. Hippocr. in v. dne^pda--
a-ero, vol. xix. p. 83.) [W. A. G.]

DIOSCO'RIUS {AioarKopios) of Myra, was the
instructor in grammar of the daughters of the em-
peror Leo, at Byzantium, and also prefect of the
city .ind of the praetorians. (Suid. s. v.) [P. S. |

DIO'SCORUS (AiOffKopos). 1. A physician,
probably born at Tralles in Lydia, in the sixth
century after Christ His father's name was
Stephanus, who was a physician (Alex. Trail, de
lie Med. iv. 1, p. 198); one of his brothers was
the physician Alexander Trallianus ; another was
the architect and mathematician, Anthemius ; and
Agathias mentions that his two other brothers,
Metrodorus and Olympius, were both eminent in
their several professions, (/fi.'if. v. p, 149.)

2. Another physician of the same name, must
have lived some time in or before the second cen-
tury after Christ, as one of his medical formulae is
quoted by Galen. {De Compos. Medicam. sec,
Ixycos., viii. 7, vol. xiii. p. 204.) [W. A.G.]

DIOSCURUS, a togatus of the praetorian
forum, was one of the commission often appointed
by Justinian in A. d. 528, to compile the Constitu-
tionum Codex. (Const. Haec quae 7iecessario, § 1,
Const. S'jmma Heip. § 2.) [J. T. G,]

DIOSCU'RI {AioffKovpoi), that is, sons of
Zeus, the well-known heroes. Castor and Pollux,
or Polydeuces. The singular form AioaKovpos, or
Ai6(TKopos, occurs only in the writings of gram-
marians, and the Latins sometimes use Castores
for the two brothers. (Plin. H. N. x. 43 ; Serv.
ad Virg. Georg. iii. 89 ; Herat. Carm. iii. 29, 64.)
According to the Homeric poems {Od. xi. 298, &c.)
they were the sons of Leda and Tyndareus, king of
Lacedaenron, and consequently brothers of Helena.
(Hom. 11. iii. 426.) Hence they are often called by
the patronymic Tyndaridae. (Ov. Fast. v. 700,
Met. viii, 301.) Castor was famous for his skill
in taming and managing horses, and Pollux for
his skill in boxing. Both had disappeared from
the earth before the Greeks went against Troy.
Although they were buried, says Homer, yet they
came to life every other day, and they enjojed
honours like those of the gods. According to
other tradhions both were the sons of Zeus and
Leda, and were born at the same time with their
sister Helena out of an (t^n (Horn. Hymn, xiii, 5 ;
Theocrit, xxii, ; Schol. ad Find. Nem. x. 150;
Apollon. Rhod, i. 149 ; Hygin, Fab. 155 ; Tzetz.
ad Lycnph. 511 ; Serv, ad Aen. iii, .328), or with-
out their sister, and either out of an egg or in the

DIOSCURI.

nnair.ll way, but in such a manner that Polhix
was the first born. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 88, 511.)
According to others again, Polydeuces and Helena
only were children of Zeus, and Castor was the
son of Tyndareus. Hence, Polydeuces was im-
mortal, while Csistor was subject to old age and
death like every otlier mortal. (Pind. Nem. x. 80,
with the Schol. ; Theocrit. xxiv. 130; ApoUod.
iii. 10. § 7 ; Hygin. Fab. 77.) Thej' were bom,
according to difterent traditions, at different pLices,
such as Amyclae, mount Taygetus, the island of
Pephnos, or Thalaniae. (Theocrit. xxii. 1*22 ;
Virg. Gconf. iii. 89 ; Serv. ad Aen. x. 564 ; Horn.
Hymn. xiii. 4 ; Paus. ii. 1. ^ 4, 21). § 2.)

The fabulous life of the Dioscuri is marked by
three great events : 1. Their expedition against
Athens. Theseus had carried off their sister He-
lena from Sparta, or, according to others, he had
promised Idas and Lynceus, the sons of Apluireus,
who had carried her off, to guard lier, and he
kept her in confinement at Aphidnae, under the
superintendence of his mother Aethra, While
Theseus was absent from Attica and Menestheus
was endeavouring to usurp the government, the
Dioscuri marched into Attica, and ravaged the
country round the city. Academus revealed to
thera, that Helena was kept at Aphidnae (Herod.
ix. 73), and the Dioscuri took the place by assault.
They carried away their sister Helena, and Aethra
■was made their prisoner. (Apollod. /. c.) Menes-
theus then opened to them also the gates of Athens,
and Aphidnus adopted them as his sons, in order
that, according to their desire, they might become
initiated in the mysteries, and the Athenians paid
divine honours to them. (Plut. lltes. 31, &c. ;
Lycoph. 499.) 2. Tlieir part in the eapediiion of
the Argonauts, as they had before taken part in
the Calydonian hunt. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 149 ;
Paus. iii. 24. § 5 ; Hygin. Fab. 173.) During
the voyage of the Argonauts, it once happened,
that when the heroes were detained by a vehe-
ment storm, and Orpheus prayed to the Samo-
thracian gods, the storm suddenly subsided, and
stars appeared on the heads of the Dioscuri.
(Diod. iv. 43 ; Plut. de Plac. Fhilos. ii. 18 ; Sc-
nec. Quaeit. Nat. i. 1.) On tlieir arrival in the
country of the Bebryces, Polydeuces fought against
Amycus, the gigantic son of Poseidon, and con-
quered him. During the Argonautic expedition
they founded tlie town of Dioscurias. (Hj'gin. Fab.
175 ; P. Mela, i. 19 ; comp. Strab. xi. p. 49G ;
Justin, xlii. 3 ; Plin. //. N. vi. 5.) 3. Their but-
tle with the sons of Apliareus. The Dioscuri were
charmed with the beauty of the daughters of Leu-
cippus, Phoebe, a priestess of Athena,. and Hi-
laeira or Elaeira, a priestess of Artemis : the
Dioscuri cjirried them off, and married them.
(Hygin. Fab. 80 ; Ov. Fast. v. 700 ; Schol. ad
Find. Nem. x. 112.) Polydeuces became, by
Phoebe, the father of Mnesileus, Mnesinous, or
Asinous, and Castor, by Hilaeira, the father of
Anogon, Anaxis, or Aulothus. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph.
511.) Once the Dioscuri, in conjunction with
Id.Ts and Jjynceus, the sons of Aphareus, had car-
ried away a herd of oxen from Arcadia, and it
Avas left to Idas to divide the booty. He cut up
a bull into four parts, and declared, that whichever
of them should first succeed in eating his share
should receive half the oxen, and the second should
have the other half. Idas, thereupon, not only
ate his own quarter, but devoured that of his bro-

DI03CURI. 1053

therms in addition, and then drove the whole herd
to his home in Mcssene. (Pind. Nem. x. 60 ;
Apollod. iii. 11. $ 2; Lycoph. /. c.) The Dio*-
curi then invaded Messene, drove away the cattle
of which they had been deprived, and much nioro
in .'iddition. This became the occasion of a war
between the Dioscuri and the sons of Aphareus,
which was carried on in Messene, or Lacpnia.
In this war, the details of which are related dif-
ferently, Castor, the mortal, fell by the hands of
Idas, but Pollux slew Lynceus, and Zeus killed
Idas by a flash of lightning. (Pind. Apollod.
//. cc. ; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 1514; Theocrit. xxii. ;
Hygin. Fab. 80, I^oet. Astr. ii. 22.) Polydeuces
then I'etumed to his brother, whom he found
breathing his last, and he prayed to Zeus, to
be permitted to die with him. Zeus left him
the option, either to live as his immortal son in
Olympus, or to share his brother's fate, and to
live, alternately, one day under the earth, and the
other in the heavenly abodes of the gods. (Ilom.
//. iii. 243 ; Pind. Nem. x. in fin. ; Hygin. Fab.
251.) According to a different foiin of the story,
Zeus rewarded the attachment of the two brothers
by placing them among the stars as Gemini.
(Hygin. Foet. Astr. I. c. ; SchoL ad Eurip. Orest.
465.)

These heroic youths, who were also believed to
have reigned as Kings of Sparta (Paus. iii. 1. § 5),
received divine honours at Sparta, though not till
forty years after their war with the sons of Apha-
reus. (Paus. iii. 13. §,1.) MiiUer {Dor. ii. 10. § 8)
conceives that the worship of the Diosciui had a
double source, viz. the heroic honours of the human
Tyndaridae, and the worship of some ancient Pelo-
ponnesian deities, so that in the process of time the
attributes of the Litter were transferred to the for-
mer, viz. the name of the sons of Zeus, the birth from
an f^gg, and the like. Their worship spread from
Peloponnesus over Greece, Sicily, and Italy. (Paus.
X. 33. $ 3, 38. § 3.) Their principal characteristic
was that of ^eol awrripes, that is, mighty helpers of
man, whence they were sometimes called dvuKes
or avuKTis. (Plut. Thes. 33 ; Strab. v. p. 232 ;
Aelian, V. H. i. 30, iv. 5 ; Aristoph. Lysistr. 1301 ;
Paus. i. 31. § 1, viii. 21, in fin.) They were, how-
ever, worshipped more especially as the protectors
of travellers by sea, for Poseidon had rewarded their
brotherl}' love by giving them power over wind and
waves, that they might assist the shipwrecked.
{Hy^n.Foet.Aslr.l.c ; Eurip. //e/e/i. 1511 ; Hom.
Hymn. xiii. 9 ; Strab. i. p. 48 ; Herat. Carm. i. 3.
2.) Out of this idea arose that of their being the
protectors of travellers in general, and consequently
of the law of hospittility also, the violation of which
was punished severely by them. (Paus. iii. 16. § 3;
Bockh, Fxplicat. ad Find. p. 135.) Their charac-
ters as •7n)| ayaQ6s and iTrjroSa^itoj were combined into
one, and both, whenever they did appear, were seea
riding on magnificent white steeds. They were
further regarded, like Hermes and Heracles, as the
presidents of the public games (Pind. O/.iii. 38, Nem.
X. 53), and at Sparta their statues stood at the
entrance of the race-course. (Paus. iii. 14. § 7.)
They were further believed to have invented the
war-dance, and warlike music, and poets and barda
were favoured by thenu (Cic. de Orat. ii. 86 ; Val.
Maxim, i. 8. ^ 7.) Owing to their warlike charac-
ter, it was customary at Sparta for the two kings,
whenever they went out to war, to be accompanied
by symbolic representations of the Dioscuri {UKova {

1054

DIOTIMA.

Did. of Ant. s. v.\ and afterwards, when one king
only took the field, he took with him only one of
those symbols. (Herod, v. 75.) Sepulchral monu-
ments of Castor existed in the temple of the Dios-
curi near Therapne (Pind. Nem. x. 56 ; Pans, iil
20. § 1 ), at Sparta (Paus. iii. 1 3. § 1 ; Cic. de Nat.
Deor. iii. 5.), and at Argos. (Pint. Quaest. Gr. 23.)
Temples and statues of the Dioscuri were very nu-
merous in Greece, though more particularly in Pelo-
ponnesus. Respecting their festivals, see Diet, of
Ant. s. w. 'AvaKfia^ Aio(TKuvfjia. Their usual re-
presentation in works of art is that of two youthful
horsemen with egg-shaped hats, or helmets, crowTied
with stars, and with spears in their hands. (Paus.
iii. 18. § 8, V. 19. § 1 ; Catull. 37. 2 ; Val. Flacc.
V. 367.)

At Rome, the worship of the Dioscuri or Castores
was introduced at an early time. They were be-
lieved to have assisted the Romans against the
Latins in the battle of Lake Regillus ; and the dic-
tator, A. Postumius Albus, during the battle, vowed
a temple to them. It was erected in the Forum, on
the spot where they had been seen after the battle,
opposite the temple of Vesta. It was consecrated
on the 15th of Julv, the anniversary day of the
battle of Regillus. (Dionys. vi. 13 ; Liv. ii. 20, 42.)
Subsequently, two other temples of the Dioscuri
were built, one in the Circus Maximus, and the
other in the Circus Flaminius. (Vitruv. iv. 7 ; P.
Vict. lieg. llrb. xi.) From that time the equites
regarded the Castores as their patrons, and .after the
year b. c. 305, the equites went every year, on the
15th of July, in a magnificent procession on horse-
back, from the temple of Mars through the main
btreets of the city, across the Forum, and by the
ancient temple of the Dioscuri. In this procession
the equites were adorned with olive wreaths and
dressed in the trabea, and a grand sacrifice was
offered to the twin gods by the most illustrious per-
sons of the equestrian order. (Dionys. I.e.; Liv. ix.
4G ; Val. Max. ii. 2. $ 9 ; Aurel. Vict, de Vir.
Ulmtr. 32.) [L. S.]

DIOSCU'RIDES or DIOSCO'RIDES (Aiocr-
Kovp'ibi)s). 1. Of Samos, the maker of two mosaic
pavements found at Pompeii, in the so-called villa
of Cicero. They both represent comic scenes, and
are inscribed with the artist's name,

A102KOTPIAH2 2AMI02 EDOIHSE.
They are entirely of glass, and are among the most
beautiful of ancient mosaics. They are full}- de-
scribed bv Winckelmann. {Oeschichle d. Kunst^hk.
vii. c. 4. § 18, bk. xii. c. 1. §§ 9-11, Nachrii-ht. v.
d. neuesl. Ilercul. Entdeck. § 54, 55.) A wood-
cut of one of them is given in the Useful Know-
ledge Society's "Pompeii," ii. p. 41. (See also
jMus. Burbon. iv. 34.)

2. An engraver of gems in the time of Augustus,
engraved a gem with the likeness of Augustus,
which was used by that emperor and his successors
as their ordinaiy signet. (PHn. xxxvii. 1, s. 4 ;
Suet. Oct. 50.) In these passages most of the
editions give Dioscorides ; but the true reading,
which is preserved in some ^ISS., is confirmed by
existing gems bearing the name AI02K0YPIA0T.
There are several of these gems, but only six are
considered genuine. (Meyer's note on Winckel-
mann, GescJiicIite d. Kund, bk. xi. c. 2. § 8.) [P-S.]

DIOTI'MA (AiOTi)iio), a priestess of Mantineia,
and the reputed instructor of Socrates. Plato, in
his Symposium (p.201,d.), introduces her opinions
on the nature, origin, and objects of life, which in

DIOTIMUS.

fact form the nucleus of that dialogue. Some cri-
tics believe, that the whole story of Diotima is a
mere fiction of Plato's, while others are inclined to
see in it at least some historical foundation, and to
regard her as an historical personj^e. Later Greek
writers call her a priestess of the Lycaean Zeus,
and state, that she was a Pythagorean philosopher
who resided for some time at Athens. (Lucian,
Eunuch. 7, Imag. 1 8 ; Max. Tyr. Dissert. 8 ;
comp. Hermann, Gesch. u. System, d. Plat. Philos.
i. p. 523, note 591; Ast, L^n u.Schriften Platos^
p. 313.) [L. S.]

DIOTI'MUS(AwT(Atos). 1. A grammarian of Ad-
ramyttium in jNIysia, exercised the profession of a
teacher at Garg:ira in the Troad — a hard lot, which
Aratus, who appears to have been contemporary
with him, bemoans in an extant epigram. He is
probably the same whose voluminous common-place
book {TravTo^and dvayvcocrixaTa) is quoted by Ste-
phanus of Byzantium {s.v. UaacrapydSai). Schnei-
der would refer to him the epigrams under the
name of Diotimus in the Anthology. See below.
{Ant hoi. i. p. 253; Jacobs, ad loc. ; Macrob. Sat.
V. 20 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. Tipyapa ; Fabric. BibU
Grace, vol. iii. p. 561, iv. p. 473.)

2. An Athenian, who wrote a history of Alex-
ander the Great. The period at which he lived is
not known. He is quoted, together with Aristus
of Salamis, by Athenaeus (x. p. 436, e.).

3. The author of a Greek poem, called 'Hpa/cAeto,
in hexameter verse, on the labours of Hercules.
Three verses of it are preserved by Suidas {s. v.
EvpvSaros), and by Michael Apostolius, the By-
zantine, in his collection of proverbs. (Jacobs, An-
tliol. vol. xiii. p. 888; see Athen. xiii. p. 603, d.)

4. Of Olympia, an author or collector of riddles
(7^7^01), is mentioned by one of the interlocutors
in the Deipnosophistae of Athenaeus (x. p. 448, c)
SIS d ercupos t^/luSv^ and lived therefore at the begin-
ning of the third century of our era.

5. A Stoic philosopher, Avho is said to have
accused Epicurus of profligacy, and to have forged
fifty letters, professing to have been written by
Epicurus, to prove it. ( Diog. Laert. x. 3 ;
Menag. ad loc.) According to Athenaeus, who
is evidently alluding to the same story in a pas-
sage where AtSrifios apparently should be sub-
stituted for ©eoTiitos, he was convicted of the
forgery, at the suit of Zeno the Epicurean, and
put to death. (Ath. xiii. p. 611,b.) We learn
from Clement of Alexandria {Stroin. ii. 21), that
he considered happiness or well-being (euecrrv) to
consist, not in anv- one good, but in the perfect
accumulation of blessings (iraPTeKeia rwv dyadwu'),
which looks like a departure from strict Stoicism
to the more sober view of Aristotle. {E(h. Nicom.
i. 7, 8.) [E. E.]

DIOTI'MUS (Aiorj/xos). Under this name there
are several epigrams in the Greek Anthology
(Brunck, Anal. i. 250 ; Jacobs, i. 183), which
seem, however, to be the productions of different
authors, for the first epigram is entitled Atori/xov
MiXTjaiov, and the eighth AioTi/uLov 'Adrjvaiov rod
Aioneidcvs. This latter person would seem to be
the same as the Athenian orator, Diotimus, who
was one of the ten orators given up to Antipatcr.
(Suid. s. V. 'AvT'nrarpos ; Pseudo-Plut. Vit. X Orai,
p. 845, a.) How many of the epigrams belong to
this Diotimus, and to whom the rest ought to be
assigned, is quite uncertain. Schneider refers them
to the grammarian Diotimus, of Adramyttiunu

DIPHILUS.

The epipramB under the name of Diotimus were in-
cluded in the Garland of Meleugcr. (Jacobs, xiii.
888.) [P.S.]

DIOTI'MUS (A«rfT«MO$), a physician of Thcbe*,
irho«eab«nrd and superstitious remedies are quoted
by Pliny (//. N. xxviii. 23), and who must, there-
fore, have lived in or before the first century after
Christ. [W. A. O.]

DIOTO'OENES (AjoT07t.T7s), a Pythagorean
philosopher, who wrote a work itfpi oVjotittov, of
which three fragnu'nts are preserved in Stobaeus
(tit V. 69, xliii. 9.% 130), and another ir«pi /3a<n-
Aefat, of which two considerable fragments are
likewise extant in Stobaeus (xlviii. 61,G"J). [L.S. I

DIO'TREPHKS (AioT^f<^s, Thucyd. viii. 64)'
was sent, B.c.411,by the oligarchical revolutionists
in the Athenian army at Samoa, to take charge of
the subject states in the neighbourhood of Thrace,
and took the first step in pursuance of their policy
towards the allies by establishing oligarchy at
Thasos. Nicostratus, the general who fell at Man-
tineia, was son of a Diotrephes (Thuc. iv. 119):
this therefore perhaps was a Diotrephes, son of
Nicostratus. If so, it is an additional reason for
thinking him distinct from Diitrephes, the destroyer
of Mvcalessus. [Diitrephes.] [A, H. C]

DIO'TREPHES (Ajorpff^Tjs), a rhetorician of
high repute in his day (<ro^icrr»)s isvho^os), bom at
Antioch on the Maeander. Hybreas, who was
contemporary with Strabo, was his pupil. (Strab.
xiii. p. 630, xiv. p. 659.) [E. E.]

DIOXIPPE, (AiwIiTTTnj,) the name of four m}--
thological beings. (Hvgin. Praef., Fab. 154, 163,
181; ApoUod.ii. 2. §5.) [L. S.]

DIOXIPPUS (AtwIiTTTToy), an Athenian comic
poet of the new comedy (Suid. s. v.), wrongly
called Dexippus in another passage of Suidas, (.«. v.
KwpvKoios) and by Eudocia (p. 132). Suidas and
Eudocia mention his AprnropvoSocrKSs, of which a
line and a half are preserved by Athenaeus (iii.
p. 100, e.), 'l<TTopioypd(f)os (Ath. /. c), which
Vossius conjectures was intended to ridicule th»^
fabulous Greek historians (de Hist. Gruec. pp. 433,
434, ed. Westermann), AiahiKa^ofxivni, of which
nothing remains, and ^iXdpyvpos. (Ath. ix. p. 472,
b., xi. pp. 496, f., 502, d.) To these must be
added, from Suidas and Photius (s. v. KupvKalas),
the &7faavp6s. (Meineke, Frag. Com. Grace, i.
p. 485, iv. pp. 541—543.) [P. S.]

DIOXIPPUS, physician. [Dexippus.]

DrPHILUS (Ai>Aos), commanded the thirty-
three Athenian ships which, at the time of the
passage of the second armament to Sicily, were
posted at Naupactus to prevent, if possible, the
transport of reinforcements to the Syracusans.
He was attacked near Erineus by a squadron,
chiefly Corinthian, of slightly inferior numbers;
and though the victory, in a technical sense, was,
if anywhere, on his side, yet he sank but three of
the enemy's ships, and had six of his own dis-
abled ; and that Phormio's countrymen should, in
the scene of his achievements, effect no more, was,
as was felt by both parties, a severe moral defeat.
(Thuc. vii. 34.) [A. H. C]

DI'PHILUS (Ai>Aos). 1. The author of a
poem entitled ©t/cttjIs, and of scurrilous poems in
choliambics. (Schol. Pind. Olymp. x. 83 ; Schol.
Aristoph. Nub. 96.) From the latter passage it ap-
petirs that he lived before Eupolis and Aristophanes.
(Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. Grace, pp. 448, 449 ;
Vossius, de Hist. Grace, p. 434, ed. Westermann.)

DIPHILUS.

1055

2. One of the principal Athenian comic poets of
the new comedy, and a contemporary of Menander
and Philemon, was a native of Sinope. (Strab. xii.
p. 54G ; Anon, de Com. pp. xxx. xxxi.) He wa«
a lover of the courtezan Onathaena, and seem*
sometimes to have attacked her in his comedies
when under the influence of jealousy. (Machon
and Lynceus Samius, ap. Athen. xiii. pp. 579, f.,
580, a., 583, f.) He was not, however, perfectly
constant. (Alciph. Ep. i. 37.) He is said to have
exhibited a hundred plays (Anon. /. c), and some-
times to have acted himself. (Athen. xiii. p. 583, f.)

Though, in point of time, Diphilus belonged to
the new comedy, his poetry seems to have had
more of the character of the middle. This is
shewn, among other indications, by the frequency
with which he chooses inytliological subjects for
his plays, and by his bringing on the stage the
poets Archilochus, Hipponax, and Sappho. (Ath.
xi. p. 487, a., xiii. p. 599, d.) His language is
simple and elegant, but it contains many depar-
tures from Attic purity. Respecting his metres,
see Meineke. {Hist. Crit. pp. 443, 444, 448.)

The following are the plays of Diphilus, of
which we have fragments or titles : "Ayvoia (Ath.
ix. p. 401, a., XV. p. 700, d.), which was .ilso as-
cribed to Calliades : 'ASe\<poi (Ath. xi. p. 499,
d- e. ; Poll. X. 72 ; Stob. Flor. cviii. 9) : 'A\flir.
rpia (Etym. Mag. p. 61, 10), which was also the
title of a play of Antiphanes, by others ascribed to
Alexis: "Afiacrrpis (Suid. s. v. 'AOTjvcuas) : Alpi\m-
Tet'x'js, of which there was a second edition by
Callimachus under the title of Y.vvovxos or St/ki-
TiecTTjj (Ath. xi. p. 496, e., xv. 700, e. ; Antiatti-
cista, pp. 95. 17, 100. 31, 101. 29): the principal
character in this play seems to have been such as
Pyrgopolinices in the Miles Gloriosus of Plautus,
which was perhaps taken from the play of Diphilus :
'Avdyvpos (Schol. Ven. ad II. i. 123 ; corrupted in
Etym. Magn. p. 744. 48, and Eustath. p. 740. 20):
'AracrojfoVci'oj (Ath. xi. p. 499, c; Antiatt p. 84.
25): "AttAtjcttos (Ath. ix. p. 370, e.): 'ATrogcTTjy,
(Ilarpocrat. p. 41. 3; Antiatt. p. 101. 10): 'Airo-
Anrovaa, also ascribed to Sosippus, whose name is
otherwise unknown (Ath. iv. pp. 132, e., 133, f. ;
Poll.x. 12): Ba\au(7ou {Ath. X. p. 446, d.; Antiatt.
p. 108. 32) : BojtoT(os (Ath. x. p. 417, e.) : Tdfios
(Ath. vi. p. 254, e. ; and perhaps in Diog. Laert.
ii. 120, Ai<p[\ov should be substituted for 2w<^iAou;
see Menagius, ad loc. and Meineke, Hist. Crit. pp.
425, 426) : Aaj/oiSes (Erot. gloss. Harpoc. p. 116):
Aia^cprdi'oi/cra (Ath. iii. p. 1 1 1, e.) : 'i.yKaKo\JVTis
(Antiatt. p. 110. 18) : 'EKdrr] (Ath. xiv. p. 645, a.;
and perhaps Poll. x. 72 ; see Meineke, p. 453) :
'E\evq(popox)pres (Ath. vi. p. 223, a.) : 'EAAejSopt-
^ofxevoi (Antiatt. p. 100. 12) : "E^iropos (Ath. vi.
pp. 226, e., 227, e., vii. p. 316, f. ; Etym. Mag.
p. 490. 40, a gap being supplied from the Cod.
Barocc. ap. Bekker, Anecd. p. 1445; Harpocrat.
p. 130. 22) : 'Evayi^ovrts (Ath. iv. p. 165, f.) or
'''E.vayl<T^xaTa (Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 960 ; Photius
and Suidas, s. v. \pu\6s) : 'EiriSiKa^Sufvos (Poll.
X. 137) : 'ETTjTpoTrTj, or more correctly 'EniTpoirfvs
(Antiatt. p. 69): 'EvU\vpos (Poll. x. 99) : Za>-
ypd(pos (Ath. vi. p. 2a0, f , vii. p. 291, f. ; Stob.
Flor. cv. 5) : 'HpaucKrjs (Ath. x. p. 421, e.): 'Hpws
(Ath. ix. p. 371, a.) : &n(Tavp6s (Stob. Flor. xii.
12) : 0Tj(T6us (Ath. vi. p. 262, a., x. p. 451, b.) :
KtdapwSos (Poll. X. 38, 62) : KKrjpovfjifvot, of which
the Casiiia of Plautus is a translation {Prolog. 31 ):
ArifwUu (Ath. yi. p. 307, £, coinp. iv. p. 1 68, b.) ;

1056 DIPHRIDAS.

Maivoufuos (Poll X. 18): Mvij/jloltiov (Ath. iii.
p. 124, d.): UcuSepatTTai (Ath. x. p. 423, e.) :
riaAAa/fT} (Etym. Mag. p. 206, 16): UapdcriTos
(Ath.^ vi. pp. 236, b., 238, f., 247, d., x. p. 422, b.) :
IleAjaScs (Ath. iv. p. 156, f.) : UidpavarTis, proba-
bly for TiOpavar-ns (Ath. xiii. p. 484, e.) : IlKivdo-
^opos (Antiatt. p. 101.4; and perhaps Eustath.
ad IJom. p. 1479. 46): UoXvTrpiyuwv (Ath. vi.
p. 225, a.; Phot. s. v. payZaios) : Tlvppa (Amraon.
Dif. Verb. p. 61) : 2o7r<^w (Ath. xi. p. 487, a.,
xiii. p. 599, d.) : '2.ik(Kik6s (Poll. ix. 81), which,
iiowever, belongs perhaps to Philemon : Sxe-
^ia (Etym. Mag. p. 683, 24, corrected by Gais-
ford) : 'S.vvairoQvififfKoirris., which was translated
by Plautus under the title of Commorientes, and
partly followed by Terence in his Adelphi. (Te-
rent. Prol. Adelph. 10; see Meineke, Menand. et
Philem. Reliq. p. 1): '2,6pTpo(ppoi (Harpoc. p. bb. 8):
Svj'wpis, of which there were two editions (Ath.
vi. p. 247, a. c, xiv. p. 657, c.; Phot. s. v. (pifjLoi ;
llarpocr. p. 1 82.' 3) : TeX^aias (Ath. xiv. p. 640, d.) :
^ptap (Stob. Flor. cxvi. 32): OtAaSeA^os or *jAo-
Se\<poi (Antiatt. p. 80. 29, 110. 17) : Xpvcox6os
(Phot. s. r. oTTo/o). There are other fragments,
Avhich cannot be assigned to their proper places.
The Rudeiis of Plantiis is a translation of a play of
Diphilus {Prol. 32), but the title of the Greek
play is not known. (Meineke, Frag. Com. Grace.
i. pp. 445 — 457, iv. pp. 375 — 430.)

3. A grammarian, of Laodiceia, wrote upon the
Therhca of Nicander. (Ath. vii. p. 314, d., and
in other passages; Casaubon, ad Ath. vii. c. 18,
p. 547; Schol. ad Theocr. x. 1, p. 141.)

4. A tragedian, exhibited at Rome in the time
of Cicero, whom he grievously offended by apply-
ing to Pompey, at the ApoUinarian games (b.c. 59),
the words " Nostra raiscria tu es Magnus," and
other allusions, which the audience made him re-
peat again and airain. (Cic. ad Alt. ii. 19. § 3;
Val. Max. vi. 2. §9.) fP. S.]

DI'PHILUS, philosophers. 1. Of Bosporus,
n Megaric philosopher, a disciple of Euphantus and
Stilpo. (Diog. Laert. ii. 113.)

2. A Stoic, of Bithynia, son of Demetrius, and
contemporary with Panaetius. (Ibid. v. 84.)

3. Another Stoic, suriiamcd Labyrintluis, the
teacher of Zeno, the son of Aristacnetus. (Lucian,
Co7iriv. 6 et passim.) [P. S.]

DI'PHILUS, an architect, who wrote on me-
chanical powers. (Vitruv. vii. Pracf.) He seems
to have been the same who tried the patience of
Cicero. {EpL< ad Q. F. iii. 1, 1, iii. 9) [P. S.]

DI'PHILUS {Ai(piKos). 1. A physician of
Siphnus, one of the Cyclades, who was a contem-
porary of Lysimachus, king of Thrace, about the
beginning of the third century bc. (Athen.ii.p. 51.)
He wrote a work entitled, UepX twv Upoacpepofisvwv
To7s "Noaovai Koi to7s 'Tyia'ipoucri, " On Diet fit for
Persons in good and bad Health" (A then. iii. § 24.
p. 82), which is frequently quoted by Athenaeus,
liut of which nothing remains but the short frag-
ments preserved by him. (ii. pp. 51, 54,55, 56,&c.)

2, A native of Loadiceia, in Fhrygia, mention-
ed by Athenaeus (vii. p. 314) as having written a
commentary on Nicander's Theriaca^ and who must,
therefore, have lived between the second century be-
fore and the third century after Christ. [ W. A. G.]

Dl'PHKIDAS (Aid;pt5as), a Lacedaemonian,
was sent out to Asia, in b. c. 391, after the death
of Thibron, to gather together the relics of his
army, and, liaving raised fresh troops, to protect

DIRCE.

the states that were friendly to Sparta, and prose-
cute the war with Struthas. With manners no
less agreeable than those of his predecessor, he had
more steadiness and energy of character. He
therefore soon retrieved the affairs of Lacedaemon,
and, having captured Tigranes, the son-in-law of
Struthas, together with his wife, he obtained a
large ransom for their release, and was thus enabled
to raise and support a body of mercenaries. (Xen.
Hell. iv. 8. §§ 21, 22.) Diphridas, the Ephor,
who is mentioned by Plutarch {Ages. 17) as being
sent forward to meet Agesilaus, then at Narthacium
in Thessaly, and to desire him to advance at once
into Boeotia, B. c. 394. (Comp. Xen. Hell. iv. 3.
vj 9.) The name Diphridas, as it seems, should be
substituted for Diphilas in Diod. xiv. 97. [E. E.]

DIPOENUS and SCYLLIS (AiVoii/os koI
'^KvKXis\ very ancient Greek statuaries, who are
always mentioned together. They belonged to
the style of art called Daedalian. [Daedalus.]
Pausanias says that they were disciples of Daeda-
lus, and, according to some, his sons. (ii. 15. § 1,
iii. 17. § 6.) There is, however, no doubt that
they were real persons; but they lived near the
end, instead of the beginning, of the period of the
Daedalids. Pliny says that they were born in
Crete, during the time of the Median empire, and
before the reign of Cyrus, about the 50th Olym-
piad (b. c. 580 : the accession of Cyrus was in
B. c. 559). Prom Crete they went to Sicyon,
which was for a long time the chief seat of Grecian
art. There they were employed on some statues
of the gods, but before these statues were finished,
the artists, complaining of some wrong, betook
themselves to the Aetolians. The Sicyonians were
immediately attacked by a famine and drought,
which, they were informed by the Delphic oracle,
would only be removed when Dipoenus and Scyllis
should finish the statues of the gods, which they
were induced to do by great rewards and favours.
Tlie statues were those of Apollo, Artemis, Hera-
cles, and Athena (Plin. //. N. xxxvi. 4.§ 1 ), whence
it seems likely that the whole group represented
the seizure of the tripod, like that of Amyclakus.
Pliny adds that Ambracia, Argos, and Cleonae,
were full of the works of Dipoenus. (§ 2.) He
also says ($$ 1, 2), that these artists were the first
who were celebrated for sculpturing in marble, and
that they used the white marble of Paros. Pausa-
nias mentions, as their works, a statue of Athena,
at Cleonae (/. c), and at Aigos a group represent-
ing Castor and Pollux with their wives, Elaeira
and Phoebe, and their sons, Anaxis and Mnasi-
noiis. The group was in ebony, except some few
parts of the horses, which were of ivory. (Pans.
ii. 22. § 6.) Clement of Alexandria mentions
these statues of the Dioscuri, and also statues of
Hercules of Tiryns and Artemis of Munychia, at
Sicyon. {Protrcp. p. 42. 15; corap. Plin. I.e.)
The disciples of Dipoenus and Scyllis were Tec-
taeus and Aiigelion, Lcarchxis of Rhegium, Dory-
cleidas and his brother Medon, Dontas, and Theo-
cles, who were all four Lacedaemonians. (Pans. ii.
32. §4, iii. 17. § 6, V. 17. §1, vi.l9. §9.)[P.S.]

DIRCE (Ai'p/cTj), a daughter of Helios and wife
of Lycus. Rcsjjocting her story, see Amphion, p.
151, a. Her body was changed by Dionysus, in
whose service she had been engaged, into a well on
mount Cithaeron. (Hygin. Fab. 7.) A small river
near Thebes likewise received its name from her.
(Pans. ix. 25. § 3.) [L. S.]

DIVITIACUS.

PIS, coutractotl fn)ra Divps, a nnme Mnictlmi'i*
ffivcn to riiito, mid hence a\§o to the lower world.
(Cic. de j\'ut. Deor. ii. 26; Virg. Aen. vi. 1*27 ;
comp. Pluto.) [Ij. S.]

DISA'RI US, a physimn, who may be supposed
to have lived in the fifth century after Christ, and
•who is introduced by Macrobius in his Saittmaliu
(vii. 4) as discoursing on dietetics and the pnKess
of digestion. [W. A. O.]

DITALCO. fViRiATiius.]

DIVKS, L. HAK'BIUS, was praetor in b. c.
1 89, and obtained the southern part of Spain for
his province. On his way thither he was sur-
rounded by Ligurians, who cut to pieces a great
part of his forces : he himself was wounded, and
escaped to Massilia, where however he died on the
third day after. (Liv. xxxvii. 47, 50, 57.) [L. S.]

DIVES, L. CANULEIUS, was appointed
praetor in B. c. 171, and obtained Spain for his
province. But before he went to his post, several
Spanish tribes sent embassies to Kome to complain
of the avarice and insolence of their Roman go-
vemors. Hereupon L. Canuleius Dives was com-
missioned to appoint five recuperatores of senato-
rian rank to inquire into each particular case of
extortion, and to allow the accused to choose their
own pleaders. In consequence of the investiga-
tions which were thus commenced, two men who
had been praetors in Spain withdrew into
voluntary exile. The pleaders, probably bribed
by the guilty, contrived to suppress the whole
inquiry, as men of rank and influence were in-
volved in it. L. Canuleius likewise is not free
from the suspicion of having assisted the pleaders,
for he joined them in dropping the matter, and
forthwith assembled his troops, and proceeded to his
province. After his arrival in Spain, another in-
teresting embassy was sent to Rome. Roman armies
had for many years been stationed in Spain, and
numbers of the soldiers had married Spanish women.
At the time when Canuleius was in Spain, the
number of persons who had sprung from such mar-
riages is said to have amounted to upwards of 4000,
and they now petitioned the senate to assign to
them a town, where they might settle. The senate
decreed that they should give in their names to
Canuleius, .ind that, if he would manumit them,
they were to settle as colonists at Carteia, where
they were to form a colonia libertinorum. (Liv.
xlii. 28, 31, xliii. 2, 3.) [L. S.]

DI'VICO, a commander of the Helvetians in
the war against L. Cassius, in a c. 107. Nearly
fifty years later, B. c. 58, when J. Caesar was pre-
paring to attack the Helvetians, they sent an em-
bassy to him, headed by the aged Divico, Avhose
courageous speech is recorded by Caesar. {B. G. i.
13 ; comp. Oros. v. 15 ; Liv. EpU. 65.) [L. S.]

DIVITI'ACUS, an Aeduan noble, and brother
of Dumnorix, is mentioned by Cicero ( delXv. i. 41)
as belonging to the order of Druids, and professing
much knowledge of the secrets of nature and of divi-
nation. He was a warm adherent of the Romans
and of Caesar, who, in consideration of his earnest
entreaties, pardoned the treason of Dumnorix in
B. c. 58. In the same year he took the most pro-
minent part among the Gallic chiefs in requesting
Caesar's aid against Ariovistus [see p. 287] ; he had,
some time before, gone even to Rome to ask the
senate for their interference, but without success.
It was probably during this visit that he was the
gueet of Cicero {de Div. I. c). Throughout, Caesar

D0CIMU8

10.57

placed the greatest confidence in him, and in H. c.
57, pardoned, at his intercession, the Bellovad,
who had joined with the rest of the Belgians in
their conspiracy. (Cacs. //. O. i. 3, 10-20, 31, .32,
ii. 5, 14, 15. vi. 12, vii. 39; Plut. Caet. 19 ; Dion
Cass, xxxviii. 34, &c.) [E. E.]

DIURFANEUS. [Dbcebalus.]

DIUS (Alos), the author of a history of the
Phoenicians, of which a fragment concerning Solo-
mon and Hiram is preserved in Josephus. {cApion.
i. 17.) There was also a Pythagorean philosopher
Dius, who wrote a work irtpl KaWovrjs^ of which
two fragments are preserved in Stobaeus. (Tit.
Ixv. 16, 17.) [L.S.]

DI YLLUS (AiuXAoy), an Athenian, who wrote
a history of Greece and Sicily in 26 or 27 books.
It was divided apparently into several parts, the
first of which extended from the seizure of the
Delphic temple by Philomelus (where the history
of Callisthenes ended) to the siege of Perinthus,by
Philip (b. c. 357 — 340), and the second from B. c.
340 to 336, the date of Philip's death. The work
was carried on, according to Diodorus, down to B.C.
298, from which period Psaon, of Plataea, continued
it. If we accede to Casaubon's substitution of
AivWos for Aidvfioiy in Diog. Laert. v. 76, we
must reckon also a work on drinking-parties
{^(TvfivoffiaKa.) among the writings of Diyllus. The
exact period at which he flourished cannot be ascer-
tained, but he belongs to the age of the Ptolemies.
(Diod. xvi. 14, 76, xxi., Fragm. 5, p. 490 ; Plut.
de Herod. Mai. 26 ; Ath. iv. p. 155, a, xiii. p. 593,
f ; Maussac. ad Harpocrat. s. v. 'Apto-rtwi'; Wesse-
ling, ad Diod. xvi. 1 4 ; Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. sub
ann. 357, 339, 298, p. 377.) [E. E.)

DIYLLUS (AtvAA<{s), a Corinthian statuarj',
who, in conjunction with Amyclaeus, executed the
greater part of the bronze group which the Pho-
cians dedicated at Delphi. (Pans. x. 13. $ 4 ;
Amvclakus ; Chioms.) [P. S.]

DO'CIMUS (Ao'kj/ixos), one of the officers in
the Macedonian army, who after the death of
Alexander supported the party of Perdiccas. After
the death of Perdiccas he united with Attains and
Alcetas, and was taken prisoner together with the
former when their combined forces were defeated
by Antigonus in Pisidia, B. c. 320. (Diod.
xviii. 45, Polyaen. iv. 6. § 7.) The captives were
confined in a strong fort, but, during the expedi-
tion of Antigonus against Eumenes, they con-
trived to overpower their guards, and make them-
selves masters of the fortress. Docimus, however,
having quitted the castle to carry on a negotiation
with Stratonice, the wife of Antigonus, was again
made prisoner. (Diod. xix. 16.) He appears
after this to have entered the service of Antigonus,
as we find him in 313 B. c. sent by that prince
with an army to establish the freedom of the
Greek cities in Cari.a. (Diod. xix. 75 ; Droysen,
Hellenismus^ vol. i. p. 358.) In the campaign pre-
ceding the battle of Ipsus, he held the strong for-
tress of Synnada in Phrygia in charge for Anti-
gonus, but was induced to surrender it into the
hands of Lysimachus. (Diod. xx, 107 ; Pau-
san. i. 8. $ 1.) It is probable that he had been
governor of the adjoining district for some time :
and he had founded there the city called after him
Docimeium. (Steph. Byz. *. v. AoKip.ftot\ Droy-
sen, Hellenismus, vol. ii. p. 665 ; Eckhel, iii. p.
151.) His name is not mentioned after the fall
of Antigonus. [E, H. B.]

1058

DOLABELLA.

DO'CIMUS or DOCI'MIUS. To a supposed
Graeco-Roraan jurist of this name has been some-
times attributed the authorship of a legal work in
alphabetical order, called by Harmenopulus (§49)
To iiiKpov Kara aroix^^ov^ and usually known by
the name of Synopsis Minor. It is principally bor-
rowed from a work of Michael Attaliata. A fragment
of the work relating to the authority of the Leges
Rhodiae, was published by S. Schardius (Basel
1561), at the end of the Naval Laws, and the
same fragment appears in the collection of Leun-
clavius {J. G. R. ii. p. 47"2). Pardessus has pub-
lished some further fragments of the Synopsis
Minor (Collection de Lois Afaritimes,, L pp. 164,
195 — 204), and Zachariae has given some ex-
tracts from it {Hist. Jur. G. R. p. 76) ; but the
greater part of the work is still in manuscript.
Bach conjectures that the compilation of the Rho-
dian laws themselves was made by Docimus
{Hist. Jur. Rom. lib. iv. c. 1, sect 3. § 26, p.
638) ; but Zachariae is of opinion, that the only
reason for attributing to him the authorship of the
Synopsis Minor was, that the manuscript of
Vienna, from which the fragment in Schardius
and Leunclavius was published, once belonged to
a person named Docimus. [J. T. G.]

DODON (AwScei/), a son of Zeus by Europa,
from whom the oracle of Dodona was believed to
have derived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. t\ AojSoui'tj.)
Other traditions traced the name to a nymph of the
name of Dodone. [L. S.l

DOLABELLA, sometimes written Dolobella,
the name of a family of the patrician Cornelia
gens. (Ruhnken, ad Veil. Pat. ii. 43.)

1. P. CORNELII'S DoLABELLA MaXIMUS, was

consul in B. c. 283 with Cn. Domitius Calvinus,
and in that year conquered the Senones, who had
defeated the praetor L. Caecilius, and murdered
the Roman ambassadors. Owing to the loss of
the consular Fasti for that time we do not hear of
his triumph, though he undoubtedly celebrated his
victory by a triumph. In b. c. 279 he, together
with C. Fabricius and Q. Aemilius, went to
Pyrrhus as aml)assadors to eflfect an exchange of
prisoners. ( Eutrop. ii. 6 ; Florus, i. 1 3 ; Appian,
Samuit. 6, Gall. 1 1 ; Dionys. ExcerjH^ p. 2344,
ed. Reiske, and p. 75, ed. Frankfurt.)

2. Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, was inaugu-
rated in b. c. 208 as rej; sacrorum in the place of
M. Marcius, and he held this office until his death
in b. c. 180. (Liv. xxvii. 36, xl. 42.)

3. L. Cornelius Dolabella, was duumvir
navalis in b. c. 180. In that year his kinsman,
Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, the rex sjicrorum, died,
and our Dolabella wanted to become his successor.
But C. Servilius, the pontifex maxiraus, before in-
augurating him, demanded of him to resign his
office of duumvir navalis. When Dolabella re-
fused to obey this command, the pontifex inflicted
a fine upon him. Dolabella appealed against it to
the people. Several tribes had already given their
vote that Dolabella ought to obey, and that he
should be released from the fine if he would resign
the office of duumvir navalis, when some sign in
the heavens broke up the assembly. This was a
fresh reason for the pontiflfs refusing to inaugurate
Dolabella. As duumvir navalis he and his col-
league, C. Furius, had to protect the eastern
coast of Italy with a fleet of twenty sail against
the lUyrians. (Liv. xl. 42 ; xli. 5.)

4. Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, was curule

DOLABELLA.

aedile in B. c. 165, in which year he and his col-
league, Sex. Julius Caesar, had the Hecyra of Te-
rence performed at the festival of the Megalesia.
In B. c. 159 he was consul with M. Fulvius No-
bilior. (Title of Terent. Hecyr.; Suet. Vit. Te-
rent. 5.)

5. Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, a grandson of
No. 4, and a son of the Cn. Cornelius Dolabella
who was put to death in b. c. 1 00, to<iether with
the tribune Appuleius Saturiiinus. During the
civil war between Marius and Sulla, Dolabella
sided with the latter, and in B. c. 81, when Sulla
was dictator, Dolabella was raised to the consul-
ship, and afterwards received Macedonia for his
province. He there carried on a successful war
against the Thracians, for which he was rewarded
on his return with a triumph. In B. c. 77, how-
ever, young Julius Caesar charged him with having
been guilty of extortion in his province, but he
was acquitted. (Oros. v. 17 ; Plut. Sulla., 28,
&c.; Appian, B. C i. 100; Suet. Caes. 4,49,
55 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 43 ; Aurel. Vict, de Vir.
III. 78 ; Val. Max. viii. 9. § 3 ; Cic. in
Pison. 19, Brut. 92, de Leg. Agr. ii. 14 ; Tacit.
de Oral. 34 ; Gellius, xv. 28 ; Ascon. in Scaur.
p. 29, in Cornel, p. 73, ed. Orelli.)

6. Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, was praetor
urbanus, in b. c. 81, when the cause of P. Quin-
tius was tried. Cicero charges him with having
acted on that occasion unjustly and against all
established usages. The year after he had Cilicia
for his province, and C. Malleolus was his quaes-
tor, and the notorious Verres his legate. Dolfi-
bella not only tolerated the extortions and rob-
beries committed by them, but shared in their
booty. He was especially indulgent towards
Verres, and, after Malleolus was murdered, he
made Verres his proquaestor. After his return to
Rome, Dolabella was accused by M. Aemilius
Scaunis of extortion in his province, and on that
occasion Verres not only deserted his accomplice,
but furnished the accuser with all the necessary
information, and even spoke himself publicly
against Dolabella. Many of the crimes com-
mitted by Verres himself were thus put to the
account of Dolabella, who was therefore con-
demned. He went into exile, and left his wife
and children behind him in great poverty. (Cic.
pro Quint. 2, 8 ; in Verr. i. 4, 15, 17, 29 ; Ascon.
in Cornel, p. 110, ed. Orelli, who however con-
founds him with No. 5.)

7. P. Cornelius Dolabella, was praetor ur-
banus in B. c. 67 ; if, as is usually supposed, this
be the year in which Cicero spoke for Aulus Cae-
cina. (Cic. pro Cacc. 8.) He seems to be the
same person as the Dolabella who is mentioned
by Valerius Maximus, (viii. 1, Ambusiae, § 2,) as
governor of Asia, with the title of proconsul.
(Comp. Gell. xii. 7, where he bears the prae-
nomen Cneius ; A mm. Marc. xxix. 2.)

.-^8. P. Cornelius Dolabella, perhaps a son
of No. 7, was one of the most profligate men of
his time. He was born about B. c. 70, and is
said to have been guilty, even in early youth, of
some capital offences, which might have cost him
his life, had not Cicero defended and saved him
with great exertions. In B. c. 51, he was ap-
pointed a member of the college of the quindec-
itnviri, and the year following he accused Appius
Claudius of having violated the sovereign rights of
the people. AVhile this trial was going on, Fabia*

DOLABELLA.

the wife of Dolabella, left her husband. She
had been compelled to take this step by the con-
duct of her husband, who hoped by a marriage
with Tullia, the daughter of Cicero, to prevent
Cicero from assisting App. Claudius in his trial
by fjivourable testimonies from Cilicia. Cicero
himself, on the other hand, was anxious to oblige
App. Claudius, and was therefore by no means in-
clined to give his own daughter in marriage to
the accuser of Claudius ; he had, besides, been
contemplating to bring about a marriage between
Tullia and Tib. Claudius Nero. But Cicero's
Avife was gained over by Dolabella, and, before
Cicero could interfere, the engagement was made,
and the marriage soon followed. Cicero seems to
have been grieved by the affair, for he knew the
vicious character of his son-in-law ; but Cloelius
endeavoured to console him by saying, that the
vices of Dolabella were mere youthful ebullitions,
the time of which was now gone by, and that if
there remained any traces of them, they would
soon be coixected by Cicero's influence, and the
virtuous conduct of Tullia. App. Claudius was
acquitted in the mean time, and as thus the great
outward obstacle was removed, Cicero tried to
make the best of what he had been unable to
prevent. In his letters written about that time,
and afterwards, Cicero speaks of Dolabella with
admiration and affection, and he may have really
hoped that his son-in-law would improve ; but the
consequences of his former recklessness and licen-
tiousness, even if he had wished to mend, drove
him to new aces of the same kind. The great
amount of debts which he had contracted, and the
urgent demands of his creditors, compelled him in
B. c. 49 to seek refuge in the camp of Caesar.
This was a severe blow to Cicero, who speaks of
the step with great sorrow. When Caesar marched
into Spain against Pompey's legates, Dolabella
had the command of Caesar's fleet in the Adriatic,
but was unable to effect anything of consequence.
After the battle of Pharsalus, in which he had
taken a part, Dolabella returned to Rome. He
had hoped that Caesar would liberally reward his
services, or that proscriptions, like those of Sulla,
would afford him the means of obtaining money ;
but in vain. His creditors were as loud and
troublesome in their demands as before, and he at
last had recourse to a new expedient. He caused
himself to be adopted into the plebeian family of
Cn. Lentulus — whence he is afterwards sometimes
called Lentulus — in order to be able to obtain the
tribuneship. He was accordingly made tribune in
B. c. 48 ; and, in spite of the decree of the senate,
that everything at Rome should remain unchanged
till Caesar's return from Alexandria, Dolabella came
forward with a rogation, that all debts should be can-
celled, and with some other measures of a similar
character. His colleagues, Asinius and L. Trebel-
lius, opposed the scheme, and vehement and bloody
struggles ensued between the two parties which
were thus formed at Rome. Antonj', who had been
left behind by Caesar as his vicegerent, and bore
no hostility towards Dolabella, did not take any
strong measures against him till he was informed
of an amour existing between his wife Antonia
jind Dolabella. The day on which Dolabella's
rogations were to be put to the vote, a fresh tu-
mult broke out in the city, in which the party of
Dolabella was defeated ; but peace was neverthe-
less not quite restored till the autumn, when Cae-

DOLABELLA.

1059

sar returned to Home. Caesar of course greatly
disapproved of Dolabella's conduct, but he did not
think it prudent to bring him to account, or to
punish him for it However, he got him away
from Rome by taking him with him to Africa
about the close of the year, and afterwards also in
his Spanish campaign against the two sons of
Pompey. In the course of the latter of these
expeditions Dolabella was wounded. Caesar pro-
mised him the consulship for the year b. c. 44,
although Dolabella was then only twenty-five years
old, and had not yet held the praetorship; but
Caesar afterwards altered his mind, and entered
himself upon the consulship for that year ; however,
as he had resolved upon his campaign against the
Parthians, he promised Dolabella the consulship, in
his absence, on the 1 st of January, b. c. 44. Antony,
who was then augur, threatened to prevent such
an appointment, and when the comitia were held,
he carried his threat into effect. On the 15th of
March the senate was to have decided upon the
opposition of Antony; but the murder of Caesar
on that day changed the aspect of everything.
Dolabella immediately took possession of the con-
sular fasces, and not only approved of the murder,
but joined the assassins, and thus obtained the
office of which he had already usurped the insignia.
In order to make a still greater display of his ha-
tred of Caesar, he caused the altar which had been
erected to his honour and the column in the forum
to be pulled down ; and many persons who went
thither with the intention of offering sacrifices to
Caesar, and of paying him divine honours, were
thrown from the Tarpeian rock, or nailed on the
cross. These apparent republican sentiments and
actions gave great delight to Cicero and the re-
publican party ; but no sooner did Antony open the
treasury to Dolabella, and give him Syria for his pro-
vince, with the command against the Parthians,
than all his republican enthusiasm disappeared at
once. As Cassius had likewise a claim to the pro-
vince of Syria, Dolabella left Rome before the year
of his consulship had come to its close. But he did
not proceed straightway to Syria ; for, being great-
ly in want of money, he marched through Greece,
Macedonia, Thrace, and Asia Minor, collecting
and extorting as much as he could on his way.
C. Trebonius, one of Caesar's murderers, who had
then arrived at Smyrna as proconsul of Asia, did
not admit Dolabella into the city, but sent him
provisions outside the place. Dolabella pretended
to go to Ephesus, and Trebonius gave him an es-
cort to conduct him thither ; but when the escort
returned to Smyrna, Dolabella too went back, and
entered Smyrna by night. Trebonius was mur-
dered in his bed, in Februarj', b. c. 43; or, accord-
ing to Cicero, he was tortured for two days before
he was put to death. Dolabella now began extort-
ing money and troops from the towns of Asia
Minor with a recklessness which knew no scruples
whatever in regard to the means for securing his end.
When his proceedings became known at Rome, he
was outlawed and declared a public enemy. Cas-
sius, who had in the mean time arrived in Asia,
made war upon him, and took Laodiceia, which
Dolabella had occupied. The latter, in order not
to fall into the hands of his enemies, ordered one
of his soldiers to kill him, B. c. 43.

It is extraordinary to see the forbearance with
which Cicero treated Dolabella, who, after his
marriage with Tullia, b. c. 49, improved so little

3y2

1060

DOLIUS.

in his conduct, that two years after, TuUia left
him when she was expecting to become mother of a
second child by him. Cicero, who certainly loved
his daughter most tenderly, and was aware of the
unworthy and contemptible conduct of Dolabella,
yet kept up his connexion with him after the di-
vorce, and repeatedly assures him of his great
attachment. It is difficult to account for this
mode of acting on the part of Cicero, unless we
suppose that his desire to keep upon good terms
with a man who possessed influence with Caesar
outweighed all other considerations. Cicero's fond-
ness for him contijmed for a short time after Cae-
sar's murder, that is, so long as Dolabella played
the part of a republican ; but a change took place
in Cicero's feelings as soon as Dolabella allied him-
self with Antony, and at the time when his crimes
in Asia became known, Cicero spoke of him with
the utmost bitterness and contempt. (See the nu-
merous passages of Cicero relating to Dolabella in
Orelli, 0«onj. ii. p. 175,&c.; comp. Fabric. Vtt. Cic.
p. 91, with Orelli's note: Dion Cass. xli. 40, xlii.
29, &c., xliii. 51, xliv. 22, 51, xlv. 15, xlvii. 29 ;
Suet. Cues. 36, 85 ; Appian, IS. C. ii. 41, 122, 129,
iii. 3, 7, &c., 24, 26 ; Liv. EpU. 113, 119 ; Veil.
Pat. ii. 58, 60, 69; Plut. Jnton. 9, 10, 11 ; Caes.
lieU.Jlex. 65; Oros. vi. 18.)

9. P. Cornelius Dolabella, a son of No. 8
by his first wife, Fabia. In b. c. 30 he was with
Octavianus at Alexandria, and feeling himself at-
tracted by the charms of Cleopatra, he betrayed to
her that it was her conqueror's intention to carry
her to Italy. In A. D. 10, he was consul with C.
Junius Silanus. On coins he is designated as
triumvir monetalis. (Plut. Anton. 84 ; Fast Cap. ;
Vaillant, Cornel. 65.)

10. P. CoRNELifs Dolabella, a son of No. 9,
was proconsul of Africa in the reign of Tiberius,
A. D. 23 and 24. In the course of the administra-
tion of his province he gained a complete victory
over the Numidian Tacfarinas ; but although he
had formerly been a verj' great flatterer of Ti-
berius, yet he did not obtain the ornaments of a
triumph, in order that his predecessor in the pro-
vince of Africa, Junius Blaesius, an uncle of Sej-
anus, might not be thrown into the shade. In
A. D. 27 he joined Domitius Afer in the accusation
against his own relative, Quintilius Varus. (^Tac.
A7in. iii. 47, 68, iv. 23, &c. 66.)

11. Cornelius Dolabella, was sent in a. d.
70 by the emperor Otho into the colony of Aqui-
num, to be kept there in a sort of liOej-a cnsto-
dia, for no other reason, but because he belonged
to an ancient family, and was related to Galba.
After the death of Otho he came back to Rome,
but one of his most intimate friends, Plancius
Varus, denounced him to the praefect of the city,
who being a man of a mild but weak tempera-
ment, was inclined to pardon him, until Triaria,
the wife of Vitellius, prevailed upon him not to sa-
crifice the safety of the princeps to his feeling of
clemency. Vitellius, too, became alarmed through
her, as Dolabella had married Petronia, a former
wife of Vitellius. The emperor, therefore, enticed
him to Interamnium, and there ordered him to be
put to death. This was the first act of wanton
cruelty in the reign of Vitellius. (Tac. Ilisi. i.
88,ii.'63.) [L. S.]

DO'LIUS, (AoAios), an aged slave of Penelope,
whom she had received from her father on her mar-
rying Odysseus, and who took care of her garden.

DOMITIA.

On the return of Odysseus from his wanderings,
Dolius and his six sons welcomed him, and was
ready to join his master against the relatives of
the suitors. (Hom. Od. iv. 735 ; xxiv. 498.) [L. S.]

DOLON (Ao'Awi/), the name of two mythical
personages, both Trojans. (Hom. //. x. 314, &c. ;
Hygin. Fab. 90.) [L. S.]

DOLOPS (AoAoi^), a son of Hermes, who had
a sepulchral monument in the neighbourhood of
Peiresiae and Magnesa, which was visible at a
great distance, and at which the Argonauts landed
and offered up sacrifices. (ApoUon. Rhod. i. 584 ;
Orph. Arg. 459.) There are two other mythical
personages of this name. (Horn. //. xv. 525, &c. ;
Hvgin. Fab. Praef. p. 2.) [L. S.]

DOMATI'TES {AofiarlT-ns), that is, the do-
mestic, a suiTianie of Poseidon, at Sparta, which is,
perhaps, synonymous with fntxtipios. (Paus. iii.
14. § 7.) [L. S.]

DOMIDU'CA and DOMIDU'CUS, Roman
surnames of Jupiter and Juno, who, as the gods of
marriage, were believed to conduct the bride into
the house of the bridegroom. (August, de Civ. Det^
vii. 3,ix. 6.) [L. S.J

DOMl'TIA, a sister of Cn. Domitius Aheno-
barbus [Ahenobarbus, No. 10], and conse-
quently an aunt of the emperor Nero. She was
the wife of Crispus Passienus, who afterwards de-
serted her and married Agrippina, the mother of
Nero. It is natural, therefore, that Tacitus should
call her an enemy of Agrippina. After the murder
of his mother, Nero ordered Domitia, who was
already of an advanced age, to be poisoned, in order
that he might get possession of the property,
which she possessed at Baiae, and in the neigh-
bourhood of Ravenna, on which estiites he built
magnificent gymnasia. (Tac. Attn. xiii. 19, 21 ;
Suet. Aer. 34 ; Dion Cass. Ixi. 17 ; Quintil. vi.
I. §50, 3. §74, x. 1. §24.) [L. S.]

DOMl'TIA LE'PIDA, a sister of Cn. Domi-
tius Ahenobarbus [Ahenobarbus, No. 10], and
of Domitia, and, consequenth', like her an aunt of
the emperor Nero. She was married to M. Va-
lerius Messalla Barbatus, by whom she became the
mother of Messallina, the wife of the emperor
Claudius. There existed a rivalry of female vanity
between her and Agrippina, the mother of Nero.
Both women were equally bad and vicious in their
conduct ; Agrippina however succeeded, in a. d.
55, in inducing her son to sentence his aunt to
death. (Tac. Ann. xi. 37, &c., xii. 64, &c. ;
Suet. Ciaud. 26, Nero, 7.) [L- S]

DOMl'TIA LONGI'NA, a daughter of Domi-
tius Corbulo, was married to L. Lamia Aemi-
lianus, from whom she was carried away by Domi-
tian about the time of Vespasian's accession. Im-
mediately after Vespasian's return from the east,
Domitian lived with her and his other mistresses
on an estate near the Mons Albanus. Subse-
quentl}', however, he married her, and in a. d. 73
she bore him a son. But she was unfaithful to
him, and kept up an adulterous intercourse with
Paris, an actor. ^Vhen this was discovered, in
a. d. 83, Domitian repudiated her on tlie avivice of
Ursus, and henceforth lived with Julia, the daughter
of his brother. Soon after, however, he formed a
reconciliation with Domitia, because he said the
people wished it ; but he nevertheless continued his
intercourse with Julia. Domitia never loved Domi-
tian, and she knew of the conspiracy against his
life : as she v/as informed that her own life was in

DOMITIANUS.
danger, she urjuoil the conspirators on, and Doniitian
was murdered in a. d. OG. (Dion Cass. Ixvii. 3,
Ixvi. 3, 15 ; Suet. Domit. 3, 22.) The coin
annexed contains on the obverse the head of Do-
niitia, with the legend Domitia Avgvsta Imp,
DoMir. [L. S.]

DOMITIANUS.

1061

DOMI'TIA GENS, plebeian, the members of
which towards the end of the republic were looked
upon as belonging to one of the most illustrious
gentes, (Cic. Phil. ii. 29 ; Plin. H. N. vii. 57 ;
Val. Max. vi. 2. § 8.) During the time of the
republic, we meet with only two branches of this
gens, the Ahenobarbi and Calvini, and, with
the exception of a few unknown personages men-
tioned in isolated passages of Cicero, there is none
without a cognomen. [L. S.]

DOMITIA'NUS, or with his full name T. Fla-
vius DoMiTiANUS AUGUSTUS, was the younger of
Vespasian's sons by his first wife Domitilla. He
succeeded his elder brother Titus as emperor, and
reigned from A. d. 81 to 96. He was born at
Rome, on the 24th of October, A. d. 52, the year
in which his father was consul designatus. Sue-
tonius relates that Domitian in his youth led such
a wretched life, that he never used a silver vcBsel,
and that he prostituted himself for money. The
position which his father then occupied precludes
the possibility of ascribing this mode of life to
poverty, and if the account be true, we must
attribute this conduct to his bad natural disposi-
tion. When Vespasian was proclaimed emperor,
Domitian, who was then eighteen years old, hap-
pened to be at Rome, where he and his friends
were persecuted by Vitellius ; Sabinus, ^'espasian's
brother, was murdered, and it was only with the
greatest difficulty that Domitian escaped from the
burning temple of the capitol, and concealed him-
self until the victory of his father's party was de-
cided. After the fall of Vitellius, Duniitian was
proclaimed Caesar, and obtained the city praetor-
ship with consular power. As his father was still
absent in the east, Domitian and Mucianus under-
took the administration of Italy until Vespasian
returned. The power which was thus put into his
hands was abused by the dissolute young man in
a manner which shewed to the world, but too
plainly, what was to be expected, if he should
ever succeed to the imperial throne: he put several
persons to death, merely to gratify his desire of
taking vengeance on his personal enemies ; he se-
duced many wives, and lived surrounded by a sort
of harem, and arbitrarily deposed and appointed
80 many magistrates, both in the city and Italy,
that his father with a bitter sarcasm wrote to him,
" I wonder that you do not send some one to suc-
ceed me." Being jealous of the military glory of
his father and brother, he resolved upon marching
against Civilis in Gaul, in spite of the advice of all
his friends to remain at Rome ; but he did not ad-
vance further than Lugdunum, for on his arrival
there he received intelligence of Cerealis having
!ii;iady conquered the rebel.

When his father at length arrived at Rome,
Domitian, who was conscious of his evil conduct,
is said not to have ventured to meet him, and to
have pretended not to be in the perfect posseMion
of his mind. Vespasian, however, knew his dis-
position, and throughout his reign kept him as
much as possible away from public affairs ; but in
order to display hia rank and station, Domitian
always accompanied his father and brother when
they appeared in public, and when they celebrated
their triumph after the Jewish war, he followed
them in the procession riding on a white war-
steed. He lived partly in the same house with
his father, and partly on an esUite near the Mons
Albanus, where he was surrounded by a number
of courtezans. While he thus led a private life,
he devoted a great part of his time to the composi-
tion of poetry and the recitation of his productions.
Vespasian, who died in a.d. 79, was succeeded by
his elder son Titus, and Domitian used publicly to
say, that he was deprived of his share in the go-
vernment by a forgery in his father's will, for that
it had been the wish of the latter that the two
brothers should reign in common. But this was
mere calumny : Domitian hated his brother,
and made several attempts upon his life. Titus
behaved with the utmost forbearance towards him,
but followed the example of his father in not
allowing Domitian to take any part in the admi-
nistration of public affairs, although he was in-
vested with the consulship seven times during the
reigns of his father and brother. The early death
of Titus, in a. d. 81, was in all probability the
work of Domitian. Suetonius states that Domi-
tian ordered the sick Titus to be left entirely
alone, before he was quite dejid ; Dion Cassius
says that he accelerated his death by ordering him
while in a fever to be put into a vessel filled with
snow ; and other writers plainly assert, that Titus
was poisoned or murdered by Domitian.

On the idea of September, a. d. 81, the day on
which Titus died, Domitian was proclaimed em-
peror by the soldiers. During the first years of
his reign he continued, indeed, to indulge in
strange passions, but Suetonius remarks that he
manifested a pretty equal mixture of vices and
virtues. Among the latter we must mention, that
he kept a very strict superintendence over the go-
vernors of provinces, so that in his reign they are
said to have been juster than they ever were after-
wards. He also enacted several useful laws :
he forbade, for example, the castration of male
children, and restricted the increasing cultiva-
tion of the vine, whereby the growth of corn was
neglected. He endeavoured to correct the fri-
volous and licentious conduct of the higher classes,
and shewed great liberality and moderation on
many occasions. He further took an active part in
the administration of justice ; which conduct, praise-
worthy as it then was, became disgusting after-
wards, when, assisted by a lai'ge class of delatores,
he openly made justice the slave of his cnxelty
and tyranny ; for, during the latter years of his
reign he acted as one of the most cruel tyrants
that ever disgraced a throne, and as Suetonius re-
marks, his very virtues were turned into vices.
The cause of this change in his conduct appears,
independent of his natural bias for what was bad,
to have been his boundless ambition, injured
vanity, jealousy of others, and cowardice, which
were awakened and roused by the failure of bis

10G2

DOMITIANUS.

ondertakings and other occurrences of the time.
In A. D. 84 he undertook an expedition against the
Chatti, which does not seem to have been alto-
gether unsuccessful, for we learn from Frontinus
{Strateg. 1. 3), that he constructed the frontier
wall between the free Germans and those who
were subject to Rome, so that he must at any
rate have succeeded in confining the barbarians
within their own territory. After his return to
Rome he celebrated a triumph, and assumed the
name of Germanicus. In the same year Agricola,
whose success and merits excited his jealousy, was
recalled to Rome, ostensibly for the purpose of
celebrating a triumph ; but he was never sent back
to his post, which was given to another person.
[Agricola.] The most dangerous enemy of
Rome at that time wjis Decebalus, king of the
Dacians. Domitian himself took the field against
him, but the real management of the war was left
to his generals. Simultaneously with this war
another was carried on against the Marcomanni
and Quadi, who had refused to furnish the Ro-
mans with the assistance against Decebalus, which
they were bound to do by a treaty. The Ro-
mans were defeated by them, and the conse-
quence was, that Domitian was obliged to conclude
peace with Decebalus on very humiliating tunns,
A. D. 87. [Decebalus.] Another dangerous oc-
currence was the revolt of L. Antonius in Upper
Germany; but this storm was luckily averted by
an unexpected overflow of the Rhine over its
banks, which prevented the German auxiliaries,
whom Antonius expected, from joining him ; so
that the rebel was easily conquered by L. Appius
Norbanus, in a. d. 91. An insurrection of the
Nasamones in Africa was of less importance, and
was easily suppressed by Flaccus, the governor of
Numidia.

But it is the cruelty and tyranny of Domitian
that have given his reign an unenviable notoriety.
His natunJ tendencies burst forth with fresh
fury after the Dacian war. His fear and his
injured pride and vanity led him to delight
in the misfortunes and sufferings of those whom
he hated and envied; and the most distinguish-
ed men of the time, especially among the se-
nators, had to bleed for their excellence; while,
on the other hand, he tried to win the populace
and the soldiers by large donations, and by public
games and fights in the circus and amphitheatre,
in which even women appeared among the gladia-
tors, and in which he himself took great delight.
For the same reason he increased the pay of the
soldiers, and the sums he thus expended were ob-
tained from the rich by violence and murder ; and
when in the end he found it impossible to obtain
the means for paying his soldiers, he was obliged
to reduce their number. The provinces were less
exposed to his tyranny, and it was especially
Rome and Italy that felt his iron grasp. The ex-
pression of thought and sentiment was suppressed
or atrociously persecuted, unless men would de-
grade themselves to flatter the tyrant. The silent
fear and fearful silence which prevailed during the
latter years of Domitian's reign in Rome and Italy
are briefly but energetically described by Tacitus
in the introduction to his Life of Agricola, and
his vices and tyranny are exposed in the strongest
colours by the withering satire of Juvenal. All
the philosophers who lived at Rome were expelled;
from which, however, we cannot infer, as some

DOMITIANUS.

writers do, that he hated all philosophical and sci-
entific pursuits ; the cause being in all probability
no other than his vanity and ambition, which
could not bear to be obscured by others. Christian
writers attribute to him a persecution of the Chris-
tians likewise ; but there is no other evidence for it,
and the belief seems to have arisen from the strict-
ness with which he exacted the tribute from the
Jews, and which may have caused much suffering
to the Christians also.

As in all similar cases, the tyrant's own cruelty
brought about his ruin. Three officers of his court,
Parthenius, Sigerius, and Entellus, whom Domitian
intended to put to death (this secret was betrayed
to them by Domitia, the emperor's wife, who was
likewise on the list), formed a conspiracy against
his life. Stephanus, a freedman, who was employed
by the conspirators, contrived to obtiiin admission
to the emperor's bed-room, and gave him a letter
to read. While Domitian was perusing the letter,
in which the conspirators' plot was revealed to
him, Stephanus plunged a dagger into his abdomen.
A violent struggle ensued between the two, until
the other conspirators arrived. Domitian fell, after
having received seven wounds, on the 18th of Sep-
tember, A. D. 96. ApoUonius of Tyana, who was
then at Ephesus, at the moment Domitian was
murdered at Rome, is said to have run across the
market-place, and to have exclaimed, ''•That is
right, Stephanus, slay the murderer!"

There are few rulers who better deserve the name
of a cruel tyrant than Domitian. The last three
years of his reign form one of the most frightful
periods that occur in the history of maa ; but he
cannot be called a brutal monster or a madman
like Caligula and Nero, for he possessed talent
and a cultivated mind ; and although Pliny and
Quintilian, who place his poetical productions by
the side of those of the greatest masters, are obvi-
ously guilty of servile flattery, yet his poetical
works cannot have been entirely without merit.
His fondness and esteem for literature are attested
by the quinquennial contest whicli he instituted in
honour of the Capitoline Jupiter, and one part of
which consisted of a musical contest. Both prose
writers and poets in Greek as well as in Latin re-
cited their productions, and the victors were re-
warded with golden crowns. He further instituted
the pension for distinguished rhetoricians, which
Quintilian enjoyed ; and if we look at the compa-
ratively flourishing condition of Roman literature
during that time, we cannot help thinking that it
was, at least in great measure, the consequence of the
influence which he exercised and of the encourage-
ment which he afforded. It is extremely probable
that we still possess one of the literary productions
of Domitian in the Latin paraphrase of Aratus's
Phaenomena, which is usually attributed to Ger-
manicus, the grandson of Augustus. The argu-
ments for this opinion have been clearly set forth
by Rutgersius ( Var. Led. iii. p. 276), and it is

COIN OF DOMITIAN.

DOMITIUS.

also adopted by Niebulir. (Tac. Ili^t. iil, 59, &c.,
iv. 2, &c., Apric. 39, 42, 45; Suet. Dotnt/ian. ;
Dion Cass. lib. Ixvi. and Ixvii. ; Juvenal, Sutir. ;
Quintil. iv. 1. § 2, &c., x. 1. § 91, &c. ; Niebuhr,
Lectures on Roman Hist. ii. pp. 234-250.) [L. S.]

DOMITIA'NUS, L. DOMITIUS. A few
coins are extant in second brass, which exhibit on
the obverse a l.nurelled head, with the legend. Imp.
C. L. DoMiTius. DoMiTUNUs. AuG. ; on the re-
verse, the representation of a Genius, with Gbnio.
PoPULi. RoMANi. ; and below, the letters Ale., in-
dicating that they were struck at Alexandria. We
find also a very nire Alexandrian third brass, with
a rayed head, and the words AOMITIANOC. CEB.
These pieces have been generally supposed to
belong to the Domitianus mentioned byTrebellius
Pollio, as the general who vanquished the two
Macriani, who is described as a man of lofty ambi-
tion, deducing his origin from the son of Vespasian,
and is believed to be the same with the Domitianus
put to death by Aurelian, according to Zosimus, in
consequence of a suspicion that he was meditating
rebellion. Eckhel, however, has demonstrated,
from numismatical considerations, that the Latin
medals, at least, cannot be earlier than the epoch of
Diocletian, or his immediate successors, and there-
fore must commemorate the usurpation of some
pretender unknown to history. (Trebell. Poll. Gal-
lien, duo., c. 2 ; Triqint. Tyrann. c. 12 ; Zosim.
i. 49 ; Eckhel, vol. viii. p. 41.) [W. R.J

DOMITILLA, FLA'VIA. 1. The first wife
of Vespasian, by whom he had three children,
Titus, Domitian, and a daughter Domitilla. She
had originally been the mistress of a Roman eques,
Statilius Capella, and a freedwoman. Subsequently
however she received the Latiniias, and was at
last made ingenua. She as well as her daughter
died before Vespasian was proclaimed emperor.
(Suet. Vesp. 3.) Her portrait is given in the coin
annexed, which was struck after her death.

DOMNA.

1069

2. The wife of Flavius Clemens. [Clkmens,
T. Fl.wius.] Philostratus ( Vit. Apollon. viii. 25)
calls her a sister of the emperor Domitian, which is
impossible, as Domitilla, the sister of Domitian, had
died even before Vespasian's accession. Dion Cassius
(Ixvii. 14) calls her merely a (Txjy^fvi^s of Domitian,
and it has been conjectured that in Philostratus we
must read a^(K<l>Lhriv instead of dhi\(priv. It may
be that our Domitilla was a daughter of Vespasian's
daughter of the same name. After the murder of
her husband Clemens, Stephanus, the freedman
and murderer of Domitian, was her procurator.
(Suet. Domit. 17; comp. Reimarus, ad Dion Cass.
I. c.) [L. S.]

DOMI'TIUS AFER. [Afer.]
DOMI'TIUS BALBUS. [Balbus, No. 6.]
DOMITIUS CAECILIA'NUS. [Caecili-
iiNUs, p. 526, b.]

DOMITIUS CALLI'STRATUS. [Calli-
STRATUS, p. 579, b.]

DOMITIUS CELER. [Celer.]
DOMITIUS CO'RBULO. [Corbulo.]

DOMITIUS DEXTER. [Dbxter.]
DOMITIUS FLORUS. [Flori;s.]
DOMITIUS LA'BEO. [Labko.]
DOMITIUS MARSUS. [Marsus.]
DOMITIUS ULPIA'NUS. [Ulpianu8. ]
DOMNA, .lU'LIA, daughter of Bassianus, wife
of the emperor Septimius Severus, mother of Caracalla
and Geta, grand-aunt of Elagabalus and Alexander.
(See the stemma of Caracalla.) Born of obscure
parents in Emesa,.8he attracted the attention of her
future husband long before his elevation to the
purple, in consequence, we are told, of an astro-
logical prediction, wliich declared that she was
destined to be the wife of a sovereign. Already
cherishing ambitious hopes, and trusting implicitly
to the infallibility of an art in which he possessed
no mean skill, Severus, after the death of Marcia,
wedded the humble Syrian damsel, with no other
dowry than her horoscope. The period at which
this union took place has been a matter of contro-
versy among chronologers, since the statements of
ancient authorities are contradictory and irrecon-
cileable. Following Dion Cassius as our surest
guide, we conclude that it could not have been later
than a. d. 175, for he records that the marriage
couch was spread in the temple of Venus, adjoining
the palatium, by the empress Faustina, who in that
year quitted Rome to join M. Aurelius in the east,
and never returned. Julia, being gifted with a
powerful intellect and with a large measure of the
adroit cunning for which her countrywomen were
so celebrated, exercised at all times a powerful
sway over her superstitious husband, persuaded
him to take up arms against Pescennius Niger and
Clodius Albinus, thus pointing out the direct path
to a throne, and, after the prophecy had been com-
pletely fulfilled, maintained her dominion unim-
paired to the last. At one period, when hard
pressed by the enmity of the all-powerful Plautianus,
she is said to have devoted her time almost ex-
clusively to philosophy. By her commands Phi-
lostratus undertook to write the life of Apollonius,
of Tyana, and she was wont to pass whole days
surrounded by troops of grammarians, rhetoricians,
and sophists. But if she studied wisdom she
certainly did not practise virtue, for her profligacy
was a matter of common notoriety and reproach,
and she is said even to have conspired against the
life of her husband, who from gratitude, weakness,
fear, or apathy, quietly tolerated her enormities.
After his death, her influence became greater than
ever, and Caracalla entrusted the most important
affairs of state to her administration. At the
same time, she certainly possessed no controul
over his darker passions, for it is well known
that he murdered his own brother, Geta, in her
ai-ms, and when she ventured to give way to grief
for her child, the fratricide was scarcely withheld
from turning the dagger against his mother also.
Upon learning the successful issue of the rebellion
of Macrinus, Julia at first resolved not to survive
the loss of her son and of her dignities, but having
been kindly treated by the conqueror, she for a
while indulged in bright anticipations. Her pro-
ceedings, however, excited a suspicion that she was
tampering with the troops : she was abruptly com-
manded toquitAntioch, and, returning to herfonner
resolution, she abstained from food, and perished,
A. D. 217. Her body was transported to Rome,
and deposited in the sepulchre of Caius and Luciu*
Caesar, but afterwards removed by her sister.

10G4

DOMNINUS.

IMaesa, along with the bones of Gela, to the
cemetery of the Antonines.

There can be little doubt that Domna was her
proper Syrian name, analogous to the designations
oiMaesa, Soaemias, and Mammaea, borne by other
members of the same family. The idea that it is
to be regarded as a contraction for rfomiraa, and was
employed because the latter would have been
offensive to a Roman ear, scarcely requires refu-
tation. (See Reimarus on Dion Cass. Ixxiv. 3.)

One accusation, of the foulest description, has
been brought against this princess by several
ancient historians. Spartianus and Aurelius Victor
expressly affirm that Julia not only formed an
incestuous connexion with Caracalla, but that they
were positively joined in marriage : the story is
repeated by Eutropius and Orosius also, while
Herodian hints at such a report (iv, 16), when he
relates that she was nicknamed Jocasta by the
licentious rabble of Alexandria. But the silence of
Dion Cassius, who was not only alive, but occupied
a prominent public station during the whole reign,
on the subject, is a sufficient reason for rejecting
the tale altogether. It is absolutely impossible
that he should have been ignorant of such a rumour,
if actually in circulation, and it is equally certain,
from the tone of his narrative, that he would not
have suppressed it had it been deserving of the
felightest credit. On the other hand, the vouchers
for the fact are in themselves totally destitute of
authority upon all points which admit of doubt or
controversy, and in the present case were so ill-
informed as to suppose that Julia was only the
step-mother of Caracalla. (Dion Cass. Ixxiv. 3,
Ixxv. 15, Ixxvi. 4, 16, Ixxvii. 2, 10, 18, Ixviii. 4,
23, 24 ; Herodian, iv. 13, 16, v. 3 ; Spartian. Sept.
Sev. 3, 18, Caracall. 3, 10 ; Capitolin. Clod.Albin.
3, Macrin. 9 ; Lamprid. ^ /^j. Sev. 5 ; Victor, Epit.
21 ; de Caes. 21 ; Eutrop. viii. 1 1 ; Oros. vii, 18 ;
Philostrat. Vtt. Sophist. Vii. ApoUon. i. 3 ; Tzetzes,
ChU. vi. II. 45.) [\V. R.]

COIN OP DOMNA JULIA.

DOMNI'NUS (Ao/o/ti/osX 1. A Christian, who
apostatized to Judaism in the persecution under
Severus, about A. D. 200, and to whom Serapion,
bishop of Antioch, addressed a treatise intended to
recall him to the faith. (Euseb. Hist. Ecd. vi. 12;
comp. Fabric, Bill. Graec. vol. vii. p. 166.)

2. Of Laodiceia, in Syria, was a disciple of Syria-
nus, and a fellow-pupil of Proclus the Lycian, and
must, therefore, have flourished about the middle
of the fifth century after Christ. He appears to have
been peculiarly bigoted to his own opinions, and
is said to have corrupted the doctrines of Plato by
mixing up with them his private notions. This
called forth a treatise from Proclus, intended as a
statement of the genuine principles of Platonism
{llpayfiania KaQapTUcfj t<2u Soyfidroov tov TlKaTw-
ws), a work which Fabricius, apparently by an
oversight, ascribes to Domninus himself. {Bihl.
(w'raec. vol. ii\. p. 171; Damasc. ap. Suid. s. v.

DOXATUS.

3. Of Antioch, an historian, quoted frequently in
the chronicle of Joannes Malelas. Bentley thinks
{Ep. ad Mill. p. 73), that he was bishop of An-
tioch, and wrote a history of events from the be-
ginning of the world to the time of Justinian, to
the 33d year of whose reign (a. d. 560) the
chronicle of Malelas extends. ( Voss. deHist. Graec.
p. 435, ed. Westermann ; Fabric. BiU. Graec.
vol. iii. p. 171, vii. p. 445.) [E. E.]

DOMNI'NUS, a Graeco-Roman jurist, who
probably flourished shortly before Justinian, or in
the commencement of that emperor's reign. He
may be the same person to whom was addressed a
rescript of the emperor Zeno, (Rasil.vii. p. 711, Cod.
10, tit. 3, 8. 7.) He was a commentator upon the
Gregorian, Hermogenian, and Theodosian Codes.
(Reiz, ad Theojihilum, pp. 1243, 1245.) Theo-
doras, a contemporary of Justinian, calls him his
"very learned teacher" (Basil, vi. p. 217); but
Zachariae imagines that Domninus could scarcely
have been, in a literal sense, the teacher of Theodoras,
who survived Justinian, and lived under Tiberius.
(Zachariae, Anecdota,^. xlviii.) By Suarez {IVoiit.
Basil. § 42), Domninus is called Leo Domninus ;
but this seems to be a mistake. (Asscmaiii, Bi/tl.
Jur. Orient, lib. ii. c. 20, p. 405.) By Nic. Com-
nenus Papadopoli (Praenot. Mystug. pp.372, 402),
a Domninus, Nomicus, JCtus, is quoted as having
commented upon the Novellae Constitutiones of
Constantinus and Leo ; but the untrustworthiness
of Papadopoli, in this case, is exposed by Ileim-
bach, {A7iecdota, i. p. 222).

The names Domnus and Domninus are some-
times confounded in manuscripts. They are formed
from the word Dominus, and, like other words
denoting title (as Patricius), became converted into
family names. (Menage, Ainoen. Jur. p. 171.) A
jurist Domnus is mentioned by Libanius, who
addressed letters to him. (Liban. Ep. iii. 277,
1124, ed. Wolff-.) [J. T.G.J

DOMNUS. [Domninus.]

DOMNUS (Ao^uj/os), is mentioned in the Com-
mentary on the Aphorisms of Hippocrates that are
incorrectly attributed to Oribasius (p. 8, ed. Basil.
1535), as having written a commentary on this
work. He was probably quite a late author, perhaps
living in the fifth or sixth century after Christ ; but
it is uncertain whether he was the same person as
either of the following physicians of the same name.

2. A Jewish physician, the tutor to Gesius, in
the fourth century after Christ, by whom his own
reputation was eclipsed, and his pupils enticed
away. (Suid. s. v. Feaios.)

3. A heathen physician at Constantinople, in
the fourth century after Christ, of whose death, in
the time of the plague, an account is given by St.
Ephraem Syrus. (Opera^ vol. i. p. 91, ed. Rom.
1589, fol.) [W. A. G.]

DONA'TIUS VALENS. [Valens.]
DONA'TUS, was bishop of Casa Nigra, in Nii-
midia, in the early part of the fourth century
(a. d. 312), and from him, together with another
prelate of the same name, the successor of Majori-
nus in the disputed election to the see of Carthage,
the Donatists derived their appellation. This was
the first important schism which distracted the
Christian church; and, although in a great mea-
sure confined within the limits of Africa, proved,
for three centuries, the source of great confusion,
scandal, and bloodshed. The circumstances which
gave rise to the division, and the first steps in the

DONATUS.

dispute, are given in another article. [CABriiJA-
Nus,] Condenmod, punished, l)iit eventually tole-
rated by Constantine, fiercely persecuted by Con-
Btans, and favoured by Julian, the followers of
this sect appear to have attained to their hi^'hest
point of prosperity at the commencement of the
fifth century, about which period they were ruled
by four hundred bishops, and were little inferior
in numbers to the Catholics of the province. The
genius and perseverance of Aujrnstin, supported by
the stringent edict of Honorius (.a. d. 414), vigor-
ously enforced by the civil magistrates, seem to
have crushed them for a time; but they revived
upon the invasion of Genseric, to whom, from
their disaffection to a hostile government, they lent
a willing support ; they were of sufficient import-
ance, at a later date, to attract the attention, and
call forth the angry denunciations of Pope Gre-
gory the Great, and are believed to have kept
their ground, and existed as an independent com-
munity, until the final triumph of the Saracens
and Mohommedanism. We ought to observe, that
even the most violent enemies of the Donatists
were unable to convict them of any serious errors
in doctrine or discipline. Agreeing with their
opponents upon all general principles and points
of faith, they commenced simply by refusing to
acknowledge the authority of Caecilianus, and
were gradually led on to maintain, that salvation
was restricted to their own narrow pale, because
they alone had escaped the profanation of receiving
the sacraments from the hands of traditors, or of
those who, having connived at such apostacy, had
forfeited all claims to the character of Christians.
Asserting that they alone constituted the true
nniversid church, they excommunicated not only
those with whom they were directly at variance,
but all who maintained any spiritual connexion
•with their adversaries; and adopting to the full
extent the high pretensions of Cyprian with re-
gard to ecclesiastical unity and episcopal power,
insisted upon rebaptizing every one who beciime a
proselyte to their cause, upon subjecting to purifi-
cation all places of public worship which had been
contaminated by the presence of their opponents,
and upon casting forth the very corpses and bones
of the Catholics from their cemeteries. This un-
charitable spirit met with a fitting retribution ;
for, at the epoch when their influence was most
widely extended, dissensions arose within their
own body ; and about one-fourth of the whole
party, separating from the sect under the denomi-
nation of !Maximianists, arrogated to themselves,
exclusively, the prerogatives claimed by the larger
faction, and hurled perdition against all who de-
nied or doubted their infallibility.

Our chief authorities for all that concerns the
Donatists are the works of Optatus Milevitanus
and Augustin. In the edition of the former, pub-
lished by the learned and industrious Du Pin, will
be found a valuable appendix of ancient documents
relating to this controversy, together with a con-
densed view of its rise and progress, while the
most important passages in the writings of Augus-
tin have been collected by Tillemont, in that por-
tion of his Ecclesiastical Memoirs (vol. vi.) devoted
to this subject. For the series of Imperial Laws
against tlie Donatists from A. D. 400 to 428, see
Cod. Theod. xvi. tit. 5. [W. R.j

DONA'TUS AE'LIUS,or,with all his titles as
they are found in MSS., Aeliiis Donatiis VirCutrus

DONATUS.

1065

Orator Urlns Ticmicw, was a celebrated grammarian
and rhetorician, who taught at Rome in the middle
of the fourth century, and was the preceptor of
Sjiint .Jerome. His most famous work is a system
of Latin Grammar, which has formed the ground-
work of most elementary treatises upon the same
subject, from the period when he flourished down
to our own times. It has usually been published
in the form of two or more distinct and separate
tracts : \. A rs *. Editio Prima, de Hiervi, fj/llubis,
pedifms, et tonia; 2. Kditio Secunda, de octo jHirlibus
oratianis ; to which are commonly annexed, De
barbarismo; De soloedsmo; De ceteris viiiis; De
nielaplasmo; De adiematibus ; De tropis; but in the
recent edition of Lindemann these arc all more
correctly considered as constituting one connected
whole, and are combined under one general title,
taken from the Santenian MS. preserved in tha
Royal Library of Berlin, Donati A rs drammatica
tribun libris comprehensa. It was the common school-
book of the middle ages; insomuch, that in the
English of Longlande and Chaucer a donat or danet
is equivalent to a lesson of any kind, and hence
came to mean an introduction in general. Thus
among the works of Bishop Pecock are enumerated
Tlie DoNAT into Christian relijion, and Tlie foluwer
to tlie Donat, while Cotgrave quotes an old French
proverb, Les diables estoient eiicores a leur Donat,
i. e. The devils were but yet in their grammar.
These, and other examples, are collected in War-
ton's History of Emjlish Poetry, sect. viii.

In addition to the Ars Grammatica, we possesa
introductions {e?iarrationes) and scholia, by Donatus,
to five out of the six plays of Terence, those to tho
Heautontimorunienos having been lost. The pre-
faces contain a succinct account of the source from
which each piece was derived, and of the class to
which it belongs ; a statement of the time at which
it was exhibited ; notices respecting the distribution
of the characters ; and sundry particulars connected
with stage technicalities. The commentaries are
full of interesting and valuable remarks and illus-
trations ; but from the numerous repetitions and
contradictions, and, above all, the absurd and
puerile traits here and there foisted in, it is mani-
fest that they have been unmercifully interpolated
and cori-upted by later and less skilful hands.
Some critics, indeed, have gone so far as to believe
that Donatus never committed his observations to
writing, and that these scholia are merely scraps,
compiled from the notes of pupils, of dictata or lec-
tures delivered viva voce ; but this idea does not
well accord with the words of St. Jerome in the
first of the passages to which a reference is given
at the end of this article.

Servius, in his annotations upon Virgil, refers, in
upwards of forty different places, to a Donatus,
who must have composed a commentary upon the
Eclogues, Georgics, and Aeneid. " Scholia iu
Aeneida" bearing the name of Donatus, and cor-
responding, for the most part, with the quotations
of Servius, are still extant, but, from their inferior
tone and character, have been generally ascribed to
Tiberius Claudius Donatus, who is noticed be-
low. They are divided into twelve books, to which
a supplemental thirteenth was to have been added ;
the concluding portions of the fourth and eighth,
and the commencement of the sixth and twelfth,
are wanting. Their chief object is to point out the
beauties and skill of the poet, rather than to explaiu
his difficulties ; but the writer, in a letter sub-

1066 DONATUS.

joined to the twelfth book, announces his intention,
should a- life already far" advanced be prolonged, of
compiling, from ancient authorities, a description of
the persons, places, herbs, and trees, enumerated in
the poem.

The popularity of the " Ars Grammatica," espe-
cially of the second part, " De octo partibus Ora-
tionis," is sufficiently evinced by the prodigious
number of editions which appeared during the in-
fancy of printing, most of them in gothic characters,
without date, or name of place, or of printer, and the
typographical history of no work, with the exception
of the Scriptures, has excited more interest among
bibliographers, or given them more trouble. Even
before the invention of printing from movable
types, several editions seem to have been thrown
off from blocks, and fragments of these have been
preserved in various collections. The three parts
will be found in the collection of Putschius {Grain-
maticae Latinae Audores Antiijui^ Hanov. 4to.
1605), together with the commentary of Sergius on
the prima and secundaeditio ; andthatofServiusMa-
rius Honoratus, on the secunda editio only (see pp.
1735, 1743, 17G7, 1779, 1826) ; and also in Lin-
demann's *' Corpus Grammaticorura Latinorum
Veterum," voL i. Lips. 1831.

Of the commentary on Terence, at least four
editions, separate from the text, appeared during
the fifteenth century. That which is believed to
be the first is a folio, in Roman characters, without
place, date, or printer's name, but was probably
published at Cologne, about 1470 — 1472 ; the
second at Venice, by Spira, fol. 1472 ; the third at
Rome, by Sweynheym and Pannartz, fol. 1472; the
fourth at Milan, by Zarotus, fol. 1476. It will be
found attached to all complete editions of the
dramatist.

The commentaries upon the Aeneid were first
discovered by Jo. Jovianus Pontanus, were first
published from the copy in his library, by Scipio
Capycius, Neap. fol. 15 <5, and were inserted by
G. Fabricius in the " Corpus Interpretum Virgi-
lianorum." The text is very corrupt and imperfect,
but it would appear that MSS. still exist which
present it in a more pure and complete form,
although these have never been collated, or at least
given to the world. (See Burmann, in the pref. to
his ed. of Virgil.) (Hieron. ailvers. Ruf. vol. iii. p.
92, ed. Bas., in Eiiseb. Chron. ad ann. ccclv p. c. ;
in Ecd.es. c. i. ; see also Lud. Schopfen, De Terentio
el Donalo^ 8vo, Bonn. 1824, and Specimen emend,
in Ael. Donati comment. Terenf. ito, Bonn. 1826.
Osann, Deitrage zur (Jriechischen und Homisclien
LUteraturqe-'chichte, Leip. 1839.) [W. R.]

DO'NATUS, TIBE'RIUS CLAU'DIUS. We
find prefixed to all the more complete editions of
Virgil a life of the poet, in twenty-five chapters,
bearing the title, " Tiberii Claudii Donati ad Tiberium
Claudianum Maximum Donatianum filium de P.
Virgilii Maronis Vita." Nothing whatsoever is
known with regard to thisDonatus ; but it has been
conjectured that some grammarian, who flourished
about the commencement of the fifth centur}', may
have drawn up a biography which formed the
groundwork of the piece we now possess, but which,
in its actual shape, exhibits a worthless farrago of
childish anecdotes and frivolous fables, compounded
by ignorant and unskilful hands. Indeed, scarcely
two MSS. can be found in which it does not wear
a different aspect, and the earlier editors seem to
iiave moulded it into its present form, by collecting

DORIEUS.

and combining these various and often heteroge-
neous materials. [W.R.]

DONTAS (Arfi/Toj), a Lacedaemonian statuary,
was the disciple of Dipoenus and Scyllis, and there-
fore flourished about B. c. 550. He made the
statues which were afterwards placed in the trea-
sury of the Megarians at Olympia. They were of
cedar inlaid with gold, and formed a group repre-
senting the contest of Heracles with the river
AcheloUs, and containing figures of Zeus, Deianeira,
Acheloiis, and Heracles, with Ares assisting Ache-
loUs, and Athena supporting Heracles. The latter
statue seems, however, not to have been part of
the original group, but a separate work by Medon.
(Comp. Paus. v. 17. 1.) The group in the pedi-
ment of the Megarian treasur}', representing the
war of the gods and the giants, seems also to have
been the work of Dontas ; but the passage in Pau-
sanias is not quite clear. (Paus. vi. 19. § 9; Bockh,
Corp. Inscrip. i. p. 47, &c.) [P. S.]

DORCEUS (AopK6u$), a son of Hippocoon,
who had a heroum at Sparta conjointly with his
brother Sebrus. The well near the sanctuary was
called Dorceia, and the place around it Sebrion.
(Paus. iii. 15. §2.) It is probable that Dorceus
is the same personage as the Dorycleus in Apollo-
dorus (iiu 10. § 5), where his brother is called
Tebrus. [L. S.]

DORIEUS (Awptfus), eldest son of Anaxan-
drides, king of Sparta, by his first Avife [Anaxan-
DUioKs], was however born after the son of the
second marriage, Cleomenes, and therefore ex-
cluded from innnediate succession. He was ac-
counted the first in personal qualities of Sparta's
young men, and feeling it an indignity to remain
under the rule of one so inferior to him in worth,
and so narrowly before him in claim to the throne,
he left his country hastily, and without consulting
the oracle of Delphi, to establish for himself a king-
dom elsewhere. He led his colony first, under the
guidance of some Theraeans, to Libya : the spot
he here chose, Cinyps by name, was excellent; but
he was driven out ere long by the Libyans and Car-
thaginians, and led the survivors home. He now,
under the sanction of the oracle, set forth to found
a Heracleia in the district pronounced to be the
property of Hercules, and to have been reserved
by him for any descendant who might come to
claim it, Eryx, in Sicily. In his passage thither-
ward, along the Italian coast, he found the people
of Croton preparing (b. c. 510) for their conflict
with Sybaris, and induced, it would seem, by the
connexion between Croton and Sparta (Miiller,
Dor. bk. X. 7. § 12), he joined in the expedition,
and received, after the fall of the city, a plot of
land, on which he built a temple to Athena, of the
Crathis. Such was the story given to Herodotus
by the remnants of the Sybarites, who were his
fellow- citizens at Thurii, denied however by the
Crotoniats, on the evidence, that while Callias, the
Elean prophet, had received from them various re-
wards, still enjoyed there by his posterity, in re-
turn of his service in the war, nothing of tlie sort
recalled the name of Dorieus. This, however, if
Dorieus was bent on his Sicilian colony, is quite
intelligible. He certainly pursued his course to
Eryx, and there seems to have founded his Hera-
cleia ; but ere long, he and all his brother Spartans
with him, a single man excepted [Euryleon],
were cut ofi" in a battle with the Egestaeans, and,
as it seems, the Carthaginians. He left however

DORIEUS.
behind him a son, Eun-anax, who accompanied hi»
cousin Pausanias in the campaign (u.c. 479)
against Mardonius. Why this son did not succeed
rather than Lconidas, on the death of Cleomenes,
is not clear; Miiller suggests, comparing Piut.
Affis^ ell, that a lleracleid, leaving his country
to settle elsewhere lost his rights at home. (Herod.
V. 41—66; ix. 10, 53, 55; Diod. iv. 23; Paus.
iii. 16. $ 4, and 3. §8.) [A. H. C]

DORIEUS (Awpifws), the son of Diagoras
[DiAGORAs], one of the noblest of the noble
Heracleid family, the Eratids of lalysus, in
Rhodes. He was victor in the pancratium in
three successive Olympiads, the 87th, 88th, and
89th, B. c. 432, 428 and 424, the second of which
is mentioned by Thucydides (iii. 8) ; at the
Nemean games he won seven, at the Isthmian
eight victories. He and his kinsman, Peisidorus,
were styled in the announcement as Thurians, so
that, apparently, before 424 at latest, they had left
their country. (Paus. vi. 7.) The whole family
were outlawed as heads of the aristocracy by the
Athenians (Xen. Hell. i. 5. § 19), and took refuge
in Thurii ; and from Thiirii, after the Athenian
disaster at Syracuse had re-established there the
Peloponnesian interest, Dorieus led thirty galleys
to the aid of the Spartan cause in Greece. He
arrived with thera at Cnidus in the winter of 412.
(Thuc. viii. 35.) He was, no doubt, active in the
revolution which, in the course of the same winter,
was effected at Rhodes (Thuc. viii. 44) ; its revolt
from the Athenians was of course accompanied by
the restoration of the family of Diagoras. (b. c. 41 1 .)
We find him early in the summer at Miletus, join-
ing in the expostulations of his men to Astyochus,
who, in the Spartan fashion, raised his staif as if
to strike him, and by this act so violently excited
the Thurian sailors that he was saved from vio-
lence only by Hying to an altar. (Thuc. viii. 84.)
And shortly after, when the new commander,
Mindarus, sailed for the Hellespont, he was sent
with thirteen ships to crush a deraocratical move-
ment in Rhodes. (Diod. xiii. 38.) Some little
time after the battle of Cynossema he entered the
Hellespont with his squadron, now fourteen in
number, to join the main body; and being de-
scried and attacked by the Athenians with twenty,
was forced to run his vessels ashore, near Rhoe-
teum. Here he vigorously maintained himself
until Mindarus came to his succour, and, by the
advance of the rest of the Athenian fleet, the
action became general: it was decided by the
sudden arrival of Alcibiades with reinforcements.
(Xen. Ile/l. i. 1. $ 2 ; Diod. xiii. 45.) Four years
after, at the close of b. c. 407, he was captured,
with two Thurian galleys, by the Athenians, and
sent, no doubt, to Athens: but the people, in
admiration of his athletic size and noble beauty,
dismissed their ancient enemy, though already
under sentence of death, without so much .as ex-
acting a ransom. (Xen. //e//. i. 5. $ 19.) Pausa-
nias, (/. c) on the authority of Androtion, further
relates, that at the time when Rhodes joined the
Athenian league formed by Conon, Dorieus chanced
to be somewhere in the reach of the Spartans, and
was by them seized and put to death. [A. H. C]

DORIEUS (Awpifvs), the author of an epigram
upon Milo, which is preserved by Athenaeus (x.
p. 412, f.) and in the Greek Anthology. (Brunck,
Jnal. ii. 63; Jacobs, ii. 62.) Nothing more is
known of him. [P. S.]

DORIMACHUS.

1067

DORILLUS (A6pi\\os) or DORIALLUS
(AoplaXXos)^ an Athenian tragic poet, who was
ridiculed by Aristophanes. Nothing more is
known of him. (Suid., Hesych., and Etym. Mag.
s. V. AopiaXXos; Aristoph. I^inn. Fr. 336, Dindorf,
Schol. in Aristoph. Ran. v. .519; Fabric. BiU.
Cmec. ii. p. 297.) [P. S.]

DORI'MACHUS {Aopitxaxoi\ less properly
DORY'MACHUS (Aopu/xaxos), a native of
Trichonium, in Aetolia, and son of Nicostratus,
was sent out, in B. c, 221, to Phigalea, on the
Messenian border, with which the Aetolians had a
league of sympdity^ ostensibly to defend the place,
but in reality to watch affairs in the Peloponnesus
with a view of fomenting a war, for which his
restless countrymen were anxious. A number of
freebooters flocked together to him, and he con-
nived at their plundering the territory of the Mes-
senians, with whom Aetolia was in alliance. All
complaints he received at first with neglect, and
afterwards (when he had gone to Messene, on
pretence of investigating the matter) with insult.
The Messenians, however, and especially Sciron,
one of their ephori, behaved with such spirit that
Dorimachus was compelled to yield, and to promise
satisfaction for the injuries done ; but he had been
treated with indignity, which he did not forget,
and he resolved to bring about a war with Messe-
nia. This he was enabled to do through his kins-
man Scopas, who administered the Aetolian
government at the time, and who, without waiting
for any decree of the Assembly, or for the sanction
of the select council ('ATro/cATjrot ; see Polyb. xx.
1; Liv. XXXV. 34), commenced hostilities, not
against Messenia only, but also against the Epei-
rots, Achaeans, Acarnanians, and Macedonians.
In the next year, b. c. 220, Dorimachus invaded
the Peloponnesus with Scopas, and defeated Ara-
tus, at Caphyae. [See p. 255, a.] He took part
also in the operations in which the Aetolians were
joined by Scerdilaidas, the Illyrian, — the capture
and burning of Cynaetha, in Arcadia, and the
baffled attempt on Cleitor, — and he was one of the
leaders of the unsuccessful expedition against
Aegeira in B. c. 219. In the autumn of the same
year, being chosen general of the Aetolians, he
ravaged Epeirus, and destroyed the temple at
Dodona. InB. c. 218 he invaded Thessaly, in
the hope of drawing Philip away from the siege of
Palus, in Cephallenia, which he was indeed obliged
to relinquish, in consequence of the treachery of
Leontius, but he took advantage of the absence of
Dorimachus to make an incursion into Aetolia,
advancing to Thennum, the capital city, and plun-
dering it. Dorimachus is mentioned by Livy as
one of the chiefs through whom M. Valerius Lae-
vinus, in B. c. 211, concluded a treaty of alliance
with Aetolia against Philip, from whom he vainly
attempted, in b. c. 210, to save the town of Echi-
nus, in Thessaly. In B.C. 204 he and Scopas were
appointed by the Aetolians to draw up new laws
to meet the general distress, occasioned by heavy
debts, with which the two commissioners them-
selves were severely burdened. In b. c. 196
Dorimachus was sent to Egypt to negotiate terms
of peace with Ptolemy V. (Epiphanes), his mission
probably having reference to the conditions of
amity between Ptolemy and Antiochus the Great,
to whom the Aetolians were now looking for sup-
port against Rome. (Polyb. iv. 3-13, 16-19, 57, 58,
67, 77; v. i. 3, 4-9. 11,' 17; ix. 42; xiii. 1; xviii.

10(?8

DOROTHEUS.

37; XX. 1 ; Fragni. Hist. 68; Liv. xxvi. 24; Brand-
stater, Gesch. des Aetol. Landes, p. 342, &c.) [E. E.]
DO'RION {Aupiwv). 1. A critic and gramma-
rian in the time of Hadrian. He lived at Sardis,
and was a friend of Dionysius of Miletus, the rhe-
torician. (Philostr. Vit. Si>ph. i. 22. § 4.)

2. A rhetorician refeired to by the elder Seneca.
(Suas. 2, Qmtrov. i. 8, iv. 24.)

3. A native probably of Egypt, is recorded by
Athenaeus, from whom alone our knowledge of
him is derived, as a musician, a wit, a bon vivant,
and the author of a treatise on his favourite deli-
cacy— fish. His profession and his propensity are
together marked by the name \oiraSo<pv(rr]Ti^s, ap-
plied to him by the comic poet Mnesimachus, in
his play of ** Philip." (Jp. Af/wn. viii. p. 338, b. ;
Meineke, Fragm. Com. vol. iii. p. 578.) He is
mentioned too in a fragment of Machon, also pre-
served by Athenaeus (viii. p. 337, c. ; Casaub. ad
loc.) ; and there is an anecdote of him at the court
of Nicocreon of Salamis (Athen. viii. p. 337, f.),
which shews that he did not lose anything for
want of asking. He was in favour also with Phi-
lip of Macedon, who had him in his retinue at
Chaeroneia, in b. c. 338. (Athen. iii. p. 118, b.,
Tii. pp. 282, d., 287, c, 297, c, 300, f., 304, f.,
306, f, 309, f., 312, d., 315, b., 319, d., 320, d.,
322, f., 327, f, X. p. 435, c.) There was a Dorion
too, probably a different person, from whose work,
called r6«p7iK(Ji', a mythological account of the
origin of the word uvicfi is quoted by Athenaeus
(iii. p. 78, a.). [E. E.]

DORIS (Act'pfy), a daughter of Oceanus and
Thetis, and the wife of her brother Nereus, by
whom she became the mother of the Nereides.
(Apollod. i. 2. § 2 ; Hesiod. Theog. 240, &c. ;
Ov. Met. ii. 269.) The Latin poets sometimes
use the name of this marine divinity for the sea
itself. (Virg. Eclog. x. 5.) One of Doris's daugh-
ters, or the Nereides, likewise bore the name of
Doris. (Hom. //. xviii. 45.) [L. S.]

DORIS (Aw^is), a Locrian, daughter of Xene-
tus, wife of the elder, and mother of the younger
Dionysius. (Diod. xiv. 44; Plut. lHon., 3.) She
died before her husband, who seems to have
lamented her loss in one of his tragedies. (Lucian.
adv. Ivdoct. ^ 15.) [E.II.B.]

DORO'THEUS (Aa>po0€os). A considerable
number of works are mentioned by ancient writers
as the productions of Dorotheus, without our being
able to determine whether they belong to one or
to different persons. The following, however,
must be distinguished : —

1. The author of a work on the history of Alex-
ander the Great, of which Athenaeus (vii. p. 276)
quotes the sixth book. As Athenaeus mentions
no characteristic to distinguish him from other
persons of the same name, we cannot say who he
was, or whether he is the author of any of the
other works which are known only as the produc-
tions of Dorotheus : viz. a Sicilian history (Sj/cc-
AiKci), from the first book of which a fragment is
preserved in Stobaeus {Flor. xlix. 49) and Apos-
tolius {Proverb, xx. 13); a history of Italy ('Ira-
A«Ka), from the fourth book of which a statement
is quoted by Plutarch (Pandl. Min. 20 ; comp.
Clem. Alex. Proirqnt. p. 12); UavdeKTi}^, of which
Clemens of Alexandria {Strom, i. p. 144) quotes
the first book ; and lastly, M6To/.iop(f coo-eij, which
is referred to by Plutarch. {Parall. Min. 25.)

2. Of AscALON, a Greek grantmarian frequoutly

DOROTHEUS.
referred to by Athenaeus, who quotes the 108th
book of a work of his, entitled Aelewj/ avvaywy-/).
(Athen. vii. p. 329, ix. p. 410, xi. p. 481, xiv. p.
658 ; comp. Schol. ail Hom. II. ix. 90, x. 252 ;
Eustath. ad Hom. II. xxiii. 230, p. 1297.) This
work may be the same as the one Trepi ruv ^ivtas
elprjfXfvuv Xif^wv /card (TTOixf^ov (Phot. BiN. Cod.
156), which seems to have been only a chapter or
section of the great work. Another work of his
bore the title •jrepl 'Ai't«^oj'oiis koI irepl rifs irapa
vearepois kuixiko7s narrvns. (Athen. xiv. p. 662.)

3. Of Athens, is mentioned among the authors
consulted by Pliny. {H.N. Elench. lib. xii. and xiii.)

4. A Chaldaean, is mentioned as the author
of a work irepX Kidtov by Plutarch {de F'um. 23),
who quotes the second book of it. Ht may be
the same as the Dorotheus referred to by Pliny
{H. N. xxii. 22), though the latter may also be
identical with the Athenian, No. 3.

5. Bishop of Martianople, lived about A. D.
431, and was a most obstinate follower of the
party and heresies of Nestorius. He was so vio-
lent in his opinions, thsvt shortly before the synod
of Ephesus, he declared that any man who believed,
that the Virgin Mary was the mother of God was
deserving of eternal damnation. He took part
in the synod of Ephesus. which deposed him on
account of his insisting upon the correctness of the
Nestorian views; and a synod which was held
soon after at Constantinople expelled him from his
see. When Saturninus was appointed his succes-
sor, a popular tumult broke out at Martianople, in
consequence of which Dorotheus was exiled by an
imperial edict to Caesareia in Cappadocia. There
are extant by him four Epistles printed in a Latin
translation in Lupus. {Epistol. Ephesinae, No. 46,
78, 115, 137; comp. Cave, Hvit. Lit. i. p. 328.)

6. Archimandrita of Palestine, lived about
A. D. 600, and is said to have been a disciple of
Joannes Monachus, on whom he waited during an
illness, which lasted for several ye.'irs. He is be-
lieved to have afterwards been made bishop of
Brixia on account of his great learning. He wrote
a work, in three books, on obscure passages in the
Old and New Testament, which however is a mere
compilation made from the works of Gregory the
Great, for which reason it is printed among the
works of the latter, in the Roman edition of 1591,
and the subsequent ones. (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p.
444; Fabr. Bibl. Or. xi. p. 103.)

7. Of SiDON, was the author of astrological
poems (dTTOTcAecryuaTa), of which a few fragments
are still extant. Thev are collected in Iriarte's
Catalog. Cod. MSS. DMioth. Mai. i. p. 224, and
in Cramer's Anccdota, iii. pp. 167, 185. Manilius,
among the Romans, and several Arab writers, on
astrologj', have made considerable use of these
Apotelesmata. Some critics are inclined to consider
Dorotheus of Sidon as identical with the Chaldaean.

8. Of Tyre, has been frequently confounded
with Dorotheus, a presbyter of Antioch in the
reign of Diocletian, who is spoken of by Eusebius.
{H. E. vii. 32.) He must further be distinguished
from another Dorotheus, who was likewise a con-
temporar}" of Diocletian. (Euseb. //. E. viii. 1, 6.)
Our Dorotheus is said to have flourished about
A. D. 303, to have suffered much from the persecu-
tions of Diocletian, and to have been sent into
exile. Wlien this persecution ceased, he returned
to his see, in which he seeins to have remained till
the time of the emperor Julian, by whose emissa-

DOROTHEUS.

lies he was seized and put to death, at the a|fc of
107 years. This account, however, is not found
in any of his contemporaries, and occurs only in
an anonymous wTiler wlio lived after the sixth
century of o-ir era, and from whom it was incorpo-
rated in the Martyrologia. Dorotheus is further
said to have written several theological works, and
we still possess, under his name, a " Synopsis de
Vitii et Morte Prophetarum, Apostoloruni et Dis-
cipulorum Domini," which is printed in Latin in
the third vol. of the Diblioth. Patrum. A specimen
of the Greek original, with a Latin translation, is
given by Cave {Hist. Lit. i. p. 115, &c.), and the
whole was edited by Fabricius, at the end of his
" Monumenta Variorum de Mosis, Prophetarum et
Apostolorum Vita," 1714, 8vo. It is an ill-digested
mass of fabulous accounts, though it contains a few
things also which are of importance in ecclesiastical
history. (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 115, &c,)

There are a few other ecclesiastics of this name,
concerning whom little or nothing is known. A
list of them is given by Fabricius. {Bibl. Graec.
\ii. p. 452, note p.) [L. S.J

DORO'THEUS, a celebrated jurist of quaest-
orian rank, and professor of law at Berytus, was
one of the principal compilers of Justinian's Digest,
and was invited by the emperor from Berytus to
Constantinople for that purpose. (Const. Tant. § 9.)
He also had a share, along with Tribonian and
Theophilus, in the composition of the Institutes.
(Prooem. Inst. 93.) He was one of the professors
to whom the Const. Omnem^ regulating the new
system of legal education was addressed in A. D.
533, and in the following year was employed,
conjointly with Tribonian, Menna, Constantinus,
and Joannes, to form the second edition of the
Code, by the insertion of the fifty decisions, and
by such other alterations as were necessary for its
improvement. (Const. Cordi. § 2.)

Ant. Augustinus (cited by Suarez, Notit. Basil.
^ 29) in his Prolegomena to the Novells of Justi-
nian, asserts that Mat. Blastares ascribes to Doro-
theus a Greek interpretation of the Digest, not so
extended as that of Stephanus, nor so concise as
that of Cyrillus. The passage, however, as repre-
sented by Augustinus, is not to be found in the
Prooomium of the Si/ntagma of Blastares, as edited
by Bishop Beveridge in the second volume of his
Synodicon. Fabrotus (jBcm/. vi. p. 259, in marg.)
asserts without ground, " Dorotheus scripsit to
■jrAetTos ;" i. e. a Greek translation of the text of the
Digest. That Dorotheus commented upon the
Digest appears from BasU. ed. Fabrot. iv. pp. 336,
337, 338, and BasU. ed. Heimbach, i. pp. 623, 763 ;
ii. p. 138.

Dorotheus occasionally cites the Code of Jus-
tinian. {Basil, iv. pp. 375, 379.) Bach (Hist.
Jiir. Pom. lib. iv. c. 1. sect. 3. § 9, p. 630) asserts,
that he wrote the Index of the Code, but vouches
no authority for this assertion, which is doubted
by Pohl. {Ad Suares. Not. Bos. p. 71, n. t.)

The following list of passages in the Basilica
(ed. Fabrot.), Avhere Dorotheus is cited, is given
by Fabricius: {BiOl. Gr. xii. p. 444:) iii. 212,
265; iv. 336, 337, 338, 368, 370, 371, 372, 374,
376, 378, 379, 380, 381, 383, 384, 385, 398, 399,
401, 402, 403, 704; v. 39, 144, 173, 260, 290,
325, 410, 414, 423, 433, 434 ; vi. 49, 259, 273 ;
vii. 95, 101, 225.

Dorotheus died in the lifetime of Stephanus, by
whom he is termed 6 fiaKapiT-qs in Basil, iii. 212.

DOKUS.

1069

Some have believed that a jurist of tlje aame
name flourished in a later age, for the untrust-
worthy Nic. Comnenus Papadopoli {Pruenot. Mi/s-
tuff. p. 408) cites a scholium of Dorotheus Mona-
chus on the title de testibus in the Com/mndiuin
Lcffiim Iannis et Cuvsfantitii. [J. T. G.]

DORO'THEUS {Awpodeos) a Greek physician,
who wrote a work entitled "tirofxVil\yLara^ Com-
mrntarli^ which is quoted by Phlegon Tnillianns
{De Mirab. c. 26), but is no longer in existence.
He must have lived some time in or before the
second century after Christ, and may perhaps be
the same person who is mentioned by Pliny, and
said to have been a native of Athens, and also the
same as Dorotheus Helius, who is twice mentioned
by Galen. {DcAntid. ii. 14 ; vol. xiv. pp. 1 83, 187.)

2. A physician of this name, who was a Chris-
tian, and also in deacon's orders, appears to liave
consulted Isidorus Pelusiotes, in the fifth century
after Christ, on the reason why incorporeal beings
are less subject to injury and corruption than cor-
poreal ; to whicli question he received an answer
in a letter, which is still extant. (Isid. Pelus.
Epist. V. 191, ed. Paris, 1638.) LW. A.G.]

DORO'THEUS, a painter, who executed for
Nero a copy of the Aphrodite Anadyomene of
Apelles. He lived therefore about A. D. 60. (Plin.
xxxT. 10, 8. 36. § 15 ; Apelles.) [P. S.j

DORPANEUS. [Decebalus.]

DORSO, the name of a family of the patrician
Fabia gens.

1. C. Fabius Dorso, greatly distinguished him-
self at the time when the Capitol was besieged by
the Gauls, (b. c. 390.) The Fabian gens was ac-
customed to celebrate a sacrifice at a fixed time on
the Quirinal hill, and accordingly, at the appointed
time, C. Dorso, who was then a young man, de-
scended from the Capitol, carrying the sacred things
in his hands, passed in safety through the enemy's
posts, and, after performing the sacrifice, returned
in safety to the Capitol. (Liv. v. 46, 52 ; Val.
Max. i. 1. § 11.) The tale is somewhat dif-
ferently related by other writers. Dion Cassius
(Fragm. 29, ed. Reimar.) speaks of the sacrifice as
a public one, which Fabius, whom he calls Caeso
Fabius, had to perform as one of the pontiffs.
Floms (i. 1 3) also calls him a pontiff, who was
sent by Manlius, the commander on the Capitol,
to celebrate the sacred rite on the Quirinal. Ap-
pian, on the other hand, who quotes Cassius He-
mina as his authority, says that the sacrifice was
performed in the temple of Vesta. {Celt. 6.)

2. M. Fabius Dorso, son probably of No. 1, was
consul in b. c. 345 with Ser. Sulpicius Camerinus
Rufus, in which year Camillus was appointed dic-
tator to carry on the war with the Aurunci. He
made war with his colleague against the Volsci and
took Sora. (Liv. vii. 28; Diod. xvi. 66.)

3. C. Fabius Dorso Licinus, son or grandson
of No. 2, was consul in b. c. 273 with C. Claudius
Canina, but died in the course of this year. It
was in his consulship that colonies were founded
at Cosa and Paestum, and that an embassy was
sent by Ptolemy Philadelphus to Rome. (Veil.
Pat. i. 14; Eutrop. ii. 15.)

DORUS (AcSpos), the mythical ancestor of the
Dorians ; he is described either as a son of Hellen,
by the nymph Orsei's, and a brother of Xuthus and
A'eolus (ApoUod. i. 7. § 3 ; Diod. iv. 60) ; or
as a son of Apollo, by Phthia, and a brother of
Laodocus and Polypoites (Apollod. i. 7. $ 6),

loro

DOSITHEUS.

vtrhereas Servius {ad Aen. ii. 27) calls him a son
of Poseidon. He is said to have assembled the
people which derived its name from him (the Do-
rians) around him in the neighbourhood of Par-
nassus. (Strab. viii. p. 383; Herod, i, 56, comp.
Muller, Dor. i. \. § \.) [L. S.]

DORYCLEIDAS (AopuK\ei5as), a Lacedae-
monian statuary, the brother of Medon, made the
pold and ivory statue of Themis, in the temple of
Hera at Olympia. He was a disciple of Dipoenus
and Scyllis, and therefore flourished about b. c.
550. (Paus. V. 17. i 1.) [P. S.]

DORYCLUS {^6pvK\os\ the name of two
mythical personages. (Horn. IL xi. 489; Virg.
Aen. V. 620.) [L. S.]

DO'RYLAS, the name of two mythical per-
sonages. (Ov. Met. V. 130, xii. 380.) [L. S.]

DORYLA'US (AopvKoMs). 1. A general of
Mithridates, who conducted an army of 80,000
men into Greece in b. c. 86 to assist Archelaus in
the war with the Romans. (Appian, Mithr. 17,
49 ; Plut. SuU. 20 ; comp. above, p. 262, a.)

2. An ambassador of Deiotarus. (Cic. pro Dew-
tar. 15.)

DORY'PHORUS {AopiKp6pos), one of the most
influential freedmen and favourites of the emperor
Nero, who employed him as his secretary, and
lavished enormous sums upon him. But in a. d.
63 Nero is said to have poisoned him, because he
opposed his marriage with Poppaea. (Tacit. Ann.
xiv. 65 ; Dion Cass. Ixi. 5.) [L. S.]

DOSI'ADAS (Aw<rM£8os), of Rhodes, the au-
thor of two enigmatic poems in the Greek Antho-
logy, the verses of which are so arranged that each
poem presents the profile of an altar, whence each
of them is entitled AwaidSa ^cc/Mis, (Brunck, Anal.
i. 412; Jacobs, i. 202.) The language of these
poems is justly censured by Lucian. {Lexiph. 25.)
Dosiadas is also one of the authors to whom the
"Egg of Simmiaa" is ascribed. [Bksantinus.]
The time at which he lived is unknown. (Fabric.
liibl. Graec. iii. 810—812; Jacobs, A nth. Graec.
vii. pp. 211—224, xiii. pp. 888, 889.) [P. S.]

DOSI'THEUS (Aw(Tl0€os), a Greek historian,
of whom four works are mentioned : 1. 2jKeA./»c(£,
of which the third book is quoted. (Plut Farall.
Afin. 19.) 2. AvZiolkA.^ of which likewise the third
book is quoted. (Plut. Farall. Min. 30.) 3, 'Ira-
XikA (ibid. 33, 34, 37, 40), and 4. n€\oTrt5aj.
(Ibid. 33 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. Aoopiov.) But nothing
further is known about him. [L. S.]

DOSl'THEUS (Aaxrieeos), of Colonus, a geo-
meter, to whom Archimedes dedicates his books
on the sphere and cylinder, and that on spirals.
Censorinus is held to say (c. 18), that he improved
the octa-eteris of Eudoxus : and both Geminus
and Ptolemy made use of the observations of the
times of appearance of the fixed stars, which he
made in the year B. c. 200. Pliny (//. A', xviii.
31) mentions him. (Fabric. liibl. Graec. vol. iv.
p. 15.) [A. DeM.]

DOSl'THEUS, sumamed, probably from his
occupation, Magistkr, was a schoolmaster and
grammarisin, teaching Greek to Roman youths.
He lived under Septimius Severus and Ant. Cara-
calla, about the beginning of the third century of
our era. This appears by a passage in his 'Ep/xrj-
vfVfxara^ where he states that he copied the Gene-
ologia of Hyginus in the consulship of Maximus
and Aprus, which occurred A. P. 207.

There is extant of this author, in two manu- |

DOSITHEUS.

scripts, a work entitled 'Epfntucifxara divided into
three books. Parts of it have never been published,
and do not deserve to be published ; for all that is
the author's own is worthless, ill-expressed, and
disfigured by excessive boastfulness. The first
book (unpublished) consists of a Greek grammar,
written in Latin, and treating of the parts of
speech. The second book consists chiefly of
imperfect vocabularies and glossaries, Greek-Latin
and Latin-Greek. The glossaries were publish-
ed by H. Stephanus, fol. 1573, and have since
been several times reprinted. The third book
contains translations from liatin authors into
Greek, and vice versa, the Latin and Greek being
placed on opposite columns. From the extracts
thus preserved this part of the work deserves atten-
tion. It consists of six divisions, or chapters ; 1.
The first chapter is entitled Divi Hadriani Senten-
tiae et Epistolae^ and contains legal anecdotes of
Hadrian, mostly without much point, his answers
to petitioners, a letter written by him to his mother,
and a notice of a law concerning parricide. The law
referred to directs the murderer of his father to be.
sewn alive in a sack, along with a dog, a cock, a
viper, and an ape, and to be thrown into the near-
est sea or river. Reinesius {De/ens. Variar.
T^cL p. 90) refers this law to a later age than
that of Hadrian, and thinks that it was first intro-
duced by Constantine, a. n. 319 (Cod. 9, tit. 17),
but this supposition is inconsistent either with the
genuineness of the fragment, or with the date
when Dositheus lived, as collected from his own
testimony. The Divi Hadi-iani Senientvae et Epis-
tolae were first published by Goldastus, 8vo, 1601,
and may be found in Fabricius. {Bibl. Graeca xii.
pp. 514 — 554, edit. 1724.) The same work has
been edited by Schulting, in his Jurisprudentia
Antejnstiniana, and by Bocking in the Bonn
Corpus Juris JRomani Antejustiniani. 2. The se-
cond chapter contains eighteen fables of Aesop.
3. The third chapter has been usually entitled,
after Pithoeus, Fragmentum Regvdarum^ or, after
Roever, Fragmentum veteris juriscofisu/ti de juris
speciebus et de vianumissionibus. Of this, the Latin
text alone was first published by Pithoeus, 4to,
Paris, ] 573, at the end of his edition of the Colla-
tio Legura Mosaicarum et Romanarum. The
Greek and Latin text together were published by
Roever, 8vo, Lug. Bat 1739. The Latin text
appears in the Jurisp. Aniejust. of Schulting. The
Greek and Latin together (revised by Beck, not,
as is commonly stited, by Biener) are given in the
Berlin Jus Civile Antejustinianeum, and by Boeck-
ing in the Bonn Corp. Jur. Rom. Aniejust. There
are able observations on this fragment by Cujas(06-
serv. xiii. 31), and by Valckenar (Miscell. Observ.
X. p. 108). It has also been learnedly criticised by
Schilling, in his unfinished Dissertatio Critica de
Fraymev to Juris liomani Dositheano, Lips. 1819,
and by Lachmann, in his Versudi iiber Dositheus,
4to, Berlin, 1837. This fragment, which has
recently excited considerable attention, contains
some remarks upon the division of jus into civib;,
naturale, and gentium, the division of persons into
freebom and freedmen, and the law of manumis-
sions. It cannot be doubted that the Greek text
has been translated from a Latin original. Schil-
ling, against the probable inference to be derived
from internal evidence, supposes it to have been a
compilation, by Dositheus, from several jurists,
and in this opinion is followed by Zimniem {R. R.

DOSSENUS.
O. i. § 7). Tlie fragment resembles the commence-
ment of elementary legal works, as those of Ul-
pian and Gains, with which we are already
acquainted ; and it is not likely that a petty gram-
marian would have employed himself in making a
legal compilation. By Cujas and others, it has
been attributed to Ulpian, but it seems, from some
reasons, to have been of rather earlier date. It is,
however, at least as late as Hadrian, for the author
quotes Neratius Priscus and Julianus. As Dori-
theus himself calls the work Regulm^ it is supposed
by Lachmann, who supports his conjecture by
strong arguments, to have been an extract from
Patdi Reiiularum Lihri vii. The Latin text tliat
has come down to us appears to be a miserable
retranslation from the Greek, and many have been
the conjectures as to the mode in which it was
formed. Lachmann seems to have been success-
ful in solving the enigma. He thinks that the
Greek text was intended as a theme for re-transla-
tion into Latin by the pupils of Dositheus, and
that the present Latin text was formed by placing
the words of the original text, out of their original
order, under the corresponding words of the Greek
version. Proceeding on this idea, Lachmann has
attempted, and, on the whole, with success, out of
the disjointed Latin, to restore the original 4. The
fourth chapter is imperfect, but contains extracts
from the Genealogia of Hyginus, which were first
published by Augustinus van Staveren. 5. The
fifth chapter, which wants the commencement,
contains a narrative of the Trojan war, formed
from summaries of books vii. — xxiv. of Homer's
Iliad. 6. The sixth chapter contains a scholastic
conversation of no value. The whole of the third
book was published separately by Bocking, 16mo.
Bonn, 1832. [J.T. G.]

DOSI'THEUS (Aoo-i0eos), a Greek physician,
who must have lived in or before the sixth century
after Christ, as Aetius has preserved (Tetrab. ii.
Serm. iv. cap. 63, p. 424) one of his medical for-
mulae, which is called " valde cdeher^'' and which
is also inserted by Nicolaus Myrepsus in his Anti-
dotarium. (Sect. xli. cap. 78, p. 792.) Another of
his prescriptions is quoted by Paulus Aegineta.
(Z>e Re Med. vii. 11, p. 660.) [W. A. G.l

DOSSENNUS FA'BIUS, or DORSENNUS,
an ancient Latin comic dramatist, censured by
Horace on account of the exaggerated buffoonery
of his characters, and the mercenary carelessness
with which his pieces were hastily produced. Two
lines of this author, one of them from a play
named Acharistio, are quoted by Pliny in proof of
the estimation in which the Romans of the olden
time held perfumed wines, and his epitaph has
been preserved by Seneca —

" Hospes resiste et sophiara Dosenni lege."
Munk, while he admits the existence of a Dos-
sennus, whom he believes to have composed
palliatae, maintains that this name (like that of
Macchus) was appropriated to one of the standard
characters in the Atellane farces. (Hor. Epist. ii.
L 173, where some of the oldest MSS. have Dor-
senus; Plin. //. N. xiv. 15; Senec. Epist. 89;
Uvink,deFabulis Atellan. pp.28, 35, 122.) [W.R.]
DOSSE'NUS, L. RU'BRIUS, of whom there
are several coins extant, but who is not mentioned
by any ancient writer. A specimen of one of
these coins is given below, containing on the ob-
verse a head of Jupiter, and on the reverse a qua-
driga, resembling a triumphal carriage, from which

DOXIPATER.

1071

it may be inferred that this Dosscnus had obtained
a triumph for some victory.

DOT IS (Aorris), a daughter of Elatus or Aste-
rius, by Amphictyone, from whom the Dotian
plain, in Thessaly, was believed to have derived
its name. Dotis was the mother of Phlegj-as, by
Ares. (Apollod. iii. 5. § 5, where in some editions
we have a wrong reading, XpuffTjs, instead of Aom'-
5o$; Steph. Byz. s. v. Awnov.) [L. S.]

DOX A'PATER, GREGO^RIUS, a Graeco- Ro-
man jurist, who is occasionally mentioned in the
scholia on the Basilica. {Basil, vol. iii. p. 440, vii.
16. 317.) He is probably the same person with
the Gregorius of Basil, ii. p. 566, and vii. p. 607.

Montfaucon {Falaeograph. Graec. lib. i. c. 6,
p. 62, lib. iv. c. 6, p. 302 ; Diar. Hal. p. 217 ; BU.
MSSt. p. 196), shews that a Doxapater, who
was Diaconus Magnae Ecclesiae and Nomophylax
(besides other titles and offices), edited a Nomo-
canon, or synopsis of ecclesiastical law, at the com-
mand of Joannes Comnenus, who reigned a. d.
1118 — 1143. The manuscript of this work is in
the library of the fathers of St. Basil, at Rome.
Pohl {ad Suares Notit. Basil, p. 1 39, n. 8) seems
to make Montfaucon identify the author of this
Nomocanon with the Lord Gregorius Doxapater,
the jurist of the Basilica, who is not mentioned
by Montfaucon.

Fabricius {BIM. Gr. lib. v. c. 25) attributes the
authorship of this Nomocanon to Doxapater Nilus,
who, under Rogerius, in Sicily, about A. D. 1143,
wrote a treatise, de quinque Patriarclialihus Sedibus,
first published by Stephen le Moyne, in his Varia
Sacra, i. p. 211. Fabricius is probably correct,
and it is not likely that Doxapater Nilus and
Gregorius Doxapater were the same person.

The untrustworthy Papadopoli {Praenot. Mvstag.
p. 372), speaks of a Doxapater, Sacellarius, as the
last of the Greek jurists, and cites his scholia upon
the Novells of Isaacus Angelus, who reigned A. D.
1185 — 1195. (Heimbach, de Basil. Oriyin. p.
81.) [J. T. G.]

DOXI'PATER (Ao^rTrarpos), or DOXO'PA
TER, JOANNES, a Greek grammarian or rheto-
rician, under whose name we possess an extensive
commentary on Aphthonius, which was printed for
the first time by Aldus, in 1509, and again by Walz
in his Rhetores Graeci, vol. ii. The commentary
bears the title 'OyujAt'ai €(s'A<|)0oVioi', and is extremely
diffuse, so that it occupies upwards of 400 pages.
It is full of long quotations from Plato, Thucydides,
Diodorus, Plutarch, and from several of the Chris-
tian Fathers. The explanations given seem to be
derived from earlier commentators of Aphthonius.
There is another work of a similar character which
bears the name of Doxipater. It is entitled ripo-
K^'^OiX.iva rrjs ^TjropiKTJs, and, as its author men-
tions the emperor Michael Calaphates, he must
have lived after the year a. d. 1041. It is printed
in the BUdioth. Coislin. p. 590, &c. ; in Fabric.
Bihl. Graec. ix. p. 586 of the old edition, and in
Walz, R/ietor. Graec. vol. vi. (^^'alz, Prolegom. ad
vol. ii. p. il, and vol vi. p. xi.) [L. S.]

1072

DRAGON.

DRAGON (Apifcuv), the author of the first
written code of hiws at Athens, which were called
^eafiol^ as distinguished from the vofioi of Solon.
(Andoc. de MpL p. 11; Ael. V. II. viii. 10 ; Pe-
rizon. ai loc. ; Menag. ad Diog. iMcrl. i. 53.) In
this code he affixed the penalty of death to almost
all crimes — to petty thefts, for instance, as well as
to sacrilege and murder — which gave occasion to
the remarks of Herodicus and Demades, that his
laws were not those of a man, hut of a dragon
(SpoKo)!'), and that they were written not in ink,
but in blood. We are told that he himself de-
fended this extreme harshness by saying that
small offences deserved death, and that he knew
no severer punishment for great ones. (Aristot.
Rliet. ii. IX § 29; Plut. Sol. 17; Cell. xi. 18;
Fabric. Bihl. Grace vol ii. p. 23, and the authori-
ties there referred to.) Aristotle, if indeed the
chapter be genuine {Pol. ii. ad fin.; Gottling, ad
loc.) says, that Dracon did not change the consti-
tution of Athens, and that the only remarkable
characteristic of his laws was their severity. Yet
we know from Aeschines (c. Tiinarch. §§ 6, 7)
that he provided in them for the education of the
citizens from their earliest years ; and, according
to Pollux (viii. 125) he made the Ephetae a court
of appeal from the opx*"' iSarrjAfus in cases of un-
intentional homicide. On this latter point Richter
(oil Fabric. I. <r.), Sch'imann, and C. F. Hermann
{Pol. Ant. § 103) are of opinion that Dracon esta-
hlislied the Ephetae, taking away the cognizance of
homicide entirely from the Areiopagus ; while
Miiller thinks {Eumen. ^§ Go, 6G), with more
probability, that the two courts wore united until
the legislation of Solon. From this period (b. c.
.594) most of the laws of Dracon fell into disuse
(Gell. I.C.; Plut. Sol. I.e.); but Andocides tells us
(/. c), that some of them were still in force at the
end of the Peloponnesian war ; and we know that
there reniained unrepealed, not only the law which
inflicted death for murder, and which of course
was not peculiar to Dnicon's code, but that too
which permitted the injured husband to slay the
adulterer, if taken in the act. (Lys. dc Coed. Erai.
p. 94 ; Pans. ix. 36 ; Xenarch. ap. AOien. xiii. p.
6^9^ d.) Demosthenes also says (c. Timucr. p. 765)
that, in his time, Dracon and Solon were justly
held in honour for their good laws ; and Pausanias
and Suidas mention an en.ictment of the former
legislator adopted by the Thasians, providing that
any inanimate thing which had caused the loss of
human life should be cast out of the country.
(Pans. vi. 11 ; Suid. s.r. ti'iKuv.) From Suidas
we learn that Dracon died at Aegina, being smo-
thered by the number of hats and cloaks showered
upon him as a popular mark of honour in the thea-
tre. (Suid. «. rr. ApdKuv^ ■jripiay€Lp6fjLfvoi-, Kuster,
ad Suid. s. v. 'AKpuSpva.) His legislation is re-
ferred by general testimony to the 39th OljTnpiad,
in the fourth year of which (b. c. 621) Clinton is
disposed to place it, so as to bring Eusebius into
exact agreement with the other authorities on the
subject. Of the immediate occasion which led to
these laws we have no account. C. F. Hermann
(/. c.) and Thirlwall {Greece., vol. ii. p. 18) are of
opinion, that the people demanded a written code
to replace the mere customary law, of which the
Eupatridae were the sole expounders ; and that
the latter, unable to resist the demand, gladly
sanctioned the rigorous enactments of Dracon as
adapted to check the democratic movement which

DRAGON.

had given rise to them. This theory certainly
gets rid of what Thirlwall considers the difficulty
of conceiving how the legislator could so confound
the gradations of moral guilt, and how also (as we
may add) he could fall into the error of making
moral guilt the sole rule of punishment, as his own
defence of his laws above mentioned might lead us
to suppose he did. Yet the former of these errors
is but the distortion of an important truth (Aristot.
Elh. Nic. vi. 13. § 6) ; while the latter has actu-
ally been held in modern times, and was more
natural in the age of Dracon, especially if, with
Wachsmuth, we suppose him to have regarded his
laws in a religious aspect as instruments for ap-
peasing the anger of the gods. And neither of
these errors, after all, is more strange than his not
foreseeing that the severity of his enactments
would defeat its own end, and would surely lead
(as was the case till recently in England) to
impunity. [E. E.]

DRAGON {ApdKwv), an Achaean of Pellene, to
whom Dercyllidas (b. c. 3.08) entrusted the go-
vernment of Atameus, which had been occupied
by a body of Chian exiles, and which he had re-
duced after a siege of eight months. Here Dracon
gathered a force of 3000 targeteers, and acted suc-
cessfully against the enemy by the ravage of
Mvsia. (Xen. Hell. iii. 2. § 11; Isocr. Paneq. p.
70, d.) [E. E.]

D II AGON {ApiKav). 1 . A musician of Athens,
was a disciple of Damon, and the instructor of Plato
in music. (Plut rfe ^/^M. 17; Olympiod. Vit. Plat.)

2. A grammarian of Stratonicea, flourished in
the reign of Hadrian. Suidas mentions several
works of his, of which only one {irepl ixhpotv) is
extant. It is said to be an extract from a larger
work, and has been edited by Godfr. Hermann,
Leipzig, 1812.

3. Of Gorcyra, a writer, whose work Trep\ XlBwv
is quoted by Athenaeus (xv. p. 692, d.). Casaubon
{ad loc.) proposes irepl deuv as a conjecture. [E. E.]

DRACON {ApaKojv) I., eighteenth in descent
from Aesculapius, who lived in the fifth and fourth
centuries B. c. He was the son of Hippocrates II.
(the most celebrated physician of that name), the
brother of Thessalus, and the father of Hippocrates
commonly called IV. (Jo. Tzetzes, Chil. vii. Hist.
155, in Fabric. BiU. Gracca, vol. xii. p. 682, ed.
vet. ; Suid. s. v. 'lTnroKpa.Tr)S ; Galen, De Difficult.
Resjiir. ii. 8, vol. vii. p. 854 ; Commeiit. in Hippocr.
"Zte Humor." i. 1, vol. xvi. p. 5; Comment, in
Hifipocr. " Praedici. /." ii. 52, vol. xvi. p. 625 ;
Comment, in Hippocr. " Dc Nat. Horn." ii. 1 , vol.
XV. p. Ill ; Thessali, Oral, ad Aram., and Sorani
Vita Hippocr. in Hippocr. Opera., vol. iii. pp. 842,
855.) Galen tells us that some of the writings of
Hippocrates were attributed to his son Dracon.

Dracon II. Was, according to Suidas {s. r.
ApcLKwy ), the son of Thessalus, and the fa-
ther of Hippocrates (probably Hippocrates IV.).
If this be correct, he was the nineteenth of the
family of the Asclepiadae, the brother of Gorgias
and Hippocrates III., and lived probably in the
fourth century B. c.

Dracon lil. is said by Suidas {s.v. Apdncav)
to have been the son of Hippocrates (probably
Hippocrates IV.), and to have been one of the
physicians to Roxana, the wife of Alexander the
Great, in the fourth century b. c.

There is, however, certainly some confusion in
Suidas, and perhaps the origin of the mistakes

DRACONTIUS.

may be liis making Dmcon T. and Dracon II. two
distinct ptn'sons, by calling Dracon II. tlir //r««</.wM,
instead of the son, of llippocnitos II. [W. A.G.]

DRACO'NTIDES {£ipaKouTiSr]s), one of the
thirty tyrants established at Athens in B. c. 404.
(Xen. Helt. ii. 3. § 2,) He is in all probability
the same whom Lysias mentions (c. Erat, p. 1'2()),
as h.iving framed at that time the constitution,
according to which the Athenians were to be go-
verned under their new rulers ; and he is perhaps
also the disreputable person alluded to by Aristo-
phanes as having been frequently condemned in
the Athenian courts of justice. {^Vesp. 157; Schol.
ud /w., comp. 4.38.) [E. E.]

DRACO'NTIUS, a Christian poet, of Avhose
personal history we know nothing, except that he
was a Spanish presbyter, flourished during the first
half of the fifth century, and died about A. D. 450.
His chief production, entitled Hexa'dmeron^ in he-
roic measure, extending to 575 lines, contains a
description of the six days of the creation, in addi-
tion to which we possess a fragment in 1 98 elegiac
verses addressed to the younger Theodosius, in
which the author implores forgiveness of God for
certain errors in his greater work, and excuses
himself to the emperor for having neglected to ce-
lebrate his victories. Although the Hexaemeron
is by no means destitute of spirit, and plainly in-
dicates that the writer had studied carefully the
models of classical antiquity, we can b}' no means
adopt the criticism of Isidonis : " Dracontius com-
posuit heroicis versibus Hexaemeron creationis
mundi et luculenter, quod composuit, scripsit," if
we are to understand that any degree of clearness
or perspicuity is implied by the word hicule?iter,
for nothing is more characteristic of this piece than
obscurity of thought and perplexity of expression.
Indeed these defects are sometimes pushed to such
extravagant excess, that we feel disposed to agree
with Barthius (Advers. xxiii. 19), that Dracontius
did not always understand himself.

It is to be observed that the Hexaemeron exists
under two forms. It was published in its original
shape along with the Genesis of Claudius Marius
Victor, at Paris, 8vo. 1560 ; in the "Corpus Chris-
tianorura Poetarum," edited by G. Fabricius, Basil.
4to. 15()4; with the notes of Weitzius, Franc.
8vo. 1610 ; in the "Magna Bibliotheca Patrum,"
Colon, fol. 1618, vol. vi. par. 1 ; and in the " Bib-
liotheca Patrum," Paris, fol. 1624, vol. viii.

In the course of the seventh century, however,
Eugenius, bishop of Toledo, by the orders of king
Chindasuindus, undertook to revise, correct, and
improve the Six Days ; and, not content with re-
pairing and beautifying the old structure, supplied
what he considered a defect in the plan by adding
an account of the Seventh Day. In this manner
the performance was extended to 634 lines. The
enlarged edition was first published by Sirniond
along with the Opuscula of Eugenius, Paris, 8vo.
1619. In the second volume of Sirmond's works
(Ven. 1728), p. 890, we read the letter of Euge-
nius to Chindasuindus, from which we Icirn that
the prelate engaged in the task by the conunands
of that prince ; and in p. 903 we find the Elegy
addressed to Theodosius. The Eugenian version
was reprinted by Rivinus, Lips. 8vo. 1651, and in
the " 13ibliotheca Maxima Patrum," Lugdun. vol.
ix. p. 724. More recent editions have appeared
by F. Arevalus, Rom. 4to. 1791, and by J. B.
Carpzovius, Helmst. 8vo. 1794.

DREPANIUS.

1073

(Isidonis, de Scrip. Eccl. c. 24; Honorius, ds
Scrip. Eccl'-j. lib. iii. c. 28 ; Ildefonsus, de Scrip.
Ecclcs. c. 14, all of whom will be found in the
liib/iotheca Ecclesiastica of Fabricius.)

The Dracontius mentioned above must not be
confounded with the Dracontius to whom Athana-
sius addressed an epistle ; nor with the Dracon-
tius on whom Palladius bestowed the epithets of
ei/Solos and i^ov/tmo-Tcis; nor with the Dracontius,
bishop of Pergiimus, named by Socrates and Sozo-
nienus. [W. R.J

DREPA'NIUS. It became a common practice,
in the times of Diocletian and his immediate suc-
cessors, for provincial states, especially the cities of
Gaul, at that period peculiarly celebrated as the
nursing-mother of orators, to despatch deputations
from time to time to the imperial court, for the
purpose of presenting congratulatory addresses upon
the occurrence of any auspicious event, of returning
thanks for past benefits, and of soliciting a renewal
or continuance of favour and protection. The in-
dividual in each community most renowned for his
rhetorical skill would naturally be chosen to draw .
up and deliver the complimentary harangue, which
was usually recited in the presence of the prince
himself. Eleven pieces of this description have
been transmitted to us, which have b«en generally
published together, under the title of " Duodecim
Panegyrici veteres," the speech of Pliny in honour
of Trajan being included to round off the number,
although belonging to a different age, and possessing
very superior claims upon our notice, while some
editors have added also the poem of Corippus in
praise of the younger Justin. [Corippus.] Of
the eleven which may with propriety be classed to-
gether, the first bears the name of Claudius Ma-
mertinus, who was probably the composer of the
second also [Mamertinus] ; the third, fourth,
sixth, and seventh are all ascribed to Eumenius.
with what justice is discussed elsewhere [Eumk-
Nius] ; the ninth is the work of Nazarius, who
appears to have written the eighth likewise ; the
tenth belongs to a Mamertinus different from the
personage mentioned above ; the eleventh is the
production of Drepanius, but the author of the fifth,
in honour of the nuptials of Constantino with
Fausta, the daughter of Maximianus (a. d. 307),
is altogether unknown.

Discourses of this description must for the most
part be as devoid of all sincerity and truth as they
are, from their very nature, destitute of all genuine
feeling or passion, and hence, at best, resolve them-
selves into a mere cold display of artistic dexterity,
where the attention of the audience is kept alive
by a succession of epigrammatic points, carefully
balanced antitheses, elaborate metaphors, and well-
tuned cadences, where the manner is everything,
the matter nothing. To look to such sources for ,
historical infonnation is obviously absurd. Success
would in every case be grossly exaggerated, defeat
carefully concealed, or interpreted to mean victory.
The friends and allies of the sovereign would be
daubed with fulsome praise, his enemies over-
whelmed by a load of the foulest calumnies. We
cannot learn what the course of events really wa'
but merely under what aspect the niling power*
desired that those events should be viewed, and
frequently the misrepresentations are so flagrant
that we are unable to detect even a vestige of truth
lurking below. We derive from these effusions
some knowledge with regard to the personal history

3 2

1074

DREPANIUS.

of particular individuals which is not to be obtained
elsewhere, and from the style we can draw some
conclusions with regard to the state of the language
and the tone of literary taste at the commencement
of the fourth century ; but, considered as a whole,
antiquity has bequeathed to us nothing more
worthless.

Latinus Pacatus Drepamus was a native of
Aquitania, as we learn from himself and from Si-
donius, the friend of Ausonius, who inscribes to
him several pieces in very complimentary dedica-
tions, and the coiTespondent of Symniachus, by
wliom he is addressed in three epistles still extant.
He was sent from his native province to congratu-
late Theodosius on the victory achieved over
Maximus, and delivered the panegj-ric which
stands last in the collection described above, at
Rome, in the presence of the emperor, probably in
the autumn of a. n. 391. If we add to these par-
ticulars the facts, that he was elevated to the rank
of proconsul, enjoyed great celebrity as a poet, and
wag descended from a father who bore the same
name with himself, the sources from which our in-
formation is derived are exhausted.

The oration, while it partiikes of the vices which
disfigure the otiier members of the family to which
it belongs, is . less extravagant in its hyperboles
than many of its companions, and although the
language is a sort of hybrid progeny, formed by
the union of j)oetry and prose, there is a cerUiin
splendour of diction, a flowing copiousness of ex-
pression, and even a vigour of thought, which
remind us at times of the florid graces of the
Asiatic school. How far the merits of Dre|)aniu8
as a bard may have justified the decision of the
critic who pronounces him second t«) Virgil only
(Auson. fraef. Epiijramm. Idyll, vii.), it is impos-
sible for us to determine, as not a fragment of his
efforts in this department has been preserved.
He must not be confounded with F/orus Drepanius,
a writer of hymns.

The Editio Princeps of the Panepyrici Veteres
is in quarto, in Roman characters, without place,
date, or printer's name, but is believed to have
apf)eared at Milan about 1482, and includes, in
addition to the twelve orations usually associated
together, the life of Agricola by Tacitus, and frag-
ments of Petronius Arbiter, with a preface by
Franc. Puteolanus, addressed to Jac. Antiquarius.
Another very ancient impression in 4to., without
place, date, or printer's name, containing the twelve
orations alone, probably belongs to Venice, about
1499. The most useful editions are those of
Scfiwurzius, 4to., Ven. 1728; of Jae(^rus, which
presents a new recension of the text, with a v;du-
able commentary, and comprehends the poem of
Corippus, 2 tom. 8vo., Noremberg. 1 779 ; and of
Amtzenius^ which excludes Drepanius, with very
copious notes and apparatus criticus, 2 tom. 4to.,
Traj. ad Rhen. 1790—97. The edition published
at Paris, r2mo., 1643, with notes by many com-
mentators, bears the title "XIV Panegyrici
Veteres," in consequence of the addition of Pane-
gyrics by Ausonius and Ennodius.

In illustration we have T. G. Walch, Dissertatio
de Fatie.(jyricis t'elerinn, 4to., Jenae, 1721 ; T. G.
Moerlin, de Paneifyricis veieniin prot;ramina, 4to.,
Noremb. 1738; and Heyne, Ceiisura XII Pane-
Ijyricorum veleruin, in his Opiiscula Acudemica, vol.
vi. p. 80.

(^idon. ApoUin. Epist, N-iii. 12; comp Paneijyr.

DROMICHAETES.

cc. 2 and 24 ; Auson. Praef. Epigramm.^ Lud.
&pt. Sap., Tedmopaegn., Gramaticomasi., Idyll. \u.\
Symmach. Epist. viii". 12, ix. 58, 69.) [W. R.]

DRI'MACUS (AptVoKos), a fabulous leader of
revolted slaves in Chios. The Chians are said to
have been the first who purchased slaves, for
which they were punished by the gods, for many
of the slaves thus obtained escaped to the moun-
tains of the island, and from thence made destruc-
tive inroads into the possessions of their former
masters. After a long and useless warfare, the
Chians concluded a treaty with Drimacus, the
brave and successful leader of the slaves, who put
an end to the ravages. Drimacus now received
among his band only those slaves who had run away
through the bad treatment they had experienced.
But afterwaids the Chians offered a prize for his
head. The noble slave-leader, on hearing this,
said to one of his men, " I am old and weary of
life ; but you, whom I love above all men, are
young, and may yet be happy. Therefore take
my head, carry it into the town and receive the
prize for it." This was done accordingly ; but.
after the death of Drimacus, the disturbances
among the slaves became worae than ever; and
the Chians then, seeing of what service he had
been to them, built him a heroum. which they
called the heroum of the rjpeas euMfv^s. The
slaves sjicrificed to him a portion of their booty ;
and whenever the slaves meditated any outrage,
Drimacus appeared to their masters in a dream to
caution them. (Athen. vi. p. 265.) [L. S.j

Dili MO (Api.uw), the name of two mythicjil
personages. (Hygin. Fob. Prae£ p. 2 ; Eustatli.
ad Horn. p. 776.) [L. S.]

DROME US (Apofitvs). 1. Of Mautineii^ a
victor in the Olympian games, who gained the
prize in the pancratium in 01. 75. (Paus. vi. 6.
§2, 11. §2.)

2. Of Stymphalus, twice won the prize at Olym-
pia in the dolichos, but it is not known in what
years. He also gained two prizes at the Pythian,
three at the Isthmian, and five at the Nemean
games. He is said to have first introduced the
custom of feeding the athletes with meat. There
was a statue of his at Olympia, which was the
work of Pythagoras. (Paus. vi. 7. § 3 ; Plin. //.
A^. xxxiv. 8, )9.) [L. S]

DROMICHAETES {ApofitxalTvs). 1 . A king
of the Getae, contemporary with Lysimachus, king
of Thrace, and known to us only by his victoiy
over that monarch. He first defeated and took
prisoner Agathocles, the son of Lysimachus, but
sent him back to his father without ransom, hoping
thus to gain the favour of Lysimachus. The latter,
however, thereupon invaded the territories of Dro-
michaetes in person, with a large army ; but soon
became involved in great difficulties, and was ulti-
mately taken prisoner with his whole force. Dro-
michaetes treated his captive in the most generous
manner, and after entertaining him in regal style,
set him at liberty again on condition of Lysimachus
giving him his daughter in marriage and restoring
the conquests he had made from the GeUie to the
north of the Danube. (Diod. Exc. Peiresc. xxi.
p. 559, ed. Wess., Ejcc. Vatic, xxi. p. 49, ed. Dind. ;
Strab. vii. pp. 302, 305 ; Pint. Devietr. 39, 52 ;
Polyaen. vii. 25 ; Memnon, c. 5, ed. Orell. ) Pau-
sanias, indeed, gives a different account of the
transaction, according to which Lysimachus him-
self escaped, but his son Agathocles having fallen

DRUSILLA.

into the power of tho enemy, he was compelled to
purchase his lilwration by concluding a treaty on
the terms already mentioned. (Pans. i. 9. § 6.)
The dominions of Dromichaetes appear to have ex-
tended from the Danube to the Caqjathians, and
his subjects ai-e spoken of by Pausanias as both
I'.umerous and warlike. (Pans /. c. ; Strab. vii.
pp. 304, 305 ; Niebuhr, Kleine Schri/ten, p. 379;
Droysen, Nachfoh). Alex. p. 589.)

2. A leader of Thracian mercenaries (probably
of the tribe of the Getae) in the service of Antio-
chus II. (Polyaen. iv. 10'.)

3. One of the generals of Mithridates, probably
a Thracian by birth, who was sent by him with an
arinv to the support of Archelaus in Greece. (Ap-
pi.m. Mithr. 32, 41.) [E. 11. B.]

DROMOCLEIDES(Apo/iOKA.6i'S7js)ofSphettus,
an Attic orator of the time of Demetrius Phalereus,
v.ho exercised a great influence upon public aifairs
at Athens by his servile flattery of Demetrius
Poliorcetes. {l^\\x\,. DeDietrAZ, 14, Praccept. Polit.
p. 798.) [L. S.]

DROMOCRIDES, or, as some read, Dro-
niocleides, is mentioned by Fulgentius {Mythol. ii.
17) as the author of a Theogony, but is otherwise
iinkno\vn. (Fabric. Bibl. Grace, i. p. 30.) [L. S.]

DROMON {Apofiuv). 1. An Athenian comic
poet of the middle comedy, from whose "^aArpia
two fragments are quoted by Athenaeus (vi, p.
240, d., ix. p. 409, e.). In the former of these
fragments mention is made of the parasite Tithy-
mallus, who is also mentioned by Alexis, Timocles,
and Antiphanes, who are all poets of the middle
comedy, to which therefore it is inferred that Dro-
mon also belonged. A play of the same title is
ascribed to Eubulus. (Meineke, Frag. Com.
Graec. i. p. 418, iii. pp. 541, 542.)

2. A slave of the Peripatetic philosopher, Stra-
ton, who emancipated him by his will. (Diog.
Laert. v. 63.) He is included in the lists of the
Peripatetics. {VahricBibl. Graec. iii. p. 492.) [P.S.]

DRUSILLA. 1. LiviA Drusilla, the mo-
ther of the emperor Tiberius and the wife of Au-
gustus. [LiVIA.]

2. Drusilla, a daughter of Gerraanicus and
Agrippina, was brought up in the house of her
gnindniother Antonia. Here she was deflowered
by her brother Caius (afterwards the emperor
Caligula), before he was of age to assume the toga
virilis, and Antonia had once tiie misfortune to be
an eye-witness of the incest of these her grand-
children. (Suet. Caligula, 24.) In A. D. 33, the
emperor Tiberius disposed of her in marriage to
L. Cassius Longinus (Tac. Ann. vi. 15), but her
brother soon afterwards carried her away from her
husband's house, and openly lived with her as if
she were his wife. In the beginning of his reign,
we find her married to M. Aemilius Lepidus, one
of his minions. The emperor had debauched all
liis sisters, but his passion for Drusilla exceeded
all bounds. When seized with illness, he appointed
her heir to his property and kingdom ; but she
died early in his reign, whereupon his grief became
frantic. He buried her with the greatest pomp,
gave her a public tomb, set up her golden image in
the forum, and commanded that she should be
worshipped, by the name Panthea, with the same
honours as Venus. Livius Geminius, a senator,
swore that he saw her ascending to heaven in the
company of the gods, and was rewarded with a
million sesterces for his story. Men knew not

DRUSUS. 1075

what to do. It was impiety to moirn the goddess,
and it was death not to mourn the woman. Seve-
ral sufTeri'd dcsith for enterUiining a lelative or
guest, or diluting a friend, or taking a bath, in the
days that followed her funeral. (Dion Cass. lix. 11;
Senec. Cwisol. ad Pott/b. 36.)

3. Julia Drijsilla, the daughter of the
emperor Caius (Caligula) by his wife Caesonia.
She was born, according to Suetonius {Caligula^
25), on the day of her mother's marriage, or, ac-
cording to Dio (lix. 29), thirty days afterwards.
On the day of her birth, she was carried by her
father round the temples of all the goddesses, and
placed upon the knee of Minerva, to whose patron-
age he commended her maintenance and educa-
tion. Joscpluis {Ant. Jud. xix. 2) relates, that
Caligula pronounced it to be a doubtful question
whether he or Jupiter had the greater share in her
paternity. Slie gave early proof of her legiti-
macy by the ferocity and cruelty of her disposition,
for, while yet an infant, she would tear with her
little nails the eyes and faces of the children who
played with her On the day that her father was
assassinated, slie was killed by being dashed
against a wall, A. D. 41, when she was about two
years old

4. Drusilla, daughter of Herodes Agrippa I.,
king of the Jews, by his wife Cypros, and sister
of Herodes Agrippa II., was only six years old
when her father died in a. d. 44. She had been
already promised in marriage to Epiphanes, son of
Antiochus, king of Comagene, but the match was
broken off in consequence of Epiphanes refusing
to perform his promise of conforming to the Jewish
religion. Hereupon Azizus, king of Emesa, ob-
tained Drusilla as his wife, and performed the
condition of becoming a Jew. Afterwards, Felix,
the procurator of Judaea, fell in love with her,
and induced her to leave Azizus — a course to
which she was prompted not only by the &ir
promises of Felix, but by a desire to escape the
annoyance to which she was subjected by the envy
of her sister Berenice, who, though ten years
older, vied with her in beauty. She thought, per-
haps, that Felix, whom she accepted as a second
husband, would be better able to protect her than
Azizus, whom she divorced. In the Acts of the
Apostles (xxiv. 24), she is mentioned in such a
manner that she may naturally be supposed to have
been present when St. Paul preached before her
second husband in a. d. 60. Felix and Drusilla
had a son, Agrippa, who perished in an eruption
of Vesuvius. (Josephus, Ant. Jud. xix. 7, xx. 5.)

Tacitus {Hist. v. 9) says, that Felix married
Drusilla, a granddaughter of Cleopatra and Antony.
The Drusilla he refers to, if any such person ever
existed, must have been a daughter of Juba and
Cleopatra Selene, for the names and fate of all the
other descendants of Cleopatra and Antony are
known from other sources ; but the account given
by Josephus of the parentage of Drusilla is more
consistent than that (tf Tacitus with the statement
of Holy Writ, by which it appears that Drusilla
was a Jewess. Some have supposed that Felix
married in succession two Drusillae, and counten-
ance is lent to this otherwise improbable conjecture
by an expression of Suetonius {Claud. 28), who
calls Felix trium reginurum marituin. [J. T. G.]
DRUSUS, the name of a distinguished family
of the Livia gens. It is said by Suetonius {Tifu
[ 3), that the first Livius Drusus acquired the cogin>

3 7. 2

107(5

DRUSUS.

men Drusiis for himself and his descendants, by
having slain in close combat one Drausus, a chief-
tain of the enemy. This Livius Drusus, he goes
on to say, was propraetor in Gaul, and, according
to one tradition, on his return to Rome, brought
from his province the gold which had been paid to
the Senones at the time when the Capitol was be-
sieged. This account seems to be as little deserving
of credit as the story that Camillus prevented the
gold from being paid, or obliged it to be restored
in the first instance.

Of the time when the first Livius Drusus flou-
rished, nothing more precise is recorded than that
M. Livius Drusus, who was tribune of the plebs
with C. Gracchus in b,c. 122, was his abnepos. This
word, which literally means grandson's grandson,
may possibly mean indefinitely a more distant de-
scendant, as atavus in Horace {Carm. i. 1) is used
indefinitely for an ancestor.

Pighius (Annates, i. p. 416) conjectures, that
the first Livius Drusus was a son of M. Livius
Denter, who was consul in B. c. 302, and that
Livius Denter, the son, acquired the agnomen of
Drusus in the campaign against the Senones under
Cornelius Dolabella, in a. c. 283. He thinks that
the descendants of this Livius Denter Drusus
assumed Drusus as a family cognomen in place of
Denter. There is much probability in this conjec-
ture, if the origin of the name given by Suetonius
f)e correct ; for the Senones were so completely
sulidued by Dolabella and Domitius Calvinus (Ap- |

DRUSUS.

pian. Gall. iv. fr. 11, ed. Sch weigh.), that they
seem to have been annihilated as an independent
people, and we never afterwards read of them as
being engaged in war against Rome. On this
supposition, however, according to the ordinary
duration of human life, M. Livius Drusus, the
patronus senatus of B. c. 122, must have been, not
the abnepos, but the adnepos, or grandson's grand-
son's son, of the first Drusus, and hence Pighius
(/. c.) proposes to read in Suetonius ad7iepos in
place of abnepos.

Suetonius ( Tib. 2) mentions a Claudius Drusus,
who erected in his own honour a statue with a
diadem at Appii Forum, and endeavoured to get
all Italy within his power by overrunning it with
his clientelae. If we may judge from the position
which this Claudius Drusus occupies in the text of
Suetonius, he was not later than P. Claudius
Pulcher^ who was consul in B. c. 249. It is not
easy to imagine any rational origin of the cogno-
men Drusus in the case of this early Claudius,
which would be consistent with the account of the
origin of the cognomen given by Suetonius in the
case of the first Livius Drusus. The asserted
origin from the chieftain Drausus may be, as Bayle
{Dieiionnaire, s. v. l>rusus) surmises, one of those
fables by which genealogists strive to increase the
iniportance of families. The connexion of the
family of Dnisus with the first emperors probably
reflected a retrospective lustre upon its republican
greatness. (Virg. Aev. vi. 825.)

Stemma Drusorum.
\. M. Livius Drusus.

2. M. Livius Drusus Aemilianus (qu. Mamilianus).

I
3. C. Livius DruBUB, Cos. b. c. 147.

4. M. Livius Drusus, Cos. b.
married Cornelia,

c. 112;

5. C. LiviuB Drusus.

I
6. M, Livius Drusus,
Trib. PI.; knied b. c.
91 ; married Servilia,
aister of Q. Servilius
Caepio.

I
Li via ; married 1. ? Q. Serviliu* Caepio,

Q. Servilius
Caepio,

I Trib. Mil.

I B. c 72.

7. Livius Drasus Claud ianus.

adopted by No. 6.?

I

8. M. Livius Drusus Libo, Consul b. c. 15

married 2.? M. Porcius Cato.
_l

I

Servilia ; married 1 . M.
Junius Brutus [m. 2. D.
Junius Silanusl.

I
M. Junius Brutus, tyrannic

Servilia ;

married

Lucullus.

M. Cato
Utic.

Porcia ;
married
L. Domit.
Alieno-
barbus.

adopted by No. 7 ?

married Pompeia?

9. Livia Drusilla, afterwards named Julia Augusta;
m. 1. Tiberius Claudius Nero [2. Augustus CaesarJ.

*0. L. Scribonius Libo Drusus,
son of No. 8. ?

I
11. Nero Claudius Drusus
(senior), afterwards Drusus
Germanicus ; married An-
tonia, minor.

I
12. Tiberius Nero Caesar
(emperor Tiberius) ; m.
1. Vipsania Agrippina.

I
13. Germanicus
Caesar ; married
Agiippina.

I
a

I I

14. Livia; 15. Ti. Claudius Dnisus Caesar

m. I.C.Caesar; (emperor Claudius); married

2. No. 16. 1. Urgulanilla.

I
16. Drusus Caesar (ju-
nior) ; died a. d. 23,
leaving a daugh. Julia

DRUSUS.

DRUSUS.

1077

I I

17. Nero,
m. Julia,
dauglitcr
of No. 16;
died A D. .'{0.

18. Dru-
sus; died
A. D. 33.

19. Cains Cae-
sar (emperor
Calioula) ;
ni. 3. Caesonia.

I
20. Agrippi-
iia, mother of
the emperor
Nkko.

I
21. Drusilla;
in. l.L.CasHius,
2. M.Lepidus;
died A. D. 38.

I I I I
22. Julia Livilla.
•22. Three other
children ; died
young.

23. Drusus;,
died A. D.
20.

24. Claudia.

25. Julia Drusilla; died A. D. 41.

OTHER, DKUSL

26. D. Dnisus, Constil suflFectus b. c. 137..» (Dig. 1. tit. 13. §. 2.)

27. C. Drusus, historian. (Suet. Augustus^ 94.)

1. M. Livius Drusus, the father, natural or
adoptive, of No. 2. {Fast. Capit.)

2. M. Livius M. f. Dri'sus Akmilianus, the
father of No. 3. {Fast. Capit.) Some modern
writers call him Mamilianus instead of Aemilianus,
for transcribers are not agreed as to the correct
reading of the Capitoline marbles, which are broken
into tliree fragments in the place where his name
is mentioned under the year of his son's consul-
ship. (Compare the respective Fasti of Marliani,
the fabricator Goltzius, Sigonius, and Piranesi,
ad A. u. c. 606.)

3. C. Livius M. Aemiliani f. M. n. Drusus,
was consul in B. c. 147 with P. Cornelius Scipio
Africanus. Of his father nothing is known, but it
may be inferred with much probability that M.
Dmsus Aemilianus belonged to the Aemilia gens,
and was adopted by some M. Livius Drusus. It
is possible, however, that M. Livius Drusus, the
grandfather, had by different wives two sons
named Marcus, and that one of them was the son
of Aemilia, and was called, from his mother, Aemi-
lianus. {Diet, of Ant. p. 641, s. v. Nomen.)

There was a Roman jurist, named C. Livius
Drusus, who has, by many writers, been identified
with the subject of the present article. Cicero
{Tusc. Qu. v. 38) mentions Drusus the jurist be-
fore mentioning Cn. Aufidius, and speaks of Drusus
as from tradition {accepimus), whereas he remem-
bered having seen Aufidius. The jurist Drusus,
in his old age, when deprived of sight, continued
to give advice to the crowds who used to throng
his house for the purpose of consulting him. Hence
it has been rather hastily inferred, that Drusus the
jurist was anterior to Aufidius, and was never
seen by Cicero, and could not have been the son of
the Drusus who was consul in b. c. 147. Others
are disposed to identify the jurist with the son,
No. 5, and there is certainly no absurdity in sup-
posing the son of one who was consul in b. c. 1 47
to have died at an advanced age before Cicero (born
B c. 106) happened to meet him, or was old
enough to remember him. Seeing, however, that
Cicero was an active and inquisitive student at
16, and considering the inferences as to age that
may be collected from the years when No. 4 and
No. 6, the brother and nephew of No. 5, held
offices, the argument founded upon Tttsc. Qa. v. 38
seems to be rather in favour of identifying the
jurist with our present No. 3 ; but, in truth, there
are not sufficient data to decide the question.
(Rutilius, Vitae JCtorum 19; Guil. Grotius, de
Vit. JCtorum, i. 4. § 8.)

The jurist, whether father or son, composed
works of great use to students of law (Val. Max.

viii. 7), although his name is not mentioned by
Pomponius in the fragment de Origine Juris. There
is a passage in the Digest (19. tit. 1. s. 37. § 1),
where Celsus cites and approves an opinion, in
which Sex. Aelius and Drusus coincide, to the
effect that the seller might bring an equitable ac-
tion for damages {arlntrium) against the buyer,
to recover the expenses of the keep of a slave,
whom the buyer, without due cause, had refused to
accept. (Maiansius, ad XXX JCtos. ii. p, 35.)

Priscian {Ars Gram. lib. viii. p. 127, ed. Colon.
1528) attributes to Livius the sentence, " Impuhcs
libripens esse non potest, neque antesiari.^'' It is
probable that the jurist Livius Drusus is here
meant, not only from the legal character of the
fragment, but because Priscian, whenever he quotes
Livius Andronicus or the historian Livy, gives a
circumstantial reference to the particular work.
(Dirksen, Bruchslucke aus den Schriflen der Ro-
7nischen Juristen, p. 45.)

4. M. Livius C. f. M. Aemiliani n. Drusus,
son of No. 3, was tribune of the plebs in the year
b. c. 122, when C. Gracchus was tribune for the
second time. The senate, alarmed at the progress
of Gracchus in the favour of the people, employed
his colleague Drusus, who was noble, well educated,
wealthy, eloquent, and popular, to oppose his
measures and undermine his influence. Against
some of the laws proposed by Gracchus, Drusus
interposed his veto without assigning any reason.
(Appian, B. C. i. 23.) He then adopted the un-
fair and crooked policy of proposing measures like
those which he had thwarted. He steered by the
side of Gracchus, merely in order to take the wind
out of his sails. Drusus gave to the senate the
credit of every popular law which he proposed,
and gradually impressed the populace with the be-
lief that the optimates were their best friends.
The success of this system earned for him the
designation patronus senatus. (Suet. Tib. 3.)
Drusus was able to do with applause that which
Gracchus could not attempt without censure.
Gracchus was blamed for proposing that the Latins
siiould have full rights of citizenship. Drusus was
lauded for proposing that no Latin should be dis-
honoured by rods even in time of actual military
service. Gracchus, in his agrarian laws, reserved
a rent payable into the public treasury, and was
traduced. Drusus relieved the grants of public
land from all payment, and was held up as a
patriot. Gracchus proposed a law for sending o«t
two colonies, and named among the founders some
of the most respectable citizens. He was abused
as a popularity-hunter. Drusus introduced a law
for establishing no fewer than twelve colonies, and

1078

DRUSUS.

for settling 3000 poor citizens in eacli. He was
applauded, and was assisted in carrying the niea-
sTire. These twelve colonies are supposed by
Niebuhr {Hist of Rome^ iv. p. 349) to be the
same with those mentioned by Cicero {pro Cae-
cina, 35). In all these measures, the conduct of
Dnisus was seen to be exempt from sordid mo-
tives of gain. He took no part in the foundation
of colonies, reserved no portions of land to himself,
and left to others the management of business in
which the disbursement of money was concerned.
Gracchus, on the other hand, was anxious to have
the handling of money, and got himself appointed
one of the founders of an intended colony at Car-
thage. The populace, ever suspicious in pecuniary
matters, when they saw this, thought that all his
fine professions were pretexts for private jobs.
Besides, Drusus cleverly took advantage of his
absence to wound him through the side of Fulvius
Flaccus. Flaccus was hot-headed and indiscreet,
and Dnisus contrived to throw the obloquy of his
indiscretion and misconduct up^m Gracchus. Thus
was the policy of the senate and Drusus completely
successful Gracchus was outbidden and dis-
credited, and his power was for ever gone. (Pint.
a Gracchus, 8—11; Cic Brut. 28, de Fin. iv.
24.)

The policy and legislation of Dnisus in his tri-
bunate bear some resemblance to those of his son,
who was killed in his tribunate 31 years after-
wards. Hence it is sometimes difficult to deter-
mine whether passjiges in the classical authors
relate to the father or the son, and in some cases it
is proliable that the father and the son have been
confounded by ancient writers. In a case of doubt
the presumption is that the son [No. G] is intended,
since his tragical death, followed close by the Marsic
war, has rendered the year of his tribunate a con-
spicuous era in Roman historj'.

We read nothing more of Drusus, until he ob-
tained the consulship in a c. 112. He probably
passed through the regular gradations of office as
aedile and praetor. He may be the praetor
urbatms, whose decision, that an action of manda-
tum lay against an heir as such, is mentioned ad
Heren. ii. 1 3, and he may be the Dnisus praetor,
an instance of whose legal astuteness is- recorded in
a letter of Cicero to Atticus {vetus illwl Drtisi
prueioris^ &c. vii. 2) ; but we should rather be dis-
posed to refer these passages to some memlier of
the family (perhaps No. 2 or No. 1 ), who attained
the praetorship, but did not reach the higher office
of consul.

Drusus obtained Macedonia as his province, and
proceeded to make war upon the Scordisci. He
was so successful in his military operations, that
he not only repelled the incursions of this cruel
and formidable enemy upon the Roman territory
in Macedonia, but drove them out of part of their
own country, and even forced them to retire from
Thrace to the further or Dacian side of the Danube.
(Florus, iii. 4.) Upon his return, he was wel-
comed with high honours (Liv. Epit. Ixiii.), and
his victory was received with the warmer sjitisfac-
tion from its following close upon the severe defeat
of C. Cato in the same quarter. (Dion Cass. Fnig.
Peiresc. 93, ed. Reiniar, i. p. 40.) It is very
likely that he obtained a triumph, for Suetonius
(2Y/>. 3) mentions three triumphs of the Livia gens,
and only ttco (of Livins Salinator) are positively
recorded. There is, however, no proof tliat Drusus

DRUSUS.

triumphed. The Fasti Triumphales of this year
are wanting, and Vaillant {Sum. Ant. Fam. Ronu
ii. p. 52) has been misled into the quotation of a
conjectural supplement as an authority. In a pas-
sjige in Pliny (//. A^. xxxiii. 50), which has been
relied upon .as proving that Drusus triumphed, tlie
words triumpJuilem senem do not refer to the
Dnisus mentioned immediately before.

Plutarch (Quaest. Rom. vii. p. 119, ed. Reiske)
mentions a Drusus who died in his office of censor,
upon which his colleague, Aemilius Scaunis, re-
fused to abdicate, until the tribunes of the plebs
ordered him to be taken to prison. It is highly
probable that our Dnisus is intended, and that his
censorship fell in the year B. c. 109, when the
remains of the Capitoline marbles shew that one of
the censors died during his magistracy. (f"i/>/i,
p. 237, Basil. 1559.)

5. C. Livius C. F. M. Aemiliani n. Drusis
was a son of No. 3. Pighius {Annates^ iii, 2(t),
contrarj" to all probability, confounds him with
Livius Dnisus Claudianus, the grandfather of Ti-
berius. [See No. 7.] He approached his brother.
No. 4, in the influence of his character and
the weight of his eloquence. (Cic. Bnit. 28)
Some have supposed him to be the jurist C. Livius
Drusus. referred to by Cicero {Tttsc. Qu. v. 38)
and Valerius Maximus (viii. 7), but see No. 3.
Diodorus (5(rny)^ Vet. Nov. Coll. ii. p. 115, ed.
Mai) mentions the great power which the two
Drusi acquired by the nobility of their family, their
good feeling, and their courteous demeanour. It
seems to have been thought, that they could do
anything they liked, for, after a certain law had
bt'en passed, some one wrote under it in jest,
" This law binds all the people but the two
Drusi." It is far more likely that two brothers
than that, as Mai supposes, a father and son (viz.
.No. 4 and No. 6) should be thus referred to ; and,
from the context, we doubt not that No. 4 and the
present No. 5, contemporaries of the Gracchi, are
designated.

6. M. Livits M. F. C. N. Drusus was a son
of No. 4. His ambitious temper manifested itself
with precocious activity. From boyhood he never
allowed himself a holiday, but, before he was of
an age to assume the toga virilis, he frequented
the forum, busied himself in trials, and sometimes
exerted his influence so efl^ectually with the judices
as to induce them to give sentence according to his
wish. (Senec. de Drcv. Vit. 6.) His character and
morals in his youth were pure and severe (Cic. do
Off. i. 30), but a self-sufficient conceit was conspi-
cuous in his actions. When quaestor in Asia, he
would not wear the insignia of office : " ne quid
ipso esset insignius." (Aurel. Vict, de Vir. III. 66.)
When he was building a house upon the Palatine
mount, the architect proposed a plan to prevent it
from being overlooked. " No," said he, " rather
construct it so that all my fellow-citizens may see
everything I do." This house has a name in
historj' : it passed from Drusus into the family of
Crassus, and can be traced successively into the hands
of Cicero, Censorinus, and Rutilius Sisenna. (Veil.
Paterc. ii. 15.) Velleius Paterculus slightly ditfers
from Plutarch {Reip. Geremi. Fra^ctpUi^ ix. p. 194,
ed. Reiske) in relating this anecdote, and the re-
ply to the architect has been erroneously attributed
to an imaginary Julius Drusus Publicola, from a
false reading in Plutarch of 'IoiJAjos for Ajotiioy,
and a false translation of the epithet o lr\u.a-y<ay6'i

DRUSUS.

Drusiis inherited a large fortune from his father,
the consul ; but, in order to obtain political influ-
ence, he was profuse and extravagant in his ex-
penditure. The author of the treatise de Viris
flluslnhus, usually ascribed to Aurelius Victor,
saj's that, from want of money, he sometimes
stooped to unworthy practices. Magulsa, a prince
of Mauretaniii, had tiiken refuge in Rome from the
resentment of Bocchus, and Drusus was induced
by a bribe to betray him to the king, who threw
the wretched prince to an elephant. When Ad-
herbal, son of the king of the Numidians(Micipsa),
fled to Rome, Drusus kept him a prisoner in his
house, hoping that his father would pay a ransom
for his release. These two statements occur in no
other author, and the second is scarcely reconci-
lable with the narrative of Sallust. The same au-
thor states, that Drusus was aedile, and gave mag-
nificent games, and that when Remmius, his col-
league in the aedileship, suggested some measure
for the benefit of the commonwealth, he asked
sarcastically, " What's our commonwealth to you?"
Pighius, however {Annales, iii. p. 82), and others,
considering that M. Drusus, the son, died in his
tribuneship — an office usually held before that of
aedile — are of opinion, that Aurelius Victor has
confounded several events of the father's life with
those of the son.

It appears from Cicero {Brut. 62, pro Mil. 7),
that Drusus was the uncle of Cato of Utica, and
the great- uncle of Brutus. These relationships
were occasioned by successive marriages of his sis-
ter Li via. We agree with Manutius {ad Ok. de
Fin. iii. 2) in thinking, in opposition to the com-
mon opinion, that she was first married to Q. Ser-
vilius Caepio [Caepio, No. 8, p. 535, a.], whose
daughter was the mother of Brutus, that she was
divorced from Caepio, and then married the father
of Cato of Utica ; for Cato, according to Plutarch
{Cato Mi?i. 1) was brought up in the house of his
uncle Drusus along with the children of Livia and
Caepio, who was then living, and who survived Dru-
sus. (Liv. ^/)i<. Ixxiii.) As Cato of Utica was born
B c. 95 (Plut. Cat. Min. 2, 3, 73 ; Liv. Epit. 114;
Sallust. Catil. 54), and as Drusus, who died B. c.
31, survived his sister, we must suppose, unless
her first marriage was to Caepio, that an extra-
ordinary combination of events was crowded into
the years B. c. Q5 — 91 : viz. 1st. the birth of
Cato ; 2nd. the death of his father ; 3rd. the se-
cond marriage of Livia ; 4th. the births of at least
three children by her second husband ; 5th. her
death ; 6th. the rearing of her children in the
house of Drusus ; 7th. the death of Drusus.

Q. Servilius Caepio was the rival of Drusus in
birth, fortune, and influence. (Flor. iii. 17) Ori-
ginally they were warm friends. As Caepio mar-
ried Livia, the sister of Drusus, so Drusus married
Servilia, the sister of Caepio {-ydyiwv eivaWayri,
Dion Cass. Frag. Peiresc. 1 1 0, ed. Rein)ar. vol. i,
p. 45). Dion Cassius may be understood to refer to
domestic causes of quarrel ; but, according to Pliny,
a rupture was occasioned between them from compe-
tition in bidding for a ring at a public auction ;
and to this small event have been attributed the
struggles of Drusus for pre-eminence, and ulti-
mately the kindling of the social war. (Plin. H. N.
xxxiii. 6.) The mutual jealousy of the brothers-
in-law proceeded to such great lengths, that on
one occasion Drusus declared he would throw Cae-
pio down the Tarpeian rock. {^De Vir. III. 66.)

DRUSUS.

1079

Drusus was early an advocate of the party of
the optimates. When Saturninus was killed in
B. c. 100, he was one of those who took up arms
for the safety of the state (Cic. pro liubir. I'erd.
reo. 7), and supported the consul Marius, who was
now, for once, upon the side of the senate. (Liv.
Efiit. xix.) In the dispute between the senate
and the equites for the possession of the judicia,
Caepio took the part of the equites, while Drusus
advocated the cause of the senate with such ear-
nestness and impetuosity, that, like his father, he
seems to have been termed patronus senalus. (Cic.
pro Mil. 7 ; Diod. xxxvi. fr. fin. ed. Bipont. x.
p. 480.) The equites had now, by a lex Sem-
pronia of C. Gracchus, enjoyed the judicia from a. c.
122, with the exception of the short interval during
which the lex Servilia removed the exclusion of the
senate [see p. 880, a]. It must be remembered that
the Q. Servilius Caepio who proposed this short-
lived law (repealed by another lex Servilia of Ser-
vilius Glaucia) was perhaps the father of Q. Servi-
lius Caepio, the brother-in-law of Drusus, but was
certainly a different person and of different politics.
[See p. 535, a.] The equites abused their power,
as the senate had done before them. As farmers
of the public revenues, they committed peculation
and extortion with an habitual impunity, which
assumed in their own view the complexion of n
right. When accused, they were tried by accom-
plices and partizans, and "" it must be a hard win-
ter when wolf devours wolf." On the other hand,
in prosecutions against senators of the opposite
faction, the equites had more regard to political
animosity than to justice. Even in ordinary cases,
where party feeling was not concerned, they al-
lowed their judicial votes to be purchased by bri-
bery and corrupt influence. The recent unjust
condemnation of Rutilius Rufus had weakened the
senate and encouraged the violence of the equites,
when, in B. c. 91, Drusus was made tribune of the
plebs in the consulate of L. Marcius Philippus and
Sex. Julius Caesar. (Flor. I. c.)

Under the plea of an endeavour to strengthen
the party of the senate, Drusus determined to gain
over the plebs, the Latins, and the Italic socii.
The ardour of his zeal was increased by the attack
which his enemy Caepio directed against the nobi-
lity by prosecuting some of their leaders. From
the conflicting statements and opposite views of
Roman writers as to his motives and conduct, his
character is in some respects a problem. Even party-
spirit was at fault in estimating a man whose measures
were regarded as revolutionary, while his political
sentiments were supposed to be profoundly aristo-
cratic. Velleius Paterculus (ii. 1 3 ; compare what
is said by the Pseudo- Sallust in Epist.'2 ad C. Cues,
de Rep. Ord.) applauds him for the tortuous policy of
attempting to wheedle the mob, by minor conces-
sions to their demands, into a surrender of impor-
tant claims to the optimates ; but we cannot help
thinking (comp. Flor. iii. 18; \a\. Epit. Ixx. Ixxi.),
that he cared as much for self as for party — that
personal rivalries mingled with honest plans for
his country's good and enlightened views above
the capacity of the times — that, at last, he was
soured by disappointment into a dangerous con-
spirator,— and that there were moments when
visions of sole domination floated, however indis-
tinctly, before his eyes. He was eager in the jmr-
suit of popularity, and indefatigable in the endea-
vour to gain and exercise influence. It was one

1080

DRUSUS.

of the objects of his restless and self-sufficient spi-
rit to become the arbiter of parties, and he acted
trom immediate impulses, without considering nicely
i.he result of his conduct. There was deep mean-
ing in the witticism of Granius, the public crier,
•who, when Drusus sainted him in the ordinary
l)hrase, " Quid agis, Grani ? " asked in repl}-,
" Immo vero, tu Druse, quid agis?" (Cic. pro
Plane. 14.)

To conciliate the people, Dnisus renewed several
of the propositions and imitated the measures of
the Gracchi. He proposed and carried laws for
the distribution of corn, or for its sale at a low
price, and for the assignation of public land {L'ges
f'nimentariae, agrariae^ Liv. Epit. Ixxi.). The es-
tiiblishment of several colonies in Italy and Sicily,
which had long been voted, was now eftected.
(Appian, de Bell. Civ. \. 35.) Nothing could sur-
pass the extravagance of the largesses to whicli he
persuaded the senate to accede. (Tac. Ann. iii. 27.)
lie declared that he had been so bountiful, that
nothing was left to be given, by anj' one else, but
air and dirt, "coelum aut coenura." {De Vir. III.
66; Flor. iii. 17.) It was probably the exhaus-
tion of the public treasury produced by such lavish
expenditure that induced him to debase the sil-
ver coinage by the alloy of one-eighth part of
brass. (Plin. //. A'', xxxiii. 18.) Presumptuous,
arrogant, and rash, he assumed a station to which
he was not entitled by authority and experience,
notwithstanding the splendour of his birth and the
power of his eloquence. But his energy went far (as
energy like his always will do) in silencing oppo-
sition, and begetting submission to his will. Once,
when the senate invited his attendance at their
place of meeting, he -sent a message in answer :
*^ Let them come to me — to the Curia Hostilia,
near the Rostra," and they were so .abject as to

obey. (Val. Max. ix. .5.

Cum senatus ad

eum mi9iss(?t, ut in Curiam veniret. 'Quare non
potius,' inquit, * ipse in Hostiliam, propinquiun
Rostris, id est, ad me venit y This passjige is
remarkable for the opposition between Curia and
Hostilia; whereas it is ordinarily stated that, in
classical writers. Curia, without more, denotes the
Curia Hostilia.)

Such conduct naturally produced a reaction of
feeling among some proud nuMi, who had a high
Sense of their own importance, saw the false posi-
tion in which their party was placed, and disliked
piishing effrontery. In Cicero {de Oral. iii. 1, 2)
we find a description of a scene full of turbulence
and indecorum, where Philippus, the consul, in-
veighs against the senate, while Drusus and the
orator Crassus withstand him to the face. From
the kno\vn politics of the persons concerned, this
scene is exceedingly difficult to explain ; but we
believe that it occurred at a period in the career of
Dnisus when he had not yet identified himself
with the formidable cabals of the Latins and Ita-
lians, and when, in spite of his popular measures,
he still retained the confidence of the senate, from
his resistance to the equites. We believe that the
haughty Philippus upbraided the senate for their
complaisance to Drusus in favouring the plebs, and
that it was the unmeasured rebuke of the aristocrat
u-hich roused the esprit de corps of the senator
Crassus. We know from other sources that Phi-
lippus opposed the passing of the agrarian laws of
Drusus, and internipted the tribune while he was
liaranguing the assembly ; whereupon Drusus sent

DRUSUS.

one of his clients, instead of the regular viator, to
arrest the consul. (Val. Max. ix. 5. § 2 ; Florus,
iii. 17, and Auct. de Vir. III. vary slightly from
each other and from Valerius Maxinuis.) This
order was executed with extreme violence, and
Philippus was collared so tightly, that the blood
started from his nostrils ; upon which Drusus,
taunting the luxurious epicurism of the consul,
cried out, " Psha ! it is only the gravy of thrushes."
(Schottus, ad Auct. de Vir. III. 66.)

Having thus bought over the people (who used
to rise and shout when he appeared), and having,
by promising to procure for them all the rights of
citizenship, induced the Latini and Italic socii to
assist him, Drusus was able, by force and intimi-
dation, to carry through his measures concerning
the judicia ( " legem judiciariam pertulit^'''' Liv.
J£pU. Ixxi.). Some writers, following Liv. Epi/,
Ixxi., speak of his sharing the judicia between thr
senate and the equites ; but his intention seems to
have been entirely to transfer the judicia to the
senate ; for, without any positive exclusion of the
equites and lower orders, as long as senators were
eligible, it is probtible that no names but those of
senatoi-s would be placed by the praetors upon the
lists of judices. (Puchta, Insl'dutionen., i. § 71.)
We accept the circumstantial statement of Appian
{D. C. i. ."Jo), according to which the law of Drusus
provided that the senate, now reduced below the
regular number of 300, should be reinforced by
the introduction of an equal number of new mem-
bers selected from the most distinguished of the
equites ; and enacted that the senate, thus doubled
in mmiber, should possess the judicia. The law
seems to have been silent .as to .any express exclu-
sion of the equites; but it might be implied from
its language that such exclusion was contemplated,
and, so far as its positive enactment referred to the
new members, they were entitled to be placed on
the list of judices, qua 8en.ators, not qxux equites.
Nor w.as there any prospective regulation for sup-
plying from the equestrijin order vacancies in the
judicial lists. To this part of the law w.as added
a second part, appointing a commission of inquiry
into the bribery and corruption which the equites
had practised while in exclusive possession of the
judici.a. (Appian, I.e.; compare Cic. pro Rabir.
Post. 7, pro CI mid. 56.)

After Dnisus had so far succeeded, the reaction
set in rapidly and strongly. The Romans, who
were usually led as much by feeling as by calcula-
tion, required to be m.an.aged with peculiar tact
and delicacy; but Drusus had a rough way of
going to work, which, even in the moment of suc-
cess, set in array against him the vanity and pre-
judices of public men ; and in his measures them-
selves there appeared to be a species of trimming,
which, while it seemed intended to displease none,
was ultimately found to be imsatisfactory to all.
It maybe th.at he was actuated by a single-minded
desire to do equal justice to .all, and to remedy
abuses wherever they might lurk, careless of the
offence which his reforms might give ; but even
his panegyrists among the ancients do not view
his character in this light. Whatever else were
his motives (and we believe them to have been
complex — multa farie m^liebatur), he appeared to
be the slave of m.any masters. Mob-popularity is
at best but fleeting, and those of the people who
h.ad not been favoured with the distriljiition of
lands were discontented at the luck of their mor**

DRUSUS.

fortunate competitors. The Roman populace hated
the foreigners who were striving to obtain equal
franchise with themselves. The great body of the
equites, who were very numerous, felt all the invi-
diousness of raising a select few to the rank of
senators, while the rest would not only suffer the
mortification of exclusion, but be practically de-
prived of that profitable share which they had pre-
viously enjoyed in the administration of justice.
But worse than all was the apprehended inquisi-
tion into their past misdeeds. The senators viewed
with di.slike the proposed elevation to their own
level of nearly 300 equites, now far below them in
rank, and dreaded the addition of a heterogeneous
mass, which was likely to harmonize badly with
the ancient body. Moreover, they now suspected
the ambition of Drusus, and did not choose to
accept the transfer of the judicia at his hands.
The Latins and socii demanded of him with stern
importunity the price of their recent assistance ;
and their murmurs at delay were deepened when
they saw the Roman populace dividing the ager
publicus, and depriving them of those possessions
which they had hitherto occupied by stealth or
force. They even began to tremble for their pri-
vate property-. (Appian, /. c; Auct. de Vir. 111. 66.)
In this state of affairs, the united dissatisfaction
of all parties enabled the senate, upon the proposi-
tion of Philippus, who was augur as well as consul,
to undo, by a few short lines, what had lately
been done. (Cic. deLcft. ii. 6, 12.) The senate
now, in pursuance of that anomalous constitution
which practically allowed a plurality of supreme
legislative powers, voted that all the laws of Dru-
sus, being carried against the auspices, were null
and void from the beginning. " Senatui videtur,
M. Drusi lejfibus populura non teneri." (Cic. jiro
Cornel, fr. ii. vol. iv. p. ii. p, 449 ; Asconius, in
Cic. pro Cornel, p. 6R, ed. Orelli.) The lex Cae-
cilia Didia required that a law, before being put to
the vote in the comitia, should be promulgated for
three nundinae (17 days), and directed that several
distinct clauses should not be put to the vote in a
lump. If we may trust the suspected oration p^o
Dortio (c. 16 and c. 'PO), the senate resolved that,
in the passing of the laws of Drusus, the provisions
of the lex Caecilia Didia had not been observed.

It is difficult to suppose that the largesses of
coiTi cmd land, so far as they had been carried into
effect, were revoked ; but probably the establish-
ment of colonies was stopped in its progress, and
undoubtedly the lex judiciaria was completely de-
feated. From the expressions of some ancient
authors, it might be imagined that tlrti lex judicia-
ria had never been carried ; but this is to be ex-
plained by considering that, during its short appa-
rent existence, it never came into actual operation,
and that, according to the resolution of the senate,
it was null ab initio for want of essential prc-requi-
sites of validity. From the narrative of Velleius
Paterculus (li. 13, 14) and Asconius (/. c), it
might be inferred (contrary to the opinion of seve-
ral modern scholars), that it was in tlie lifetime of
Drusus that the senate declared his laws null, and
the fact is now established by a fragment of Dio-
drirus Siculus brouglit to light by Mai {Script. Vet.
y ova Col lectio, W. ^. 116); from which we learn
that Drusus told the senate, that he could have
prevented them from passing their resolutions, had
he chosen to exert his power, and that the hour
would come when they would rue their suicidal

DRUSUS.

1081

act. As to the precise order of thcae events, which
took place within the period of a few months,
we are in want of detailed information. The 70th
and 71 St books of Livy are unfortunately lost, and
the abbreviated accounts of minor historians arc
not always easily reconcilable with each other
and with the incidental notices contained in other
classical authors.

Drusus, who had been sincere in his promises,
felt grievously the difficulty of performing them.
Weariness and vexation of spirit overtook him.
He found that, with all his followers, he had not
one true friend. He repented him of his unquiet
life, and longed for repose ; but it was too late to
retreat. The monstrous powers that he had brought
into life urged him onward, and he became giddy
with the prospect of danger and confusion that lay
before him. (Senec. de lirev. Vit. 6.) Then came
the news of strange portents and fearful auguries
from all parts of Italy to perplex and confound his
superstitious soul. (Ores, v. 18; Obsequ. 114. He
was himself an augur and pontifex ; pro Dome. 46.
Hence the expression sodalis metis in the mouth of
Cotta, Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 32.) Then came the
exasperating thought of the ingratitude of the se-
nate, and the determination to make them feel the
energy which they had slighted. Thus agitated
by uneasy passions, he scrupled not to meddle
with the two-edged weapons of intrigue, sedition,
and conspiracy, which he had neither force nor skill
to wield. He was like the Gracchi with their lustre
faded. {Gracchortcm obsclelus nitor., Auct. ad Heren.
iv. 34.) He adopted the factious practice (of which
the example Avas first set by C. Gracchus), of hold-
ing separate meetings of his followers, and he
made distinctions among them according to their
supposed fidelity. One he would admit to a pri-
vate interview, another he would invite to a con-
ference where seveml were present, and there were
some whom he did not ask to attend except on
those occasions when all his adherents were sum-
moned in a body. In furtherance of a common
object, the secret conclave plotted, and the more
general association worked and organized, while
the crowded meeting and the armed mob intimi-
dated by the demonstration and exercise of phy-
sical force. (Senec. de Bene/, vi. 34 ; Li v. £jnt.
Ixxxi.) In Mai's exti-acts from Diodorus (/. c.) is
preserved a remarkable oath (unaccountably headed
opKos ^i\'nnrou), by which members of the associa-
tion bound themselves together. After calling by
name on the Roman gods, demigods, and heroes,
the oath proceeds : " 1 swear that I will have the
sjune friends and foes with Drusus ; that I will
spare neither substance, nor parent, nor child, nor
life of any, so it be not for the good of Drusus and
of those who have tiiken this oath ; that if I be-
come a citizen by the law of Drusus, I will hold
Rome my country-, and Drusus my greatest bene-
factor ; and that I will administer this oath to as
many more as I be able. So may weal or woe be
mine as I keep this oath or not." The fennent
soon became so great, that the public peace was
more than threatened. Standards and eagles were
seen in the streets, and Rome was like a battle-
field, in which the contending armies were en-
camped. (Florus, L c.)

The end could not much longer be postponed.
At a public assembly of the tribes, when the impa-
tience and disappointment of the multitude were
loudly expressed, Drusus was seized with a faint-

1082

DRUSUS.

ing fit, and carried home apparently lifeless. Some
said that his illness was a pretence to gain time.
It did in fact give him a brief respite, and public
prayers for his recovery were put up throughout
Italy. Some said, that the fit was occasioned by
an overdose of goatVblood, which he had swal-
lowed, in order, by his pale countenance, to accre-
dit a report that Caepio had attempted to poison
him. Feverish anxiety, coupled with great mental
and bodily exertion, had probably brought on a
return of his old disorder, epilepsy, which was
supposed to have been cured by a voyage he once
made to Anticyra, for the purpose of taking helle-
bore upon the spot where it grew. (De Vir. [U. 66;
Plin. H. X. xxviii. 41, XXV. 21 ; Cell. xvii. 15.)

Affairs now approached a crisis. The social
war was manifestly bursting into flame ; and the
consuls, looking upon Drusus as a chief conspirator,
resolved to meet his plots by counterplots. He
knew his danger, and, whenever he went into the
city, kept a strong body-guard of attendants close to
his person. The accounts of his death vary in several
particulars. Appian says, that the consuls invited
a party of Etruscans and Umbrians into the city to
waylay him under pretence of urging their claims
to citizenship ; that he became afraid to appear
abroad, and received his partisans in a dark pas-
sage in his house ; and that, one evening at dusk,
when dismissing the crowds who attended, he
suddenly cried out that he was woitnded, and fell
to the ground with a leather-cutter's knife sticking
in his groin. The writer de VirLt Il/ustrifjus re-
lates that, at a meeting on the Alban mount, the
Latins conspired to kill Philippus; that Drusus,
though he warned Philippus to Innvare, was ac-
cused in the senate of plotting ag;iins>t the consul's
life ; and that he was stablied upon entering his
house on his return from the Capitol. (Compare
also Veil. Paterc. ii. 14.)

Assassinated as he was in his own hall, the
imacjc of his father was sprinkled with his blood ;
and, while he was dying, he turned to those who
surrounded him, and asked, with chanicteristic
arrogance, based perhaps upon conscious honesty
of purpose, " Friends and neighbours, when will
the commonwealth have a citizen like me again ?"
Though he was cut off in the flower of manhood,
no one considered his death premature. It was
even rumoured that, to escape from inextricjible
embarrassments, he had died bj' his own hand.
The assassin w«is never discovered, and no attempts
were made to discover him. Caepio and Philippus
(Ampelius, 26) were both suspected of having
suborned the crime ; and when Cicero (de Nat.
Deor. iii. 33) accuses Q. Varius of the murder, he
probably does not mean that it was the very hand
of Varius which perpetrated the act.

Cornelia, the mother of Drusus, a matron worthy
of her illustrious name, was present at the death-
scene, and bore her calamity — a calamity the more
bitter because unsweetened by vengeance — with
the same high spirit, says Seneca (Cons, ad Marc.
1 6), with which her son had carried his laws.

After the fall of Drusus, his political opponents
treated his death as a just retribution for his inju-
ries to the state. This sentiment breathes through
a fragment of a speech of C. Carbo, the young(;r
(delivered b. c. 90), which has been celebrated by
Cicero (Orator, 63) for the peculiarity of its tro-
chaic rythm : " O Murce Druse (patrem appello),
iu diccre, soliUis scwraiti esse reiiij.uUicatn : fjuu-uiii-

DRUSUS.
qm earn violavisscvt., ah omnibus essr. ei poenas pn"-
solutas. Patris dictum sapiens femcritas fili cum-
prchavU."'' (Niebuhr, History of Rome, vol. iv. Lec-
ture xxxii. ; Bayle, Diet. s. v. Drusus ; De Drosses,
Vie du Consul Philippe in Memoircs de r Academic,
des Inscriptions, xxvii. p. 406.)

7. Livius Drusus Claudianus, the father of
Livia, who was the mother of the emperor Tibe-
rius. He was one of the gens Claudia, and was
adopted by a Livius Drusus. (Suet. 7%. 3 ; Veil.
Paterc. ii. 75.) It was through this adoption that
the Drusi became connected with the imperial
family. Pighius (Annates., iii. p. 21 ), by some over-
sight which is repugnant to dates and the ordinary-
laws of human mortality, makes him the adopted
son of No. 3, and confounds him with No. 5, and,
in this error, has been followed by Vaillant.
(Num. Ant. Pain. Rom. ii. 51.) There is no such
inconsistency in the supposition that he was adopted
by No. 7, who is spoken of by Suetonius as if he
were an ancestor of Tiberius. (Augustinus, Fam.
Rom. (Lirii) p. 77 ; Fabretti, Inscr. c. 6, No. 38.)
The father of Livia, after the death of Caesar,
espoused the cause of Bnitus and Cassius, and,
after the battle of Philippi, being proscribed by
the conquerors, he followed the example of others
of his own party, and killed himself in his
tent. (Dion Cass xlviii. 44 ; Veil. Paterc. ii. 71 )
It is likely that he is the Drusus who, in B. c. 43,
encouraged Decimus Brutus in the vain hope that
the fourth legion and the legion of Mars, which
had fought under Caesar, would go over to the side
of his murderers. (Cic. ad Fam. xi. 19. $ 2.)

In other j)arts of the correspondence of Cicero,
the name Drusus occurs several times, and the
person intended may be, as Manutius conjectured,
identical with the father of Livia. In b. c. 59, it
seems that a lucrative legatign was intended for a
Drusus, who is called, perhaps in allusion to some
discreditable occurrence, the Pisaurian. (Ad Att.
ii. 7. <! 3.) A Drusus, in b. c. 54, was accused by
Lucretius of pruevariaitio, or corrupt collusion in
betraying a amse which he had undertjiken to
prosecute. Cicero defended Drusus, and he was
acquitted by a majority of four. The tribuni
aerarii saved him, though the greater part of the
senators and equites were against him ; for though
by the lex Fufia each of the three orders of judices
voted separately, it was the majority of single
votes, not the majority of majorities, that decided
the judgment. (Ad Att. iv. 16. §§ 5, 8, ib. 15.
% 9, ad Qu. Fr. ii. 16. § 3. As to the mode of
counting votes, see Ascon. in Cic. pro Mil. p. 53,
ed. Orelli.) • In b. c. 50, M. Caelius Rufus, who
was accused of an offence against the Scantinian
law, thinks it ridiculous that Drusus, who was then
probably praetor, should be appointed to preside ;it
the trial. Upon this ground it has been imagined
that there was some stigma of impurity upon tli-;
character of Drusus. (Ad Fam. viii. 12. <j 3, 14.
§ 4.) He possessed gardens, which Cicero was
very anxious to purchase. (Ad Att. xii. 2L § 2,
22. § 3, 23. ^ 3, xiii. 26. § 1.)

8. M. Livius Drusus Libo was probably
aedile about B. c. 28, shortly befoi-e the completion
of the Pantheon, and may be the person who is
mentioned by Pliny (//. N. xxxvi. 15. s. 24) as
having given games at Rome when the theatre was
covered by Valerius, the architect of Ostium. He
was consul in b. c. 15. As his name denotes, htt
was originally a Scribonius Libo, and was adopted

DRUSUS.

by .1 Livius Drusus. Hence he is supposed to
have been adopted by Livius iJrusus Claudimius
[No. 7], whose name, date, want of male children,
and political associations with the party ojjposed
to Caesar, favour the conjecture. He is also sup-
posed to have been the father of the Libo Drusus,
or Drusus Libo [No. 10], who conspired against
Tiberius. As Pompey tiie Great would appear
from Tacitus (Ann. ii. 27) to have been the pro-
avus of the conspirator, Scribonia his aniita, and
the young Caesars (Caius and Lucius) his conso-
brini, Drusus Libo, the father, is supposed to have
marrried a granddaughter of Pompey. Still there
are difficulties in the pedigree, which have per-
plexed Lipsius, Gronovius, Ryckius, and other
learned commentators on the cited passage in
Tacitus. M. de la Nauze thinks that the father
was a younger brother of Scribonia, the wife of
Augustus, and that he married his grandniece, the
daughter of Sextus Pompeius. According to tliis
explanation, he was about 26 years younger than
his elder brother, L. Scribonius Libo, who was
consul B. 0. 34, and whose daughter was married
to Sextus Pompeius. (Dion Cass, xlviii. lO" ;
Appian, B. C. v. 139.)

There is extant a rare silver coin of M. Drusus
Libo, bearing on the obverse a nfiked head, sup-
posed by some to be the head of his natural, by
others of his adoptive, father. On the reverse is a
sella curulis, between cornucopiae and branches of
olive, with the legend M. Livi L. F. Drusus
Libo, headed by the words Ex. S.C. It may be
doubted whether the letters L. F. do not denote
that Lucius was the praenomen of the adoptive
fiither. (Morell. Thes. Num. ii. p. 586 ; Dru-
niimn's Rom. iv. p. 591, n. 63 ; De la Nauze, in
Memoires de VAcademie des Inscriptions^ xxxv,
p. 600.)

9. LiviA Drusilla. [Li via.]

10. L. Scribonius Libo Drusus, or, as he
is called by Velleius Paterculus (ii. 130), Drusus
Libo, is supposed to have been the son of No. K,
to which article we refer for a statement of the
difficulty experienced by commentators in attempt-
ing to explain his family connexions. Finnius
( atus, a seiiator, in a. d. 16, taking advantage of
• he facility and stupidity of his disposition, his
taste for pleasure and expense, and his family
pride, induced him to seek empire with its atten-
dant wealth, and to consult soothsayers and magi-
cians as to his chances of success. He was betrayed
by Catus through Flaccus Vescularius to the em-
peror Tiberius, who nevertheless made him praetor,
and continued to receive him at table without any
mark of suspicion or resentment. At length he
was openly denounced by Fulcinius Trio, for
having required one Junius to summon shades
from the infernal regions. Hereupon he strove at
first to excite compassion by a parade of grief, ill-
ness, and supplication. As if he were too unwell
to walk, he was carried in a wonuurs litter to the
senate on the day appointed for opening the prose-
cution, and stretched his suppliant hands to the
emperor, who received him with an unmoved
countenance, and, in stating the case to be proved
against him, affected a desire neither to suppress
nor to exaggerate aught. Finding that there was
no hope of pardon, he put an end to his own life,
though his aunt Scribonia had tried in vain to dis-
suade him from thus doing another's work ; but he
thought that to keep himself alive till it pleased

DRUSU.S.

10»^

Tiberius to have him slain would rather be doing
jinother's work. Even, after his death, the prosecu-
tion was continued by the emperor. His property
was forfeited to his nccus<'r8. His memory wjia
dishonoured, and public rejoicings were voted upon
his death. Cn. Lentulus proposed that thenceforth
no Scribonius should assume the cognomen Drusus.
(Tac. Ann. ii. 27—32; Suet. TiL 25; Dion Cass,
vii. 15; Senec. Epist. 70.)

11. Nero Claudius Dri;sus (commonly called
by the modems Drusus Senior, to distinguish him
from his nephew, the son of Tiberius), had origi-
nally the pmenomen Decimus, which was after-
wards exchanged for Nero ; and, after his death,
received the honounible agnomen Germanicus,
which is appended to his name on coins. Hence
care should be taken not to confound him with
the celebrated Germanicus, his son. His parents
were Livia Drusilla (afterwards Julia Augusta)
and Tiberius Claudius Nero, and through both of
them he inherited the noble blood of the Claudii,
who had never yet admitted an adoption into their
gens. From the adoption of his maternal grand-
father [No. 7] by a Livius Drusus, he becimie
legally one of the representiitives of another illus-
trious race. He was a younger brother of Tiberius
Nero, who was afterwards emperor. Augustus,
having fallen in love with his mother, procured <i
divorce between her and her husband, and married
her himself. Drusus was bom in the house of
Augustus three months after this marriage, in B.c.
38, and a suspicion prevailed that Augustus was
more than a step-father. Hence the satirical versu
was often in men's mouths.

Tots evTvxovai kcu rpifi-qva iraiSia.
Augiistus took up the boy, and sent him to Nero
his father, who soon after died, having appointed
Augustus guardian to Tiberius and Drusus. (Dion
Cass, xlviii. 44; Veil. Pat. ii. 62 ; Suet. Aug. 62,
Claud. 1 ; Prudentius, de Simulacro Liviae.)

Drusus, as he grew up, was more liked by the
people than was his brother. He was free from
dark reserve, and in him the character of the
Claudian race assumed its most attractive, as in
Tiberius its most odious, type. In everything he
did, there was an air of high breeding, and the no-
ble courtesy of his manners was set off by singular
beauty of person and dignity of form. He pos-
sessed in a high degree the winning quality of al-
ways exhibitingto wards his friends an even and con-
sistent demeanour, without capricious alternations
of familiarity and distance, and he seemed adapted
by nature to sustain the character of a prince and
statesman. (Tac. Ann. vi. 51 ; Veil. Pat. iv. J»7.)
It was known that he had a desire to see the com-
monwealth restored, and the people cherished the
hope that he would live to give them back their
ancient liberties. (Suet Claml. 1 ; Tac. Ann. i. 33.)
He wrote a letter to his brother, in which he
broached the notion of compelling Augustus to re-
sign the empire; and this letter was betrayed by
Tiberius to Augustus (Suet. Tib. 60.) But notwith-
standing this indication that the affection of Tibe-
rius was either a hollow pretence, or yielded to
his sense of duty to Augustus, the brothers main-
tained during their lives an appearance, at least,
of fraternal tenderness, which, according to Vale-
rius Maximus (v. 5. § 3), had only one parallel —
the friendship of Castor and Pollux ! In the do-
mestic relations of life, the conduct of Drusus was
exemplary. He miu-ried the beautiful and illus-

1084

DRUSUS.

trious Antonia, a daughter — and, according to the
preponderance of authority [Antonia, No. o], the
ynnn<ier daughter — of M. Antonius the triumvir by
Octavia, the sister of Augustus. Their mutual
attachment was unusually great, and the unsullied
fidelity of Drusus to the marriage-bed became a
theme of popular admiration and applause in a
profligate age. It is finely referred to by Pedo
Albinovanus in his beautiful poem upon the death
of Drusus :

Tu concessHs amor, tu solus et ultimus illi,
Tu requies fesso grata laboris eras.
He must have been young when he married ; for,
though he died at the age of thirty, he had several
children who died before him, besides the three,
Germanicus, Livia, and Claudius, who survived
their father.

He began public life early. In B. c. 1 9, he ob-
tained permission, by a decree of the senate, to fill
all magistracies five years before the regular time.
(Dion Cass. liv. 10.) In the beginning of B. c.
16, we find him presiding with his brother at a
gladiatorial show; and when Augustus, upon his
departure for Gaul, took Tiberius, wlio was then
praetor, along with him, Drusus was left in the city
to discharge, in his brother's place, the important
duties of that office. (Dion Cass. liv. 19.) In
the following year he was made quaestor, and sent
against the Rhaetians, who were accused of having
committed depredations upi>n Roman travellers and
allies of the Romans. The mountainous parts of
the country were inhabited by banditti, who levied
contributions from the pe^iceful cultivators of the
plains, and plundered all who did not purchase
freedom from attack by special agreement. Every
chance male who fell into their hands was mur-
dered. Drusus attacked and routed them near the
Tridentine Alps, as they were about to make a
foray into Italy. His victory was not decisive,
but he obtained praetorian honours as liis reward.
The Rhaetians, after being repulsed from lUily,
continued to infest the frontier of Gaul. Tiberius
was then despatched to join Drusus, and the bro-
thers jointly defeated simie of the tribes of the
Rliaeti and Vindelici, while others submitted with-
out resistance. A tribute was imposed upon the
country. The greater part of the population was
carried off, while enough were left to till the soil
without being able to rebel. (Dion Cass. liv. 22 ;
Strab. iv. fin. ; Floras, iv. 12.) These exploits of
the young step-sons of Augustus are the theme of
a spirited ode of Horace. {Carm. iv. 4, ib. 14.)

On the return of Augustus to Rome from Gaul,
in B. c. 13, Dnisus was sent into that province,
which had been driven into revolt by the exaction
of the Roman governor, Licinius, who, in order to
increase the amount of the monthly tribute, had
divided the year into fourteen months. Drusus
made a new assessment of property for the purpose
of taxation, and in B. c. 12 quelled the tumults
which had been occasioned by his financial mea-
sures. (Liv. Ejnt. cxxxvi. cxxxvii.) The Sicambri
and their allies, under pretence of attending an
annual festival held at Lyons at the altar of Au-
gustus, had fomented the disaffection of the Gallic
chieftains. In the tumults which ensued, their
troops had crossed the Rhiiie. Dnisus now drove
them back into the Batavian island, and pursued
them in their own territory, laying waste the
greater part of their country. He then followed
the course of the Rhine, sailed to the ocean, sub- j

DRUSUS.

dued the Frisians, laid upon them a moderate tri-
bute of beeves-hides, and passed by shallows into the
territory of the Chauci, where his vessels grounded
upon the ebbing of the tide. From this danger he
was rescued by the friendly assistance of the Fri-
sians. Winter now approached. He returned to
Rome, and in B. c. 11 was made praetor urbanus.

Drusus was the first Roman general who pene-
trated to the German ocean. It is probable that
he united the military design of reconnoitering the
coast with the spirit of adventure and scientific
discovery. (Tac. (Jerm. 34.) From the migratory
character of the tribes he subdued, it is not easy
to fix their locality with precision ; and the diffi-
culty of geographical exactness is increased by the
alterations which time and the elements* have made
in the face of the country. Mannert and others
identify the Dollart with the place where the fleet
of Drusus went ashore ; but the Dollart first as-
sumed its present form in a.d. 1277; and Wilhelm
( Feldzuge dcr Nero Clawiius Drusus iin Nordlichen
TeuisclJand) makes the Jahde, westward of the
mouth of the Weser, the scene of this misadven-
ture. It is by no means ceruiin by what course
Drusus reached the ocean, although it is the gene-
ral opinion that he had already constructed a canal
uniting the eastern arm of the Rhine with the
Yssel, and so had opened himself a way b}' the
Zuydersee. This opinion is confirmed by a pas-
sage in Tacitus {Ann. ii. H), where Germanicus,
upon entering the Fossa Drusiuna, prays for the
protection of his father, who had gone the same
way before him, and then sails by the Zuydersee
(Lacus Flevus) to the ocean, up to the mouth of
the Ems (Amisia). To this expedition of Drusus
may perhaps be referred the naval battle in the
Euis mentioned by Strabo (vii. init.)^ in which the
Bructeri were defeated, and the subjugation of
the ishinds on the coast, especially Byrchamis
(Borkum). (Strab. vii. 34; Plin. H.N. iv. 13.)
Ferdinand Wachter (Ersch und Gruber's Ency-
clop'ddie., s. v. Dnisus) thinks, that the canal
of Drusus must have been too great 'a work to
be completed at so early a period, and that Dru-
sus could not have had time to run up the Ems.
He supposes, that Dmsus sailed to the ocean
by one of the natural channels of the river, and
that the inconvenience he experienced and the
geographical knowledge he gained led him to avail
himself of the capabilities afforded by the Lacus
Flevus for a safer junction with the ocean ; that
his works on the Rhine wei;e probably begun in
this campaign, and were not finished until some
years afterwards. The precise nature of those
works cannot now be determined. They appear
to have consisted not only of a canal (fossa), but
of a dj'ke or mound {agger., moles) across the Rhine.
Suetonius seems to use even the word fossae in
the sense of a mound, not a canal. " Trans Tiberim
fossas novi et immensi operis effecit, quae nunc
adhuc Drusinae vocantur." {Clatiti. i.) Tacitus
{Ann. xiii. .53) says, that Paullinus Pompeius, in
A. D. .58, completed the agger coercendo Rheno
which had been begun by Driisus sixty-three years
before ; and afterwards relates that Civilis, by de-
stroying the moles formed by Drusus, allowed the
waters of tlie Rhine to rush down and inundate the
side of Gaul. {HisLv.]9.) The most probable opi-
nion seems to be, that Drusus dug a canal from the
Rhine near Amheim to the Yssel, near Doesberg
(wiiich bears a trace of his name), and that he also

DRUSUS.

widened the bed of the narrow outlet whicli at
that time connected the Lacus Flevus with the
ocean. These were his fossae. With regard to
iiis agcfer or moles, it is supposed that he partly
dammed up tlie south-western arm of the Rhine
(the Vahalis or Waal), in order to allow more
water to How into the north-eastern arm, upon
which his canal was situated. But tliis hypothesis
as to the situation of the dyke is very doubtful.
Some modern authors hold that the Yssel ran into
the Rhine, and did not run into the Zuydersee,
and that the chief work of Drusus consisted in
connecting the Yssel with a river that i-an from
Zutphen into the Zuydersee.

He did not tarry long at Rome. On the com-
mencement of spring he returned to Geiinany,
subdued the Usipetes, built a bridge over the
Lippe, invaded the country of the Sicambri, and
passed on through the territory of the Cherusci as
far as the Visurgis (Weser). This he was able to
effect from meeting with no opposition from the
Sicambri, who were engaged with all their forces
in fighting against the Chatti. He would have
gone on to cross the Weser had he not been deterred
(such were the ostensible reasons) by scarcity of
provisions, the approach of winter, and the evil
omen of a swarm of bees which settled upon the
lances in front of the tent of the praefectus castro-
rum. (Jul. Obsequens, i. 132.) Ptolemy (ii. 11)
mentions the Tp6iraia Apovaov, which, to judge
from the longitude and latitude he assigns to
them (viz. long. 33°. 45'. lat. 52°. 45'.), were
probably erected on the spot where the army
reached the Weser. No doubt Drusus found it
prudent to retreat. In retiring, he was often in
danger from the stratagems of the enemy, and
(ince was nearly shut up in a dangerous pass near
Arbalo, and narrowly escaped perishing with his
whole army. But the careless bravery of the
Germans saved him. His enemies had already by
anticipation divided the spoil. The Cherusci chose
the horses, the Suevi the gold and silver, and the
Sicambri the prisoners. Thinking that the Romans
were as good as taken, after immolating twenty
Roman centurions as a preparatory sacrifice, they
rushed on without order, and were repulsed. It
was now they, and their horses, and sheep, and
neck-chains (iorqties), that were sold by Drusus.
Henceforward they confined themselves to distant
attacks. (Dion Cass. liv. 20 ; Florus, iv. 12 ; Plin.
If.N. xi. 18.) Drusus had breathing time to build
two castles, one at the confluence of the Luppia and
the Aliso, and the other near the country of the
Chatti on the Rhine. Tlie latter is probably the
modern Cassel over against Mayence. The former
is thought by some who identify the Aliso with
the Aim, to be the modern Elsen Neuhaus in
the district of Paderborn; by others, who iden-
tify the Aliso with the Lise, to be Lisborn
near LippsUidt in the district of Miinster. Drusus
now returned to Rome with the reputation
of having conquered several tribes beyond the
Rhine (Liv. Epit. cxxxviii.), and received as his
reward a vote of the senate granting him an ova-
tion with the insignia of a triumph, and decreeing
that at the end of his praetorship he should have
proconsular authority. But Augustus would not
allow him to bear the title of imperator, which had
been conferred upon him by the army in the field.
In the next year, b. c. 10, Drusus was again at
his post. The Chatti left the territory which had

DRUSUS.

1085

been a/wigned to them by the Romans. After
having long refused to become allies of the Sicaui-
bri, they now consented to join that powerful peo-
ple ; but their united forces were not a match for
Drusus. Some of the Chatti he subdued ; others
he could do no more than harass and annoy. He
attacked the Nervii, who were headed by Senectiua
and Anectius(Liv. Epit. cxxxix) ; and it was pro-
bably in this campaign that he built a castle upon
the Taunus. (Tac. Arm. i. 56.) He then returned
to Rome with Augustus and Tiberius, who had
been in Lugdunensian Gaul, watching the result of
the war in (iermany, and upon his arrival he was
elected to the consulship, which was to commence
on the Kalends of January, b. c. 9. Drusus could
not rest in peace at Rome, To worry and subju-
gate the Germans appeared to be the main object
of his life. Without waiting for the actual com-
mencement of his consulship (Pedo Albin. 1. 139)
he returned to the scene of battle, undeterred by
evil forebodings, of which there was no lack.
There had been horrible storms and inundations in
the winter months, and the lightning had struck
three temples at Rome. (lb. 1. 401; Dion Cass.
Iv.) He attacked the Chatti, won a hard-fought
battle, penetrated to the country of the Suevi,
gave the Mai-comanni (who were a portion of the
Suevi) a signal defeat, and with the arms taken as
spoil erected a mound as a trophy. It was now
perhaps that he gave the Suevi Vannius as their
king. (Tac. A?in. xii. 29.) He then turned his
forces against the Cherusci, crossed the Weser (?),
and carried all before him to the Elbe. (Messalla
Corvin. de Aug. Prog. 39 ; Ped. Albin. 1. 17, 1 13;
Aur. Vict. Epit. i. ; Orosius, iv. 21.) The course
that Drusus took on his way to the Elbe cannot
be determined. Florus (iv. 12) speaks of his mak-
ing roads througli { pate/ecit) the Hercynian forest,
and Wilhelm {Feldzuge, <Sic. p. 50) thinks that he
advanced through Thuringia. Dnisus endeavoured
in vain to cross the Elbe. (Dion Cass. iv. init. ;
Eutrop. iv. 12.) A miraculous event occurred :
a woman of dimensions greater than human ap-
peared to him, and said to him, in the Latin
tongue, "Whither goest thou, insatiable Drusus?
The Fates forbid thee to advance. Away ! The
end of thy deeds and thy life is nigh." Dion
Cassius cannot help believing the fact of the appa-
rition, seeing that the prophetic warning was so
soon fulfilled! Thus deterred by the guardian
Genius of the land, Drusus hastened back to the
Rhine, after erecting trophies on the banks of the
Elbe. Suetonius {Claud. 1) varies from Dion Cas-
sius in the particulars of this legend, and some of
the moderns endeavour to explain it by referring
the denunciation to a German prophetess or Wala.
On his retreat, wolves howled round the camp,
two strange youths appeared on horseback among
the intrenchments, the screams of women were
heard, and the stars raced about in the sky. (Ped.
Albin. 1. 405.) Such were the superstitious fears
which oppressed the minds of the Romans, who
would rather flatter themselves that they were
submitting to supernatural forces than avoiding the
human might of dangerous enemies. Between the
Elbe and the Sala (probably the Thuringian Saal),
death overtook Drusus. According to the Epitomi-
ser of Livy (cxl.) (whose last books contained a full
account of these transactions), the horse of Drusus
fell upon his leg, and Drusus died of the fracture
on the thirtieth dav after the accident. Of tlie

U)8()

DRUSUS.

numerous writers wlio mention the death of Dru-
bU8, no one besides alludes to the broken leg.
Suetonius, whose history is a rich receptacle of
scandal, mentions the incredible report that Dru-
Rus was poisoned by Augustus, after having dis-
obeyed an order of the emperor for his recall. It
is indeed probable enough that the emperor thought
he had advanced far enough, and that it would be
unwise to exasperate into hostility the inoffensive
tnbes beyond the Elbe. Tiberius, Augustus, and
Livia were in Pavia (Ticinum) when the tidings
of the dangerous illness of Drusus reached them.
Tiberius with extraordinary speed crossed the
Alps, performing a journey of 200 Roman miles
through a difficult and dangerous country, without
stopping day or night, and arrived in time to close
the eyes of his brother. (Plin. H. N. xii. 20;
VaL Max. v. 5 ; Ped. Albin. 1. 89; Senec. ConsoL
ad Polyb. 34.) Drusus, though at the point of
death, had yet presence of mind enough to com-
mand, that Tiberius should be received with all
the distinction due to a consular and an imperator.

The summer cjimp where Drusus died was called
Scelerata, the Accursed. The corpse was carried
in a marching military procession to the winter-
quarters of the army at Moguntiacum (Mayence)
upon the Rhine, Tiberius walking all the way as
chief mourner. The troops wished the funeral to
be celebrated there, but Tiberius brought the body
to Italy. It was burnt in the field of Mars, and
the ashes deposited in the tomb of Augustus, who
• omposed the verses that were inscribed upon his
fepulchral monument, and wrote in prose a memo-
liiil of his life. In a funeral oration held by Au-
jjustus in the Flaminian Circus, he exclaimed, " I
]>my the gods to make my adopted sons Caius and
Lucius like Drusus, and to vouchsafe to me as
honourable a death as his."

Among the honours paid to Drusus the cogno-
Dien Germanicus was decreed to him and his pos-
ti'rity. A marble arch with trophies was erected
la his memorj' on the Appian Way, and the re-
I resentation of this arch may be seen upon ex-
tant coins, as for example, in the coin annexed.

which was struck by order of Augustus. He
had a cenotivph on the Rhine, an altar near the
Lippe (Tac. Ann. ii. 7), and Eusebius {Ckrunicon
lid A. D. 43) speaks of a Drusus, the nephew of the
enn)eror Claudius, who had a monument at May-
ence ; but here Drusus Senior seems to be meant,
and there is probably a confusion between the son
and the father of Germanicus. It is to the latter
that the antiquaries of Mayence refer the EicM-
ulein and the Drusiloch. Besides the coins of
Drusus, several ancient signet-rings with his effigy
liave been preserved (Lippert, Daciyliothek, i. No.
(JlO-12, ii. No. 241 and No, 25.5) ; and among
the bronzes found at Herculaneum there is one
wliich is supposed to contain a full-length likeness
of Drusus.

In the preceding narrative the dates have been
collected from Dion Cassius and the Epitomiser of
Livy. In assigning the precise date of events not

DRUSU&

mentioned by those writers, it is often necessar}'
to have recourse to uncertain conjecture.

The misery that Drusus must have occasioned
among the German tribes was undoubtedly exces-
sive. Some antiquaries have imagined that the
German imprecation " Das dich der Drus hole "
may be traced to the traditional dread of this ter-
rible conqueror. The country was widely devas-
tated, and immense multitudes were carried away
from their homes and transplanted to the Gallic
bank of the Rhine. Such was the horror occa-
sioned by the advance of the Romans, that the
Gennan women often dashed their babes against
the ground, and then flung their mangled bodies
in the faces of the soldiers. (Oros. vi. 21.)
Drusus himself possessed great animal courage.
In battle he endeatoured to engage in personal
combat with the chieftains of the enemy, in order
to earn the glory of the spolia opima. He had no
contemptible foe to contend agjiinst, and though
he did not escape unscathed — though, as Varus
soon had occasion to feel, the Germanic spirit was
not quelled — he certainly accomplished an inipor-
tjint work in subjugating the tribes between the
Rhine and the Weser, and erecting fortresses to
preserve his conquests. According to Florus, he
erected upwards of fifty fortresses along the banks
of the Rhine, besides building two bridges across
that river, and establishing ganisons and guards
on the Meuse, the Weser, and the Elbe. He im-
pressed the Gennans not less by the opinion of his
intellect and character than by the terror of his
arms. They who resisted had to dread his un-
flinching firmness and severity, but they who sub-
mitted might rely on his good faith. He did not,
like his successor Varus, rouse and inflame opposi-
tion by tyrannous insolence or wanton cruelty to
the conquered. Whether, educated as he was in
scenes of bloodshed, he would have fulfilled the
expectations of the people, had he lived to attain
the empire, it is impossible to pronounce. He was
undoubtedly, in his kind, one of the great men of his
day. To require that a Roman general, in the heat
of conquest, should shew mercy to people who, ac-
cording to Roman ideas, were ferocious and danger-
ous barbarians, or should pause to balance the cost
against the glory of success, would be to ask more
than could be expected of any ordinary mortal in
a similar position. It is not fair to view the cha-
racters of one age by the light of another ; for he
who has lived, says Schiller, so as to satisfy the
best of his own time, has lived for all times.

(Bayle, IHct. s. v.; Ferd. Wachter, in Ersch und
Gruber's Encyclopddie, s. v.; Wilhelm, die Fe.ld-
zuge des Nero Clauditcs Drusus in dem Nordl.
Deutschland, Halle, 1826.)

12. Tiberius Nkho Caesar, the emperor
Tiberius. [Tiberius.]

13. Germanicus Caesar. [Germanicus.]

14. Livia. [Livia ]

15. Ti. Claudius Drusus Caesar, the em-
peror Claudius. [Claudius, p. 775, b.]

16. Drusus Caesar, commonly called by modem
writers Drusus Junior, to distinguish him from his
uncle Drusus, the brother of Tiberius (No. 11),
was the son of the emperor Tiberius by his first
wife, Vipsania, who was the daughter of Agrippa
by Pomponia, the daughter of Atticus. Thus, his
great-grandfather was only a Roman knight, and
his descent on tlie motlier's side was by no means
so splendid as that of his cousin Germanicus, who

DRUSUS.

was a grandson of the triumvir Antony and
great-nephew of Augustus. He married Livia,
the Hister of Germanicus, after the death of her
first husband, Cains Caesar, the son of Augustus
and Scribonia ; but his wife was neither so
popular nor so prolific as Agrippina, the wife
of Gonnanicus. However, she bore hira three
children — two sons, who were twins, and a daugh-
ter. Of the twins, one died shortly after his
father, and the other, Tiberius, was murdered by
the emperor Caligula. The daughter, Julia, was
first married to Nero, son of (lermanicus, and,
after his death, slie carried the noble blood of the
Drusi into the equestrian family of the Rubellii,
by uniting herself with C. Rubellius Blandus.
(Tac. Ann. vi. 27 ; Juv. Sa(. viii. 40.) As
long as Germanicus lived, the court was divided
between the parties of Germanicus and Drusus,
and Tiberius artfully held the balance of favour
even between them, taking care not to declare
which should be his successor. Notwithstanding
Bo many circumstances which were likely to pro-
duce alienation and jealousy, it is one of the best
traits in the character of Drusus, that he always
preserved a cordial friendship for Germanicus, and,
upon his death, was kind to his children. (Tac. Ann.
ii. 43, iv. 4.) When Piso, relying on the ordinary
baseness of human nature, after the death of Ger-
manicus, endeavoured to secure the protection of
Drusus, Drusus replied to his overtures with a stu-
died ambiguity, which appeared to be a lesson of
the emperor's craft, for his own disposition was na-
turally frank and unguarded. (Ann. iii. 8.) Though
he had not the dissimulation of Tiberius, he was
nearly his equal in impurity and in cruelty. He
delighted in slaughter, and such was his ferocity,
that the sharpest sword-blades took from him the
name of Drusine blades. (Dion Cass. Ivii. 13.) He
was not only a drunkard himself, but he forced his
guests to drink to excess. Plutarch relates how a
j)hysician was treated, who was detected in an
attempt to keep himself sober by taking bitter-
almonds as an antidote to the effects of wine.
(Si/i/iptjs. i. 6.) Tiberius behaved harshly to his
son, and often upbraided him, both in public and
private, for his debaucheries, mingling threats of
disinheritance with his upbraidings.

In A. D. 10 he was quaestor. After the death
of Augustus, A. D. 14, (in whose praise he read a
funeral oration before the rostra,) he was sent into
I'annonia to quell the mutiny of the legions. This
tJisk he performed with address, and with the
vigour of innate nobility. He ordered the execu-
tion of the leaders, and the superstitious fears pro-
duced in the minds of the soldiers by an opportune
eclipse of the moon aided his efforts. (Tac. Ann. i.
24-30.) After his return to Rome, he was made
consul in A. d. 1.5, and, at the gladiatorial games
which he gave in conjunction with Germanicus
(his brother by adoption), he made himself so
remarkable by his sanguinary taste for vulgar blood,
as even to offend the squeaniishness of Roman
spectators. (An7i. i. 7'J.) He degraded the dignity
of his office by his excesses, and bj- his fondness
for players, whom he encouraged in their factious
riots, in opposition to his father's laws. In one of
his ordinary ebullitions of passion, he pummelled a
Roman knight, and, from this exhibition of his
pugilistic propensities, obtained the nickname of
Castor. (Dion Cass. Ivii. 14.) In the following year
Tiberius sent him to Illvricum, not onlv to teach him

DRUSUS.

1007

the art of war, and to make him popular with th«
soldiery, but to remove him from the dissipations
of the city. It is not easy to determine the exact
scene of his operations, but he succeeded in foment-
ing dissension among the Germanic tribes, and
destroyed the power of Maroboduus. For these
successes an ovation was decreed to him by the
senate. In the year a. d. 21, he was consul a
second time, and the emperor was his colleague.
In A. n. 22, he was promoted to the still higher
dignity of the " tribunicia potestas," a title devised
by Augustus to avoid the obloquy attending the
name of king or dicUitor. By this title subsequent
emperors counted the years of their reign upon
their coins. It rendered the power of intercession
and the sacrosanct character of tribunus plebis
compatible with patrician birth. To confer it upon
Drusus was clearly to point him out as the in-
tended successor to the empire. {An7i. iii. 56.)

On one occasion Drusus, who regarded Sejanus
as a rival, gave way to the impetuosity of his tem-
per, and struck the favourite upon the face. The
ambition of Sejanus had taught him to aspire to
the empire, and to plot against all who stood in his
way. The desire of vengeance was now added to
the stimulus of ambition. He turned to Livia, the
wife of Drusus, seduced her affections, persuaded
the adulteress to become the murderer of lier hus-
band, and promised that he would marrj' her when
Drusus was got rid of. Her physician Euderaus
was made an accomplice in the conspiracy, and a
poison was administered to Drusus by the eunuch
Lygdus, which terminated his life by a lingering
disease, that was supposed at the time to be the
consequence of intemperance, (Suet. Tib. 62.)
This occurred in a. d. 23, and was first brought to
light eight years afterwards, upon the information
of Apicata, the wife of Sejanus, supported by the
confessions, elicited by torture, of Euderaus and
Lygdus. {A tin. iv. 3, 8, 11.)

The funeral of Drusus was celebrated with the
greatest external honours, but the people were
pleased at heart to see the chance of succession
revert to the house of Germanicus. Tiberius bore
the death of his only son with a cool equanimity
which indicated a want of natural affection.

The annexed coin contains on the obverse the
head of Drusus, with Davsvs Caesar Ti. Aug,
F. Divi Aug. N., and on the reverse Pontif.
Tkibvn. Potest. Itkh.

17. Nero. [Nero.]

18. Drusus, a son of Germanicus and Agrippina.
In A. D. 23, he assumed the toga virilis, and the
senate went through the form of allowing him to
be a candidate for the quaestorship five years be-
fore the legal age. (Tac. Ann. iv. 4.) Afterwards,
as we learn from Suetonius (Calujula., 12), he wa*
made augur. He was a youth of an unamiable
disposition, in which cunning and ferocity were
mingled. His elder brother Nero was higher in

1088 DRUSUS.

the favour of Agrippina, and stood between liim
and the hope of succession to the empire. This
produced a deep hatred of Nero in the envious
and ambitious mind of Drusus. Sejanus, too, was
anxious to succeed Tiberius, and sought to remove
out of the way all who from their parentage would
be likely to oppose his schemes. Though he al-
ready meditated the destruction of Drusus, he first
chose to take advantage of his estrangement from
Nero, and engaged him in the plots against his
elder brother, which ended in the banishment and
death of tliat wretched prince. {Ann. iv. 60.)
Tiberius had witnessed with displeasure the marks
of public favour which were exhibited towards
Nero and Drusus as members of the house of Ger-
manicus, and gladly forwarded the plans that were
contrived for their destruction. He declared in
the senate his disapprobation of the public prayers
which had been offered for their health, and this
indication was enough to encourage accusers.
Aemilia Lepida, the wife of Drusus, a woman of the
most abandoned character, made frequent charges
against him. (Ann. vi. 40.) The words which he
spoke, when heated with wine or roused to anger,
were reported to the palace, and represented by
the emperor to the senate, in A. D. 30, in a docu-
ment which cont'iined every charge that could be
collected, heightened by invective. Drusus, like
his elder brother, was condemned to death as an
enemy of the state; but Tiberius kept him for
some years imprisoned in a small chamber in the
lowest part of the palace, intending to put him
forward as a leader of the people, in case any at-
tempt to seize the supreme command should be
made by Sejanus. Finding, however, that a beliet
prevailed that he was likely to be reconciled to
Agrippina and her son, with his usual love of
baffling expectations, and veiling his intentions in
impenetrable obscurity, he gave orders, in a. d. 33,
that Drusus should be starved to death. Drusus
lived for nine days after this cniel sentence, having
prolonged his miserable existence by devouring the
tow with which his mattress was stuffed. (Suet.
Tib .'>4; Tac. J««. vi. 23.)

An exact account had been kept by Actius, a
centurion, and Didymus, a freedman, of all that
occurred in his dungeon during his long incarcera-
tion. In this journal were set down the names of
the slaves who had beaten or terrified him when
he attempted to leave his chamber, the savage re-
bukes administered to him by the centurion, his
secret murmurs, and the words he uttered when
perishing with hunger. Tiberius, after his death,
went to the senate, inveighed against the shameful
profligacy of his life, his desire to destroy his rela-
tives, and his disaffection to the state; and pro-
ceeded, in proof of these charges, to order the
journal of his sayings and doings to be read. 1'his
was too nmch, even for the Roman senate, degraded
as it was. The senators were stnick with asto-
nishment and alarm at the contemptuous indecency
of such an exposure by a tyrant fonnerly so dark,
and deep, and wary in the concealment of his
crimes ; and they interrupted the horrid recital,
under the pretence of uttering exclamations of de-
testation at the misconduct of Drusus. (^«w. vi. 24.)

In A. D. 31, a pretender had appeared among
the Cyclades and in Greece, whose followers gave
out that he was Drusus, the son of German icus,
rticaped from prison, and that he was proceeuing
to join the armies of his fother, and to invade

DRYAS.

Egypt and Syria. This affair might have had
serious consequences, had it not been for the acti-
vity of Poppaeus Sabinus, who, after a sharp pur-
suit, caught the false Drusus at Nicopolis, and
extracted from him a confession that he was a son
of M. Silanus. {Ann. v. 10; Dion Cass. Iviii. 7.)

19. Caius Caesar Caligula, the emperor
Caligula. [Caligula, p. 563, b.]

20. Agrippina. [Agrippina, p. 81, a.]

21. Drusilla. [Drusilla, No. 2.]

22. Julia Livilla. [Julia.]

23. Drusus, one of the two children of the
emperor Claudius by his wife Urgulanilla. He
died at Pompeii before attaining puberty, in a. u.
20, being choked by a pear which, in play, he had
been throwing up and catching in his mouth. This
occurred but a few days after he had been engaged
to marry a daughter of Sejanus, and yet there
were people who reported that he had been frau-
dulently put to death by Sejanus. (Suet. Claudius^
27 ; Tac. Ann. iii. 29.)

24. Claudia. [Claudia, No. 15, p. 762, b.]

25. Drusilla. [Drusilla, No. 3.]

26. Decimus Drusus. In Dig. 1. tit. 13. § 2,
the following passage is quoted from Ulpian : —
Ejc quaestoribus (juulam solcbant provincias sortiri
ex Senatus-consultu., qutjd /actum est Decimo Druso
et Porcina Omsulibus. It has been commonly sup-
posed that Ulpian here refers to a gerieral decree
of the senate, imuie in the consulship he names,
and directing the mode of allotting provinces to
quaestors in general. We rather believe him to
mean that it was usual for the senate, from time to
time, to make special decrees relating to the allot-
ment of provinces to particular quiiestors, and that
he intends to give the date of an early instance in
which this was aone. (Comp. Cic. PliUipp. ii. 20.)
Had the former meaning been intended, Ulpian
would probably have sjiidea- eo Senuttis-consulto, qiioJ

factum est. It is uncertain who Decimus Drusus
was, and when he was consul. The brothers
Kriegel, in the Leipzig edition of the Corpus Juris^
erroneously refer his consulship to a. u. c. 745
(b. c. 9), when Nero Claudius Drusus (the brother
of the emperor Tiberius) and Crispinus were con-
suls. Pighius {Antial. ad A. U. C. 677) proposes
the unauthorized reading D. Bruto et Acmilio for
D. Druso et Porcina, and in this conjecture is fol-
lowed by Bach. {Hist. Jur. Rom. p. 208, ed. 6ta.)
Ant. Augustinus {de Nom. Prop. Pa7idecl. in Otto's
Tlu'saurus^ i. p. 258) thinks the consulship must
have occurred in the time of the emperors, but it
is certain that provinces were assigned to quaestors,
ej- S. C, during the republic. The most probable
opinion is that of Zepernick {Ad Siccamam de Jn-
dicio Centumvirali, p. lOO, n.), who holds that D.
Drusus was consul suffectus with Lepidus Porcina
in u. c. 137, after the forced abdication of Hostilius
Marcinus.

27. C. Drusus. Suetonius {Attgusi. 94) gives
a miraculous anecdote of the infancy of Augustus,
for which he cites an extant work of C. Drusus, —
Ut scriptum apud C. Drusum eatai. Of this wiitei
nothing is known, but it is not unlikely that he
was connected with the imperial family. [J.T.G.]

DRY'ADES. [Nvmphak.]

DRYAS (hpvas), a son of Ares, and brother
of Tereus, was one of the Calydonian hunters.
He was nmrdered by his own brother, who had
received an oracle, that his son Itys should fall by
the hand of a relative. (ApoUod. I 8. § 2 ; Hygiu.

DUBIUS.

Fab. 45.) There are five other mythical person-
ages of this name. (Apollod. ii. 1. §5; Ilom.
//. vi. 1:M) ; Apollod. iii. 5. § 1 ; Horn Jl. i. 2G3;
Hesiod. Scut. Here. 179.) [L. S.]

DRYMON (ApiJ^wi/). There are two persons
of this name ; the one is mentioned by Tatian (p.
137» ed. Oxford, 1700) and Eusebius {Fracp.
Evang. x. p. 495) as an author who lived before
the time of Homer. But the reading in Tatian is
uncertain, and we have no clue for any further in-
vestigation about him. The second Drymon is
mentioned by lamblichus among the celebrated
Pythagoreans. {De Vit. Pytlu 36 ; comp. Fabric
BiU. Grace, i. p. 29, &c.) [L. S.]

DRY'OPE (ApvoTTv), a daughter of king
Dryops, or, according to others, of Eurytus.
While she tended the flocks of her father on
Mount Oeta, she became the playmate of the
Hamadryades, who taught her to sing hymns to
the gods and to dance. On one occasion she was
seen by Apollo, who, in order to gain possession of
her, metamorphosed himself into a tortoise. The
nymphs played with the animal, and Drj'ope took
it into her lap. The god then changed himself
into a serpent, which frightened the nymphs away,
BO that he remained alone with Dryope. Soon
after she married Andraemon, the son of Oxylus,
but she became, by Apollo, the mother of Am-
phissus, who, after he had grown up, built the
town of Oeta, and a temple to Apollo. Once,
when Dryope was in the temple, the Hamadryades
carried her off and concealed her in a forest, and
in her stead there was seen in the temple a well
and a poplar. Dryope now became a nymph, and
Amphissus built a temple to the nymphs, which
no woman was allowed to approach. (Ov. Met. ix.
325, &c. ; Anton. Lib. 32 ; Steph. Byz. s. v.
Apv6Trri.) Virgil {Aen. x. 551) mentions another
personage of this name. [L. S.]

DRYOPS {Apvo\p), a son of the river-god Sper-
cheius, by the Danaid Polydora (Anton. Lib. 32),
or, according to others, a son of Lycaon (probably
a mistake for Apollo) by Dia, the daughter of
Lycaon, who concealed her new-bom infant in a
hollow oak tree {Spvs'^ Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i.
1283 ; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 480). The Asinaeans
in Messenia worshipped him as their ancestral
hero, and as a son of Apollo, and celebrated a fes-
tival in honour of him every other year. His
heroum there was adorned with a very archaic
statue of the hero. (Paus. iv. 34. § 6.) He had
been king of the Dry opes, who derived their name
from him, and were believed to have occupied the
country from the valley of the Spercheius and
Thermopylae, as far as Mount Parnassus. (Anton.
Lib. 4 ; Hom. Hymn. vi. 34.)

There are two other mythical personages of this
name. (Hom.//. xx. 454 ; Diet, Cret iv. 7; Virg.
Aen. X. 345.) [L. S.]

DRYPETIS (ApuTT^Tis or ApuTrerts), daughter
of Dareius, the last king of Persia, was given in
marriage to Hephaestion by Alexander, at the
same time that he himself married her sister, Sta-
tira, or Barsine. (Arrian, Anab. vii. 4. § 6 ; Diod.
xvii. 107.) She was murdered, together with her
sister, soon after the death of Alexander, by the
orders of Roxana and with the connivance of Per-
diccas. (Plut. Alex, c ult.) [E. H. B.]

DU'BIUS AVI'TUS, was praefect of Gaul
and Lower Germany in the reign of the emperor
Nero, and the successor of Paulinus in that post.

DUCAS.

1089

When the Frisians had occupied and taken in-
to cultivation a tract of land near the banks of
the Rhine, Dubius Avitus demanded of them to
quit it, or to obtain the sanction of the emperor.
Two ambassadors accordingly went to Rome ; but,
although they themselves were honoured and dis-
tinguished by the Roman franchise, the Frisians
were ordered to leave the country they had occu-
pied, and those who resisted were cut down by
the Roman cavalry. The same tract of country
was then occupied by the Ampsivarii, who had
been driven out of their own country by the
Chauci, and implored the Romans to allow them a
peaceful settlement. Dubius Avitus gave them a
haughty answer, but offered to their leader. Boio-
calus, who was a friend of Rome, a piece of land.
Boiocalus declined the oifer, which he looked upon
as a bribe to betray his countrymen ; and the
Ampsivarii immediately formed an alliance with
the Tenchteri and Bmcteri to resist the Romans
by force of arms. Dubius Avitus then called in
the aid of Curtilius Mancia and his army. He
invaded the territory of the Tenchteri, who were
so frightened that they renounced the alliance with
the Ampsivarii, and their example was followed
by the Bructeri, whereby the Ampsivarii were
obliged to yield. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 54, 56 ; Plin.
H.N.xxxir. 18.) [L. S.]

DUCAS, MICHAEL (Mixari\ 6 Aou/cas), the
grandson of another Michael Ducas, who lived
during the reign of John Palaeologus the younger,
and a descendant of the imperiad family of the
Ducases, lived before and after the capture of Con-
stantinople by Sultan Mohammed IL in 1453.
This Michael Ducas was a distinguished historian,
who held probably some high office under Con-
stantine XII., the last emperor of Constantinople.
After the capture of this city, he fled to Dorino
Gateluzzi, prince of Lesbos, who employed him in
various diplomatic functions, which he continued
to discharge under Doraenico Gateluzzi, the son
and successor of Dorino. In 1455 and 1456, he
brought the tribute of the princes of Lesbos and
Lemnos to Adrianople, and he also accompanied
his master Domenico to Constantinople, where he
was going to pay homage to Sultan Mohammed II.
Owing to the prudence of Dorino and Domenico,
and the diplomatic skill of Ducas, those two
princes enjoyed a happy dependence ; but Dome-
nico having died, his son and successor, Nicholas,
incurred the hatred of Mohammed, who conquered
Lesbos and united it to the Turkish empire in
1462. Ducas survived this event, but his further
life is not known. The few particulars we know
of him are obtained from his "History." This
work begins with the death of John Palaeologus I.,
and goes down to the capture of Lesbos in 1462;
it is divided into forty-five extensive chapters ; the
first begins with a very short chronicle from Adam
to John Palaeologus I., which seems to have been
prefixed by some monk ; it finishes abruptly with
some details of the conquest of Lesbos ; the end is
mutilated. Ducas wrote most barbarous Greek,
for he not only made use of an extraordinarj- num-
ber of Turkish and other foreign words, but he
introduced grammatical forms and peculiarities of
style which are not Greek at alL He is the most
difficult among the Byzantine historians, and it
seems that he was totally unacquainted with the
classical Greek writers. His defects, however, are
merely in his language and style. He is a most

4 A

1090

DUILIA.

faithful historian, grave, judicious, prudent, and
impartial, and his account of the causes of the ruin
of the Greek empire is full of sagacity and wis-
dom. Ducas, Chalcondylas, and Phranza, are
the chief sources for the last period of the Greek
empire ; but Ducas surpasses both of them by his
clear narrative and the logical arrangement of his
matters. He was less learned than Chalcondylas,
but, on the other hand, he was without doubt
thoroughly acquainted with the Turkish language,
no small advantage for a man who wrote the his-
tory of that time. The editio princeps of the work
is by Bulliaud (Bullialdus), " Historia Byzantina
a Joanne Palaeologo I. ad Mehemetem II. Ac-
cessit Chronicon breva (xpoviKou avin-o/xov), etc.
Versione Latina et Notis ab Ismael BuUialdo,"
Paris, 1 649, fol., reprinted at Venice, 1 729, fol. It
has been also edited by Immanuel Bekker, Bonn,
1 834, 8vo. Bekker perused the same Parisian
codex as Bulliaud, but he was enabled to correct
many errors by an Italian MS., being an Italian
translation of Ducas, with a continuation in the
same language, which was found about twenty
years ago by Leopold Ranke in one of the libraries
at Venice. This MS. was first published by
Mustodoxi in the 19th volume of the "Antologia."
It also forms a valuable addition to the edition of
Bekker. (Fabric. BiU. Graec. viii. pp. 33, 34;
Hankins, Script. Byzant. pp. 640 — 644 ; Hammer,
Geschichie des Osman. Reiches, vol. ii. p. 69, not b.
p. 72.) [W. P.]

DUCE'NNIUS GE'MINUS. [Geminus.J
DUCE'TIUS (Aou/f€Tjoy), a chief of the Sice-
lians, or Sicels, the native tribes in the interior of
Sicily. He is styled king of the Sicelians by Dio-
dorus (xi. 78), and is said to have been of illus-
trious descent. After the expulsion of the family
of Gelon from Syracuse (b. c. 466), Ducetius suc-
ceeded in uniting all the Sicelians of the interior
into one nation, and in order to give them a com-
mon centre founded the city of Palice in the plain
below Menaenum. (Diod. xi. 88.) He had previ-
ously made war on the Catanaeans, and expelled
from that city the new colonists who had been
Bent there by Hiero, who thereupon took posses-
sion of Inessa, the name of which they changed to
Aetna; but Ducetius subsequently reduced this
city also. (Diod. xi. 76, 91.) An attack upon a
small place in the territory of Agrigentum involved
him in hostilities not only with the Agrigentines,
but the Syracusans also, who defeated him in a
great battle. The consequence of this was that he
was deserted by all his followers, and fearing to
be betrayed into the hands of the enemy, he took
the daring resolution of repairing at once to Syra-
cuse as a suppliant, and placing himself at their
mercy. The Syracusans spared his life, but sent
him into an honourable exile at Corinth. (Diod.
xi. 91, 92.) Here however he did not remain
long, but having assembled a considerable band of
colonists, returned to Sicily, and founded the city
of Calacte on the north coast of the island. He
was designing again to assert his supremacy over
all the Sicelian tribes when his projects were in-
terrupted by his death, about 440, B. c. (Diod.
xii. 8, 29 ; Wesseling, ad he.) [E. H. B.]

DUI'LIA or DUI'LLIA GENS, plebeian.
The plebeian character of this gens is attested by
the fact of M. Duilius being tribune of the plebs
in B. c. 471, and further by the statement of Dio-
nysius (x. 58), who expressly says, that the de-

DUILIUS.

cemvir K. Duilius and two of his colleagues were
plebeians. In Livy (iv. 3) we indeed read, that
all the decemvirs had been patricians; but this
must be regarded as a mere hasty assertion which
Livy puts into the mouth of the tribune Canuleius,
for Livy himself in another passage (v. 13) ex-
pressly states, that C. Duilius, the military tribune,
was a plebeian. The only cognomen that occurs
in this gens is Longus. [L. S.]

DUI'LIUS. 1. M. Duilius, was tribune of
the plebs in b. c. 471, in which j'ear the tribunes
were for the first time elected in the comitia of the
tribes. In the year following, M. Duilius and his
colleague, C. Sicinus, summoned Appius Claudius
Sabinus, the consul of the year previous, before the
assembly of the people, for the violent opposition
he made to the agrarian law of Sp.Cassius. [Clau-
dius, No. 2.) Twenty-two years later, b. c. 449,
when the commonalty rose against the tyranny of
the decemvirs, he acted as one of the champions of
his order, and it was on his advice that the plebeians
migrated from the Aventine to the Mons Sacer.
When the decemvirs at length were obliged to resign,
and the commonalty had returned to the Aventine,
M. Duilius and C. Sicinus were invested with the
tribuneship a second time, and Duilius immediately
proposed and carried a rogation, that consuls should
be elected, from whose sentence an appeal to the
people should be left open. He then carried a
plebiscitura, that whoever should leave the plebs
without its tribunes, or create any magistrate with-
out leaving an appeal to the people open against
his verdicts, should be scourged and put to death.
M. Duilius was a noble and high-minded champion
of his order, and acted throughout that turbulent
period with a high degree of moderation and
wisdom. He kept the commonalty as well as his
more vehement colleagues within proper bounds,
for after sentence had been passed on the decemvirs,
and when the tribunes appeared to wish to carry
their revenge still further, Duilius declared that
there had been enough punishment and hostility,
and that, in the course of that year, he would not
allow any fresh accusation to be brought forward,
nor any person to be thrown into prison. This
declaration at once allayed the fears of the patri-
cians. When the tribunes for the next year were
to be elected, the colleagues of Duilius agreed
among themselves to continue in office for another
year ; but Duilius, who happened to preside at the
election, refused to accept any votes for the re-
election of his colleagues. They were obliged to
submit to the law, and M. Duilius resigned his
office and withdrew. (Liv. ii. 58, 61, iii. 52-54,
59, 64 ; Diod. xi. 68 ; Dionys. xi. 46 ; Cic. de
mPubl.n. 31.)

2. K. Duilius, was elected together with two
other plebeians as decemvir for the year b. c. 450,
and as in that year a war broke out with the
Aequians and Sabines, K. Duilius and four of his
colleagues were sent to Mount Algidus against the
Aequians. After the abolition of the decemvirate,
and when some of the decemvirs had been punish-
ed, Duilius escaped from sharing their fate by
going into voluntary exile, whereupon his property,
like that of the others who withdrew from Rome,
was publicly sold by the quaestors. (Liv. iii. 35.
41, 50 ; Dionys. x. 58, xi. 2^, 40.)

3. K. Duilius, was cons^il in b, c. 336, and
I two years later triumvir fcr the purpose of con-
I ducting a colony to Cales, a town of the Ausoniau»

DUILIUS.

against which a war had been carried on during
his consulship, and which had been reduced the
year after. (Liv. viii. IG ; Died. xvii. "JH, where
he is erroneously called Kalauv OvaKepios ; Cic. ad
Fam. ix. 21.)

4. M. DuiLius, was tribune of the plebs in B. c.
357, in which year he and his colleague, L.Maeniiis,
carried a rogation de unciario foenore^ and another
which prevented the irregular proceedings in the
camps of the soldiers, such as the enactment of a
law by the soldiers out of Rome, on the proposal
of a consul. (Liv. vii. 16, 19.)

5. C. DuiLius, perhaps a brother of No. 4,
Avas appointed, in B. c. 352, by the consuls
one of the quinqueviri mensarii, for the liquidation
of debts, and he and his colleagiie conducted
their business with such skill and moderation, that
they gained the gratitude of all parties. (Liv. vii.
21.)

6. C. DuiMUS, probably a grandson of No. 4,
was consul with Cn. Cornelius Asina in B. c. 260.
In that year the coast of Italy was repeatedly
ravaged by the Carthaginians, against whom the
Romans could do nothing, as they were yet with-
out a navy. The Romans then built their first
fleet of one hundred quinqueremes and twenty
triremes, using for their model a Carthaginian
vessel which had been thrown on the coast of
Italy. The sum total of the Roman ships is stated
differently, for, according to Orosius (iv. 7), it
amounted to 130, and according to Floras (ii. 2) to
] 60. This fleet is said to have been built in the
short space of sixty days. According to some
authorities (Zonar. viii. 10 ; Aurel. Vict, de Vir.
lUustr. 38 ; Oros. /. c), Duilius obtained the com-
mand of this fleet, whereas, according to Polybius
(i. 22), it was given to his colleague Cn. Cornelius.
The same writer states, that at first Cn. Cornelius
sailed with 17 ships to Messana, but allowed him-
self to be drawn towards Lipara, and there fell
into the hands of the Carthaginians. (Comp.
Polyaen. vi. 16. § 5.) Soon after, when the Ro-
man fleet approached Sicily, Hannibal, the ad-
miral of the Carthaginians, sailed out against it
with 50 ships, but he fell in with the enemy before
he was aware of it, and, after having lost most of
his ships, he escaped with the rest. The Romans
then, on hearing of the misfortune of Cn. Cornelius,
sent to Duilius, who commanded the land army,
and entmsted to him the command of their fleet.
According to Zonaras (viii. 1 1 ), Duilius, who com-
manded the fleet from the beginning, when he per-
ceived the disadvantages under which the clumsy
ships of the Romans were labouring, devised the
well-known grappling-irons (/copa/ces), by means of
which the enemy's ships were drawn towards his,
so that the sea-fight was, as it were, changed into
a land-fight. (Polyb. i. 22, &c. ; Frontin. Strateg.
ii. 3. § 24.) When Duilius was informed that the
Carthaginians were ravaging the coast of Myle in
Sicily, he sailed thither with his whole armament,
and soon met the Carthaginians, whose fleet con-
sisted of 1 30, or, according to Diodorus (xxiii. 2,
Excerpt. Vatic), of 200 sail. The battle which
ensued off Myle and near the Liparean islands,
ended in a glorious victory of the Romans, which
they mainly owed to their grappling-irons. In the
first attack the Carthaginians lost 30, and in the
second 50 more ships, and Hannibal esaiped with
difficulty in a little boat. According to Eutropius
and Orosius, the loss of the Carthaginians was not

DUMNORIX.

1091

as great as Polybius states. After the victory was
completed, Duilius landed in Sicily, relieved the
town of Egesta, which was closely besieged by the
enemy, and took Macella by assault. Another
town on the coast seems likewise to have been
tiiken by him. (Frontin. Strateg. iii. 2. § 2.) Here-
upon he visited the several allies of Rome in Sicily,
and among them also king Iliero of Syracuse; but
when he wanted to return home, the Carthaginians
endeavoured to prevent his sailing out of the har-
bour of Syracuse, though without success. (Frontin.
StraUg. i. 5. § 6.)

On his return to Rome, Duilius celebrated a
splendid triumph, for it was the first naval victory
that the Romans had ever gained, and the memory
of it was perpetuated by a column which was
erected in the foram, and adorned with the beaks
of the conquered ships (Plin. //. N. xxxiv. 5 ; Sil.
Ital. Pun. vi. 663, &c. ; Quintil. i. 7. $ 12), while
Duilius himself shewed his gratitude to the gods by
erecting a temple to Janus in the forum Olitoriura.
(Tac. Ann. ii. 49 ; comp. a somewhat different
account in Servius, on Virg. Georg. iii. 29, who
says, that Duilius erected two columnae ros-
traiae, one in the forum and the other at the
entrance of the circus.) The column in the foram
existed in the time of Pliny and Quintilian, but
whether it was the original one has been questioned.
It is generally believed that the original inscription
which adorned the basis of the column is still ex-
tant. It was dug out of the ground in the 1 6th
century, in a mutilated condition, and it has since
often been printed with attempts at restoration.
There are, however, in that inscription some ortho-
graphical peculiarities, which suggest, that the pre-
sent inscription is a later restoration of the origi-
nal one. This suspicion was expressed by the first
editor, P. Ciacconius, and has been repeated by
Niebuhr (Hist, of Rome, iii. p. 579), who, in a
later publication {Lectures on Rom. Hist. i. p. 1 1 8, ed.
Schmitz) remarks, " The present table which con-
tains the inscription is not the original one, for it
is a piece of Greek marble, which was unknown at
Rome in the time of Duilius. The original column
was strack by lightning in the time of Tiberius,
and was faithfully restored by Germanicus."
Duilius was further rewarded for this victory, by
being permitted, whenever he returned home from
a banquet at night, to be accompanied by a torch
and a flute-player. One more interesting fact is
mentioned in connexion with his consulship, viz.
in that year the senate of Rome forbade the inter-
ment of dead bodies within the city. (Serv. ad
Aen. xi. 206.) According to the Capitoline Fasti,
Duilius was censor in B. c. 258, and in 231 dic-
tator for the purpose of holding the comitia. (Comp.
Liv. Epit. 17; Cic. de Senect. 13, Orat. 45, pro
Plane. 25.) [L. S.]

DUMNORIX, a chieftain of the Aedui, en-
tered into the ambitious designs of Orgetorix, the
Helvetian, whose daughter he married. After the
death of Orgetorix, the Helvetians still continuing
their plan of migration and conquest, Dumnorix,
who, with a view to sovereign power among his
own people, was anxious to extend his influence in
all possible quarters, obuiined for them a passage
through the territory of the Sequani. Caesar soon
discovered that he had done so, and also that he
had .prevented the Aeduans from supplying the
provisions they were bound to furnish to the Ro-
man army. In consequence, however, of the en-

1092

DURIS.

treaties of his brother, Divitiacus, his life was
spared, though Caesar had him closely watched.
This occurred in b. c. 58. When Caesar was on
the point of setting out on his second expedition
into Britain, in b. c. 54, he suspected Dumnorix
too much to leave him behind in Gaul, and he in-
sisted therefore on his accompanying him. Dum-
norix, upon this, fled from the Roman camp with
the Aeduan cavalry, but was overtaken and slain.
(Caes. B. G. i. 3, 9, 16—20, v. 6, 7 ; Plut. Goes.
18 ; Dion Cass, xxxviii. 31, 32.) [E. E.]

DURIS (AoiJpts), of Samos, a descendant of
Alcibiades (Plut. Alcih. 32), and brother of Lyn-
ceus, lived in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus.
The early part of his life fell in the period when
the Athenians sent 2000 cleruchi to Samos, by
whom the inhabitants of the island were expelled,
B. c. 352. During the absence from his native
country, Duris, when yet a boy, gained a victory
at Olympia in boxing, for which a statue was
erected to him there with an inscription. (Pans.
vi. 1 3. § 3.) The year of that victory is unknown,
but it took place previous to the return of the
Samians to their island, in b. c. 324. He must
have been staying for some time at Athens, as he
and his brother Lynceus are mentioned among the
pupils of Theophrastus. (Athen. iv. p. 128.) After
his return to Samos, he obtained the tyranny,
though it is unknown by what means and how
long he maintained himself in that position. He
must, however, have survived the year b. c. 281, as
in one of his works (ap. Plin. H. N. viii. 40) he
mentioned an occurrence which belongs to that year.

Duris was the author of a considerable number
of works, most of which were of an historical
nature, but none of them has come down to us, and
all we possess of his productions consists of a num-
ber of scattered fragments. His principal work
was — 1. A history of Greece, t) rciv 'EWrfftKcliv
iaropla (Diod. xv. 60), or, as others simply call it,
larupiai. It commenced with the death of the three
princes, Amyntas, the father of Philip of Macedo-
nia, Agesipolis of Sparta, and Jason of Pherae,
that is, with the year B. c. 370, and carried the
history down at least to b. c. 281, so that it em-
braced a period of at least 89 years. The number
of books of which it consisted is not known, though
their number seems to have amounted to about 28.
Some ancient writers speak of a work of Duris
entitled MaKcSoi/tKcl, and the question as to whether
this was a distinct work, or merely a part of or
identical with the icrropiai^ has been much discussed
in modem times. Grauert {Histor. A nalect. p. 2 1 7 )
and Clinton maintain, that it was a separate work,
whereas Vossius and Droysen (Gesch. d. Nachfolg.
Alex. p. 671, &c.) have proved by the strongest
evidence, that the Macedonica is the same work as
the laTOftiai. 2. Uepl ^AyadoKXea IcrTopiai^ in
several books, the fourth of which is quoted by
Suidas. 3. ^afxluv &poi^ that is. Annals of the
history of Samos, is frequently referred to by the
ancients, and consisted of at least twelve books.
4. Uepl EvpnriSov Kal ^o<pOK\4ovs (Athen. iv. p.
184), seems to be the same as Trepl rpaycfdias.
(Athen. xiv. p. 636.) 5. riepi vo/xuv. (Etym. M.
p. 460. 49.) 6. Uepl dyoSvuv. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph.
613; Photius, s. r. SeAtVou aT^tpavos.) 7. Utpl
^ooy patplas. (Diog. Laert. i. 38, ii, 19.) 8. Tlepl
ropfvriKr}s (Plin. Eletich. lib. 33, 34), may, how-
ever, have been the same as the preceding work.
9. AtSvKoi. (Phot. s. V. Aajxia ; Schol. adAristoph.

DURMIUS.

Vesp. 1030.) Duris as an historian does not ap-
pear to have enjoyed any very great reputation
among the ancients. Cicero (ad Ait. vL 1) says of
him merely Jio7no in Tiistoria satis diligens., and Dio-
nysius {de Compos. Verb. 4) reckons him among
those historians who bestowed no care upon the
form of their compositions. His historical veracity
also is questioned by Plutarch (Pericl. 28 ; comp.
Demosth. 19, Alcih. 32, Eum. 1), but he does not
give any reasons for it, and it may be that Plutarch
was merely struck at finding in Duris things which
no other writer had mentioned, and was thus led to
doubt the credibility of his statements. The frag-
ments of Duris have been collected by J. G. HuUe-
man, " Duridis Samii quae supersunt," Traject. ad
Rhen. 1841, 8vo. (Comp. W. A. Schmidt, de
Fontib. vet. auctor. in enarrand. eapedit. a GaUis
in Maced. et Graec. siisceptis, p. 17, &c. ; Panofka,
Res SamionnHf p. 98, &c. ; Hulleman, I. c. pp. I
—66.) [L. S.]

DURIS ELA'ITES {Aovpis 'EAatrTjs), that is,
of Elaea in Aeolis, the author of an epigram in the
Greek Anthology (ii. 59, Brunck and Jacobs) on
the inundation of Ephesus, which happened in the
time of Lysiraachus, about 322 b. c. It is proba-
ble, from the nature of the event, that the poet
lived near tlie time when it took place. Nothing
more is known of him. He is a different person
from DiTRis of Samos. (Jacobs, xiii. p. 889.) Dio-
genes Laertius (i. 38) mentions a Duris who wrote
on painting, whom Vossius (de Hist. Graec. p. 134,
ed. Westennann) supposes to be the same who is
mentioned by Pliny (xxxiii. Ind.), and in another
passage of Diogenes (ii. 19). [P. S.]

M. DU'RMIUS, a triumvir of the mint under
Augustus, of whom there are several coins extant.
The first two given below contain on the obverse

the head of Augustus; and the boar and the lion
feeding upon the stag, in the reverses, have refer-

ence to the sliows of wild beasts, in which Augus-
tus took great delight. The reverse of the third
coin contains a youthful head, and the inscription
HoNORi probably refers to the games in honour of
Virtus and Honor celebrated in the reign of Au-
gustus. (Comp. Dion Cass. liv. 18; Eckhel, v.
pp. 203, 204.)

DYNAMIUS.

DURO'NIA GENS, plebeian. Of this obscure
gens no cognomen, and only four members are
known, viz.

1. DuRONiA, the mother of P. Aebutiiis. Her
second husband was T. Sempronius Uutilus, who
seems to have had a dislike to his stepson Aebutius.
His mother, perhaps with a view to get rid of him
m some way, wanted to get him initiated in the
Bacchanalian orgies at Rome ; but Aebutius be-
trayed the Bacchanalia to the consuls, who pro-
tected him against his mother, and Duronia was
thus the cause of the discovery and suppression of
those orgies, in B. c. 186. (Liv. xxxix. 9, 11, 19.)

2. L. DuRONius, was praetor in B. c. 181, and
obtained Apulia for his province, to which the
Istri were added, for ambassadors from Tarentum
and Brundusium had complained of the piracy of
the Istri. He was at the same time commissioned
to make inquiries concerning the Bacchanalia, of
which some remaining symptoms had been observed
the year before. This commission was in all proba-
bility given him for no other reason but because
those symptoms had been observed in the districts
which had been assigned to him as his province.
Subsequently he sailed with ten vessels to lUyri-
cum, and the year after, when he returned to
Rome, he reported that the Illyrian king Genthius
was the cause of the piracy which was carried on
in the Adriatic. {Uw xl. 18, 19, 42.)

3. M, DuRONius, a Roman senator, who was
ejected from the senate in B. c. 97 by the censors,
M. Antonius, the orator, and L. Valerius Flaccus ;
for Duronius in his tribuneship (probably in the
year b. c. 98) had abolished a lex sumptuariay and
had used very frivolous and reckless expressions on
that occasion. In revenge he brought an accusa-
tion for ambitus against t*he censor M. Antonius.
(Val. Max, ii. 9. § 5 ; Cic. de Oral, iu 68 ; comp.
64.)

4. C. Duronius, is mentioned by Cicero {ad
Att. V. 8) as a friend of Milo. [L. S.]

DYMAS (Aujuas), a son of Aegimius, and bro-
ther of Pamphylus and Hyllus. The three tribes
into which each Doric state was divided, derived
their names from these three brothers, and were
called accordingly Hylleis, Dymanes, and Pam-
phyli. Dymas and Pamphylus were believed to
have lived from the time of Heracles until the con-
quest of Peloponnesus, when both fell (Apollod.
ii. 8. § 3 ; Schol. ad Find. Pyth. li. 121, where the
third brother is called Dorus ; Pans. vii. 1 6. § 3.)
There are three other mythical personages of this
name. (Hom. //. xvi. 719; Apollod. iii. 12. § 5;
Ov. Met. xi. 761 ; Hom. Od. vi. 22 ; Virg. Am. ii.
310,428.) [L. S.]

DYNA'MIUS. 1. A legal pleader of Bordeaux,
known to us through a short poetical memoir in
elegiac verse, composed after his decease by his
friei^f' Ausonius. From this little piece we learn

DYSPONTEUS.

1093

that Dynamius was compelled to quit his native
city in consequence of being charged, not unjustly
it would seem, with adultery, that he took refuge
under the assumed name of Flavinius at Lerida,
where he practised as a rhetorician, and that he
there wedded a wealthy Spanish bride. Late in
life he paid a short visit to the place of his birth,
but soon returned to his adopted country, where
he died. (Auson. Frof. xxiii.)

2. A grammarian of uncertain date, the author
of an *'Epistola ad Discipulum" to be found in thft
" Paraenetici Scriptores Veteres " of Melchior
Goldast. (Insul. 4to, 1604.) He is believed by
some to be the same with No. 3.

3. Of Aries, born of a noble family in the mid-
dle of the sixth century, and at the early age of
thirty appointed governor of the province of Mar-
seilles, where he soon became notorious for tyranny
and extortion, persecuting with especial hostility
the bishop Theodorus, whom he drove into banish-
ment, confiscating at the same time the revenues
of the see. As he advanced in life, however, a
singular change was wrought in his character by
remorse or some motive now unknown. He be-
came the obedient instrument of pope Gregory, the
zealous champion of the rights of Rome, lavished
his ill-gotten hoards on the endowment of monas-
teries, and ended his life in a cloister about a. d.
601. In youth he composed several poetical
pieces, which are warmly lauded by Fortunatus of
Poitiers ; but the only productions of his pen now
extant are the Vita S. Marii, abbot of Be von, an
abridgment of which is given in the Acta of Bol-
landus under the 27th of January; and the Vita
S. Mcucimi^ originally abbot of Lerins, but after-
wards bishop of Riez, contained in the collection
of Surius under 27 Nov., and in a more correct
form in the "Chronologia S. Insulae Lerinensis," by
Vincentius Barralis, Lugdun. 4to, 1613. [W.R.]

DYRRHA'CHIUS {Av^^dx^os), a son of Po-
seidon and Melissa, from whom the town of Dyrra-
chium derived its name ; for formerly it was called
Epidamnus, after the father of Melissa. (Pans. vi.
10, in fin. ; Steph. Byz. s. v. Avppdxi-ov.) [L. S.]

DYSAULES (Auo-auATjs), the father of Tri-
ptolemus and Eubuleus, and a brother of Celeus.
According to a tradition of Phlius, which Pausa-
nias disbelieved, he had been expelled from Eleusis
by Ion, and had come to Phlius, where he intro-
duced the Eleusinian mysteries. His tomb was
shewn at Celeae, which he is said to have named
after his brother Celeus. (Paus. i. 14. § 2, ii. 14.
§ 2.) [L. S.]

DYSPONTEUS or DYSPO'NTIUS (Autr-
■novTivs or AwcnrJinrtos), according to Pausaniaa
(vi. 22. § 6), a son of Oenomaus, but according to
Stephanus of Byzantium {s. v. Av<nr6vTiov), a son
of Pelops, was believed to be the founder of the
town of Dyspontium, in Pisatis. [L. S.]

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

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